Yesterday, I appeared before the Connecticut General Assembly’s Appropriations Committee to discuss the university’s budget and our request for state support in the next two fiscal years. Dr. Agwunobi appeared on behalf of UConn Health. We were joined by our Chief Financial Officer Jeffrey Geoghegan, Provost Anne D’Alleva, and Vice President for Student Life and Enrollment Nathan Fuerst.
You can find a copy of my written testimony and supporting background materials here and a copy of Dr. Agwunobi’s testimony and background materials here. Both were submitted to the full committee.
You can view our discussions with the committee here. Note that the video groups all higher education agencies together, so it begins with the Connecticut State Colleges and Universities system, followed by UConn, followed by UConn Health. The UConn portions begin at 2:37:17.
A second public hearing was held by the Appropriations Committee on Wednesday evening, which can be seen here. It included students from UConn and other institutions of higher education in the state. The first UConn student speaker begins at 38:41.
The next step in the appropriations process is a budget workshop, which will be a more detailed session between university leaders and members of the Higher Education Appropriations Subcommittee.
As always, we will share any updates or new information as it becomes available.
They’re the modern way to find love according to the 323 million people who use them worldwide, but dating apps are fuelling an obsession with cosmetic surgery that may not have a happy ending.
A new study by researchers at the University of South Australia has shed light on how dating app female users are far more likely to undergo cosmetic procedures and digitally alter their looks on screen than non-users.
The emphasis on appearance, particularly with the swipe-based apps, plays a role in influencing 20% of women to change their looks via dermal fillers and anti-wrinkle injections in particular.
UniSA Bachelor of Psychology (Honours) graduate, and provisional psychologist, Naomi Burkhardt, who led the study published in Computers in Human Behaviour, says that while the increasing popularity of dating apps has reduced the stigma of using them to find love, there is a downside.
“The visual nature of dating apps, which prioritise photo-based profiles, places significant pressure on users to present themselves in an idealised matter which is not genuine,” Burkhardt says.
The researchers surveyed 308 Australian women aged 18 to 72 and found that nearly half of them had used a dating app in the past two years and one in five reported undergoing at least one cosmetic procedure.
Women who used dating apps had significantly more positive attitudes towards cosmetic surgery compared to non-users and those who altered their appearances digitally were also more likely to consider cosmetic procedures.
Apart from the pressures to enhance physical appearance, dating apps could also be partly responsible for an increase in overall body dissatisfaction, eating disorders, anxiety and poor self-esteem among women.
Earlier studies have investigated links between social media use in general and an increased acceptance of cosmetic surgery, but there is little data looking at dating apps specifically.
UniSA co-author Lauren Conboy suggests several interventions to address the psychological impacts of dating apps, including incorporating features that promote authenticity.
“Introducing more personality-based matching algorithms could also be considered to reduce the emphasis on physical looks, and apps could offer built-in body image interventions such as self-compassion exercises to mitigate the pressures to alter one’s appearance.”
Online dating has become increasingly popular in recent years and the trend is expected to continue, with dating website eHarmony predicting that by 2040, more than 70% of relationships will begin online.
UniSA co-author Dr John Mingoia, an online lecturer in psychology, says that dating apps have the potential to create healthier environments, where users can connect without feeling the need to confirm to unrealistic beauty standards.
“Hopefully this research can guide future studies to develop interventions to improve the authenticity of dating app use as well as support practitioners to better identify the motivations for women wanting to change their appearance,” Dr Mingoia says.
Notes for editors
“Swipe, Style, Surgery: Exploring Dating App Use, Self-Presentation Style, and Acceptance of Cosmetic Surgery” is authored by University of South Australia researchers Naomi Burkhardt, Dr John Mingoia and Lauren Conboy. DOI: 10.1016/j.chb.2025.108568
Headline: Governor Stein Announces District Court Appointment
Governor Stein Announces District Court Appointment lsaito
Raleigh, NC
Today, Governor Josh Stein announced the appointment of William “Bill” Jones to the District Court for Judicial District 43, serving Cherokee, Clay, Graham, Haywood, Jackson, Macon, and Swain Counties. Jones is filling the vacancy created after Judge Roy Wijewickrama was appointed to the Superior Court in November 2024.
“Bill brings decades of experience as a solo practitioner and Assistant District Attorney, giving him the record to succeed in this role,” said Governor Josh Stein. “As a longtime resident of Judicial District 43, he’s the right person for the job, and I look forward to his service on the District Court.”
Bill Jones most recently served as a solo practitioner for over two decades, specializing in domestic and criminal law. He also served as an Assistant District Attorney for the 30th Judicial District from 1998 to 2003. Jones received his B.A. from Western Carolina University and his J.D. from the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill School of Law.
United States President Donald Trump has made a series of high-profile threats against Canada and other countries since his second term began a month ago — but his proposed educational reforms also require serious attention.
The 10 principles for educational revision include “restoring parental rights” by allowing parents to vote to appoint local school principals; abolishing teacher tenure, which will undermine teachers’ unions; and introducing merit pay. In addition, there are plans to “create a credentialing body to certify teachers who embrace patriotic values and support the American Way of Life.”
Trump declared during his inauguration speech that “we have an education system that teaches our children to be ashamed of themselves — in many cases, to hate our country … All of this will change starting today, and it will change very quickly.”
Evidently, significant educational reform is a high priority.
Reforms to the American education system should be cause for concern for Canadians. The overt attacks on public education that we are seeing in the U.S. are already occurring in Canada, albeit often in more insidious and fragmented ways.
The parental rights movement also aims to undermine school-based sexual health education, which most parents support.
Across provinces
In 2023, Saskatchewan passed a Parents’ Bill of Rights requiring parental consent for children under the age of 16 to use a different pronoun or name in school.
This year, Alberta introduced a more expansive bill banning gender-affirming care for children under the age of 16 and banning trans women and girls from competing in female sports.
The parental rights rhetoric, a dog-whistle for anti-2SLGBTQ+ views, is not new in Canada. However, it seems to be finding renewed energy, especially in conservative-led provinces.
Anti-2SLGBTQ+ rhetoric can also found in recent attempts to advocate for book bans (like in Chilliwack B.C. and in Manitoba in 2022) or in protests against Drag Queen story hours (in Ontario in 2023).
Similarly, attempts to undermine teachers and their unions are occurring.
For example, the Manitoba government recently passed Bill 35. The legislation was introduced under the premise of addressing teacher sexual misconduct, but the bill’s language was broadened to include teacher “competence” and “professionalism.”
Strong public schools rely on qualified teachers whose professional judgment and autonomy is protected and supported, in part, by teacher unions.
The events unfolding in the U.S. should act as a warning to Canadians, calling us to pay close attention to what is happening in our local school districts and school boards.
Being able to understand and identify regressive reform efforts and how they are subverting public education and democracy — as we endeavour to foster and build real relationships in our local school communities — is of urgent and national concern.
Melanie D. Janzen receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and is a volunteer for People for Public Education Manitoba.
Jordan Laidlaw is a volunteer for People for Public Education Manitoba.
Thank you, Tom, and thank you for the invitation to give the Whittington Lecture.1 It is humbling to be here giving this lecture to honor the memory and legacy of Leslie Whittington. While I did not cross paths with Leslie here at Georgetown University, when I arrived, I heard so many stories about her contributions to the school, the university, and the students. She worked on research about the effects of economic policies on children and families, so I know that if I had had the good fortune to overlap with her as a colleague, I would have benefited greatly from her work and presence. It is also an honor to be giving this lecture, because so many dynamic leaders have previously stood before you, including some who have been inspirations to me in my career, such as Alice Rivlin and Cecilia Rouse. Today I will be discussing a topic that has certainly captured the attention of central bankers, and the public at large, in recent years: inflation and the relationship between inflation and unemployment. But before I talk about a lens through which to think about the inflation experienced in the pandemic period, I want to update you with my views on the current outlook for the U.S. economy and the Federal Open Market Committee’s (FOMC) efforts to sustainably return inflation to our 2 percent objective while maintaining a strong labor market. Economic OutlookThe overall picture is that the U.S. economy remains on a firm footing, with output growing at a solid pace. Real gross domestic product grew 2.5 percent in 2024. Consumer spending continued to drive this solid pace last year. While retail sales posted a decline last month, January data are often difficult to interpret. Bad weather and seasonal adjustment difficulties may have affected the release, and it should be noted the slowdown came after a strong pace of sales in the second half of last year. That said, as usual, I pay attention to many indicators to gauge the state of the economy. Employment readings show that the labor market is healthy and stable. Payroll job gains have been solid recently, averaging 189,000 per month over the past four months, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). After touching 4.2 percent as recently as November, the unemployment rate has flattened to 4 percent since then, consistent with a labor market that is neither weakening nor showing signs of overheating. Inflation has fallen significantly since its peak in the middle of 2022, though the path continues to be bumpy and inflation remains somewhat elevated. Readings last week from the BLS showed price pressures persisted in the economy in January. Our preferred inflation gauge at the Fed, the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, will be released next week. Based on the consumer price index and producer price index data for January, it is estimated that the PCE index advanced about 2.4 percent on a 12-month basis in January. Excluding food and energy costs, core prices are estimated to have risen 2.6 percent. Those readings show there is still some way to go before achieving the FOMC’s 2 percent objective. Regarding monetary policy, the FOMC judged in September that it was time to begin reducing our policy interest rate from levels that were strongly restrictive on aggregate demand and putting downward pressure on inflation. We reduced that rate 100 basis points through December, leaving our policy rate at moderately restrictive levels. At our latest meeting in January, I supported the decision to hold the policy rate steady. I see this as appropriate, given that the downward risks to employment have diminished but upside risks to inflation remain. The potential net effect of new economic policies also remains highly uncertain and will depend on the breadth, duration, reactions to, and, importantly, specifics of the measures adopted. Going forward, in considering the appropriate federal funds rate, we will watch these developments closely and continue to carefully assess the incoming data and evolving outlook. Now, turning back to the main topic of my speech, I will start with the core mission of the Federal Reserve: to pursue the dual mandate, given to us by Congress, of promoting maximum employment and stable prices. We saw firsthand during the pandemic period why the price-stability portion of the mandate is so important. High inflation imposes significant hardship and erodes Americans’ purchasing power, especially for those least able to meet the higher costs of essentials like food, housing, and transportation. As a policymaker and economist, I think it is vitally important to have a good understanding of inflation dynamics and how those dynamics may have evolved over time. This knowledge allows me to pursue the best policies to deliver stable prices while maintaining a solid labor market. Waves of InflationFive years after the pandemic took hold suddenly and with little warning, there is a tendency to remember the inflation buildup as a fast and uniform phenomenon. But that was not the case. Inflation stemming from the pandemic shock came in waves. Today I will first describe the different waves of inflation experienced in the pandemic period. Then I invite you aboard the sailboat that we will use to navigate those waves: You could call it the SS Phillips Curve. The Phillips curve is a model that has been used for a long time to try to explain inflation dynamics and the tradeoffs between inflation and unemployment. Finally, I will discuss with you how this voyage may have changed the charts for policymakers. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S., and much of the world’s developed economies, experienced a prolonged period of low inflation. Then, when the economy broadly shut down in March and April 2020, the U.S. experienced a brief period of deflation. But by the middle of that year, we saw that the first of several waves of inflation began hitting the economy’s shores. The first notable wave of inflation came from food prices. With many restaurants closed and people fearful of gathering, consumers pivoted their spending to grocery stores and online grocery delivery to meet their families’ needs, with some stockpiling essential items because they feared future shortages. This jump in demand was met with snarled supply chains for food processing and groceries. Annual food inflation reached a first peak of 5 percent in June 2020. There was a second food inflation wave with the onset of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in the middle of 2022. Beyond the cost alone, grocery prices are an important determinant of inflation expectations for consumers since food is purchased so frequently.2 Another wave of inflation came from goods other than food and energy—what economists call “core goods.” In the years immediately before the pandemic, goods prices were not a significant source of inflation. During the expansion from 2009 until 2020, core goods inflation declined 0.5 percent annually on average. However, once the pandemic took hold, consumer demand rotated from services to goods. At the same time, additional supply chain issues arose, including closed factories and disrupted ports. As consumption rapidly shifted toward goods, their prices rose sharply.3 Core goods inflation picked up markedly in the spring of 2021 and reached a peak of 7.6 percent on a 12-month basis in February 2022. This was a notable development because, during most of this century, goods price deflation offset price increases in other categories and thus kept a lid on overall inflation. A third wave of inflation came from services costs, excluding housing. Near the start of the pandemic, millions of Americans lost their jobs, and many left the labor market, with some retiring and others fearful of being exposed to the virus. When the economy began to reopen from shutdowns, demand for workers rose faster than the supply. As a result, the labor market quickly became very tight. To attract workers, employers raised wages. And to offset that expense, many raised prices. Given that labor is the most important input into the production of services, core services inflation ensued, reaching a peak of 5.2 percent on a 12-month basis in December 2021. Core services inflation stayed persistently high until it began to turn down in February 2023. The final wave of inflation I will discuss came from PCE housing services inflation. During the pandemic, many Americans reassessed housing choices, including those who preferred to move to detached homes in the suburbs from multifamily dwellings in cities. The supply of housing has long been constrained, so when a further increase in demand met limited supply, prices rose. Housing inflation rose to a peak of 8.27 percent on a 12-month basis in April 2023 and has moved lower since then. The run-up in housing inflation came more slowly, but it is also the component most slowly to abate. This is an area that experienced catch-up inflation, as housing inflation rises and falls slowly because rents are reset infrequently, usually only once a year for most renters. For the remainder of this discussion, I will focus on core inflation, and specifically core goods and core services inflation. My objective is to discuss several additions to an augmented Phillips curve model that allow us to capture the dynamics of those waves we encountered on our journey. The Traditional Phillips CurveSince price stability and maximum employment are the two components of the Fed’s dual-mandate goal, it is important for policymakers to be able to interpret the inflation process and relate it to macroeconomic conditions, including unemployment. One traditional way of understanding the usual tradeoff between inflation and unemployment is the use of the Phillips curve. It was first employed by New Zealand economist A.W. Phillips in 1958 to describe a simple relationship between wage growth and unemployment. Basically, it demonstrates that wage inflation is lower when unemployment is high, and higher when unemployment is low. Since then, several variants and updates have been offered to the Phillips curve model, and I will offer updates, too. One of the most notable updates came from Milton Friedman in 1967 in his presidential address to the American Economic Association.4 In that speech, he argued that there is only a temporary tradeoff between inflation and unemployment, because inflation depends on both the unemployment rate relative to a natural rate (the unemployment gap) and expectations of future inflation. The unemployment gap measures how much unemployment is above or below some reference level such as the natural rate of unemployment, or NAIRU (non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment), which is thought to be the normal level of unemployment absent cyclical forces. An unemployment rate that is above the reference level indicates that there is slack in the economy. Conversely, if the unemployment rate is below the reference level, the economy is tight. The unemployment gap has an inverse relation to wage and price inflation, because slack in the economy means that there are excess resources to meet demand while tightness in the labor market means there is little room to expand demand without putting upward pressure on prices. Let’s turn now to the other ingredient in Friedman’s Phillips curve: inflation expectations. Inflation expectations represent the rate at which people expect prices to rise in the future. A Phillips curve model that includes inflation expectations is called an “expectations-augmented Phillips curve.” The idea behind adding inflation expectations to a Phillips curve is that workers care about their inflation-adjusted wage, rather than nominal wages, over the course of a period of employment when bargaining their pay. Meanwhile, price-setting firms care about their relative price in pricing their products. Both sets of agents must forecast as best as possible the future path of inflation to efficiently bargain their wages or set their prices. In other words, both parties form expectations about the general price level, and these expectations will feed back into the inflation process.5 Friedman assumed that inflation expectations respond to lagged observed inflation—or what are called “adaptive expectations”—and when that is so, it provides a mechanism for inflation to be persistent. This view captured inflation dynamics in the 1970s and early 1980s fairly well; however, it was not broadly applicable to the period from the late 1980s through 2019, often called the “Great Moderation.” Rather, regarding inflation dynamics over an extended period, inflation appears to be more strongly related to long-run inflation expectations than to lagged inflation or short-run inflation expectations measures. Monetary policy can play an important role in setting long-run inflation expectations. Both wage seekers and price setters form their inflation expectations, in part, from their beliefs about the central bank’s inflation goal. When long-run inflation expectations stay close to the central bank’s goal, we say that inflation expectations are anchored at that goal. That goal is currently set at 2 percent, and long-run inflation expectations have indeed been in a tight range around that target.6 The empirical literature on the Phillips curve has considered additional variables that may affect inflation and used those variables to create new versions of a Phillips curve. For example, Phillips curves have long included measures of “cost-push” pressures such as core import prices. These cost pressures more fully capture shocks to firms’ costs coming from global price pressures and not captured by other measures of slack. Other Phillips curves also include lags of inflation to capture persistence in the inflation process.7 To summarize, the empirical literature has come to the conclusion that inflation dynamics can best be captured by a Phillips curve that includes lags of inflation, long-run inflation expectations, and a measure of slack, as well as import and energy prices as cost-push shocks. An instance of that formulation of a Phillips curve is included in former Chair Janet Yellen’s speech from 2015.8 Next, I would like to assess the accuracy of this baseline model during the recent run-up of inflation and consider how to augment the Phillips curve model with some new variables that may be able to capture some of the shocks experienced during the pandemic and post-pandemic period. A large literature has emerged on how to interpret the recent run-up in inflation, and more research is needed to fully understand this complicated episode. The Phillips curve model that I will use is another approach to consider. This is a simple approach, but it is possible to consider more complex models, such as models that consider the joint dynamics of inflation and other variables or models that explicitly consider nonlinearities.9 However, I still see value in starting from this simple framework, seeing what it can and cannot explain about pandemic inflation, and then seeing whether the addition of certain variables can help the model more fully account for inflation during the pandemic. Estimation of the Phillips Curve TodayAs I just explained, the Phillips curve model allows flexibility in the choice of variables, but economists employing the model must decide how to weight these variables. And those weights must be chosen in some way. Economists choose weights by examining available data and deciding which capture the inflation process in the best possible way. This decision is called “estimation.” The modern way to undertake such an estimation is called “training.” Economists train a model on a specific set of data and consider different cuts of the data set to determine different ways to compute those weights. I will consider quarterly data that have been consistently produced since 1964, allowing us to include the periods of the Great Inflation, the Great Moderation, and the most recent inflation run-up. We could use this entire data set to train the model. However, subsample analysis also serves to prove some valuable points. First Result: Examining the Great ModerationLet’s start by updating former Fed Chair Yellen’s results. She estimated the model using the data during the so-called Great Moderation; I will update her results by training the model through 2019, the last year before the COVID-19 pandemic took hold in the U.S. As the term “moderation” implies, this was a period in which both inflation and output became much less volatile. We do not know exactly what brought about the Great Moderation. Hypotheses include the effects of better inventory management or better monetary policy. We do know, however, that inflation settled into a trend near to or slightly below 2 percent during that period. We estimate the model with data from this period, and we decompose how much of inflation is explained by the variables and how much is left unexplained, which economists call the “residual.” As it turns out, this model does a good job of capturing the inflation process over that period before the pandemic, and my results are similar to Yellen’s. The model explains 70 percent of the variation in inflation, meaning that only 30 percent of the variation in inflation is attributed to unexplained residuals. An alternative way to understand the unexplained part is as the standard deviation of the residual or the unexplained portion of the model, which was 0.50 percentage point for the period from 2010 to 2019, compared with the standard deviation of inflation of about 0.8 percentage point. This model, however, struggles to explain the run-up in inflation in the years immediately after the pandemic took hold. The unexplained portion of inflation, the residual, rises dramatically in 2021 and 2022. In 2021, the unexplained portion is almost 2 percentage points, and the following year, it is about 1.5 percentage points. Perhaps we should not be surprised by the outcome. These years saw inflation reach a four-decade peak, but the model has been trained on a Great Moderation sample that saw relatively quiet inflation.10 Second Result: Using a Longer SampleThe results are more encouraging if, instead, we also include data from the previous period of significant inflation and train the model on data starting in 1964. Intuitively, it makes sense that including a period with persistent inflation, like the 1970s, might help us better understand another inflationary episode. I stop at 2019 because I want to see if training on data from the previous 55-year period can explain the post-2020 inflation. The model captures more of the most recent run-up in inflation when using the longer period of analysis. The unexplained residual drops to about 1.5 percentage points in 2021 and to a bit above 0.5 percentage point in 2022. Allowing for greater persistence in inflation allows an inflation equation to fit the pandemic period better, though it does not settle the question of whether the pandemic inflation was caused by large and persistent shocks or by large shocks and a persistent inflation process—for example, because of greater feedback between wages and prices. To improve the model further, it would be useful to include additional explanatory variables that could better capture the overheating of the economy. In what follows, I include variables that might account for factors experienced in the most recent bout of inflation, such as a very tight labor market and supply chain snarls. Third Result: Alternative Measure of SlackAs I mentioned before, the very tight labor market was an important contributor to inflation in recent years, especially to services inflation, yet the weight on the unemployment gap in the Phillips curve for the more recent period is very small. This measure of slack has become less and less important over time in explaining inflation, except during selected episodes such as in the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis, which was characterized by a very sluggish recovery. Outside of that episode, and very few others, the Phillips curve places little weight on that measure of slack in explaining inflation over the Great Moderation, including during the recent run-up. This is also a reflection of training the model over the Great Moderation, in which inflation moved fairly tightly around a very flat trend. Notice that this would suggest a “flat Phillips curve” or a big penalty in terms of unemployment needed to reduce inflation. Instead, I focus on another very promising alternative measure that I have paid a lot of attention to since I was chief economist at the Department of Labor—and again since I joined the Board of Governors—and that I am very familiar with as a scholar of labor markets. The measure is the ratio of vacancies to the level of unemployment.11 In effect, this ratio measures how much competition there is for a given job, or the “tightness” of the labor market. Labor is an important input into most production processes, and, thus, tightness in the labor market is closely related to price pressures. I use the standard version of this ratio that measures job openings from the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey as the numerator and the unemployment level from the Current Population Survey as the denominator. This allows me to use data back to the 1960s.12 The vacancy-to-unemployment ratio as a measure of slack is more effective at explaining inflation than the unemployment gap. This represents an interesting result because it offers a larger role to heated labor markets in explaining the run-up in inflation. My results echo research that finds the vacancy-to-unemployment ratio is a helpful measure of slack to consider in out-of-sample forecasting exercises.13 Fourth Result: Supply Chain SnarlsAlthough the vacancy-to-unemployment ratio offers a promising measure of slack and supply chain pressures due to labor shortages, that measure does not necessarily capture supply chain snarls whose roots lie outside of the labor market. As I mentioned earlier, there were substantial supply chain disruptions during the past few years that came at the same time as strong demand. That resulted in material and labor shortages. Attempts at quantifying supply-side disruptions have been around for some decades now.14 I rely on a new monthly shortages index created by a team of Fed Board economists, which relies on textual analysis to scan news articles for sentences that include the word pairs “labor shortages,” “material shortages,” or “food shortages.”15 The Shortage Index allows us to better measure cost-push pressures from different sources and is constructed all the way back to the beginning of the previous century. Thus, it makes a difference to have access to advances in natural language processing.16 When I add the Shortage Index to the baseline Phillips curve or to the vacancy-to-unemployment–based Phillips curve, I obtain that the Shortage Index explains an even larger portion of the inflation run-up during and after the pandemic. The residual for 2020 is cut in half, the residual for 2021 is about 1 percentage point, and the residual is effectively eliminated in 2022. I judge this a noteworthy result and a proof of concept that with additional augmentation, the Phillips curve model can better capture inflation dynamics during the recent period. Through the lens of this model, supply shortages played an important role in 2022 in constraining output to grow at an anemic rate and in pushing up inflation. Moreover, the model is also able to capture the decline in inflation in 2023 and 2024 despite the strong expansion in real activity. I view the Shortage Index as a powerful indicator of the nonlinear effects stemming from a compounding of the contemporaneous interaction of demand and supply bottlenecks. I have offered additional variables to account for a measure of slack as it relates to labor supply and material supply. This exercise could be extended further to better account for some of the subcategories of inflation that caused the waves I discussed earlier. For example, food inflation, which is characterized by two distinct waves, can mostly be explained by the Food Shortage Index, which captures a large portion of the residual in the baseline model. Lessons for the PolicymakerToday I have discussed the waves of inflation the country faced starting five years ago. I also talked about how the vessel we use to navigate those choppy waters can be improved upon. As I conclude, I want to discuss with you how central bankers might recalibrate their compasses, based on what we learned from considering these augmentations to Phillips curve models. I think a clear lesson is that no single model alone can give a policymaker an understanding of every possible state of the economy. Policymakers must be open to various options, models, and frameworks—and not be afraid to experiment in search of more accurate answers. Policymakers must be very attentive to the most recent contributions from academia and empirical practitioners. Broadly, that is the approach I take, and why I apply the same rigor I did as an academic researcher to the monetary policy decisions that I confront. The recent run-up in inflation in many ways was a rather unique period, spurred, at least initially, by the first onset of a global pandemic in more than a century. Fully understanding the dynamics at play has provided a tough test for economists. The models I described today have had some success in capturing salient features of the inflation process during the pandemic period. I hope this illustrative analysis helps you see the difficulties of forecasting inflation in real time. Another lesson to be learned from this experience is that the feared harsh tradeoff between unemployment and inflation, one that requires large costs in terms of job loss and reduction in incomes in order to reduce inflation, did not materialize in the years immediately after the 2022 inflation peak. Inflation has been significantly reduced while the labor market has remained solid. This is a historically unusual, but most welcome, outcome. While this outcome is in part due to the actions of Fed policymakers, it is also possible to explain that remarkable result through the lens of the models that I have presented today. A large fraction of the rise in inflation, most specifically core goods inflation, can be explained by supply chain snarls. The untangling of supply chains contributed to a decline in inflation with little cost in terms of unemployment. Likewise, labor markets were very tight in this period. As workers returned to the labor force, labor markets became less tight, and the vacancy-to-unemployment ratio declined. That corresponded with a subsequent decline in inflation. That is a consistent result because services inflation is closely connected to the cost of labor. Thank you for your time today. Once again, it is humbling to be asked to give the Whittington Lecture to honor the memory of fellow educator Leslie Whittington. I look forward to your questions.
1. The views expressed here are my own and are not necessarily those of my colleagues on the Federal Reserve Board or the Federal Open Market Committee. Return to text 2. D’Acunto, Malmendier, Ospina, and Weber (2021) show that consumers disproportionately rely on the price changes of goods in their grocery bundles when forming expectations about aggregate inflation; see Francesco D’Acunto, Ulrike Malmendier, Juan Ospina, and Michael Weber (2021), “Exposure to Grocery Prices and Inflation Expectations,” Journal of Political Economy, vol. 129 (May), pp. 1615–39. Return to text 3. Ferrante, Graves, and Iacoviello (2020) show that a sharp reallocation of demand from one sector to another can exacerbate supply chain disruption and cause aggregate inflation; see Francesco Ferrante, Sebastian Graves, and Matteo Iacoviello (2023), “The Inflationary Effects of Sectoral Reallocation,” Journal of Monetary Economics, supp., vol. 140 (November), pp. S64–81. Return to text 4. See Milton Friedman (1968), “The Role of Monetary Policy,” American Economic Review, vol. 58 (March), pp. 1–17; and Edmund S. Phelps (1967), “Phillips Curves, Expectations of Inflation and Optimal Unemployment over Time,” Economica, vol. 34 (135), pp. 254–81. Return to text 5. Friedman did not consider forward-looking price-setting firms, but more recent advances in macroeconomics do, such as New Keynesian models; see Jordi Galí (2015), Monetary Policy, Inflation, and the Business Cycle: An Introduction to the New Keynesian Framework and Its Applications (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press). Return to text 6. In an earlier speech, I have sketched a model in which agents infer the central bank target by observing inflation, interest rates, and unemployment data; see Adriana D. Kugler (2024), “Central Bank Independence and the Conduct of Monetary Policy,” speech delivered at the Albert Hirschman Lecture, 2024 Annual Meeting of the Latin American and Caribbean Economic Association and the Latin American and Caribbean Chapter of the Econometric Society, Montevideo, Uruguay, November 14. Return to text 7. For a review of Phillips curve formulations, see Robert J. Gordon (2018), “Friedman and Phelps on the Phillips Curve Viewed from a Half Century’s Perspective,” Review of Keynesian Economics, vol. 6 (4), pp. 425–36. Return to text 8. The model that I will use is similar to the one described by Janet Yellen in her famous speech at the University of Massachusetts in 2015; see Janet L. Yellen (2015), “Inflation Dynamics and Monetary Policy,” speech delivered at the Philip Gamble Memorial Lecture, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, September 24. Return to text 9. See Pierpaolo Benigno and Gauti B. Eggertsson (2023), “It’s Baaack: The Surge in Inflation in the 2020s and the Return of the Non-Linear Phillips Curve,” NBER Working Paper Series 31197 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, April). Return to text 10. The results that I obtain for the 1990–2019 period are similar to those that Yellen reports for the 1990–2014 period. Return to text 11. The ratio of job openings to unemployment has attracted the attention of many researchers. See, for instance, Olivier J. Blanchard and Ben S. Bernanke (2023), “What Caused the US Pandemic-Era Inflation?” NBER Working Paper Series 31417 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, June). Return to text 12. Although job openings from the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey (JOLTS) go back only as far as the early 2000s, I use here the extended series from Barnichon that pieces together JOLTS data for the more recent period with a corrected version of the help-wanted index originally from the Conference Board for the period before 2001. See Regis Barnichon (2010), “Building a Composite Help-Wanted Index,” Economics Letters, vol. 109 (December), pp. 175–78. Return to text 13. See Regis Barnichon and Adam Shapiro (2022), “What’s the Best Measure of Economic Slack?” FRBSF Economic Letter 2022-04 (San Francisco: Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, February); and Régis Barnichon and Adam Hale Shapiro (2024), “Phillips Meets Beveridge,” Journal of Monetary Economics, supp., vol. 148 (November), 103660. Return to text 14. The Institute for Supply Management’s Supplier Deliveries Index has been around since the 1950s, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Global Supply Chain Pressure Index since 1998, and the Census Bureau’s Quarterly Survey of Plant Capacity Utilization since 2008. Return to text 15. See Dario Caldara, Matteo Iacoviello, and David Yu (2024), “Measuring Shortages since 1900,” working paper. Their index is available at https://www.matteoiacoviello.com/shortages.html. Return to text 16. Other authors have used natural language processing in an attempt to produce a measure of shortages. For instance, see Paul E. Soto (2023), “Measurement and Effects of Supply Chain Bottlenecks Using Natural Language Processing,” FEDS Notes (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, February 6). Blanchard and Bernanke use Google searches for the word “shortage” as an indicator of sectoral supply constraints in a Phillips curve equation; see Blanchard and Bernanke, “What Caused the US Pandemic-Era Inflation?” in note 11. For an early-attempt, hand-coded shortage index, see Owen Lamont (1997), “Do ‘Shortages’ Cause Inflation?” in Christina D. Romer and David H. Romer, eds., Reducing Inflation: Motivation and Strategy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), pp. 281–306. Return to text
(HARTFORD, CT) – Governor Ned Lamont today announced that from Sunday, February 23, to Saturday, March 1, 2025, he will head a delegation of state officials and business leaders from Connecticut on an economic development mission in India, where they will meet with executives of companies and key government officials to discuss strategies that will build stronger economic ties between Connecticut and India.
The delegation includes Connecticut Economic and Community Development Commissioner Daniel O’Keefe; former PepsiCo CEO Indra Nooyi; UConn President Radenka Maric; Yale University Vice Provost for Research Michael Crair; Connecticut Innovations CEO Matthew McCooe; and executives from Advance Connecticut, a business-driven nonprofit organization that works to engage, retain, and recruit businesses to Connecticut. Infosys CEO Salil Parekh, who is a board member of Advance Connecticut and resides in India, will host the group during the visit. The delegation will be traveling to Chennai, Bangalore, and Mumbai.
“There are several notable Indian companies that have expressed interest in expanding their operations to North America, and we plan on meeting with them to let them know why Connecticut is an excellent place for them to select as their base of operations,” Governor Lamont said. “We will also meet with executives from several Indian companies that are already operating in our state, such as Infosys and Tata Consultancy Services. Connecticut and India have many unique connections, and we want to strengthen that bond and increase it to its full economic potential.”
In addition to one-on-one meetings with corporate decision makers representing Indian companies, the delegation will be participating in events such as Venture Clash, a roundtable discussion on quantum computing, and an MOU signing, which will be announced during the visit.
The socio-economic ties between Connecticut and India are strong. Indians make up the second-largest foreign-born population in the state, and Connecticut has the seventh highest population of Indian residents proportionally in the United States, with numerous Indian cultural groups operating in every corner of the state. As a result of this, Connecticut receives the ninth most tourism dollars spent by Indian travelers per capita in the United States.
India-born residents in Connecticut make up 14% (38,000) of the state’s foreign-born population. Of the19,990 international students studying in Connecticut, 7,200 are from India, making it the top country of origin of international students in the state. Approximately 36.5% of international students in Connecticut are from India, compared to 29.4% nationally.
“Connecticut has been successful at attracting Indian technology companies, especially fintech and insurtech companies that have clients in Hartford and Stamford,” Commissioner O’Keefe said. “We also have the advantage of an excellent location from which these companies can easily access their clients in the large metro areas of Montreal, Toronto, New York, and Boston from a Connecticut-based headquarters location.”
“We have a number of Indian companies operating in Connecticut,” John Bourdeaux, president and CEO of Advance Connecticut, said. “Equally, there are several Connecticut-headquartered companies with operations in India, including Amphenol and Stanley Black & Decker, among others. Creating stronger connections with Indian business leaders will be a win-win for the state and for the companies. Indian companies integrate successfully into the Connecticut business ecosystem and the Connecticut economy benefits greatly from their growing businesses.”
Governor Lamont may adjust his schedule and return to Connecticut earlier than currently planned if it is determined to be necessary.
Source: United States Senator for Hawaii Brian Schatz
WASHINGTON – U.S. Senators Brian Schatz (D-Hawai‘i) and Mazie K. Hirono (D-Hawai‘i) and U.S. Representatives Ed Case (D-Hawai‘i) and Jill Tokuda (D-Hawai‘i) today introduced a resolution celebrating Mahina ‘Olelo Hawai‘i, also known as Hawaiian Language Month.
“This February, we celebrate Mahina ‘Olelo Hawai‘i and the people, schools, and programs that work every day to preserve the Hawaiian language and culture,” said Senator Schatz, vice chairman of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs. “The resurgence of the Hawaiian language not only serves as a model for Indigenous communities around the world, but also as an example of the strength and resilience of the Hawaiian community.”
“Indigenous languages are an important part of our country’s history and fabric,” said Senator Hirono. “Yet various laws, practices, and prejudices led to many indigenous languages dying, or nearly dying out. Hawai‘i’s indigenous, Hawaiian language, or ‘Olelo Hawai‘i, was similarly nearly made extinct by misguided policies banning the language from being taught in schools or used in official governing documents. Through perseverance the Native Hawaiian community protected and revitalized the use of ‘Olelo Hawai‘i, but the language is still endangered and we must continue working to protect it. I am proud to join my colleagues in reintroducing this resolution to celebrate Mahina ‘Olelo Hawai‘i, and I will keep advocating for the preservation of Native Hawaiian language and culture. E ola ka ‘olelo Hawai‘i.”
“Olelo Hawai‘i is not just the language of the Kanaka Maoli, but an inseparable part of the living, breathing soul of our Hawai‘i,” said Representative Case. “We know from our own two-and-a-half century post-contact experience that the languages and cultures of our indigenous peoples around the world can and do disappear, that the fates of our indigenous peoples and of all of us who inhabit their ancestral homes are tied to the survival and prosperity of this heritage, and that it takes conscious, ongoing effort to ensure that survival. Hawaiian Language Month is not only a commemoration of the success story of Olelo Hawai‘i, but a recommitment to the continued effort that will always be required.”
“I am proud to join my colleagues from the Aloha State in introducing this resolution, which recognizes, promotes, and celebrates ‘Olelo Hawai‘i,” said Representative Tokuda. “The Hawaiian language was once banned to near extinction, but after years of revitalization efforts, is now heard all over Hawai‘i and reminds us daily about the culture in which we live. This resolution highlights the significance of ‘Olelo Hawai‘i to our state, and the need to fight for its continued respect so future generations can proudly learn and use their ancestral language.”
Schatz, who serves as vice chairman of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, has authored several laws promoting Native languages, including the Native American Language Resource Center Act, which awarded a consortium led by the University of Hawai‘i at Hilo with $6.6 million to establish the first National Native American Language Resource Center. The federal funding is providing resources to foster collaboration and promote the use of Native American languages across the country.
Berrien Moore III, Dean of the College of Atmospheric and Geographic Sciences at the University of Oklahoma (OU), director of the National Weather Center in Norman, OK, and Vice President for Weather and Climate Programs, died on December 17, 2024. Berrien earned an undergraduate degree from the University of North Carolina in 1963 and a doctorate degree from the University of Virginia in 1969. After graduating, he taught mathematics at the University of New Hampshire (UNH) and became tenured in 1976. In 1987, Berrien became director of the Institute for the Study of Earth, Oceans, and Space (ISEOS) at UNH. NASA chose ISEOS to be one of the 24 founding members of the “Working Prototype Federation” of Earth Science Information Partners (ESIP) in 1998. Still active more than 25 years later, ESIP is now a thriving nonprofit entity funded by cooperative agreements with NASA, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), and the U.S. Geological Survey, which brings together interdisciplinary collaborations (among over 170 partners) to share technical knowledge and engage with data users. Berrien left UNH in 2008, to serve as the founding Executive Director of Climate Central, a think-tank based in Princeton, NJ, which is dedicated to providing objective and understandable information about climate change Berrien moved to OU in 2010. Given his diverse academic, research, and career experience in global carbon cycle, biogeochemistry, remote sensing, environmental and space policy, and mathematics, Berrien was a natural choice to become the architect and principal investigator for the Geostationary Carbon Cycle Observatory (GeoCARB), a proposed NASA Earth Venture Mission that would have monitored plant health and vegetation stress throughout the Americas from geostationary orbit, probing natural sources, sinks, and exchange processes that control carbon dioxide, carbon monoxide, and methane in the atmosphere. While the mission was ultimately cancelled, the lessons learned are being applied to similar current and future Earth observing endeavors, e,g, NASA’s ECOsystem Spaceborne Thermal Radiometer Experiment on Space Station (ECOSTRESS) mission. Berrien served on and chaired numerous government-affiliated scientific committees throughout his career. From 1995–1998 he served on the National Research Council’s Committee on Global Change Research, which produced the landmark report, “Global Environment Change: Research Pathways for the Next Decade.” In 2011, he was an author on the National Research Council’s (NRC) decadal survey, “Earth Science and Applications from Space: A Community Assessment and Strategies for the Future.” Berrien participated on international scientific committees as well. From 1998–2002, he was the chair of the Science Committee of the International Geosphere Biosphere Programme (IGBP). He was also a lead author within the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s Third Assessment Report, which was released in 2001. Berrien served in several roles specific to NASA, including as a committee member and later chair of the organization’s Space and Earth Science Advisory Committee. He served as Chair of the Earth Observing System (EOS) Payload Advisory Committee, member and Chair of NASA’s Earth Science and Applications Committee, and member of the NASA Advisory Council. He was also active at NOAA, having chaired the agency’s Research Review Team and served on the Research and Development Portfolio Review Team for NOAA’s Science Advisory Board. Berrien received NASA’s highest civilian honor, the Distinguished Public Service Medal, for outstanding service and the NOAA Administrator’s Recognition Award. He also received the 2007 Dryden Lectureship in Research Medal from the American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics and was honored for his contributions to the IPCC when the organization received the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize.
Jeff Dozier, an environmental scientist, snow hydrologist, researcher, academic – and former Earth Observing System Project Scientist – died on November 17, 2024. Jeff’s research focused on snow hydrology and biogeochemistry in mountain environments and addressed the role of stored and melting snow in the hydrologic cycle as well as the economic and social impact on water resources. In these efforts, he embraced remote sensing with satellites to measure snow properties and energy balance. He was a Project Scientist with the Earth Observing System (EOS) Data and Information System, contributing to the design and management of very large information systems that would impact spatial modeling and environmental informatics. Jeff served as the second EOS Project Scientist from 1990–1992. During that time, he worked with the NASA science community to – in his own words – “accomplish the goals of EOS, the most important of which is to develop the capability to predict or assess plausible environmental changes – both natural and human-induced – that will occur in the future. Meeting this challenge for the next decade to century requires the integration of knowledge from the traditional disciplines and information from many different sources into a coherent view of the Earth system. EOS is the largest project in the history of NASA and arguably the most important national and international scientific mission of the next two decades.” Jeff’s work alongside Michael Matson, was featured in a 2019 NASA Earth Science news article: “NASA Tracks Wildfires From Above to Aid Firefighters Below.” While working at NOAA’s National Environmental Satellite, Data, and Information Service building in Camp Springs, MD, the pair detected methane fires in the Persian Gulf using the Advanced Very High Resolution Radiometer (AVHRR) instrument on the NOAA-6 satellite – marking the first time that such a small fire had been seen from space. Jeff went on to develop a mathematical method to distinguish small fires from other sources of heat, which become the foundation for nearly all subsequent satellite fire-detection algorithms. At the time of his death, Jeff was Principal Investigator of a NASA-funded project with the objective of testing whether data from the Earth Surface Mineral Dust Source Investigation (EMIT) mission could be used to help refine the estimate for the snowpack melting rate. In the 2024 Earth Science news article, “NASA’s EMIT Will Explore Diverse Science Questions on Extended Mission,” Jeff indicated that EMIT’s ability to ‘see’ well into the infrared (IR) spectrum of light is key to his group’s efforts because ice is “pretty absorptive at near-IR and shortwave-IR wavelengths.” The results from this research will help inform water management decisions in states, such as California, where meltwater makes up the majority of the agricultural water supply. Jeff earned a Bachelor’s of Science degree from California State University, Hayward (now California State University, East Bay) and a Master’s of Science degree and Ph.D. from the University of Michigan. He spent his career teaching at the University of California, Santa Barbara (UCSB), where he was named the founding Dean of the Bren School of Environmental Science and Management at UCSB in 1994. As the Dean, he recruited renowned faculty and developed one of the top environmental programs in the country. After his role as Dean, Jeff returned as a professor at Bren, educating the next generation of Earth scientists.
Introduction The NASA Land-Cover and Land-Use Change (LCLUC) is an interdisciplinary scientific program within NASA’s Earth Science program that aims to develop the capability for periodic global inventories of land use and land cover from space. The program’s goal is to develop the mapping, monitoring and modeling capabilities necessary to simulate the processes taking place and evaluate the consequences of observed and predicted changes. The South/Southeast Asia Research Initiative (SARI) has a similar goal for South/Southeast Asia, as it seeks to develop innovative regional research, education, and capacity building programs involving state-of-the-art remote sensing, natural sciences, engineering, and social sciences to enrich land use/cover change (LUCC) science in South/Southeast Asia. Thus it makes sense for these two entities to periodically meet jointly to discuss their endeavors. The latest of these joint meetings took place January 1–February 2, 2024, in Hanoi, Vietnam. A total of 85 participants attended the three-day, in-person meeting—see Photo. A total of 85 participants attended the three-day, in-person meeting. The attendees represented multiple international institutions, including NASA (Headquarters and Centers), the University of Maryland, College Park (UMD), other American academic institutions, the Vietnam National Space Center (VNSC, the event host), the Vietnam National University’s University of Engineering and Technology, and Ho Chi Minh University of Technology, the Japanese National Institute of Environmental Studies (NIES), Center for Environmental Sciences, and the University of Tokyo. In addition, several international programs participated, including GEO Global Agricultural Monitoring (GEOGLAM), the System for Analysis, Research and Training (START), Global Observation of Forest and Land-use Dynamics (GOFC–GOLD), and NASA Harvest.
Meeting Overview The purpose of the 2024 NASA LCLUC–SARI Synthesis meeting was to discuss LUCC issues – with a particular focus on their impact on Southeast Asian countries. Presenters highlighted ongoing projects aimed to advance our understanding of the spatial extent, intensity, social consequences, and impacts on the environment in South/Southeast Asian countries. While presenters reported on specific science results, they also were intentional to review and synthesize work from other related projects going on in Southeast Asia. Meeting Goal The meeting’s overarching goal was to create a comprehensive and holistic understanding of various LUCC issues by examining them from multiple angles, including: collating information; employing interdisciplinary approaches; integrating research; identifying key insights; and enhancing regional collaborations. The meeting sought to bring the investigators together to bridge gaps, promote collaborations, and advance knowledge regarding LUCC issues in the region. The meeting format also provided ample time between sessions for networking to promote coordination and collaboration among scientists and teams. Meeting and Summary Format The meeting consisted of seven sessions that focused on various LUCC issues. The summary report that follows is organized by day and then by session. All presentations in Session I and II are summarized (i.e., with all speakers, affiliations, and appropriate titles identified). The keynote presentation(s) from Sessions III–VI are summarized similarly. The technical presentations in each of these sessions are presented as narrative summaries. Session VII consisted of topical discussions to close out the meeting and summaries of these discussions are included herein. Sessions III–VI also included panel discussions, but to keep the article length more manageable, summaries of these discussions have been omitted. Readers interested in learning more about the panel discussions or viewing any of these presentations in full can access the information on the Joint LCLUC–SARI Synthesis meeting website. DAY ONE The first day of the meeting included welcoming remarks from the U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam (Session I), program executives of LCLUC and SARI, as well as from national space agencies in South and Southeast Asia (Session II), and other LCLUC-thematic/overview presentations (Session III). Session 1: Welcoming Remarks Garik Gutman [NASA Headquarters—LCLUC Program Manager], Vu Tuan [VNSC’s Vietnam Academy of Science and Technology (VAST)—Vice Director General], Chris Justice [University of Maryland, College Park (UMD)—LCLUC Program Scientist], Matsunaga Tsuneo [National Institute of Environmental Studies (NIES), Japan], and Krishna Vadrevu [NASA’s Marshall Space Flight Center—SARI Lead] delivered opening remarks that highlighted collaborations across air pollution, agriculture, forestry, urban development, and other LUCC research areas. While each of the speakers covered different topics, they emphasized common themes, including advancing new science algorithms, co-developing products, and fostering applications through capacity building and training. After the opening remarks, special guest Marc Knapper [U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam] gave a presentation in which he emphasized the value of collaborative research between U.S. and Vietnamese scientists to address environmental challenges – especially climate change and LUCC issues. He expressed appreciation to the meeting organizers for promoting these collaborations and highlighted the joint initiatives between NASA and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to monitor environmental health and climate change, develop policies to reduce emissions, and support adaptation in agriculture. The U.S.–Vietnam Comprehensive Strategic Partnership emphasizes the commitment to address climate challenges and advance bilateral research. He concluded by encouraging active participation from all attendees and stressed the need for ongoing international collaboration to develop effective LUCC policies. Session-II: Programmatic and Space Agency Presentations NOTE: Other than Ambassador Knapper, the presenters in Session I gave welcoming remarks and programmatic and/or space agency presentations in Session II,. Garik Gutman began the second session by presenting an overview of the LCLUC program, which aims to enhance understanding of LUCC dynamics and environmental implications by integrating diverse data sources (i.e., satellite remote sensing) with socioeconomic and ecological datasets for a comprehensive view of land-use change drivers and consequences. Over the past 25 years, LCLUC has funded over 325 projects involving more than 800 researchers, resulting in over 1500 publications. The program’s focus balances project distribution that spans detection and monitoring, and impacts and consequences, including drivers, modeling, and synthesis. Gutman highlighted examples of population growth and urban expansion in Southeast Asia, resulting in environmental and socio-economic impacts. Urbanization accelerates deforestation, shifts farming practices to higher-value crops, and contributes to the loss of wetlands. This transformation alters the carbon cycle, degrades air quality, and increases flooding risks due to reduced rainwater absorption. Multi-source remote sensing data and social dimensions are essential in addressing LUCC issues, and the program aims to foster international collaborations and capacity building in land-change science through partnerships and training initiatives. (To learn more about the recent activities of the LCLUC Science Team, see Summary of the 2024 Land Cover Land Use Change Science Team Meeting.) Krishna Vadrevu explained how SARI connects regional and national projects with researchers from the U.S. and local institutions to advance LUCC mapping, monitoring, and impact assessments through shared methodologies and data. The initiative has spurred extensive activities, including meetings, training sessions, publications, collaborations, and fieldwork. To date, the LCLUC program has funded 35 SARI projects and helped build collaborations with space agencies, universities, and decision-makers worldwide. SARI Principal Investigators have documented notable land-cover and land-use transformations, observing shifts in land conversion practices across Asia. For example, the transition from traditional slash-and-burn practices for subsistence agriculture to industrial oil palm and rubber plantations in Southeast Asia. Rapid urbanization has also reshaped several South and Southeast Asian regions, expanding both horizontally in rural areas and vertically in urban centers. The current SARI solicitation funds three projects across Asia, integrating the latest remote sensing data and methods to map, monitor, and assess LUCC drivers and impacts to support policy-making. Vu Tuan provided a comprehensive overview of Vietnam’s advances in satellite technology and Earth observation capabilities, particularly through the LOTUSat-1 satellite (name derived from the “Lotus” flower), which is equipped with an advanced X-band Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) sensor capable of providing high-resolution imagery [ranging from 1–16 m (3–52 ft)]. This satellite is integral to Vietnam’s efforts to enhance disaster management and climate change mitigation, as well as to support a range of applications in topography, agriculture, forestry, and water management, as well as in oceanography and environmental monitoring. The VNSC’s efforts are part of a broader strategy to build national expertise and self-reliance in satellite technology, such as developing a range of small satellites (e.g., NanoDragon, PicoDragon, and MicroDragon) that progress in size and capability. Alongside satellite development, the VNSC has established key infrastructure, facilities, and capacity building in Hanoi, Nha Trang, and Ho Chi Minh City to support satellite assembly, integration, testing, and operation. Tuan showcased the application of remotely sensed LUCC data to map and monitor urban expansion in Ha Long city from 2000–2023 and the policies needed to manage these changes sustainably – see Figure 1.
Tsuneo Matsunaga provided a detailed overview of Japan’s Greenhouse Gases Observing Satellite (GOSAT) series of satellites, data from which provide valuable insights into global greenhouse gas (GHG) trends and support international climate agreements, including the Paris Agreement. Matsunaga reviewed the first two satellites in the series: GOSAT and GOSAT-2, then previewed the next satellite in the series: GOSAT-GW, which is scheduled to launch in 2025. GOSAT-GW will fly the Total Anthropogenic and Natural Emissions Mapping Observatory–3 (TANSO-3) – an improved version of TANSO-2, which flies on GOSAT-2. TANSO-3 includes a Fourier Transform Spectrometer (FTS-3) that has improved spatial resolution [10.5 km (6.5 mi)] over TANSO-FTS-2 and precision that matches or exceeds that of its predecessor. TANSO-FTS-3 will allow estimates with precision better than 1 ppm for carbon dioxide (CO2) and 10 ppb for methane (CH4), as well as enabling nitrogen dioxide (NO2) measurements. GOSAT–GW will also fly the Advanced Microwave Scanning Radiometer (AMSR3) that will monitor water cycle components (e.g., precipitation, soil moisture) and ocean surface winds. AMSR3 builds on the heritage of three previous AMSR instruments that have flown on NASA and Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) missions. Matsunaga also highlighted the importance of ground-based validation networks, such as the Total Carbon Column Observing Network, COllaborative Carbon Column Observing Network, and the Pandora Global Network, to ensure satellite data accuracy. Son Nghiem [NASA/Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL)] addressed dynamic LUCC in Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Vietnam, and Malaysia. The synthesis study examined the factors that evolve along the rural–urban continuum (RUC). Nghiem showcased this effort using Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) data from the Copernicus Sentinel-1 mission to map a typical RUC in Bac Lieu, Vietnam – see Figure 2.
Nghiem described the study, which examined the role of rapid urbanization, agricultural conversion, climate change, and environment–human feedback processes in causing non-stationary and unpredictable impacts. This work illustrates how traditional trend analysis is insufficient for future planning. The study also examined whether slower or more gradual changes could inform policy development. To test these hypotheses, his research will integrate high-resolution radar and hyperspectral data with socioeconomic analyses. The study highlights the need for policies that are flexible and responsive to the unique challenges of different areas, particularly in “hot-spot” regions experiencing rapid changes. Peilei Fan [Tufts University] presented a study that synthesizes the complex patterns of LUCC, identifying both the spatial and temporal dynamics that characterize transitions in urban systems. The study explores key drivers, including economic development, population growth, urbanization, agricultural expansion, and policy shifts. She emphasized the importance of understanding these drivers for sustainable land management and urban planning. For example, the Yangon region of Myanmar has undergone rapid urbanization – see Figure 3. Her work reveals the need for integrated approaches that consider both urban and rural perspectives to manage land resources effectively and mitigate negative environmental and social impacts. Through a combination of case studies, statistical analysis, and policy review, Fan and her team aim to provide a nuanced understanding of the interactions between human activities and environmental changes occurring in the rapidly transforming landscapes of Southeast Asia.
Session III: Land Cover/Land Use Change Studies Tanapat Tanaratkaittikul [Geo-Informatics and Space Technology Development Agency (GISTDA), Thailand] highlighted GISTDA activities, which play a crucial role in advancing Thailand’s technological capabilities and addressing both national and global challenges, including Thailand Earth Observation System (THEOS) and its successors: THEOS-2 and THEOS-2A. THEOS-1, which launched in 2008, provides 2-m (6-ft) panchromatic and 15-m (45-ft) multispectral resolution with a 26-day revisit cycle, which can be reduced to 3 days with off-nadir pointing. Launched in 2023, THEOS-2 includes two satellites – THEOS-2A [a very high-resolution satellite with 0.5-m (1.5-ft) panchromatic and 2-m (6-ft) multispectral imagery] and THEOS-2B [a high-resolution satellite with 4-m (12-ft) multispectral resolution] – with a five-day revisit cycle. GISTDA also develops geospatial applications for drought assessment, flood prediction, and carbon credit calculations to support government decision-making and climate initiatives. GISTDA partners with international collaborators on regional projects, such as the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Special Fund Project. Eric Vermote [NASA’s Goddard Space Flight Center] presented a keynote that focused on atmospheric correction of land remote sensing data and related algorithm updates. He highlighted the necessity of correcting surface imaging for atmospheric effects, such as molecular scattering, aerosol scattering, and gaseous absorption, which can significantly distort the satellite spectral signals and lead to potential errors in applications, such as land cover mapping, vegetation monitoring, and climate change studies. Vermote explained that the surface reflectance algorithm uses precise vector radiative transfer modeling to improve accuracy by incorporating atmospheric parameter inversion. It also adjusts for various atmospheric conditions and aerosol types – enhancing corrections across regions and seasons. He explained that SkyCam – a network of ground-based cameras – provides real-time assessments of cloud cover that can be used to validate cloud masks, while the Cloud and Aerosol Measurement System (CAMSIS) offers additional ground validation by measuring atmospheric conditions. He said that together, SkyCam and CAMSIS improve satellite-derived cloud masks, supporting more accurate climate models and environmental monitoring. Vermote’s work highlights the ongoing advancement of atmospheric correction methods in remote sensing. Other presentations in this session included one in which the speaker described how Yangon, the capital city in Myanmar, is undergoing rapid urbanization and industrial growth. From 1990–2020, the urban area expanded by over 225% – largely at the expense of agricultural and green lands. Twenty-nine industrial zones cover about 10.92% of the city, which have attracted significant foreign direct investment, particularly in labor-intensive sectors. This growth has led to challenges with land confiscations, inadequate infrastructure, and environmental issues (e.g., air pollution). Additionally, rural migration for employment has resulted in informal settlements, emphasizing the need for comprehensive urban planning that balances economic development with social equity and sustainability. Another presentation highlighted varying LUCC trends across Vietnam. In the Northern and Central Coastal Uplands, for example, swidden systems are shifting toward permanent tree crops, such as rubber and coffee. Meanwhile, the Red River Delta is seeing urban densification and consolidation of farmland – transitioning from rice to mixed farming with increased fruit and flower production. Similarly, the Central Coastal Lowlands and Southeastern regions are experiencing urban growth and a shift from coastal agriculture – in this case, to shrimp farming – leading to mangrove loss. The Central Highlands is moving from swidden to tree crops, particularly fruit trees, while the Mekong River Delta is increasing rice cropping and aquaculture. These changes contribute to urbanization, altered farming practices, and biodiversity loss. Advanced algorithms (e.g., the Time-Feature Convolutional Neural Network model) are being used to effectively map these varied LUCC changes in Vietnam. Another presenter explained how 10-m (33-ft) resolution spatially gridded population datasets are essential to address LUCC in environmental and socio-demographic research. There was also a demonstration of PopGrid, which is a collaborative initiative that provides access to various global-gridded population databases, which are valuable for regional LUCC studies and can support informed decision-making and policy development. DAY TWO The second day’s presentations centered around urban LUCC (Session IV) as well as interconnections between agriculture and water resources. (Session V). Session IV: Urban Land Cover/Land Use Change Gay Perez [Philippines Remote Sensing Agency (PhilSA)] presented a keynote focused on PhilSA’s mission to advance Philippines as a space-capable country by developing indigenous satellite and launch technologies. He explained that PhilSA provides satellite data in various categories, including sovereign, commercial, open-access, and disaster-activated. He noted that the ground infrastructure – which includes three stations and a new facility in Quezon – supports efficient data processing. For example, Perez stated that in 2023, PhilSA produced over 10,000 maps for disaster relief, agricultural assessments, and conservation planning. Perez reviewed PhilSA’s Diwata-2 mission, which launched in 2018 and operates in a Sun-synchronous orbit around 620 km (385 mi) above Earth. With a 10-day revisit capability, it features a high-precision telescope [4.7 m (15ft) resolution], a multispectral imager with four bands, an enhanced resolution camera, and a wide-field camera. Since launch, Diwata-2 has captured over 100,000 global images, covering 95% of the Philippines. Looking to the near future, Perez reported that PhilSA’s launch of the Multispectral Unit for Land Assessment (MULA) satellite is planned for 2025. He explained that MULA will capture images with a 5-m (~16-ft) resolution and 10–20-day revisit time, featuring 10 spectral bands for vegetation, water, and urban analysis. Perez also described the Drought and Crop Assessment and Forecasting project, which addresses drought risks and mapping ground motion in areas, e.g., Baguio City and Pangasinan. Through partnerships in the Pan-Asia Partnership for Geospatial Air Pollution Information (PAPGAPI) and the Pandora Asia Network, PhilSA monitors air quality across key locations, tracking urban pollution and cross-border particulate transport. PhilSA continues to strengthen Southeast Asian partnerships to drive sustainable development in the region. Jiquan Chen [Michigan State University] presented the second keynote address, which focused on the Urban Rural Continuum (URC). Chen emphasized the importance of synthesizing studies that explore factors such as population dynamics, living standards, and economic development in the URC. Key considerations include differentiating between two- and three-dimensional infrastructures and understanding constraints from historical contexts. Chen highlighted critical variables from his analysis including net primary productivity, household income, and essential infrastructure elements, such as transportation and healthcare systems. He advocated for integrated models that combine mechanistic and empirical approaches to grasp the dynamics of URC changes, stressing their implications for urban planning, environmental sustainability, and social equity. He concluded with a call for collaboration to enhance these models and tackle challenges arising from the changing urban–rural landscape. Tep Makathy [Cambodian Institute For Urban Studies] discussed urbanization in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. He explained that significant LUCC and infrastructure developments have been fueled by direct foreign investment; however, this development has resulted in environmental degradation, urban flooding, and infrastructure strain. Tackling pollution, congestion, preservation of green spaces, and preserving the historical heritage of the city will require sustainable urban planning efforts. Nguyen Thi Thuy Hang [Vietnam Japan University, Vietnam National University, Hanoi] explained how flooding poses a significant annual threat to infrastructure and livelihoods in Can Tho, Vietnam. Therefore, it is essential to incorporate climate change considerations into land-use planning by enhancing the accuracy of vegetation layer classifications. Doing so will improve the representation of land-cover dynamics in models that decision-makers use when planning urban development. In addition, Hang reported that a more comprehensive survey of dyke systems will improve flood protection and identify areas needing reinforcement or redesign. These studies could also explore salinity intrusion in coastal agricultural areas that could impact crop yields and endanger food security. In this session, two presenters highlighted how SAR data, which uses high backscatter to enhance the radar signal, is being used to assist with mapping urban areas in their respective countries. The phase stability and orientation of building structures across SAR images aid in consistent monitoring and backscatter, producing distinct image textures specific to urban settings. Researchers can use this heterogeneity and texture to map urban footprints, enabling automated discrimination between urban and non-urban areas. The first presenters showed how Interferometric Synthetic Aperture Radar techniques, such as Small Baseline Subset (SBAS) and Persistent Scatterer (PS) have been highly effective for mapping and monitoring land subsidence in coastal and urban areas in Vietnam. This approach has been applied to areas along the Saigon River as well as in Ho Chi Minh, Vietnam. The second presenter described an approach (using SAR data with multitemporal coherence and the K-means classification method) that has been used effectively to study urban growth in the Denpasar Greater Area of Indonesia between 2016 and 2022. The technique identified the conversion of 4376 km2 (1690 mi2) of rural to built-up areas, averaging 72.9 hectares (0.3 mi2) per year. Urban sprawl was predominantly observed in the North Kuta District, where the shift from agricultural to built-up land use has been accompanied by severe traffic congestion and other environmental issues. Another presenter showed how data from the QuikSCAT instrument, which flew on the Quick Scatterometer satellite, and from the Sentinel-1 C-band SAR can be combined to measure and analyze urban built-up volume, specifically focusing on the vertical growth of buildings across various cities. By integrating these datasets, researchers can assess urban expansion, monitor the development of high-rise buildings, and evaluate the impact of urbanization on infrastructure and land use. This information is essential for urban planning, helping city planners and policymakers make informed decisions to accommodate growing populations and enhance sustainable urban development. Session V – LUCC, Agriculture, and Water Resources Chris Justice presented the keynote for this session, in which he addressed the GEOGLAM initiative and the NASA Harvest program. GEOGLAM, initiated by the G20 Agriculture Ministers in 2011, focuses on agriculture and food security to increase market transparency and improve food security. These efforts leverage satellite-based Earth observations to produce and disseminate timely, relevant, and actionable information about agricultural conditions at national, regional, and global scales to support agricultural markets and provide early warnings for proactive responses to emerging food emergencies. NASA Harvest uses satellite Earth observations to benefit global food security, sustainability, and agriculture for disaster response, climate risk assessments, and policy support. Justice also emphasized the use of open science and open data principles, promoting the integration of Earth observation data into national and international agricultural monitoring systems. He also discussed the development and application of essential agricultural variables, in situ data requirements, and the need for comprehensive and accurate satellite data products. During this session, another presentation focused on how VNSC is engaged in several agricultural projects, including mapping rice crops, estimating yields, and assessing environmental impacts. VNSC has created high-accuracy rice maps for different seasons that the Vietnamese government uses to monitor and manage agricultural production. Current initiatives involve using satellite data to estimate CH4 emissions from rice paddies, biomass mapping, and monitoring rice straw burning. For example, in the Mekong Delta, numerous environmental factors, including climate change-induced stress (e.g., sea-level rise), flooding, drought, land subsidence, and saltwater intrusion, along with human activities like dam construction, sand mining, and groundwater extraction, threaten the sustainability of rice farming and farmer livelihoods. To address these challenges, sustainable agricultural practices are essential to improving rice quality, diversify farming systems, adopt low-carbon techniques, and enhance water management. Presentations highlighted the importance of both optical and SAR data for LUCC studies, particularly in mapping agricultural areas. A study using Landsat time-series data demonstrated its value in monitoring agricultural LUCC in Houa Phan Province, Laos, and Son La Province, Vietnam. Land cover types were classified through spectral pattern analysis, identifying distinct classes based on Landsat reflectance values. The findings revealed significant natural forest loss alongside increases in cropland and forest plantations due to agricultural expansion. High-resolution imagery validated these results, indicating the scalability of this approach for broader regional and global land-cover monitoring. Another study showcased the effectiveness of SAR data from the Phased Array type L-band Synthetic Aperture Radar-2 (PALSAR-2) on the Japanese Advanced Land Observing Satellite-2 (ALOS-2) for mapping and monitoring agricultural land use in Suphanburi, Thailand. This data proved particularly useful for capturing seasonal variations and diverse agricultural practices. Supervised machine learning methods, such as Random Forest classifiers, combined with innovative spatial averaging techniques, achieved high accuracy in distinguishing various agricultural conditions. In the session, presenters also discussed the use of Sentinel-1 SAR data for mapping submerged and non-submerged paddy soils was highlighted, demonstrating its effectiveness in understanding water management issues see – Figure 4. Additionally, large-scale remote sensing data and cloud computing were shown to provide unprecedented opportunities for tracking agricultural land-use changes in greater detail. Case studies from India and China illustrated key challenges, such as groundwater depletion in irrigated agriculture across the Indo-Ganges region and the impacts on food, water, and air quality in both countries.
The session also focused on Water–Energy–Food (WEF) issues related to the Mekong River Basin’s extensive network of hydroelectric dams, which present both benefits and challenges. While these dams support sectors such as irrigated agriculture and hydropower, they also disrupt vital ecosystem services, including fish habitats and biodiversity. Collaborative studies integrating satellite and ground data, hydrological models, and socio-economic frameworks highlight the need to balance these benefits with ecological and social costs. Achieving sustainable management requires cross-sectoral and cross-border cooperation, as well as the incorporation of traditional knowledge to address WEF trade-offs and governance challenges in the region. DAY THREE The third day included a session that explored the impacts of fire, GHG emissions, and pollution (Session VI) as well as a summary discussion on synthesis (Session VII). Session VI: Fires, Greenhouse Gas Emissions, and Pollution Chris Elvidge [Colorado School of Mines] presented a keynote on the capabilities and applications of the Visible Infrared Imaging Radiometer Suite (VIIRS) Nightfire [VNF] system, an advanced satellite-based tool developed by the Earth Observation Group. VIIRS Nightfire uses four near- and short-wave infrared channels, initially designed for daytime imaging, to detect and monitor infrared emissions at night. The system identifies various combustion sources, including both flaming and non-flaming activities (e.g., biomass burning, gas flaring, and industrial processes). It calculates the temperature, source area, and radiant heat of detected infrared emitters using physical laws to enable precise monitoring of combustion events and provide insight into exothermic and endothermic processes. Elvidge explained that VNF has been vital for near-real-time data in Southeast Asia. The system has been used to issue daily alerts for Vietnam, Thailand, and Indonesia. Recent updates in Version 4 (V4) include atmospheric corrections and testing for secondary emitters with algorithmic improvements – with a 50% success rate in identifying additional heat sources. The Earth Observation Group maintains a multiyear catalog of over 20,000 industrial infrared emitters available through the Global Infrared Emitter Explorer (GIREE) web-map service. With VIIRS sensors expected to operate until about 2040 on the Joint Polar Satellite System (JPSS) platforms, this system ensures long-term, robust monitoring and analysis of global combustion events, proving essential for tracking the environmental impacts of industrial activities and natural combustion processes on the atmosphere and ecosystems. Toshimasa Ohara [Center for Environmental Science, Japan—Research Director] continued with the second keynote and provided an in-depth analysis of long-term trends in anthropogenic emissions across Asia. The regional mission inventory in Asia encompasses a range of pollutants and offers detailed emissions data from 1950–2020 at high spatial and temporal resolutions. The study employs both bottom-up and top-down approaches for estimating emissions, integrating satellite observations to validate data and address uncertainties. Notably, emissions from China, India, and Japan have shown signs of stabilization or reduction, attributed to stricter emission control policies and technological advancements. Ohara also highlighted Japan’s effective air pollution measures and the importance of extensive observational data in corroborating emission trends. His presentation emphasized the need for improved methodologies in emission inventory development and validation across Asia, aiming to enhance policymaking and environmental management in rapidly industrializing regions. Several presenters during this session focused on innovative approaches to understand and mitigate GHG emissions and air pollution. One presenter showed how NO2 data from the TROPOspheric Monitoring Instrument (TROPOMI) on the European Sentinel-5 Precursor have been validated against ground-based observations from Pandora stations in Japan, highlighting the influence of atmospheric conditions on measurement accuracy. Another presenter described an innovative system that GISTDA used to combine satellite remote sensing data with Artificial Intelligence (AI). This system was used to monitor and analyze the concentration of fine particulate matter (PM) in the atmosphere in Thailand. (In this context fine is defined as particles with diameters ≤ 2.5 µm, or PM2.5.) These applications, which are accessible through online, cloud-based platforms and mobile applications for iOS and Android devices, allow users, including citizens, government officers, and policymakers, to access PM2.5 data in real-time through web and mobile interfaces. A project under the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific in Thailand is focused on improving air quality monitoring across the Asia–Pacific region by integrating satellite and ground-based data. At the core of this effort, the Pandora Asia Network, which includes 30 ground-based instruments measuring pollutants such as NO₂ and sulfur dioxide (SO₂), is complemented by high-resolution observations from the Geostationary Environment Monitoring Spectrometer (GEMS) aboard South Korea’s GEO-KOMPSAT-2B (GK-2B) satellite. The initiative also provides training sessions to strengthen regional expertise in remote sensing technologies for air quality management and develops decision support systems for evidence-based policymaking, particularly for monitoring pollution sources and transboundary effects like volcanic eruptions. Future plans include expanding the Pandora network and enhancing data integration to support local environmental management practices. PM2.5 levels in Vietnam are influenced by both local emissions and long-range pollutant transport, particularly in urban areas.The Vietnam University of Engineering and Technology, in conjunction with VNSC, continues to map and monitor PM2.5 using satellites and machine learning while addressing data quality issues that stem from missing satellite data and limited ground monitoring stations – see Figure 5. In addition to mapping and monitoring pollutants, another presentater explained that significant research is underway to address their health impacts. In Hanoi, exposure to pollutants ( e.g., PM2.5, PM10, and NO2) has led to increased rates of respiratory diseases (e.g., pneumonia, bronchitis, and asthma) among children, as well as elevated instances of cardiovascular diseases among adults. A substantial mortality burden is attributable to fine particulate matter – particularly in densely populated areas like Hanoi. Compliance with stricter air quality guidelines could potentially prevent thousands of premature deaths. For example, preventive measures enacted during the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in reduced pollution levels that were associated with a decrease in avoidable mortality rates. In response to these challenges, Vietnam has implemented air quality management policies, including national technical regulations and action plans aimed at controlling emissions and enhancing monitoring; however, current national standards still fall short of the more stringent guidelines recommended by the World Health Organization. Improved air quality standards and effective policy interventions are needed to mitigate the health risks associated with air pollution in Vietnam.
Another presenter explained how food production in Southeast Asia contributes about 40% of the region’s total GHG emissions – with rice and beef production identified as the largest contributors for plant-based and animal-based emissions, respectively. Another presentation focused on a study that examined GHG emissions from agricultural activities, which suggests that animal-based food production – particularly beef – generates substantially higher GHG emissions per kg of food produced compared to plant-based foods, such as wheat and rice. Beef has an emission intensity of about 69 kg of CO2 equivalent-per-kg, compared to 2 to 3 kg of CO2 equivalent-per-kg for plant-based foods. The study points to mitigation strategies (e.g., changing dietary patterns, improving agricultural practices) and adopting sustainable land management. Participants agreed that a comprehensive policy framework is needed to address the environmental impacts of food production and reduce GHG emissions in the agricultural sector. In another presentation, the speaker highlighted the fact that Southeast Asian countries need an advanced monitoring, reporting, and verification system to track GHG emissions – particularly within high-carbon reservoirs like rice paddies. To achieve this, cutting-edge technologies (e.g., satellite remote sensing, low-cost unmanned aerial vehicles, and Internet of Things devices) can be beneficial in creating sophisticated digital twin technology for sustainable rice production and GHG mitigation. Another presentation featured a discussion about pollution resulting from forest and peatland fires in Indonesia, which is significantly impacting air quality. Indonesia’s tropical peatlands – among the world’s largest and most diverse – face significant threats from frequent fires. Repeated burning has transformed forests into shrubs and secondary vegetation regions, with fires particularly affecting forest edges and contributing to a further retreat of intact forest areas. High-resolution data is essential to map and monitor changes in forest cover, including pollution impacts. Another speaker described a web-based Geographic Information Systems (GIS) application that has been developed to support carbon offsetting efforts in Laos – to address significant environmental challenges, e.g., deforestation and climate change. Advanced technologies (e.g., remote sensing, GIS, and Global Navigation Satellite Systems) are used to monitor land-use changes, carbon sequestration, and ecosystem health. By integrating various spatial datasets, the web GIS app enhances data collection precision, streamlines monitoring processes, and provides real-time information to stakeholders for informed decision-making. This initiative fosters collaboration among local communities, government agencies, and international partners, while emphasizing the importance of government support and international partnerships. Ultimately, the web GIS application represents a significant advancement in Laos’s commitment to environmental sustainability, economic growth, and the creation of a greener future. Session VII. Discussion Session on Synthesis The meeting concluded with a comprehensive discussion on synthesizing themes related to LUCC. The session focused on three themes: LUCC, agriculture, and air pollution. The session focused on trends and projections as well as the resulting impacts in the coming years. It also highlighted research related to these topics to inform more sustainable land use policies. A panel of experts from different Southeast Asian countries addressed these topics. A summary of the key points shared by the panelists for each theme during the discussion is provided below. LUCC Discussions This discussion focused on the challenges of balancing economic development with environmental sustainability in Southeast Asian countries, e.g., mining in Myanmar, agriculture in Vietnam, and rising land prices in Thailand. More LUCC research is needed to inform decision-making and improve land-use planning during transitions from agriculture to industrialization while ensuring food security. The panelists also discussed urban sprawl and infrastructure development along main roads in several Southeast Asian countries, highlighting the social and environmental challenges arising from uncoordinated growth. It was noted that urban infrastructure lags behind population increases, resulting in traffic congestion, pollution, and social inequality. Cambodia, for example, has increased foreign investments, which presents similar dilemmas of economic growth accompanied by significant environmental degradation. Indonesia is another example of a Southeast Asian nation facing rapid urbanization and inadequate spatial planning, leading to flooding, groundwater depletion, and pollution. These issues further highlight the need for integrated satellite monitoring to inform land-use policies. Finally, recognizing the importance of public infrastructure in growth management, it was reported that the Thai government is already using technology to manage urban development alongside green spaces. Panelists agreed that LUCC research is critical for guiding policymakers toward sustainable land-use practices – emphasizing the necessity for improved communication between researchers and policymakers. While the integration of technologies (e.g., GIS and remote sensing) is beginning to influence policy decisions, room for improvement remains. In summary, the discussions stressed the importance of better planning, technology integration, and policy-informed research to reconcile economic growth with sustainability. Participants also highlighted the need to engage policymakers, non-government organizations, and the private sector in using scientific evidence for sustainable development. Capacity building in Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar, where GIS and remote sensing technologies are still developing, is crucial. Community involvement is essential for translating research findings into actionable policies to address real-world challenges and social equity. Agriculture Discussions These discussions explored the intricate relationships between agricultural practices, economic growth, and environmental sustainability in Southeast Asia. As an example, despite national policies to manage the land transition in Vietnam, rapid conversions from forest to agricultural land and further to residential and industrial continue. While it is recognized that strict land management plans may hinder future adaptability, further regulation is needed. These rapid shifts in land use have increased land for economic development – especially in industrial and residential sectors – and contribute to environmental degradation, e.g., pollution and soil erosion. In Thailand, land is distributed among agriculture (50%), forest (30%), and urban (20%) areas. Despite a long history of agricultural practices, Vietnam faces new challenges from climate change and extreme weather. Thailand, meanwhile, is exploring carbon credits to incentivize sustainable farming practices – although this requires significant investment and time. The nation is well-equipped with a robust water supply system, and ongoing efforts to enhance crop yields on Vietnam’s Mekong Delta, salinity levels, and flooding intensity have increased as a result of the rise in incidents of extreme weather, prompting advancements in rice farming mechanization to be implemented that are modeled after practices that have been successfully used in the Philippines. Despite these advances, issues (e.g., over-application of rice seeds) remain. The dominant land cover type in Malaysia is tropical rainforest, although agriculture – particularly oil palm plantations – also plays a significant role in land use. While stable, it shares environmental concerns with Indonesia. The country is integrating solar energy initiatives, placing solar panels on former agricultural lands and recreational areas, which raises coastal environmental concerns. In Taiwan, substantial land use changes have stemmed from solar panel installations to support green energy goals but have led to increased temperatures and altered wind patterns. All panelists agreed that remote sensing technologies are vital to inform agricultural policy across the region. They emphasized the need to transition from academic research to actionable insights that directly inform policy. Panelists also discussed the challenge of securing funding for actionable research – underlining the importance of recognizing the transition required for research to inform operational use. Some countries (e.g., Thailand) have established operational crop monitoring systems, while others (e.g., Vietnam) primarily depend on research projects. Despite progress in Malaysia’s monitoring of oil palm plantations, a comprehensive operational monitoring system is still lacking in many areas. The participants concluded that increased efforts are needed to promote the wider adoption of remote sensing technologies for agricultural and environmental monitoring, with emphasis on developing operational systems that can be integrated into policy and decision-making processes. Air Pollution Discussions The discussion on air pollution focused on various sources in Southeast Asia, which included both local and transboundary factors. Panelists highlighted that motor vehicles, industrial activities, and power plants are major contributors to pollutants, such as PM2.5, NO2, ozone (O3), and carbon monoxide (CO). Forest fires in Indonesia – particularly from South Sumatra and Riau provinces – are significantly impacting neighboring countries, e.g., Malaysia. A study found that most PM2.5 pollution in Kuala Lumpur originates from Indonesia. During the COVID-19 pandemic, pollution levels dropped sharply due to reduced economic activity; however, data from 2018–2023 shows that PM2.5 levels have returned to pre-pandemic conditions. The Indonesian government is actively working to reduce deforestation and emissions, aiming for a 29% reduction by 2030. Indonesia is also participating in carbon markets and receiving international payments for emission reductions. Indonesia’s emissions also stem from energy production, industrial activities, and land-use changes, including peat fires. The Indonesian government reports anthropogenic sources – particularly from the energy sector and industrial activities, forest and peat fires, waste, and agriculture – continue to escalate. While Indonesia is addressing these issues, growing population and energy demands continue to drive pollution levels higher. Vietnam and Laos are facing similar challenges related to air pollution – particularly from agricultural residue burning. Both governments are working on expanding air quality monitoring, regulating waste burning, and developing policies to mitigate pollution. Vietnam has been developing provincial air quality management plans and expanding its monitoring network. Laos has seen increased awareness of pollution, accompanied by government measures aimed at restricting burning and improving waste management practices. The panelists agreed that collaborative efforts for regional cooperation are essential to address air pollution. This will require collaboration in research and data sharing to inform policy decisions. There is a growing interest in leveraging satellite technology and modeling approaches to enhance air quality forecasting and management. To ensure that research translates into effective policy, communication of scientific findings to policymakers is essential – particularly by clearly communicating complex research concepts in accessible formats. All panelists agreed on the importance of improving governance, transparency, and scientific communication to better translate research into policy actions, highlighting collaborations with international organizations – including NASA – to address air quality issues. While significant challenges related to air pollution persist in Southeast Asia, noteworthy efforts are underway to improve awareness, research, and collaborative governance aimed at enhancing air quality and reducing emissions. Conclusion The LCLUC–SARI Synthesis meeting fostered collaboration among researchers and provided valuable updates on recent developments in LUCC research, exchange of ideas, integration of new data products, and discussions on emerging science directions. This structured dialogue (particularly the discussions in each session) helped the attendees identify priorities and needs within the LUCC community. All panelists and meeting participants commended the SARI leadership for their proactive role in facilitating collaborations and discussions that promote capacity-building activities across the region. SARI activities have significantly contributed to enhancing the collective ability of countries in South and Southeast Asia to address pressing environmental challenges. The meeting participants emphasized the importance of maintaining and expanding these collaborative efforts, which are crucial for fostering partnerships among governments, research institutions, and local communities. They urged SARI to continue organizing workshops, training sessions, and knowledge-sharing platforms that can equip stakeholders with the necessary skills and resources to tackle environmental issues such as air pollution, deforestation, climate change, and sustainable land management. Krishna VadrevuNASA’s Marshall Space Flight Centerkrishna.p.vadrevu@nasa.gov Vu TuanVietnam National Science Center, Vietnamvatuan@vnsc.org.vn Than NguyenVietnam National University Engineering and Technology, Vietnamthanhntn@vnu.edu.vn Son NghiemJet Propulsion Laboratoryson.v.nghiem@jpl.nasa.gov Tsuneo MatsunagaNational Institute of Environmental Studies, Japanmatsunag@nies.go.jp Garik GutmanNASA Headquartersggutman@nasa.gov Christopher JusticeUniversity of Maryland College Parkcjustice@umd.edu
Headline: Verizon Innovative Learning reaches 8.5 million students, adds 34 schools for 2025-2026 school year
NEW YORK – Verizon Innovative Learning, an award-winning education initiative, has reached over 8.5 million students, bringing Verizon closer to its goal of empowering 10 million by 2030.
Through partnerships with leading academic institutions and educational providers, Verizon Innovative Learning empowers teachers and students with new ways of learning through technology-integrated curriculum, emerging technologies, and extensive support for educators.
Only half (55%) of students1 preparing to enter the workforce say they have the skills necessary to be successful in today’s digital economy, making the mission of Verizon Innovative Learning – addressing barriers to digital inclusion – as imperative as it was 12 years ago when the initiative was launched.
“For more than a decade, Verizon Innovative Learning has committed to breaking down barriers and equipping students with the skills and technology they need to thrive in today’s digital economy, said Donna Epps, Verizon’s Chief Responsible Business Officer. “By expanding our reach, we are continuing to fuel the greatness of the next generation and ensure students and teachers feel confident using technology to power their lives,”
Bringing next-gen tech to 34 new schools nationwide this upcoming school year
This year, the Verizon Innovative Learning Schools program, in partnership with Digital Promise, welcomes 34 new Title I schools from nine districts to its 12th cohort for the 2025-2026 school year. Participating schools receive devices, including tablets and laptops, as well as up to a four-year Verizon data plan for every student and teacher. Schools also receive a subsidy for a full-time technology coach to support teachers in effectively integrating technology into learning.
With the support of Verizon Innovative Learning, 80% of teachers reported feeling more confident leveraging technology in teaching2, and 80% of teachers said the program enhanced student engagement3.
The new schools include expanded partnerships with Chicago Public Schools (IL), Compton Unified School District (CA), Kansas City Public Schools (MO) and Orange Public Schools (NJ). The Verizon Innovative Learning Schools program also welcomes new districts Allentown School District (PA), Bastrop Independent School District (TX), Dove Schools (OK), LISA Academy Public Charter Schools (AR) and Vineland Public Schools (NJ).
Innovative Lessons for Every Classroom
Any educator nationwide, regardless of whether they are part of a Verizon Innovative Learning School, can access Verizon Innovative Learning HQ, a freely available portal providing over 500 STEM-infused K-12 lessons and professional development resources to bring new and innovative ways of learning into the classroom. Verizon Innovative Learning HQ offers standards-aligned lessons across subjects ranging from supplemental turnkey lessons to yearlong courses and immersive learning experiences with augmented reality (AR) and virtual reality (VR). Additionally, gaming content and a free Esports league are available for middle and high schools. The portal combines over a decade of Verizon Innovative Learning experience, with resources created in partnership with Discovery Education, McGraw Hill, Arizona State University’s J. Orin Edson Entrepreneurship + Innovation Institute, Digital Promise, and others at the forefront of innovation in education.
Verizon Innovative Learning has committed over $1 billion in market value to support digital equity and inclusion within education across the country. Collectively, the programs have reached over 8.5 million students. These efforts are part of the company’s responsible business plan for economic, environmental and social advancement, helping people build confidence to change their lives for the better through the power of technology and shared knowledge.
About Verizon
Verizon Communications Inc. (NYSE, Nasdaq: VZ) powers and empowers how its millions of customers live, work and play, delivering on their demand for mobility, reliable network connectivity and security. Headquartered in New York City, serving countries worldwide and nearly all of the Fortune 500, Verizon generated revenues of $134.8 billion in 2024. Verizon’s world-class team never stops innovating to meet customers where they are today and equip them for the needs of tomorrow. For more, visit verizon.com or find a retail location at verizon.com/stores.
In the 2022 federal election, two demographics were key to the final outcome: women and young people.
With another election fast approaching, will they swing the result again?
To answer this question, I turned to the Australian Election Study (AES) data spanning the period from 1987 to 2022, to investigate how different demographics have voted over time.
I found that, generally, Australian women and young people tend to favour left-of-centre parties.
However, specific election issues can have a substantial impact, making the political context of each election crucial. So what can we expect this time around?
Young women are increasingly progressive. Young men – particularly Gen Z (born after 1994) – are leaning more conservative in many countries, including the United States, China, South Korea and Germany.
My analysis of the Australian data mirrors global trends, but with a twist.
Young Australian women are moving sharply to the left. But unlike in many other countries, young Australian men are also shifting left, just at a slower pace.
Australia’s leftward move across generations is reflected in both self-placement on a left-right ideological scale, and in the vote in federal elections.
In the 2022 Australian election, the Coalition received its lowest-ever share of the women’s vote at just 32%.
Only 24.3% of Millennials (21.9% of men and 25.7% of women) voted for the Coalition in 2022.
These are the lowest levels of support for either major party among younger people in the history of the survey.
Among Gen Z, a slightly higher proportion of 24.6% voted for the Coalition (34.0% of men and 19.8% of women).
What’s driving this?
In theory, women’s leftward shift is driven by several factors. These include higher education levels, greater participation in professional work, and exposure to feminist values. Despite Australia’s post-industrial, egalitarian image, persistent gendered inequalities and discrimination also play a role.
Meanwhile, young men’s move to the left can be attributed to progressive and egalitarian socialisation. Plus, unlike in other countries, Australia lacks Donald Trump-like figures who could mobilise anti-feminist or hardline conservative sentiments. This limits the expression of such views at an aggregate level.
This leftward shift is, in part, a generational effect – or at least a reflection of the times.
The generational angle is crucial, as the 2025 federal election will be the first in which Millennials and Gen Z together will outnumber Baby Boomers as the dominant voting bloc in Australia.
This shift should shape how political parties campaign, whom they target, and which issues take centre stage.
Policies are voter priorities
My analysis highlights another important angle. Over the study period, voting decisions have increasingly been driven by policy issues, with 48% of Australians citing them as the primary factor. This is followed by party affiliation (29%), party leaders (14%) and local candidates (9%).
In 2022, 54% of voters reported policy issues as the main factor influencing their choice.
Across election years, I identified the most prominent and recurrent election issues that voters identified as influential. I added these issues to my model to see how people who care about these issues lean (left-right) and whether men and women differ in their political leanings (progressive-conservative). I also considered other factors known to impact voting, including:
sociodemographic factors (education, marital status, social class, home ownership and rural/urban residency)
familial socialisation (what their parents’ political preferences were)
social network factors (whether they’re religious or a member of a union)
electoral context (what each respondent said were the most important voting issues)
Overall, women tend to be slightly more left-leaning on policy issues than men, and while this difference is statistically significant, it is small and the general trend holds across both sexes.
Compared with Boomers, each successive generation is more likely to vote for a left party. Gen Z is the most left-leaning (though their smaller sample size warrants some caution in interpretation).
So who votes for whom?
Unsurprisingly, people vote according to who they think will best address the policy areas they care about most.
Those prioritising interest rates, taxation or economic management favour right-wing parties. Voters most concerned with health, Medicare and climate change are more likely to vote for the left.
Education, class and social networks matter, too. Highly educated, working-class, non-religious and union-affiliated voters tend to support left parties. So, too, do those raised in left-leaning households.
While the size of these effects varies slightly between men and women, the overall direction remains the same.
How might this play out in 2025?
The thing about election issues is that they are highly time-sensitive. Take the GST: it was one of the defining issues of the 1998 election, yet was largely irrelevant after 2004.
In recent years, left-leaning issues — the environment, health and Medicare — were more likely to be front-of-mind when Australians all of ages headed to the polls. This gives Labor and the Greens an issue-owner advantage.
Cost of living (spanning day-to-day expenses, interest rates and housing affordability) has now become the defining issue of this election cycle. At first thought, among the two major parties, the Coalition is traditionally seen as a better economic manager.
However, my analysis from 2022 election data shows that, compared with the 2019 election, fewer people considered the Coalition the best manager of the economy among those who considered it the most important election issue.
Further, for the first time in the past five elections, a majority of the voters perceived Labor as more aligned with their own views on immigration, refugees and asylum seekers. These issues, historically seen as Coalition strongholds, are also likely to be key this time around.
For the Coalition, this is bad news. But for Labor, the challenge is twofold: retaining younger, progressive voters while addressing broader economic anxieties.
With growing voter volatility and a diminished sense of party loyalty, neither major party can rely on a stable base.
Australians are increasingly willing to shift allegiances, including to the increasing supply of independent alternatives. Both Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Peter Dutton will have to convince voters they have the best solutions for the key issues.
Intifar Chowdhury does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Smt. Raksha Nikhil Khadse Inaugurates 26th Maharashtra State Inter-University Sports Meet Maharashtra’s Biggest University Sports Meet Begins with Grandeur in Chandrapur
Posted On: 20 FEB 2025 7:14PM by PIB Delhi
Union Minister of State for Youth Affairs & Sports, Smt. Raksha Nikhil Khadse along with Sh. Sudhir Mungantiwar, MLA & former minister in Government of Maharashtra today inaugurated26th Maharashtra State Inter-University Sports Meetat Chandrapur, Maharashtra.
The competition hosted under aegis of Chancellor of State Universities hosted by Gondwana University, Gadchiroli marks the first time in the university’s history that it has received the honor of organizing a state-level sports festival.
Speaking at the inaugural ceremony, Smt. Raksha Khadse said that sports is a sunrise industry and can offer enormous opportunities for youth in career and congratulated Gondwana University on this remarkable achievement and highlighted the importance of sports in shaping young minds and fostering discipline, teamwork and excellence. She emphasized the government’s unwavering commitment to promoting sports and nurturing budding talent across the country. The MoS expressed her appreciation for the meticulous planning and execution of the event, ensuring the participation of thousands of young athletes from across Maharashtra.
The sports meet will features 8 sports disciplines – Kabaddi, Kho-Kho, Volleyball, Basketball, Badminton, Table Tennis, Athletics and Chess for boys and girls with an expected participation of more than 3500 athletes. Matches are going being held at multiple venues in Chandrapur and Ballarpur forest area, with competitions taking place in morning and evening sessions.
Union MoS remarked that this prestigious sports meet is a testament to the government’s vision of encouraging sports at the grassroots level and nurturing young talent. Smt. Raksha Khadse reaffirmed the Union Govt.’s commitment to supporting such initiatives, which play a crucial role in identifying and developing future champions.
Mrs. Khadse remarked that Chandrapur will lead the sports excellence drive in Maharashtra and showed her resolve in supporting infrastructure upgrade in Chandrapur.
The event was graced by Hon’ble MLA (Maharashtra) Sh. Sudhir Mungantiwar, District Collector Chandrapur Sh. Vinay Gowda G. C., District Sports Officer Chandrapur Sh. Avinash Pund and Former Deputy Mayor Chandrapur Sh. Rahul Pawde together with athletes, coaches and sports enthusiasts.
Trading suits, ties and debates for DJ turntables, bright traditional Indigenous garb and ancient instruments, three performers – an anthropologist, an R&B singer and a genre-defying artist – showcased their music and messages at the Stand Up for Social Justice event to celebrate the World Day of Social Justice, marked annually on 20 February.
The world needs more diverse platforms like the UN “so that transculturality can exist”, said Brisa Flow, a Chilean-born Mapuche artist who got her first break in rap battles in Brazil, following her intense musical performance.
“We need more empathy and to listen more to Indigenous Peoples in order to better understand how to take care of our territories that need care, not just in terms of water, food and land, but also our children and our elders,” said the São Paulo-based singer, rocking a green marble-printed manicure.
“We need to be in spaces where everything we speak about is not just a utopia, where hope, which exists, can be heard and considered.”
Calls for change around the world
Ms. Flow joined French-speaking Geneva-born R&B revelation Ocevne (pronounced Océane) and anthropologist-cum-poet Idjahure Terena in delivering powerful music and personal messages inspired by social justice while helping to link local realities to issues of a global scale.
Echoing the Day’s 2025 theme Strengthening a Just Transition for a Sustainable Future, the event was co-organised by UNRISD, an independent UN research institute focusing on development issues, and Antigel, a Geneva-based music festival designed to make culture more accessible.
The messages from the young people on stage did just that, with electrifying performances and calls for change around the world.
For Ocevne, 28, the message was about equality.
“The simplest way I could define it is simply the right to equal opportunities,” she said. “No matter your background, where you come from, who you are, your gender, everything, we all have the right to that opportunity.”
Ocevne warming up the room at the Stand Up for Social Justice event.
‘No climate justice without social justice’
Climate justice was another recurring theme throughout the event, an issue highlighted by Mr. Terena, a doctoral student in social anthropology at the University of São Paulo and poet who spends much of his time defending the rights of his community and others.
“There is no climate justice without social justice,” he told the audience. “We know that standing forests are the simplest and most efficient solution for fighting global warming.”
The young researcher slammed the impact of mining companies and agribusinesses on his ancestral land that belongs to the Terena people of Brazil in the Pantanal region of Mato Grosso do Sul.
“This is not just a territorial issue, but a matter of physical and cultural survival for our peoples and for humanity as indigenous lands represent the most important areas of biodiversity,” he said, inviting the audience to fight for a “common, diverse living world”.
Idjahure Terena playing the japurutu flute with his father-in-law Francisco Baniwa in Brazil.
‘The future is going to be very hot’
Indeed, “the future is going to be very hot,” said Ms. Flow, adding that “it is already very hot in Brazil, and this is urgent for us because without water, we cannot live, and without food, [we cannot] either.”
Advocating for issues affecting indigenous communities, including the burning impacts of climate change on the natural resources of her home country, she said collectively not enough is getting done.
“We need more communication and more exchanges. By exchanges, I mean listening, speaking, listening, speaking and thinking about new ways of living well so that we can keep heading into the future.”
Brazilian federal deputy Célia Xakriabá (right) performs with artist Brisa Flow at the Stand Up for Social Justice concert.
Amplifying marginalised voices
The event is the brainchild of the UN Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Head of communications chief Karima Cherif, who wanted to bridge art and research through the initiative.
She says her institute works with scholars from the global South to ensure that the voices and expertise of minorities are heard.
“We’re giving voices to the marginalised and the youth,” explained Ms. Cherif, who sees art as a way to “translate what we do in a language that can touch hearts”.
‘Never give up’
Thuy-San Dinh, who heads Antigel, echoed her vision and encouraged the young audience to pursue their goals, recalling when she co-created the annual event 15 years ago.
“You have to believe in your ideas and never give up,” Ms. Dinh said.
Melanie Rouquier, who created SHAP SHAP, a non-profit that fights global inequality and discrimination through cultural projects, told several activists in the room that each of their actions showed citizen engagement was not a lost cause.
Brisa Flow playing a traditional instrument at the Stand Up for Social Justice concert in Geneva in February 2025.
Connecting generations
For Aryan Yasin, a designer from Geneva who founded a cultural non-profit supporting disadvantaged youth, the show was an opportunity for cross-pollination and broadening his network by connecting with UN staff.
The exceptional venue “is not a place where you would necessarily see young people”, he said. “But, that actually allows us to create an intergenerational connection, with people who are more experienced, more established,” he added.
After the show, management student Ludivine said she was mesmerised by the experience. Putting on a concert with one of her favourite artists there to denounce inequalities “makes sense… because at the UN, people get together to talk about inequalities around the world.”
Ms. Flow (right) at a protest by the Guarani people of Brazil.
What is social justice?
After the event ended, doctoral students Beatrice and Thomas shared what the concept of social justice, which can seem quite abstract, meant to them.
“It’s about recognising and taking differences into account while ensuring that everyone has the same access” to the same opportunities, said Beatrice, from Italy, who studies at École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne.
“That may mean that some people will need more support, while others may not need as much, but have different needs.”
Thomas offered a more societal vision of the idea.
“For me, it’s something that is both individual and collective – something that must be built as a society. It is entirely dependent on the structures we have put in place, but it also relies on everything that is local.”
Ahead of the concert, Tatiana Valovaya, Director-General of the UN Office at Geneva set the tone in her opening remarks in the Human Rights and Civilisation Room.
“This room sees a lot of very important and challenging negotiations,” she told the audience. “But, today we open this room to everyone.”
Geneva Mayor Christina Kitsos, whose term is guided by the motto “what connects us”, reminded the youthful audience of the UN’s fundamental role despite the worrying rise of “desire to undermine all the work [that has been done] around humanitarian aid and human rights”.
“We need to be united, strong and truly hopeful and courageous to ensure that we stay the course, that we remain a beacon in this world in turmoil,” she said.
Australian subscribers to the print edition of The New Yorker will know the feeling: it arrives once a week, or sometimes, as buses do, in pairs.
You may briefly regret the environmental impact of all that paper, but once it’s unwrapped it’s a source of anticipation. You check out the cover, read Shouts and Murmurs, and flip through the cartoons.
You might even tackle the book reviews or dive into an article. But most of all, you inhale the history of a century of brilliantly edited and stainlessly written essays.
The New Yorker will publish four issues to mark its centenary, including this one featuring the magazine’s mascot, Eustace Tilley. The New Yorker
100 years, thousands of issues, countless stories
The New Yorker has evolved alongside a century of monumental change. From the roaring 20s to the age unfolding, it has been a steadfast investigator of history, covering wars, political upheavals, cultural shifts and social revolutions.
It has also fostered the growth of renowned editors such as William Shawn, Robert Gottlieb and Tina Brown, all of whom helped shape it into an institution.
Antiguan-American novelist Jamaica Kincaid has written dozens of New Yorker articles over the decades. Wikimedia
When The New Yorker was founded in 1925 by Harold Ross, it was a lighthearted, satirical magazine designed for the city’s social elite. Early issues leaned into what articles editor Susan Morrison called a “fizziness and café society […] vibe.”
Originally focused on humour and satire, the magazine gradually developed into a serious publication known for long-form journalism, in-depth political analysis and high-calibre fiction.
World War II marked a turning point. The war demanded serious, in-depth reporting, and The New Yorker rose to the challenge.
It was the war which really helped The New Yorker find its feet in terms of important non-fiction reporting […] with many more substantial writers on staff able to cover subjects at length and in detail and with authority.
The shift towards serious investigative journalism was evident in the groundbreaking 1946 publication of John Hersey’s Hiroshima, which took up an entire issue. The approach of dedicating extensive space to a single subject was repeated at key historical moments, such as the death of Princess Diana and the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center.
A special issue was released on September 15 1997 to memorialise Princess Diana. The New Yorker
Compelling readers to slow down and engage
With some 47 issues delivered annually, The New Yorker demands readers carve out time to engage deeply with a range of hard-hitting topics. Its style of slow investigative journalism can’t be consumed in a few seconds while scrolling through social media.
Alongside its seriousness, it retains some of its effervescence through comics and extraordinary breadth, drawing readers into unexpected topics – neuroscience, fountains, squirrels – through meticulously crafted narratives.
The magazine continues in this dual function tradition, reflecting the nuance of the wider world within its covers. The tension between the immense depth and breadth of content and the finite time of readers adds to its allure. It’s a challenge for those willing to invest the time to peruse and digest its pages.
David Remnick, editor since 1998, has guided the magazine with a vision that blends tradition and innovation. In his own words, the goal is to
persist in our commitment to the joys of what Ross first envisaged as a comic weekly. But we are particularly committed to the far richer publication that emerged over time: a journal of record and imagination, reportage and poetry, words and art, commentary on the moment and reflections on the age.
The elegant trappings of a storied past
While the approach to content has evolved, some aspects of The New Yorker have remained consistent. Its visual identity, for instance, has been remarkably stable: famously done in an illustrative style, and unadorned by headlines or teasers.
The vintage aesthetic of the illustrative covers traces its origins back to 1925. The magazine employs a mix of in-house artists and freelance illustrators, with a history of collaboration with notable artists including Saul Steinberg and Art Spiegelman.
Over time, the cover art has maintained a focus on bold, thought-provoking imagery that addresses timely issues. Many covers have become cultural history, such as the black-on-black 9/11 cover.
Today, the New Yorker’s pared-back style conveys a quiet authority. It’s not swayed by fleeting trends, but remains steadfast in its dedication to art and culture, and its origins.
More than a magazine
Subscribing to The New Yorker isn’t just a matter of interest; it’s an act of intellectual self-definition. Our media choices are powerful tools in our process of self-creation.
The New Yorker has built an enviable devotion among its readers. Their homes are filled with stacks of old issues, unopened, standing as testament to their ongoing relationship with the publication.
To subscribe to the magazine is to participate in a cultural shorthand – an aspiration toward intellectual engagement. Shutterstock
Owning the magazine also signals an affiliation with a specific reading class, regardless of whether the content is ever read. The very act of displaying The New Yorker fashions an image of sophistication, intellectualism and cultural awareness.
But the stacks come with a distinct kind of guilt, too. What does it say about you that you haven’t made time to stay up to date with one of the world’s most famous outlets for investigative journalism and cutting-edge fiction?
This tension speaks to the dual nature of The New Yorker experience: holding onto a subscription signals a commitment to personal growth, yet unread magazines reflect the complexity of modern life – where time for deep, reflective reading competes with daily obligations and the instant gratification offered by digital media.
The New Yorker’s significance isn’t just about the quality of its investigative journalism or the breadth of its storytelling; it’s about identity. To subscribe is to participate in a cultural shorthand – an aspiration toward intellectual engagement.
And who knows, if you hold onto your copies long enough, perhaps they’ll become valuable relics commanding prices in the thousands, much like the first issue does today.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
In 1987, UK researchers lamented how schools were organised “around the assumption that the nuclear family is the norm”. Families who did not fit this model were “either ignored (tactfully) or categorised as abnormal”.
Several generations have passed through schools since then. And as we know, it remains very common for parents to be separated or divorced. In Australia, about 28% of children under 14 have parents who are separated.
But in our new research, interviewees report surprisingly little has changed in schools’ interactions with separated parents in the past 40 years.
They say schools still treat the nuclear family as the default and assume students have a mum and dad who are together.
Schools are preoccupied with the ‘primary parent’
We interviewed 11 separated parents about their experiences with their children’s schools. These parents were a subgroup from our previous study, which found more than half of separated parents surveyed had negative experiences with their children’s teachers, principals and school administrators.
Our interviewees repeatedly talked about how school information systems (regardless of whether they were for private or public schools) required families to identify a “primary parent”.
This was the parent who the school contacted if the child was unwell or to discuss a school-related issue. This parent also received all school-related communications: newsletters, excursion notes, medical updates, report cards and invoices for school fees.
There seemed to be no way for school systems to accommodate diverse families for whom identifying a “primary parent” was more complicated.
A number of separated parents said they needed to “combat” the school to receive the same updates and information as the nominated primary parent. One father’s contact details had to be entered into the system’s allergy advice section to flag he should be contacted if his child became unwell.
Another father told us his child’s school insisted the primary parent “needs to be the mother”, even though he had majority care.
Separated parents in our study said they needed to ‘combat’ their child’s school to get important information. Peopleimages.com/Shutterstock
The type, amount and timing of information non-primary parents received primarily depended on their relationship with their ex-partner. For amicably separated parents, the situation was difficult but workable. As Amanda told us:
[One of the biggest challenges] is trying to work out ‘Did you get this email?’, ‘Did you get that one?’, ‘What’s happened with this note?’, and then kind of working out amongst ourselves how to best manage that if only one of us is receiving information.
But parents in high-conflict situations sometimes found themselves shut out by the other parent or the school itself.
Even though there were no court orders in place, Michael reported his children’s mother excluded him from school communications and withheld information, which made it impossible for him to be actively involved in his children’s schooling.
When I contacted the school and said, you know, that I either wasn’t receiving any information or that all the notices suddenly weren’t coming to me, they said, ‘Oh, we’re not going to get involved’. And so, I was left completely out of it.
The ‘primary parent’ is contacted if a child is sick at school or if there is a school-related issue that needs to be discussed with the child’s family. Chai Te/Shutterstock
Situations can be manipulated
Parents also reported the primary parent can manipulate school interactions. In high-conflict relationships, school information can be used to elevate one parent into a position of power.
Again, Michael explained how his children’s mother kept from him important information about school fees and homework. His ex-partner’s legal team then used his non-payment of fees and lack of signatures in a homework book to demonstrate Michael’s purported lack of engagement in his child’s schooling and to imply his negligence as a parent.
This is an extreme example. However, Michael’s situation speaks to the complex politics of parent–school engagement.
While some parents found teachers open and receptive to involving both parents, others reported some teachers “take sides” and can be unresponsive to parent requests for basic school-related information.
What about step-parents?
Some parents in our study had become step-parents after re-partnering. These parents explained they were heavily involved in the day-to-day lives of their step-children but the school did not recognise them as parental figures.
Step-parents didn’t have access to parent–teacher interviews and school reports, or even basic information about school activities. While acknowledging the primacy of the biological parent, step-parents wondered why the school could not include all parent figures in a child’s education.
As Michelle explained:
I guess it takes a while to be fully recognised as a parent or carer […] It’s just that it would have been nice if there was a little bit more of a conscious effort from the school.
The nuclear family is still seen as ‘normal’
While working with separated parents is not a new phenomenon for schools, it seems to be an area in which schools have made little progress.
Our research demonstrates schools need more effective policies and procedures so all parents can be included and involved. Schools also need improved support and education for staff in how to manage high-conflict co-parenting relationships.
Finally, school systems, including data infrastructures and software, must be able to accommodate and properly acknowledge diverse families.
As the 1987 study noted:
Until each school defines its philosophy of the family in a realistic way, teachers, parents, and pupils have no option other than to collude in maintaining the fiction that the nuclear family is normal.
Names have been changed.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
In the past 12 months, more than 1,300 people have died on Australia’s roads. In January alone, there were 114 road deaths in Australia – roughly 20% more than the average for that month over the previous five years.
Our new study projects these tragedies are set to continue over the next 25 years, despite a commitment by Australian governments to achieving zero deaths on the nation’s roads by 2050.
Published in the journal Injury, our study uses a modelling tool to forecast the number of road fatalities in 2030, 2040 and 2050. Importantly, it also identifies the people and regions at higher risks, which provides an opportunity for taking a more nuanced and targeted approach to road safety.
Clear trends
Improved vehicle safety technology, stricter traffic laws and public awareness campaigns have led to a significant drop in the number of road deaths over the past several decades in Australia. But tragically, the number of people dying on Australia’s roads is still high.
The data reveal some clear trends. For example, weekdays see fewer fatalities, likely due to routine commuting and lower-risk behaviours. On the other hand, weekends, particularly Saturdays, experience spikes linked to alcohol consumption and more social travel.
December emerges as the deadliest month. This is likely driven by holiday travel surges, with secondary peaks in March and October tied to school holidays and seasonal weather changes that affect road conditions.
Geographic disparities further complicate the picture. Urban centres in New South Wales and Victoria such as Sydney and Melbourne account for 35% to 40% of fatalities, in part because of dense traffic volumes, complex intersections and pedestrian-heavy zones.
In contrast, rural and remote areas, though less congested, have more severe road accidents because of inadequate road infrastructure and higher speed limits. For example, the Northern Territory, with vast stretches of high-speed highways, records the highest fatality rate, while the Australian Capital Territory, with its urban planning emphasis on safety, reports the lowest.
Speed zones of 51–80 km/h are particularly lethal for vulnerable road users such as pedestrians, cyclists and motorcyclists. This underscores the crucial role of speed management in urban and rural areas alike.
Demographic risks also remain entrenched. For example, men constitute more than 70% of fatalities – in part because they are more likely to engage in risky behaviour such as speeding and drunk driving. Young drivers (17–25 years) and middle-aged adults (40–64 years) are also over-represented due to a combination of inexperience, overconfidence and high mileage.
In good news, child fatalities (0–16 years) have sharply declined. This reflects the success of targeted measures like child seat laws and school zone safety campaigns.
To forecast these trends over the next 25 years, our new study used a modelling tool called Prophet developed by tech company Meta.
We fed 35 years of road data – from 1989 to 2024 – into the model. This data came from Australia’s Bureau of Infrastructure, Transport and Regional Economics. It incorporated variables such as road user type, age, gender, speed limits and geographic location.
To refine predictions, we also incorporated public holidays such as Christmas and Easter.
Prophet outperformed other models we tested, including SARIMA and ETS. It did a better job at modelling past changes in road safety. And it especially excelled at handling non-linear trends, multiple seasonal patterns (daily, weekly, yearly) and the effects of holiday periods.
An unmet target
The findings of the study are cause for some cautious optimism.
Overall, by 2050 fatalities are expected to decline. But Australia’s ambitious zero fatality target by the middle of the century will remain unmet.
The modelling indicates annual male fatalities will drop from 855 in 2030 to 798 in 2050, while female fatalities will plummet from 229 to 92.
There will also be a drop in the number of child fatalities – from 37 in 2030 to just two in 2050. But the model shows a troubling rise of the number of older drivers (over 65) dying on Australia’s roads – from 273 in 2030 to 301 in 2050. This reflects Australia’s ageing population, with more people expected to have both reduced mobility and reduced reflexes.
Motorcyclist fatalities buck the overall trend, rising from 229 in 2030 to 253 in 2050. This signals urgent needs for dedicated lanes and better rider education.
Regionally, Queensland and the Northern Territory lag due to rural road risks. Urban areas with speed limits lower than 80 km/h show steadier declines.
Motorcyclist fatalities are expected to rise from 229 in 2030 to 253 in 2050. FotoDax/Shutterstock
A shared priority
Based on these findings, our study provides several recommendations to mitigate the risk of death on Australia’s roads.
Speed management: enforce dynamic speed limits in high-risk zones such as school areas and holiday corridors, and expand 80 km/h zones on rural highways.
Targeted campaigns: launch gender-specific safety initiatives for men (for example, anti-speeding programs) and age-focused interventions, such as mandatory refresher courses for drivers over 65.
Infrastructure upgrades: invest in rural road safety such as median barriers and better signage, as well as dedicated cyclist pathways.
Technology integration: accelerate the adoption of autonomous vehicles to reduce crashes caused by human error and risky behaviours, and pilot artificial intelligence-driven traffic systems for real-time hazard detection.
Expand public transport: subsidise off-peak travel and rural transit networks to reduce how much people – particularly high-risk groups – depend on car travel.
Better enforcement: strengthen weekend and nighttime policing of roads and deploy more mobile speed cameras during peak holiday periods.
By following these recommendations, Australia can move closer to its vision of safer roads. Our findings underscore that sustained progress demands not only rigorous policy, but also community engagement.
Ali Soltani has received funding from the Flinders Foundation, the National Road Safety Action Grant (NRSAGP), and the Lifetime Support Authority Grant in 2024. He is also a FIAS (French Institute of Advanced Studies) Fellow, Le Studium, under the Marie Curie Actions of the European Commission (2024–25). Additionally, he has affiliations with the Planning Institute of Australia, SA Branch, and has received multiple research and travel grants.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sadaf Mollaei, Arrell Research Chair in the Business of Food and Assistant Professor, Gordon S. Lang School of Business and Economics, University of Guelph
Even with the growing public interest around plant-rich diets, the number of people adopting these diets remains low, particularly in Canada. Rethinking what we call these foods could help.(Shutterstock)
“Vegan,” “vegetarian,” “meatless,” “plant-based,” “plant-rich,” “plant-forward,” “animal-free”: these are all terms used to describe foods or diets that are mostly or completely made of non-animal sources.
This list can go on and, although these terms are to some extent related, they’re not the same. For example, the term “vegan,” coined in 1944 by The Vegan Society, is used to define products that contain no animal-based ingredients.
According to Canada’s Food Guide, “vegetarian diets are those that exclude some or all animal products,” whereas a plant-based diet is defined as one that “puts more emphasis on eating plant foods such as vegetables and fruits, whole-grains and legumes (beans) and less emphasis on eating animal foods.”
In another definition, The British Dietetic Association describes a plant-based diet as “based on foods that come from plants with few or no ingredients that come from animals.”
For many, plant-based foods are often perceived as an unfamiliar option that lacks in taste or does not align with their cultural food norms. Many consumers are also confused about the true meaning of these terms, which makes choosing food more complicated.
What is the result of all this confusion and perceived barriers? Even though there are a variety of plant-based food options available in stores, and various restaurants offering vegan/vegetarian dishes or full menus, plant-based foods are not many people’s choice.
Many consumers are confused about the meaning of labels like ‘vegan,’ ‘plant-based’ and ‘plant-forward.’ (Shutterstock)
A recent report by Globe Scan, an international insights and advisory firm, showed that “although 68 per cent of people worldwide express interest in consuming more plant-based foods, only 20 per cent do so regularly, down from 23 per cent in 2023.”
The report noted that with rising food costs, many consumers have returned to “cheaper, familiar foods” rather than plant-based alternatives. Therefore, there is a growing need for more population-level support and interventions to help consumers navigate their food choices.
The responsibility and pressure to make the “right” choice should not be solely on the consumer. They cannot be expected to make radical and sudden changes to their eating habits such as entirely eliminating meat. However, small modifications, such as gradually reducing animal-based food (instaed of complete elimiation) and moving towards plant-rich diets, is a promising solution.
So, what does this mean for food producers, restaurant owners and decision-makers who want to promote their products? They should use appealing language and framing to describe food, whether it’s the description on a menu or labels on a package. It’s important to avoid using labels that create more confusion or reinforce the feeling of unfamiliarity.
Here are four low-cost tips and recommendations that could help positively influence consumer choices:
1) Leverage the halo effect
The halo effect is a cognitive bias where one positive characteristic or impression of a product influences the overall perception. In terms of food labelling, this means people might be more likely to purchase food if the name is appealing to them.
Research shows labelling food vegan can decrease consumers’ taste expectations and, in turn, their purchasing intentions. On the contrary, labels and names that use appealing language that promotes delicious, high-quality food, evokes enjoyment and increases positive reactions is a strategy that has proven effective in altering consumer choices.
Using variants of ‘plant-based’ in food labelling instead of vegan or vegetarian has proven to increase mainstream consumer purchasing intent. (Shutterstock)
2) Emphasize the role of sensory appeal
A study by The Good Food Institute found that consumers responded more favourably to plant-based burgers described with indulgent terms compared to those labelled with health-focused or restrictive language.
Why? Because using descriptive language that highlights the taste, texture and overall eating experience attracts a broader audience. Terms such as savoury, juicy or spicy can enhance the appeal of plant-based dishes. Think about “Juicy American Burger” versus a plant-based alternative that might be described simply as “Vegan Burger.”
3) Refrain from using terms with negative connotation
Steer clear of labels that may imply restriction, compromise or carry unintended negative connotations. Instead focus on terminology that implies inclusivity and offers complementary choices. The terms vegan and vegetarian are shown to be associated with negative stereotypes and feelings among some consumers, particularly the term vegan.
Steer clear of labels that may imply restriction, compromise or carry unintended negative connotations. (Shutterstock)
A further recommendation is to avoid labels such as plant-based milk “substitute” (for example for oat milk) or “veggie burger,” which can imply a replacement for existing choice and create an unnecessary competition between the choices.
4) Highlight provenance and culinary tradition
Plant-rich diets are not a new invention. Many food cultures around the globe have been plant-based for many years. Therefore, there is no need to reinvent the wheel to come up with labels and names. Take falafel, for example: it is essentially a veggie burger with a different name, yet it is popular among consumers.
Research also demonstrates highlighting food origins (also known as the country-of-origin effect) and including geographic references makes foods more appealing; for example, Panera Bread had a boost is soup sales by changing the name of one dish from “Low Fat Vegetarian Black Bean Soup” to “Cuban Black Bean Soup.”
Adopting a plant-rich diet is considered healthy and can be budget-friendly. Using language that appeals to consumers, instead of unfamiliar terms that may have negative associations for many people, can help encourage these dietary choices among a broader group of consumers.
Sadaf Mollaei does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Foreshadowing the Super Bowl, Students From Across the State Showcased Their Academic Prowess at the Colorado High School Science Bowl
Left to right: Stargate Charter School’s coach poses with teammates Melinda, Shirley, Jacob, Leo, and Tristan after they won first place in the Colorado High School Science Bowl at Metropolitan State University Denver. Photo by Brooke Buchan, NREL
The match kicked off with a question from the moderator that had the audience on the edge of its seats.
“If a periodic wave on a string has its frequency doubled, the power carried in the wave is multiplied by what factor?”
For many, this might have led to a fumble. But for 17-year-old Jacob from Stargate Charter School, it was a perfect pass. Without missing a beat, the team captain buzzed in with confidence:
“Four.”
With each correct response, Stargate continued to move the ball down the field, racking up points. Teammates Leo, Shirley, Tristan, and Melinda worked together like a well-oiled offense, securing their school’s regional championship title.
The stakes were high on Feb. 8, 2025, with 24 teams from 19 Colorado schools vying for the chance to represent Colorado in the National Science Bowl Finals in Washington D.C. This was not just any scrimmage—this was a battle of the best and brightest.
Since its creation in 1991, the tournament has become one of the United States’ largest and most prestigious science competitions, aiming to inspire young people to excel in mathematics and science and to consider careers in these fields. The tournament is managed by the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE), with its top sponsors including DOE’s National Renewable Energy Laboratory (NREL) and Metropolitan State University (MSU) of Denver.
Students were asked five rounds of 18 questions during the preliminary rounds, with the top 16 teams advancing to the double elimination rounds, where the competition grew more intense.
Unlikely Victors Take the Gold
After over seven hours of fast-paced, high-stakes matches, Stargate found themselves face to face with the reigning champions, Fossil Ridge High School. Just one year earlier, Fossil Ridge had narrowly defeated them, snatching victory away in the final moments. Now, Stargate had a shot at redemption, and the pressure was on.
“Up to this point in the tournament, we hadn’t actually faced them. I didn’t know what to expect,” admitted Tristan, a Stargate team member.
But any nerves quickly evaporated as Stargate dominated the round. With an explosive performance, they crushed Fossil Ridge’s four-year winning streak with a final score of 106 to 22.
The win left many in the crowd astonished, as Stargate almost did not compete at all. Due to a registration error, they were initially left off the roster. It was not until two days before the event that they got the call—another team had to drop out due to illness, and Stargate was being subbed in.
The problem? They had not been training for the Science Bowl at all.
Until that point, they had been preparing for the Knowledge Bowl, a competition that covers a much broader range of topics, including geography and literature. Switching gears at the last minute, the team had to rely on their quick adaptability and deep passion for STEM.
“In between every round, if we had like a 30-minute break, we would kind of just study,” Tristan said.
Students from Stargate Charter School celebrate a correct answer during the double elimination rounds of the Colorado High School Science Bowl at Metropolitan State University Denver. Photo by Brooke Buchan, NREL
A Love of the Game
The dedication to learning was evident not only in Stargate’s performance but also in every team that participated. Across the competition, students poured their time and energy into sharpening their skills.
Alani, a sophomore from Centennial High School in Pueblo, shared that one of the most exciting aspects of the competition was seeing how much her knowledge and understanding of such complex concepts had grown since the previous year. To train for the tournament, her team met multiple times a week after school, letting their curiosity guide them as they studied.
“When we didn’t know a subject, we would look at articles and research about it. Then we identified a few areas we were weak in, and we all kind of researched them on our own,” Alani said.
This year, the following Colorado schools were on the Science Bowl roster:
Colorado Early Colleges Windsor
Centennial High School
Chatfield High School
Cherry Creek High School
Fairview High School
Fort Collins High School
Fossil Ridge High School
Kent Denver School
Lakewood High School
Liberty Common School
Merit Academy
Poudre High School
Ridgeview Classical Schools
Rock Canyon High School
Rocky Mountain High School
Severance High School
Smoky Hill High School
Stargate Charter School
The Vanguard School
Derek Passarelli, DOE Acting Under Secretary for Science and Innovation, has helped organize the Science Bowl for 25 years. He remains inspired by the brilliance and dedication of the students who participate.
“Every year I get to see the most amazing students in Colorado doing the most amazing kind of work,” he said.
Students from Fossil Ridge High School share a laugh as they introduce themselves before the double elimination rounds of the Colorado High School Science Bowl at Metropolitan State University Denver. The team won second place. Photo by Brooke Buchan, NREL
Opportunities Beyond High School
To encourage the students’ thirst for knowledge, MSU Denver had booths set up for the competitors to visit between rounds.
Among the booths were representatives from MSU Denver’s Classroom to Career Hub, which helps students explore different career options as they study, connecting them with internships, scholarships, and other opportunities.
Lori Marie Huertas, the assistant director of MSU Denver’s industry partnerships, spoke with students about an upcoming opportunity to network with and learn from industry professionals and nonprofits about the opportunities they have both now and after they graduate. One of the partners is Equipando Padres, a nonprofit dedicated to helping parents know how to support their children as they transition out of high school.
“[We’re] just encouraging them to understand that MSU Denver is a resource for them now, while they’re a high school student, and even in the future,” Huertas said. “We have events where they can come, and so [we’re] encouraging them to do that and maybe even concurrent education.”
The Final Whistle
For many of the competitors, the Science Bowl was more than just a chance to win prizes—it was a celebration of their curiosity, dedication, and hard work. Events like the Science Bowl encourage young minds to think critically, collaborate under pressure, and deepen their understanding of complex subjects.
With innovation and hard work being essential to progress, these students are a beacon of hope. Their love of learning and willingness to tackle tough challenges signal a bright future not only for themselves but also for the scientific community and the world at large.
Students from Fossil Ridge High School and Stargate Charter School compete in the final round of the High School Science Bowl at Metropolitan State University Denver. Photo by Brooke Buchan, NREL
“Embrace this experience and just the fact that you all have a love of knowledge and curiosity. It’s an incredible thing,” Passarelli said. “And then maybe one day you will bring that knowledge and curiosity to the Department of Energy or one of the national labs!”
With their championship win, Stargate is now preparing for the National Science Bowl Finals in Washington, D.C. The road to victory is not over yet—but if their performance at regionals was any indication, they are ready to take on the best in the nation.
This collage shows (left to right) Shudu, Miquela Sousa, imma, and Rozy — four “vritual influencers” who collectively have over 3 million followers on Instagram alone. @shudu.gram, @lilmiquela, @imma.gram, @rozy.gram/Instagram
You probably know what an “influencer” is — people with large, highly engaged social media followings who have the power to sway beliefs and purchasing decisions.
But you might not have yet heard of virtual influencers.
They’re like human influencers … but they’re not human. They’re characters brought to life by CGI and AI, designed to target demographic groups from a first-person perspective.
Virtual influencers are becoming more popular and prevalent every day. A full-blown industry has sprung up around them — an industry with agencies and companies dedicated to creating and managing them, with some of the top personas earning millions annually.
But our guest today has noticed a troubling pattern — many virtual influencers are crafted as young women of colour. And their creators are often men with different racial identities who work at marketing agencies.
Jul Parke is a PhD candidate at the University of Toronto’s Faculty of Information specializing in social media platforms, digital racism, virtual influencers and AI phenomena. She is currently a visiting scholar at New York University.
Parke’s doctoral research explores what motivates companies and creators to produce these virtual, racialized women, which she says is a new form of commercializing gender and racial identity in digital spaces.
As we enter the era of AI proliferation, it seems virtual influencers are here to stay. There are at least 200 digital personalities out there today, and platforms like Facebook, Instagram and TikTok are rolling out new tools that will enable everyday users to craft their own virtual personas.
Given the absence of laws for non-humans, the rise of virtual influencers on social media raises a whole host of urgent ethical questions about authenticity online.
Vinu Abraham Chetipurackal, founder and former co-chairperson, Deaf IBPOC committee, Greater Vancouver Association of the Deaf:
Chetipurackal is an active member of the Greater Vancouver Association of the Deaf. His role involves promoting racial equity within the Deaf community by fostering respectful and peaceful relationships.
Denese Caroline Espeut-Post,member, Mental Health Review Board and Health Professions Review Board:
Espeut-Post previously worked for the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions as a prosecutor and was a director of the board of the BC College of Social Workers. She was called to the British Columbia bar in June 2009.
Hermender Singh Kailley, secretary-treasurer, BC Federation of Labour:
Kailley is a passionate and unwavering advocate for workers’ rights, social justice and anti-racism. His work has been marked by his strong advocacy for justice and inclusion, and his focus on upraising the voices of workers from excluded and marginalized communities.
Athena Presquito Madan, assistant professor, department of sociology, University of Victoria:
Madan has 10 years of experience in health equity and evaluation research and 18 years of experience in humanitarian action. She has worked with various organizations, including the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and provincial governments, to grassroots non-government organizations, providing subject-matter expertise on anti-racism.
Sireen Suleiman El-Nashar,regulated Canadian immigration consultant, and executive director, Zaytuna Services Society:
El-Nashar is a seasoned community advocate with more than 15 years of experience supporting newcomers and refugees. As the executive director of Zaytuna Services Society, she leads initiatives that empower B.C.’s Arabic-speaking and Middle Eastern communities through education, advocacy and culturally responsive services.
Carmel Ayala Tanaka, community engagement professional:
Tanaka is a community engagement professional. She founded JQT Vancouver (a Jewish queer and trans charitable non-profit), the Cross Cultural Walking Tours and the Jewpanese Project. She holds a masters degree in public health.
Wong designs culturally appropriate and anti-racist programs for Asian diasporic youth through their non-profit work in education, mental-health advocacy and social policy. They are a founding board member of Chinatown Today and were the past co-chair of the City of Vancouver’s Chinatown Legacy Stewardship Group.
Hasan Alam, staff lawyer, B.C. General Employees’ Union (BCGEU):
Alam practises in the areas of labour and human rights law. He is also the president of the B.C. Civil Liberties Association. In March 2016, he helped co-found the Islamophobia Legal Assistance Hotline, a free and confidential service that offers legal support to individuals impacted by Islamophobia.
Christine MarieAñonuevo, executive director, Upper Skeena Development Centre:
Añonuevo is the executive director of the Upper Skeena Development Centre in Hazelton on Gitxsan territory. She works in sustainable community economic development at the intersection of food sovereignty, renewable energy initiatives, employment services and housing.
Kiyoko Judy Hanazawa, community advocate:
Hanazawa works with the Greater Vancouver Japanese Citizens’ Association and is a representative at Act2EndRacism National Network. She used to work for the B.C. Ministry of Children and Family Development and was a member of the British Columbia College of Social Workers.
Ajay Patel,president and chief executive officer, Vancouver Community College:
Patel is an active community member and was previously the chair for the Vancouver Sport Strategy, vice-chair of Sport BC, and a director at BC Recreation and Parks Association, BC Athlete Voice and SBC Insurance.
Source: United States Senator for Washington Maria Cantwell
02.20.25
Cantwell Reintroduces Bipartisan Bill to Take WA-Developed, Low-Barrier Fentanyl Treatment Pilot Program Nationwide
In UW study, access to Health Engagement Hubs shown to reduce fatal overdoses by a staggering 68%; Hubs would offer access to safe & free addiction treatment without an appointment
WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, U.S. Senator Maria Cantwell (D-WA), a senior member of the Senate Finance Committee and ranking member of the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation and U.S. Senator Bill Cassidy (R-LA) reintroduced the Fatal Overdose Reduction Act, a bipartisan bill that would expand a Washington-state-developed, low-barrier fentanyl treatment pilot program across the United States.
“The fentanyl crisis continues to kill and tear apart communities all across the country,” said Sen. Cantwell. “We need to be protecting Medicaid, the largest payer of substance use treatment in the United States, to ensure we are using every tool possible to fight this epidemic. This bipartisan bill would leverage Medicaid to expand a locally developed community treatment center model that has proven remarkably successful at reducing fatal overdoses.”
The Health Engagement Hub model was developed by Dr. Caleb Banta-Green at the University of Washington. The innovative hub model provides a one-stop shop where substance use disorder patients can receive near-immediate FDA-approved treatment (buprenorphine) and access primary care, harm reduction, and other social services without an appointment.
Research data from UW shows that, among 825 participants, this community-based, medication-first approach decreased overdose mortality rates by 68%.
READ MORE:
The Seattle Times — Federal bill to reduce opioid deaths deserves bipartisan support
The Washington State Standard — Could WA’s health ‘hub’ model treating opioid addiction go nationwide?
Oregon Public Broadcasting — Opioid hub treatment model shows success in Washington, could come to Oregon
In 2023, the Washington State Legislature funded a $4 million state pilot program to establish health engagement hubs because the model demonstrates great potential in addressing the opioid epidemic.
In May 2024 – the same day Sen. Cantwell and Sen. Cassidy originally introduced the Fatal Overdose Reduction Act — Dr. Banta-Green addressed Sen. Cantwell and colleagues about the effectiveness of the Health Engagement Hub model during a hearing of the Senate Finance Committee titled “Front Lines of the Fentanyl Crisis: Supporting Communities and Combating Addiction through Prevention and Treatment.”
“We really need to allow people to access care rapidly and stay engaged. The process of recovery […] for opioids and stimulants, it’s about three years. And during that process of recovery, people are often returning to use,” Dr. Banta-Green said. “We need a place that people can start today and come back tomorrow, no matter what.”
That hearing can be watched HERE; a transcript of Sen. Cantwell and Dr. Banta-Green’s remarks is HERE.
The Fatal Overdose Reduction Act would allow existing and qualifying entities to receive a Health Engagement Hub certification, similar to the process for mental health treatment centers to be designated as Certified Community Behavioral Health Centers. Under this bipartisan bill, certified Health Engagement Hubs would receive enhanced Medicaid payments for providing services including substance use disorder treatment, primary care, and case management. Certified hubs would also operate under a “no wrong doors” approach and offer services in a drop-in manner without prior appointment or proof of payment.
To qualify as a Health Engagement Hub, an organization would need to offer:
Substance use disorder treatment using FDA-approved medications;
Harm reduction services such as overdose education, naloxone distribution, and emotional counseling;
Patient-centered physical and behavioral health care services such as primary care, disease vaccination, psychiatric care, and secure medication storage;
Case management, care navigation, and care coordination services including housing, identification, employment, recovery support, family reunification, and criminal-legal services; and
Community health outreach and navigation services.
In addition, a Health Engagement Hub must meet certain minimum staffing requirements:
One part-time or full-time health care provider who is licensed to practice in the state and is licensed and registered to prescribe controlled substances;
One part-time or full-time registered professional nurse or licensed practical nurse who can provide medication management, medical case management, care coordination, wound care, vaccine administration, and community-based outreach;
One part-time or full-time licensed behavioral health staff who is qualified to assess and provide counseling and treatment recommendations for substance use and mental health diagnoses; and
A full-time team of outreach, engagement, and care navigation staff. This could include peer counselors, community health workers, and recovery coaches. At least 50% of such staff must be individuals with a personal history of addiction treatment and recovery.
Read the bill text HERE.
In 2023 and 2024, Sen. Cantwell traveled across the State of Washington to 10 communities — Tacoma, Everett, Tri-Cities, Seattle, Spokane, Vancouver, Port Angeles, Walla Walla, Yakima, and Longview – hearing from people on the front lines of the fentanyl crisis, including first responders, law enforcement, health care providers, and people with firsthand experience of fentanyl addiction. She’s since used what she heard in those roundtables to craft and champion specific legislative solutions, including:
In addition, Sen. Cantwell voted for a series of federal funding bills allocating $1.69 billion to combat fentanyl and other illicit drugs coming into the United States, including an additional $385.2 million to increase security at U.S. ports of entry, with the goal of catching more illegal drugs like fentanyl before they make it across the border. Critical funding will go toward Non-Intrusive Inspection (NII) technology at land and sea ports of entries. NII technologies—like large-scale X-ray and Gamma ray imaging systems, as well as a variety of portable and handheld technologies—allow U.S. Customs and Border Protection to help detect and prevent contraband from being smuggled into the country without disrupting flow at the border.
A full timeline of Sen. Cantwell’s actions to combat the fentanyl crisis is available HERE.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Katya Alkhateeb, Senior Researcher in International Human Rights Law & Humanitarian Law at Essex Law School and Human Rights Centre, University of Essex
The capture of Damascus by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the collapse of the regime of Bashar al-Assad last December sent shockwaves through Syria’s political landscape, heralding an unprecedented shift in power. The rise to power of HTS, formerly the Al-Nusra Front, is a litmus test for assessing whether militant Islamist organisations can evolve through state-building.
At the heart of transforming Syria must be the development and safeguarding of women’s rights. This will prove a revealing lens through which to measure the sincerity of HTS’s professed reforms.
But so far a stark disparity has emerged between their rhetoric of inclusivity and reality. This appears to involve perpetuating entrenched institutional practices of patriarchal conservatism.
After seizing Damascus, HTS leader Ahmed al-Sharaa took pains to project an image of inclusive governance. He claimed: “Syria is a nation of many identities and beliefs, and our duty is to ensure they coexist peacefully within a just system.” He highlighted that 60% of university students in the city of Idlib are women, and portrayed HTS as a moderate force that values women’s roles in society.
Yet interviews with senior regime figures as well as policy decisions and governance practices expose these statements as hollow. Instead they suggest a deep-seated commitment to hardline religious conservatism.
The new administration’s official spokesperson, Obaida Arnaout, said recently that appointing a woman to a role in the ministry of defence would not “align with her essence, her biological and psychological nature”. This was framed as acknowledging women’s suitability for other roles, but it ultimately reflects a deeply conservative, patriarchal attitude.
Likewise, the appointment of Aisha al-Dibs to lead the office for women’s affairs initially appeared to signal progress. But her first few statements suggested a regressive agenda.
Blaming civil society organisations for “rising divorce rates”, she vowed that “the constitution will be based on Islamic Sharia”. She added that she would “not allow space for those who disagree with my ideology”.
Al-Dibs’s vision of empowerment appears to be rigidly conservative. It effectively reduces women’s roles to family, husband and domestic priorities.
These two examples highlight in HTS what appears to be a strategy of commandeering state institutions to enforce a radicalised version of Islam, a key trait of political Jihadism.
The new HTS-backed justice minister, Shadi al-Waisi epitomises this trend. In 2015, as a judge in the northern city of Idlib – at the time under the control of the Al-Nusra Front – he was recorded on video ordering women to be executed for adultery. An HTS representative has since dismissed this as “a phase we have surpassed”. But Al-Waisi still argues that since most people in Syria are Muslim, religious Sharia law should take priority.
As far as women’s role in the judiciary is concerned, a statement from Arnaout casts doubt on whether they will be allowed to continue to act as judges, a hard-won right under the Assad regime. In 2017, 30% of judicial posts were occupied by women.
But in an interview with Lebanese TV channel Al-Jadeed in December 2024, Arnaout said: “Certainly, women have the right to learn and be educated in any field, whether in education, law, the judiciary, or other fields, but the job has to suit her nature.” She added: “For a woman to assume a judicial position, this could be examined by experts, and it is too early to talk about it.”
Education policy has also become a key battleground. The new administration has introduced sweeping reforms. These include dropping evolution and big bang theory from science and changing the history curriculum to reflect a more Islamic slant.
Beyond the classroom, HTS’s hardline policies pervade public life. Women are segregated on buses, strict dress codes are heavily propagated. Meanwhile building new mosques is taking precedence over rebuilding war-torn infrastructure.
HTS’s unwillingness to embrace genuine pluralism suggest the regime is more interested in rebranding its ideology than in reforming it.
Diplomatic promises and realities on the ground
While determining how to engage with the HTS regime, other countries need to be aware of this. They must act in the knowledge that rhetoric of inclusivity appears – at present at least – to be simply that: rhetoric. Firm pressure from international stakeholders such as the United Nations will be needed to hold HTS accountable to a transition to a fully inclusive new system of government.
A conference held in Paris on February 13 and attended by representatives of a broad range of Arab and European countries underscored the international commitment to this principle. Delegates produced a joint statement that called for: “A peaceful, credible, orderly and swift inclusive transition … so that a representative and inclusive governance that represents all components of Syrian society and includes women from the onset can be formed.”
The explicit mention of women and inclusive representation in this statement stands in stark contrast to the reality of the transitional process. Just a day earlier, on February 12, the appointed preparatory committee for the upcoming National Dialogue Conference, which will thrash out a new “political identity” for Syria, revealed the limitations of this commitment.
While the seven-member committee includes two women, five members have strong ties to Islamist movements and three of the seven are directly linked to HTS.
The committee’s composition notably fails to represent Syria’s diverse ethnic and religious communities, with no Kurdish, Alawite, or Druze representatives. This raises questions about the genuine commitment to inclusive governance in the transition process.
The contradiction between HTS rhetoric and its actions on diversity and inclusivity, especially when it comes to respecting women’s rights, is not just a domestic issue but a critical test of its global standing.
The new regime’s treatment of women and its enforcement of conservative ideology in violation of legal and human rights expose its broader intentions. Failing to address these signs risks condemning Syria to a repressive future.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
When I first arrived at the top secret Porton Down laboratory, I was aware of very little about its activities. I knew it was the UK’s chemical defence research centre and that over the years it had conducted tests with chemical agents on humans.
But what really happened there was shrouded in mystery. This made it a place which was by turns fascinating and scary. Its association with the cold war, reinforced by images of gas mask-wearing soldiers and reports of dangerous (and in one case fatal) experiments, also made it seem a little sinister.
The shroud of secrecy resulted in it being the subject of some lively fiction, such as The Satan Bug by Alistair MacLean, which revolves around the theft of two deadly germ warfare agents from a secret research facility and in the “Hounds of Baskerville” episode of the BBC drama Sherlock in which the hero uncovers a sinister plot involving animals experiments.
Even Porton’s own publicity material recognises that where secrecy exists imagination can take flight, and attests:
No aliens, either alive or dead have ever been taken to Porton Down or any other Dstl [Defence Science and Technology Laboratory] site.
But it’s also the place where in recent years scientists analysed samples confirming that a Novichok nerve agent had been used to poison former Russian spy Sergei Skripal and his daughter (coincidentally, just a few miles away). And where an active research programme on Ebola played an important role in the UK’s support to Sierra Leone during the 2014 outbreak.
So what is the truth? Over three years my research took me into the heart of the mystery, as I studied its extensive historical archive. The reality was not as I expected. I came across no aliens, but I did discover records of experiments that ran from the ordinary, through to the bizarre. And sadly, in one isolated case, the lethal.
Arriving at Porton Down, for example, was unexpectedly low key. The main gate is located off a public road on an otherwise quiet stretch between Porton Down village and the A30. It is in many ways visually similar to the entrance to Lancaster University in the north of England where I work as a lecturer in epidemiology.
Bar some signs announcing it as the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (dstl) of the Ministry of Defence, the road is devoid of obvious security. No barriers block entry. This sense of the extraordinary hiding behind the ordinary was reinforced by the undistinguished visitor car park from where it is a short walk to the nondescript single story reception building.
There is also (perhaps unusually for a government chemical weapons research centre) a bus stop next to the main gate, from where you can get the number 66 to Salisbury.
So on my first visit in 2002 I made that short walk from the visitor car park to the reception and announced myself. I was pleased to find I was expected and looked into the security camera as bidden. After a hard stare from the receptionist I was issued, on that my first day, with a temporary pass. On it was written: “MUST BE ACCOMPANIED AT ALL TIMES” in bright red.
My contact, Dawn, arrived and led me through the main gate where security started to become more obvious. An armed policeman gave us a small nod as we passed through, his hands staying firmly on the machine gun strapped to his chest. Dawn paid little attention other than a brief hello and we were inside, heading to the headquarters.
It was from here that the management of Porton Down organised the programmes of testing which had ultimately resulted in my presence there – to research the health effects of chemical experiments on humans.
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Since its inception in 1916 it has researched chemical weapons, protective measures against chemical weapons, and has recruited over 20,000 volunteers to participate in tests in its research programmes.
Hut 42 – opening the archive
This archive was opened to my colleagues and I after previously being firmly hidden from public view. This shift in approach was the result of government approval for a study into the long-term health of the human volunteers. The action was triggered by complaints from a group of people who had been tested on and who claimed their health had been damaged as a result.
The government was also keen to ward off accusations of cover ups. In 1953 Ronald Maddison, a young RAF volunteer, died in a nerve agent experiment at the site. The original inquest was held in secret and returned a verdict of misadventure. But in 2004 the government ordered a second, public, inquest.
This, along with a police investigation into the behaviour of some of the Porton Down scientists persuaded the government to fund independent research into the health effect of the experiments.
A research group from the department of public health at the University of Oxford won IS WON RIGHT WORD? sk I was part of that group. Porton participated fully and opened its doors and archive to the project. I went ahead of the research team to deal with the practicalities of gaining access. My first task was to set up an office. So Dawn led me onwards to the building that had been put aside for our use.
We passed into the inner, more secure, area. This part of Porton Down was where the main scientific work was carried out. This inner secure area was surrounded by a high chain link fence and there was one principal entry point, next to a guard room.
Inspecting our passes was another armed MoD police officer. Alerted by my red pass he was all for barring my way until Dawn stepped in. Now vouched for, we were waved through and passed onwards to the building that would become my home for the best part of three years – hut 42.
‘People had neat handwriting then’
Hut 42 was a nondescript redbrick, single-story building, which sits next to the main library and information centre and from the outside could be mistaken for a school boiler room. In it were five desks and several metal filing cabinets closed with combination locks.
Our purpose there was to study the historical archive, including the handwritten books of experiment data. We then transferred that material into a database for later analysis. This process took four people two years of hard work, but we were lucky.
Porton Down’s record keeping was excellent. Early on I had worried that handwritten records would be hard to decipher and had asked a Porton Down librarian whether they would be legible. “Definitely”, was the reply. “People had neat handwriting then. It’s the records from the 1970s you’ll have to watch. They’re dreadfully scrappy,” he said.
And so it was proved. The records of tests from an era before computers, carried out with substances such as mustard gas, were routinely neatly and clearly documented.
Porton Down experiment book, showing drop tests to the arms during one of the first nerve agent tests.
A picture of a page in one of the experiment books on which is recorded the first nerve agent test for Tabun on April 10, 1945. Thomas Keegan
I met Porton Down’s resident medical doctor in the archive to start discussing the nature of the experiments. Simon (not his real name) was in his mid-thirties with boyish curly hair and an anorak. “You’ll find everything you’ll need in here, in these cupboards,” he said. “First, I’ll show you how to open the cupboard. It’s like this”, he said. “A five number combination. Five times anticlockwise to reach the first number, four times clockwise for the second, three times anticlockwise for the third and so on.”
There was a pause while he demonstrated. “Sometimes they can be a bit sticky”, he said after the first attempt. He got the cupboard open on the second try.
The archive was a mixture of handwritten experimental and administrative records. The administrative records were essentially lists of attendees with dates and personal characteristics such as age. The experimental records reported the results of the tests with people in a variety of ways. Some were in the form of descriptive text, others used pictograms to record the site visually, for example where a drop of mustard gas was placed on the skin. Many contained tables of data, all hand drawn and as legible as if they had been printed. Our cupboards contained around 140 such books spanning a period from the start of the second world war to the end of the 1980s.
The story the records told was a fascinating one.
In the 50 years following the outbreak of the second world war, Porton Down encouraged over 20,000 men, nearly all members of the UK armed forces, to take part in experiments at the site.
These men (the regular armed forces had yet to admit women) took part in a programme of tests that ran from experiments using liquid mustard “gas” dropped onto bare skin to inhalation of nerve agents. There were also tests with antidotes and other gasses and liquids too.
Chemical experiments
The records show that between 1939 and 1989, over 400 different substances were tested at Porton. Mustard gas, sarin, and nitrogen mustard were frequently tested. These chemicals are known as “vesicants” for their ability to cause fluid filled blisters (or vesicles) on the skin or any other site of contact. First world war soldiers were familiar with the horrors of this gas, which was first used by Germany at the Battle of Ypres in 1915. John Singer Sergeant’s powerful painting Gassed expressed the effect of mustard gas on soldiers exposed in the trenches.
Other major chemical tests were riot control agents, such as CS and CR, these being the only chemicals tested that have been used by UK forces in peacetime, their purpose being crowd control.
Mostly, we were kept far away from anything other than paper records. As Britain had given up its chemical arsenal and any offensive capability in the 1950s, there was, as Simon had explained, no stores of chemical agents at Porton Down, except of course, small amounts of those that were needed to test human defences. By a circuitous route however, I came nearer to some than I was expecting.
‘Would you like a sniff?’
Hut 42, was not, it turned out, wholly for our use. While some Porton staff shared access to the archive and popped in now and then to examine records and take photocopies, the building had one other permanent resident – Porton Down’s in-house historian Gradon Carter. Carter was in his late 70s and had worked at Porton Down as an archivist for more than 20 years. He prided himself on knowing more than anyone alive about the history and administration of the institution.
He wore tweed and had the air of a world weary Latin master, but rather than the accoutrements of his trade being Latin textbooks, his were the paraphernalia of chemical warfare. Around his desk were examples of gas masks from various periods of history, and on the wall, posters inviting people to “always carry your gas mask”.
One of his exhibits was a box, about the size of a packet of breakfast cereal, which contained glass phials, each carefully labelled with the contents. These included mustard gas, lewsite and phosgene.
The box was from the 1940s. It was a training tool to help troops recognise different gasses on the battlefield. “Would you like a sniff of mustard?”, he offered. It so happened I did. Nearly 60 years after it was first bottled, I can report that Carter’s mustard gas had very little smell, but I was reluctant to get close to test any of its other properties. He re-corked it. “Some lewisite?” he suggested.
Lewisite was produced in 1918 for use in the first world war but its production was too late for it to be used. Another vesicant, it causes blistering of the skin and mucous membranes (eyes, nose, throat) on contact.
I declined Carter’s kind offer.
Other chemicals appeared in the records less frequently. There were the lovely vomiting agents, which are designed to winkle their way under your gas mask to make you sick, which will make you take off your gas mask making you vulnerable to the next wave of attack by, for example, nerve agents.
These agents were relatively standard members of a chemical arsenal. In an effort to expand its horizons, Porton Down opened its collective mind in the early 1960s to the usefulness of psychedelics in warfare and tested LSD for its potential as a disruptor of enemy military discipline.
The tests showed that troops became unable to put up much of a fight, but ultimately the chemicals were rejected as means of mass disruption. You can see a video of a test at Porton Down with LSD below.
In the video, a troop of Royal Marines can be seen taking part in an exercise during which they are given LSD. Not long afterwards the men become barely capable of military action and seem to find almost everything funny. One man seems not to know which end of a bazooka to point at the enemy.
The most commonly tested substances at Porton, according to our data, were mustard gas, lewisite and pyridostigmine (more of which later) with thousands of tests undertaken. Less frequently tested were a basket of chemicals including sodium amytal (a barbiturate) and more strangely perhaps, 49 tests with pastinacea sativa – the irritant wild parsnip.
Not all men who took part in tests did so with chemical agents. Many visited Porton Down and were “tested” with substances that were not intended to be harmful but which must have been providing useful information of some kind. Some people were tested with “lubricating oil” (498 people) and “ethanol” (204 people). Many tests were with protective equipment such as materials for protective suits and with respirators.
Nerve agent tests
Around 3,000 people were tested with nerve agents. The number of nerve agents tested was not extensive, with six principal agents recorded. These were tabun, (known as GA), soman (GD), sarin (GB), cyclo sarin (GF), and methylphosphonothioic acid (VX).
The period of nerve agent research ran from the early postwar period to the late 1980s, and coincided with the cold war, when military tension between the Nato countries and the USSR was high.
The archive was rich in information on these tests. The records included detail of the time and place of each test along with details of who took part, noting both staff and volunteer participants. Records on the early tests are especially revealing.
Chambers like this were used to carry out tests on nerve agents. Thomas Keegan
For example, in 1945 nerve agents were not yet known to Porton Down scientists. They had come close to discovering nerve agents when they had worked on PF-3, a chemical of the same organophosphate type as the nerve agents, but they had not thought it sufficiently toxic.
However, these agents were well known to German scientists, and to the German military who weaponised them during the second world war. Despite fears to the contrary, gas was not used in the fighting, though Germany had clearly prepared for chemical warfare.
Nazi agents and gin and tonic
Advancing US forces moving through Germany came across stockpiles of artillery shells in a railway marshalling yard near Osnabrück that contained suspicious liquids. The markings on the shells – a white ring on one type and green and yellow rings on the other – were new to the Americans. The shells were sent to the US and Porton Down for investigation.
After initial analysis, Porton scientists found that the shells with the white ring contained tear gas. The other contained an unknown substance (later it would be named tabun).
Tabun is one of the extremely toxic organophosphate nerve agents. It has a fruity odour reminiscent of bitter almonds. Exposure can cause death in minutes. Between 1 and 10 mL of tabun on the skin can be fatal.
On April 10 1945, after some laboratory tests, the scientists decided to test the new chemical on people. In fact, as Carter pointed out to me, disaster could have struck immediately as the first nerve agent to arrive at Porton for testing was transported to the lab in a test tube stoppered only with cotton wool.
Thinking this was a new variety of mustard gas, they placed drops on the participants’ skin. The scientists also placed drops in the eyes of some rabbits. The records show that before any serious effect to the humans could be noted one of the rabbits died, giving the scientists running the tests a fright.
The chemical was quickly wiped off the men’s arms and the test ended there. According to a brief memoir supplied by Carter, Dr Ainsworth (who was involved in the tests) said that Captain Fairly (the Porton scientist being tested on) had been shaken by the experience but recovered “after a stiff gin and tonic in his office”.
This sporting attitude to self-testing was not uncommon among scientists, however. Dr Ainsworth later tested a method for reducing the effect of a splash of nerve agent on the skin which involved a tourniquet and opening a vein – something he thought worked well.
But he was used to the pioneering methods of the day. “Taste this,” the pharmacologist John (later Sir John) Gaddum had ordered on one previous occasion. Dr Ainsworth sipped the liquid offered and reported that it tasted a little like gin. “That’s strange”, Professor Gaddum said. “I can’t taste anything. It’s diluted lewisite and the rats simply won’t drink it.”
Back at the wartime testing lab they were keen to find out more about what was now understood to be a new type of chemical agent developed by German scientists and weaponsied by their armed forces. The following week, ten people were exposed in a chamber, at the higher concentration of 1 in 5 million. In the pioneering spirit not uncommon at Porton, four of the subjects: Commandant Notley, Major Sadd, Mr Wheeler and Major Curten were Porton staff. Major Curten reported having a tightness of chest, and a slight contraction of the pupils, unlike the commandant who had no reaction but thought the gas smelled of boiled sweets.
An undated photograph of the southern end of the Porton Down campus showing the bus stop outside. The grey building is thought to be one of the exposure chambers. Thomas Keegan
Later that morning the scientists had another go, this time at a higher concentration, 1 in 1 million. The symptoms were now more noticeable, with more than one person vomiting and others needing treatment the following day for the persistent symptoms of headaches and eye pain.
Given what we have since learned about tabun, it seems at the very least cavalier of the scientists to conduct these tests on themselves and others. They were were lucky not to have been seriously injured or even killed, but those were the risks they seemed willing to take.
Fatal consequences
The last entries in the archive for nerve agent tests were for 1989 so newer compounds such as novichok, used in an attempted assassination in nearby Salisbury, were not included. One later nerve agent tested in the 1960s was VX, then a scarily potent new nerve agent.
According to the Centers for Disease Control in the US, VX is one of the most toxic of the known chemical warfare agents. It is tasteless and odourless and exposure can cause death in minutes. As little as one drop of VX on the skin can be fatal.
It was not developed into a weapon by the UK, as by then it had abandoned an offensive capability, but tests were carried out on a relatively small number of volunteers. I mentioned VX to Carter. He recalled that the first sample of VX was first discovered, accidentally, at an ICI chemical factory in the UK and sent to Porton in the regular post. Luckily, nobody was exposed.
In one notorious episode however, the tests of nerve agents on humans did not go as expected.
As I referred to earlier, in 1953, during an early nerve agent experiment, the young airman, Ronald Maddison died. Testing was paused at Porton after an inquiry by the eminent Cambridge academic Lord Adrian and limits on exposures were set after resumption in 1954. A second inquest into the death returned a verdict of unlawful killing in 2004.
One of the founders of the Porton Down Veterans Group, Ken Earl was in the same experiment. He remembered vividly being in the same chamber as Maddison, and while not affected seriously at the time, felt his health issues later in life were directly related to the test. In an interview with the BBC, he attributed the many health problems he suffered through his life, including skin conditions, depression and a heart irregularity, to his experience at Porton Down.
Our research could not establish a direct link to the kind of ill health Earl suffered. But our data on the short-term effects did show a good deal about the immediate aftermath of a nerve agent exposure, similar to the type Earl experienced.
The physiological effect of exposure to nerve agents varies greatly between individuals as our previous research has shown. The strength of symptoms varies too. Five of the six participants in the same test as Maddison did not report adverse effects other than feeling a bit cold.
However, tests before this had shown that certain effects were consistently seen with nerve agent exposures. In July 1951 six people participated in a test with soman. The lab book notes:
5/5 experienced pain in eyes, blinker effect and blurred vision 30 minutes after exposure (these symptoms continued for 24 hours). 1 participant vomited 4 hours after exposure. 2 participants vomited 24 hours after exposure. Eye pain and vision improved after 48 hours but not normal – return to normal after 5 days. 4/5 given multiple doses of atropine.
While these effects must have been unpleasant, it is also shown that participants in nerve agent tests had between one and two “exposures”. Those in tests with other chemicals such as mustard gas may have had many.
To further regulate exposures, strict limits on the amount of nerve agent allowed in tests were imposed after Maddison died. The levels of exposure typically experienced by servicemen induced: pinpoint pupils (miosis), headaches, a tightness in the chest and vomiting. These symptoms recur many times in the records, as does documentation of the drugs used to treat them, typically atropine and pralidoxime.
A new era
Despite the range of agents which have been developed, chemical weapons have rarely been used by states in conflict, perhaps held back by adherence to the Chemical Weapons Convention or by their difficulty of use.
Despite this they were used by Iraq (not then bound by the CWC) in the Iran-Iraq war (1980-88), who used mustard gas and tabun against Iranian troops. They have also been used by states against civilians – for example by Iraq against its Kurdish population and more than once by Syria against its civilian population between 2014 and 2020.
In 2017, North Korean agents used VX to assassinate Kim Jong-nam, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un’s half-brother in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. And more recently the Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny was poisoned with a nerve agent. He later recovered only to die in a Russian prison in early 2024.
These are not just remote threats. As I previously noted, a particularly high-profile example of a state using a chemical weapon to kill someone took place in the UK in 2018 when it is alleged that the Russian state tried to kill an ex-KGB spy using small quantities of the then new and especially toxic nerve agent Novichok.
Sergei Skripal, the intended victim, and his daughter Yulia survived the attack.
A public inquiry heard how the Skripals were found slumped in a park in Salisbury. While the presence of nerve agents was not at first suspected, the emergency services noted how the Skripals suffered from a range of symptoms including pinprick pupils, muscle spasms and vomiting. For those experienced with nerve agents these symptoms are typical.
But these symptoms were not known to Nick Bailey, a detective sergeant who had been assigned to check over a house in Salisbury, home to the two people that had recently been found collapsed. This should have been routine but the first indication to DS Bailey that something was amiss was when he looked in the mirror.
His pupils, normally wide open at this time of night, had shrunk into pinpricks. He was also beginning to feel very strange. But it was when Bailey’s vision fractured and he vomited that he knew something was seriously wrong.
It would later become clear that the agents sent to kill Skripal had sprayed the liquid nerve agent onto the door handle of the Skripal house. Sergei and his daughter both used the handle and were poisoned. So was Bailey, who had closed the door and locked it after his checks on the house later that evening.
Four months later, the boyfriend of Dawn Sturgess found a discarded perfume bottle in nearby Amesbury, picked it up and then later gave it to her as a present. Neither could have imagined it had been used to bring Novichok to Salisbury and left behind by the attackers. Sturgess died after spraying the contents onto her skin. Her boyfriend survived.
It was in partnership with experts at Porton Down that the local health services were able to treat the victims. According to the inquiry, a key challenge was for the hospital to work out what had poisoned the Skripals so they could treat them effectively. Porton Down worked nonstop to determine what type of nerve agent had been used. Once the cause was known the hospital was able to save the Skripals’ lives.
That Porton Down is situated just a few miles from Salisbury where the Novichok attack took place was probably useful to those treating victims. The Russian state however, used this proximity to try to muddy the waters of accountability for the poisoning, but there seems little doubt that blame for the nerve agent poisoning lies with Russia.
Despite the efforts of those agents, five out six people poisoned with Novichok survived, not unscathed perhaps, but alive. That they did so is in some way the result of the expertise and knowledge gained over years of nerve agent research at Porton Down.
It seems clear that the more information about the effects of nerve agent exposure that are known outside specialist research circles the better. Though nerve agent attack is extremely rare the events in Salisbury and Amesbury have shown they are not impossible.
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The research study that took Thomas Keegan to Porton Down was led by the University of Oxford and funded by the Medical Research Council.
Browse through Donald Trump’s ghostwritten memoir, The Art of the Deal, and you’ll come across an aphorism which will go some way to explaining the US president’s approach to negotiating. Having established that he would do nearly anything within legal bounds to win, Trump adds that: “Sometimes, part of making a deal is denigrating your competition.”
It’s an idea which makes a lot of sense when you consider Trump’s record. We saw it time and again on the campaign trail, as he sought to seal the deal with the US public by repeatedly denigrating first Joe Biden and then Kamala Harris. Which begs the question, in seeking to make a deal to end the war in Ukraine, exactly who he sees as the competition he needs to denigrate: Vladimir Putin or Volodymyr Zelensky?
Trump has certainly gone out of his way to excoriate the Ukrainian president over the past day or two, both in public and on his TruthSocial platform. He has variously blamed Zelensky for starting the war, called him a “dictator without elections” and a “modestly successful comedian … very low in Ukrainian polls” who “has done a terrible job, his country is shattered, and MILLIONS have unnecessarily died”.
Putin, meanwhile, takes a rather different view of how to seal a deal with the US president. Far from denigrating Trump, he has set out to charm the flattery-loving president with a view to driving a wedge between the US and Europe, claiming that EU leaders had “insulted” Trump during his election campaign and insisting that “they are themselves at fault for what is happening”.
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The Russian president will be well pleased with the events of the past week or so. After three years of increasing isolation under the Biden presidency, he’s now back at the top table with the US president – two powerful men discussing the future of Europe.
For the man who, in 2005, complained that the collapse of the Soviet Union had been “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe” of the 20th century, to be back deciding the fate of nations is a dream come true, writes James Rodgers of City St George’s, University of London.
Rodgers, a former BBC Moscow correspondent, observes that Putin has fulfilled this mission having “conceded not an inch of occupied Ukrainian territory to get there. Nor has he even undertaken to give back any of what Russian forces have seized since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine three years ago.”
Not only that, but Putin also appears to have enlisted US support for one of the key objectives that encouraged him to invade Ukraine in the first place: preventing Ukraine from joining Nato. That much was clear from the US defense secretary Pete Hegseth’s speech to European defence officials last week. The views of Washington’s European allies (and of the Biden administration) – that Ukraine’s membership of Nato is a matter for the alliance members to decide with Ukraine as a sovereign state in control of its own foreign policy – don’t appear to matter to Trump and his team.
Meanwhile, Trump’s policy volte-face over Ukraine and, more broadly, European security in general has driven a dangerous wedge between the US and its allies in Europe. France’s president, Emmanuel Macron, responded by convening a meeting on Monday of the leaders of what the French foreign minister, Jean-Noël Barrot, described as “the main European countries”. This turned out to include Germany, the UK, Italy, Poland, Spain, the Netherlands and Denmark, as well as the Nato secretary-general and the presidents of the European Council and European Commission.
Passing over the question of how the leaders of the Baltic states felt about this, given they all share a border with Russia (as does Finland) and presumably are well aware of the vulnerability of their position, the fact is Europe is deeply divided over its response to the situation.
As Stefan Wolff observes, the Weimar+ group of countries that met in Paris only represent one shade of opinion within the EU. Meanwhile, Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orbán, is openly scathing about European efforts to support Ukraine, posting on X: “While President @realDonaldTrump and President Putin negotiate on peace, EU officials issue worthless statements.”
Wolff, an expert in international security at the University of Birmingham, notes that disrupting European unity is a stated aim of the Project 2025 initiative which has guided, if not Trump himself, many of his close advisers. The past week, taking into account both Hegseth’s meeting with European defence ministers and the subsequent appearance by the US vice-president, J.D. Vance, at the Munich Security Conference, has gone a fair way down the path towards achieving that disruption.
At the same time, Vance’s lecture to the conference – during which he was heavily critical of Europe as “the enemy within” which was undermining democracy and threatening free speech – will have united most of those present in anger and dismay at his remarks.
Trump has declared that Zelensky is a “dictator” because he cancelled last year’s election in Ukraine. In fact, Ukraine’s constitution provides that elections are prohibited during periods of martial law. And martial law has been in force since the day of the invasion on February 24 2022.
Lena Surzhko Harned, a professor of political science at Penn State University, writes that the delegitimisation of Zelensky is a tactic Putin has been striving for from the very start. The Kremlin has pushed the narrative that there is no legitimate authority with which to negotiate a peace deal, and that Zelensky’s government is “illegitimate”.
“What Putin needs for this plan to work is a willing partner to help get the message out that Zelensky and the current Ukraine government are not legitimate representatives of their country,” writes Harned. “And into this gap the new US administration appears to have stepped.”
Despite Zelensky still enjoying relatively strong support in recent opinion polls, an election campaign in the middle of this conflict would be a needlessly divisive exercise. And that’s before you consider the potential for Russian interference, which would be seriously debilitating for a country fighting for its survival.
Putin knows all this – and he also knows by framing the issue in a way that suggests Ukraine is dragging its feet over peace, he will enjoy a propaganda coup. And that’s what he is doing, with the apparent support of the US president.
Another way Putin hopes to discredit the Ukrainian leadership is by deliberately excluding it from the talks – at least for the present. Zelensky has said, with the support of his European allies, that there can be no deal without Ukrainian participation.
It’s easy to see why Zelensky and his allies are so adamant that they should be involved, writes Matt Fitzpatrick, a professor of international history at Flinders University. History is littered with examples of large powers getting together to decide the fate of smaller nations that have no agency in the division.
Three such shameful debacles determined the history of much of the 20th century – and not in a good way. The Sykes-Picot agreement divided the Middle East between British and French spheres of influence, and sowed the seed for discord which continues to this day. The Munich conference of 1938, at which the fate of Czechoslovakia was decided without any Czech input, showed Adolf Hitler that naked aggression really does pay. And having failed to learn from either of these, in 1945 the Big Three (Russia, the US and Britain) got together at Yalta to carve up Germany, thereby setting the scene for the cold war.
One of Trump’s assertions this week has been that Zelensky had his chance to strike a deal and avoid all the bloodshed and much of the territorial loss suffered by Ukraine in the three years of war. Reacting to questions about why Zelensky or any Ukrainian diplomats hadn’t been involved in the talks, he scoffed: “Today I heard: ‘Oh, well, we weren’t invited.’ Well, you’ve been there for three years … You should have never started it. You could have made a deal.”
Stephen Hall, who specialises in Russian and post-Soviet politics at the University of Bath, recalls the early talks in the spring of 2022. He says that the idea – also floated in the press by several commentators – that Ukraine should have concluded a peace deal in March or April of 2022 after talks in Istanbul is absurd.
While there was momentum for peace, particularly on Kyiv’s part, the two sides were a long way apart on issues such as the size of Ukraine’s military and the fate of territories such as Crimea. “Had Ukraine done a deal based on the Istanbul communique, it would have essentially led to the country becoming a virtual province of Russia – led by a pro-Russian government and banned from seeking alliances with western countries,” Hall writes.
And in any case, back then there was scant support among Ukraine’s allies in Europe and the Biden White House for appeasing Putin by offering him concessions in return for aggression. But that’s now history. Trump and his team appear to have already granted the Russian president some of his dearest wishes before the negotiations proper have even started.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephen Hall, Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in Russian and Post-Soviet Politics, University of Bath
It has been an eventful and, for Ukraine and its European allies, alarming past week or so. First they heard that the US president, Donald Trump, had spent 90 minutes on the phone with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin. In one stroke, Trump upended three years in which his predecessor, Joe Biden, had sought to isolate Russia after its full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
On the same day, February 12, Trump’s newly installed secretary of defense, Pete Hegseth, told a gathering of senior defence officials in Brussels that Europe would no longer be the primary focus for US security policy, and that Ukraine could not hope to regain the territory Russia had illegally occupied since 2014, nor join Nato.
Hegseth added that not only would the US not contribute to any peacekeeping force in Ukraine in the event of a peace deal, but that any European peacekeeping operation would not be done under the protection of Nato’s Article 5.
This was soon followed by the US vice-president, J.D. Vance, telling the Munich Security Conference that it was Europe, not Russia or China, that was the main security threat – the “enemy within” that fostered anti-democratic practices and sought to curtail free speech.
This week, a US team led by the secretary of state, Marco Rubio, sat down with their Russian opposite numbers led by the foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov, to discuss peace negotiations. Ukraine was not represented. Nor was Europe. Following that, and perhaps taking his cue from Hegseth, Lavrov declared that Russia would not accept any European peacekeepers in Ukraine – deal or no deal.
Meanwhile, Trump has taken to his TruthSocial media platform to repeat several favourite Kremlin talking points. Ukraine was responsible for the war, he said. Its president, Volodymyr Zelensky, was a “dictator” who had cancelled elections, and whose popularity with his own people was now as low as 4% (it’s actually 57%, at least 10 points higher than Trump’s rating in the US).
Trump also mocked Zelensky’s concern at his country’s exclusion from the Riyadh talks, telling reporters: “Today I heard: ‘Oh, well, we weren’t invited.’ Well, you’ve been there for three years … You should have never started it. You could have made a deal.”
This leads us back to the Istanbul communique, produced at the end of March 2022 after initial peace talks between Russia and Ukraine in Antalya, Turkey. Some US commentators have suggested Ukraine could now be better off had it signed this deal.
Istanbul communique
What happened in Istanbul, and how close Russia and Ukraine were to an agreement, has been hotly debated, with some arguing a deal was close and others refuting this.
Ukraine reportedly agreed to a range of concessions including future neutrality, as well as giving up its bid for membership of Nato. Russia, in turn, would apparently have accepted Ukraine’s membership of the EU. This concession, incidentally, is still on the table.
But there were sticking points, primarily over the size of Ukraine’s armed forces after a deal – Kyiv reportedly wanted 250,000 soldiers, the Kremlin just 85,000 – and the types of weaponry Ukraine could keep in its arsenal.
There were also issues about Ukraine’s Russian-occupied territory, particularly Crimea – this was projected to be resolved over 15 years with Russia occupying the peninsula on a lease in the meantime. Another Kremlin demand was for Zelensky to stand down as president, with the presidency being taken up by the pro-Russian politician Viktor Medvedchuk.
Negotiations continued through April 2022, only to break down when Russian atrocities were reported in Bucha, a town Ukrainian troops had retaken as part of their spring counter-offensive. But the fact is, an agreement was never really close.
The UK’s former prime minister, Boris Johnson, has taken much flack over reports that he urged Zelensky not to accept the deal. But there was never a realistic chance this deal would be acceptable to Ukraine. A neutral Ukraine with a reduced military capacity would have no way to defend itself against any future aggression.
Had Ukraine done a deal based on the Istanbul communique, it would have essentially led to the country becoming a virtual province of Russia – led by a pro-Russian government and banned from seeking alliances with western countries. As for joining the EU, it was the Kremlin’s opposition to Kyiv’s engagement with the EU in 2013 which provoked the Euromaidan protests and led to Russia’s initial annexation of Crimea the following year.
What next?
Kyiv signing the Istanbul communique may have quickly stopped the war and the killing. But the Kremlin has repeatedly shown it cannot be trusted to adhere to agreements – you only have to look at the way it repeatedly violated the Minsk accords of 2015, which attempted to end hostilities in eastern Ukraine.
Further, a deal that rewards Russian aggression by agreeing to its taking of territory and demanding the neutrality of the victim would undermine global security, and encourage other illegal foreign policy adventurism.
If the Trump administration has the blueprint of a fair peace deal, it’s hiding it well at this point. Instead, European leaders have been put in a position where they must face the prospect of having to fund Ukraine’s continued defence, while coping with a US retreat from its security guarantees for Europe as a whole.
Either that or, as my University of Bath colleague Patrick Bury wrote on X this week, accept some pretty dire consequences.
Europe is facing a crisis that it could have prepared for after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. With Trump back in power, the relationship between the US and Europe appears increasingly fractured. But Europe too is bitterly divided over how to approach this crisis.
Britain and France initially talked up the idea of providing troops as peacekeepers in Ukraine – but Germany adamantly refused to go along with that plan. Both Emmanuel Macron and Keir Starmer have since rethought the idea (although there is a report that the UK prime minister has considered a scheme for a 30,000-strong “monitoring force” away from the ceasefire line).
The Kremlin reacts to signals. While it was clearly preparing for the invasion in late 2021, Joe Biden’s statement that he would not send troops to defend Ukraine showed the limits to US involvement. A message that Europe is prepared to dispatch peacekeepers to Ukraine now would send a strong signal to Putin – and the Trump administration – that Europe is serious.
Stephen Hall does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Judith Brocklehurst, Visiting Lecturer, BA Fine Art Mixed Media, University of Westminster
On entering the Saatchi Gallery’s latest exhibition, which is simply titled Flowers, you might think that you have just walked into a supersized florist’s shop, surrounded by bunches and bunches of blooms.
The aroma of dried flowers comes from Rebecca Louise Law’s monumental arrangement La Fleur Morte (2025), which was created through workshops with people from the local community. As in a flower shop, the viewer is overwhelmed by a heady mix of colour, shape and smell.
Flowers offers an overview of flora not only in contemporary art but in their wider cultural significance. Rooms are loosely organised by theme and medium, with an occasional nod to more serious subjects, such as eroticism, death, danger or decay.
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The first room, Roots, offers historical context for the show, from Van Gogh to William Morris’s floral designs. Dutch 17th-century paintings are recreated for the digital age in Bob and Nick Carter’s video work Transforming Flowers in a Vase (2016).
The irreality of their digitally revived bunch of flowers, presented in a heavy wooden frame, reminds us that those masterly paintings were themselves a construct.
Painters have often arranged flowers that bloomed at different times of the year together in one image. As Bart Cornelis, curator at London’s National Gallery, explained when discussing Dutch flower paintings in 2017, these arrangements are “not realism [but] “a construct … In a sense, that’s what makes it art”.
In the next space, In Bloom, Jim Dine’s black-and-white lithograph Sunflowers (2011) stands out amid the profusion of bright yellows, reds, greens and pinks. With the colour stripped away, the eye is drawn to the flowers’ structure and their dark-seeded heart.
Speaking about the connection between plants and people, artist and subject, Dine has said that “if my personality is revealed in a plant drawing … it would be just the emotion and the way I felt when I depicted it at that moment, that day – or as the days go on, the building up of layers like the unconscious”. This work feels deeply connected to those early Dutch paintings and their small, often-missed memento mori.
In the same room, a whole wall is dedicated to an image of Jeff Koons’ two-storey sculpture Puppy (1992), a dog covered in bedding plants.
Koons’ notorious overt commercialism leads the viewer back to the sense of being in a shop – this time offering high-end floral fashion and jewellery. In one corner, glass display cases hold jewelled brooches by “curatorial partners” Buccellati. Next to them are Marimekko prints in an oversized poster display rack.
Beauty and danger
Stepping into the next room, the viewer moves from shopping arcade back into a gallery to look at flowers in photography and sculpture. Here are more decadent arrays, where visitors are drawn like pollinators to William Darrell’s trippy kinetic sculpture The Machinery of Enchantment (2025).
By the nature of its subject, this show is full of colour and form. It is a reminder that, as art writer Patrick J. Reed explained in relation to photographer and painter Edward Steichen’s 1936 exhibition of freshly cut bouquets of Delphiniums:
The significance of flowers, then as now, is linked to traditions, tastes and class distinctions. To appreciate fine vegetation means to understand, if not possess, ‘well-bred’ decorum; to understand when and how to navigate manicured botanical refreshment.
With Flowers, the Saatchi Gallery offers visitors this opportunity in abundance.
Upstairs, the exhibition is more conceptually curated. The true symbolic power and pervasiveness of flower imagery comes to the fore in a room full of film posters, album sleeves and book covers.
Among them are the disturbingly beautiful posters for Jonathan Glazer’s film Zone of Interest by Neil Kellerhouse. Images from the film spring to mind: the garden next to the concentration camp; the profusion of flowers fertilised by ashes from the ovens. Monstrous actions are shielded by nature.
The relationship between beauty and danger becomes more overt in one of the final rooms, Science: Life or Death. Suddenly, we are amid less decorative fare. Here, under glass domes, are Emma Witter’s exquisitely intricate sculptures of flowers – chillingly, all made of tiny bones.
So, among the seductive splendour of form and colour lurks the reality of depictions of flowers in the contemporary art world. A construct balanced between the need to reflect on human frailty through the relationship with delicate mutable blooms and the harsh edge of producing seductive profitable goods.
Judith Brocklehurst does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
After months of wrangling over public debt and spending decisions, the German government collapsed in November 2024. Among the many disagreements between the parties which made up the governing coalition was how to pay for measures to combat climate change.
Seeking to take advantage of disillusioned voters (who in recent years showed record support for the Greens), populist parties have since cast doubt on the idea of tackling environmental issues at all.
Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), for example, the rightwing party which denies the existence of man-made climate change, has raised concerns about energy security and the economic cost of green alternatives.
If the AfD’s broader aim was to take green issues off the political agenda, the plan appears to be working. In the run-up to the general election on February 23 2025, migration and the economy are the most important issues for voters (each on 34%), with climate change lagging far behind (13%).
Nor has the environment been a priority in the parties’ election campaigns. In the first TV debate between the chancellor, the social democrat Olaf Scholz, and his most likely successor, the conservative Friedrich Merz, the topic was ignored almost entirely. A lack of political will and fear of losing voters appear to have relegated environmental policies to the sidelines.
Others want it back at the top of the agenda. Germany’s foreign intelligence service, for example, describes the climate crisis as one of the major risks facing the country, alongside terrorism and war.
Business associations have urged the next government to address climate change mitigation for the sake of German jobs. The Federation of German Industries has demanded an increase in public spending on climate change of as much as €70 billion (£58 billion). Younger voters have called for a nationwide protest to bring the subject back into politicians’ minds.
So have German voters really become sceptical about dealing with climate change?
In a recent study, we found that people who planned to vote for the AfD and the leftwing populist BSW party are indeed sceptical of the need for far-reaching climate policies.
Among voters of these two parties, only 23% (AfD) and 41% (BSW) think that an energy transition is necessary to achieve national climate goals. For Green party voters that figure is 93%, and for SDP supporters it’s 83%.
Voters across the political spectrum have different priorities when it comes to energy supply. For populist party supporters, energy costs trump everything, with only 12% of AfD and 20% of BSW voters considering low emissions important.
These voters are also less likely to assume the energy transition would have positive effects on jobs, and are more likely to fear rising energy costs and security of supply. In short, they are afraid of the social and economic consequences of the energy transition. It is this fear that the far right appears to have been able to mobilise.
Climate costs
Our results are backed up by other research which shows that poorer voters are concerned about the potential costs associated with net zero ambitions.
There is also uncertainty about the possible effects on employment. Many people in Germany believe there will be job losses in their local community as a result of the transition to green energy, and 25% worry they will lose their job.
While these results may seem gloomy, we also found majority support – even among AfD voters – for climate change policies where communities benefit financially from local renewable energy projects, and where citizens feel they have more of a voice in how the energy transition comes into effect.
People want to be heard and participate in a potential transformation. Previous research in psychology has shown that participating in processes and a perception of fairness can increase acceptance.
Research also shows that people fear the effects of climate policies on their personal finances, and that these perceived costs inhibit environmentally friendly behaviour.
But the climate crisis won’t go away, no matter who governs Germany in the coming years. More “once-in-a-century” floods and droughts will hit the nation and bring the climate crisis back to the top of the political agenda.
When this happens, politicians need to ensure they have a positive and credible vision of the future ready to present to voters – where the costs are shared fairly. This will make it harder for populist parties to play on economic worries, and easier to persuade German voters to prioritise the climate crisis.
Vera Trappmann receives funding from Hans Böckler Foundation
Felix Schulz receives funding from the Hans-Böckler-Foundation.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Natasha Lindstaedt, Professor in the Department of Government, University of Essex
Jimmy Carter, who was president from 1977 to 1981, considered the treaties signed in 1977 to cede control of the Panama Canal to Panama, ending over a century of strained relations, one of the crowning achievements of his administration.
Today, Panamanians are uncertain whether Donald Trump will abide by these treaties – and are nervous about what could happen next. Panamanian journalists that I have spoken with are increasingly concerned that the US will invade.
Trump has repeatedly refused to rule out using the US military to seize the Panama Canal, if necessary, despite boasting that he had an impeccable record of not starting any new wars.
While this appears to be a huge departure in US foreign policy towards Latin America, the US has had a long history of invading, meddling, supporting coups and offering clandestine support to violent non-state actors in the region.
One historian has noted that the US participated (directly and indirectly) in regime change in Latin America more than 40 times in the last century. This figure does not even take into account failed missions that didn’t result in regime change, such as the US’s orchestrated invasion of the Bay of Pigs in Cuba in 1961.
When the US is not intervening, its approach to the region has been described as “benign neglect”. During these interludes, Latin America was mostly ignored while the US prioritised other geopolitical interests.
Return to the old ways?
But Trump’s latest threats to Panama are a return to the paternalistic era of US foreign policy towards Latin America. This arguably started with the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 — a framework that aimed to protect US interests in the region from European aggression. Latin America essentially became the US’s backyard. At the time, the Monroe Doctrine received some support from Latin American countries that were hoping for independence from Europe and republican forms of government.
But this would change with the increasingly interventionist posture of US president Theodore Roosevelt during his two terms from 1901 to 1909. On November 18 1903, when Panama was just 15 days old, Roosevelt signed the Hay–Bunau-Varilla Treaty , in which the US promised to support Panamanian independence from Colombia in exchange for rights to build and operate the Panama Canal. Reportedly the deal was engineered by a Frenchman, Philippe Bunau-Varilla, and no Panamanians were involved. This was the era of “big stick diplomacy” where the US would muscle its way into getting what it wanted with a series of credible threats.
During the cold war, Washington’s stance in Latin America became even more interventionist. The US backed authoritarian rule by right-wing military dictatorships in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala, Paraguay, Bolivia, Uruguary and Honduras.
The US government provided organisation, financial and technical support for military regimes that were disappearing, kidnapping, torturing and murdering their political opponents, during Operation Condor in the 1970s. Democratically elected leaders Jacobo Árbenz and Salvador Allende were removed from power with the help of US covert action in Guatemala in 1954, and Chile in 1973, respectively.
The US was also responsible for funding and training violent non-state groups such as the Contras, a rebel force which was set up in Nicaragua to oppose the Sandinista government. The US also supported the right-wing Arena government which was accused of setting up death squads during the bloody civil war in El Salvador) in which thousands of civilians were killed.
With the Carter administration’s human rights-focused foreign policy, the US finally did the right thing when it came to returning the Panama Canal to the Panamanians. To accomplish this, Carter had to work hard to build bipartisan support to see the long-term benefits of improving US-Panamanian relations and improving US relations with Latin America more generally.
From the US standpoint, the canal was no longer economically important. At the same time, the canal had become an issue of national pride in Panama, with mass student-led protests breaking out on January 9 1964 when Panamanians were barred from flying their national flag in the US-controlled canal zone. The day became known as Martyr’s Day after 21 Panamanians were killed by US troops.
Relations improved after the Carter-Torrijos treaties were signed. But the US returned to an interventionist strategy when it send nearly 26,000 troops to invade Panama during Operation Just Cause in 1989 – the largest US deployment since the Vietnam war.
Though the goal to remove Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega (who had formerly been on the CIA payroll) was achieved, more than 500 Panamanians were reportedly killed. Unofficial estimates suggest there may have been as many as 2,000-3,000 deaths.
Six months after the 1989 invasion, I went to Panama for the summer, and saw first-hand the destruction caused. Looting had been rampant, with millions of dollars worth of goods stolen. There were concerns that the economy in Colón (Panama’s second largest city) wouldn’t be able to recover.
The impoverished neighbourhood of El Chorillo in Panama City was overwhelmed by a massive use of firepower, including F-117 stealth bombers, Blackhawk helicopters, Apache and Cobra helicopters, 2,000-pound bombs and Hellfire missiles.
In spite of the devastation, the US could, at least, argue that it invaded in order to restore democracy in Panama. But fast forward to today and Trump has made it clear that he doesn’t care about democracy and human rights. He does care, however, about increasing Chinese economic influence in Latin America – and this high-profile pushback is actually about bullying the Panamanian government to stop doing deals with Beijing.
And while the seizure of the Panama Canal would probably make very little difference to the US economy, it would make a huge impact to the economy of Panama. The Panamanian government astutely made important investments to enlarge the canal from 2007-2016, and today the canal’s revenues are worth US$5 billion (£3.9 billion), or about 4% of Panama’s GDP.
The “America first” agenda fails to understand how long-term alliances work, how soft power works, and the importance of having credibility and a vision. In the past, the US has often been aggressive, assertive and interventionist in Latin America, with Trump it looks like all these qualities are back.
Natasha Lindstaedt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
President Donald Trump has actually described Ukraine’s widely admired wartime President Volodymyr Zelenskyy as “a dictator” and falsely claimed he started the war.
In a news conference with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Trump mused about an American takeover of the Gaza Strip by removing its occupants to neighbouring countries and developing the region as a seaside resort. This would very likely constitute a war crime.
Snubbing international law
Trump’s return to the American presidency marks a normalization of this type of threat.
Trump is obviously unsentimental about America’s longtime allies, including the innermost circle of English-speaking democracies — the U.S., Canada, the United Kingdom, Australian and New Zealand — that make up the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing alliance.
A group of countries that wouldn’t normally be fussed about the transition from one American president to another is now very nervous about how far Trump is going to go.
During the first angry weeks of Trump’s second presidency, the U.S. appears to be signalling a return to an anarchic and explicitly colonial imagining of the world. In this regard, Trump’s disdain for the rule of law at home tracks a potentially even greater disdain for the international legal order, one that’s existed since 1945.
Trump, not historically much of an imperialist in his rhetoric, has now doubled down on classical imperialist threats as he repeatedly proposes expanding the physical map of the U.S., musing in particular about Greenland, Panama, Canada and now Gaza.
Greenland holds a strategic interest for the U.S. — there’s already an American airbase on the island — since its location is increasingly important as the Arctic ice melts and amid greater competition from Russia and China.
But Canada? At least Trump agreed at a news conference before taking office that military force was off the table. Instead, Canada only had to worry about “economic force” being used to annex it.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has told business leaders that Trump’s talk about annexing Canada is “the real thing,” aimed at obtaining Canada’s critical minerals.
He’s not only peacocking on the global stage, he is also telegraphing that he holds international legal norms in even lower esteem than the norms of his own country, where he is a convicted felon. This situation is as alarming as it unprecedented.
Right now, cognitive dissonance in the form of status quo bias poses a real danger in terms of Trump’s dismissal of the rule of law. This means that folks are somehow convincing themselves that the undoing of the global rules-based order in real time is just a blip; things will somehow ramp down and return to normal.
But the evidence is glaringly to the contrary.
Trump is plainly communicating his wishes: a new age of American imperialism. At first few took him seriously. Now we all are. Canada, due to its proximity to and reliance on the U.S., must especially face a new reality in which an American president casually and repeatedly threatens its sovereignty.
Canada, America’s closest ally in terms of shared language, culture and geography, should be the first and not the last to start believing Trump’s threats to annex it.
Even when Trump is no longer in office, neither Canadians nor any of America’s other allies can be certain someone just like him will not be returned to power by the U.S. voters. That means America’s western allies, like Canada and Denmark, must learn the lessons Latin American and Middle Eastern countries learned along time ago: America is a threat.
Some might ask: Aren’t these American problems for the American people? As Canadians can attest, no. Trump poses grave dangers to the rest of the world due to the unique place the U.S. occupies in the geopolitical system.
Nothing about Trump’s second presidency bodes well for America’s allies and friends, including Canada.
A kleptocrat who regards friends and allies as transactional customers and for whom everything is “just business,” including national security, Trump poses an existential threat not only to America, but to the international world order.
Jeffrey B. Meyers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
