Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Christian Hamann, Researcher, Gauteng City-Region Observatory
The Gauteng City-Region, which has long been South Africa’s economic engine, is in decline. The region contributes about 35% of the country’s total economic output, and is home to more than 15 million people, about 25% of the country’s population of 62 million people.
Many in the province have come from far and wide hoping to “make it” in the land of opportunity. Yet both the media and the public raise critical questions about its future amid decaying infrastructure, poor delivery of basic government services, and a steady uptick in violent crime.
New research from the Gauteng City-Region Observatory (GCRO) reveals that development outcomes in the province are declining. The GCRO is an independent institute that produces research and analysis to inform decision making and policy in the Gauteng City-Region. It is a partnership between the Gauteng provincial government, the University of the Witwatersrand, the University of Johannesburg, and organised local government (Salga-Gauteng).
The GCRO constructs a multidimensional index of wellbeing that combines 33 variables into one measure, known as the Quality of Life Index, from survey data that has been collected every two to three years since 2009.
This includes measures of health, safety, life satisfaction, socio-economic status, public services, satisfaction with government, and social and political participation. The latest index (2023/24) shows that quality of life in Gauteng has fallen to its lowest level ever since the survey began in 2009. This suggests that the wellbeing of many households has been compromised by the complex and interconnected global challenges, known as the polycrisis, that have emerged since the COVID-19 pandemic.
The composition of the GCRO Quality of Life Index.GCRO Quality of Life 7 Survey (2023/24)
Many of these challenges are linked to the local governance crisis, characterised by unstable political party coalitions. The interaction of complex crises amplifies harmful effects, profoundly affecting quality of life.
A governance crisis emerged in South Africa in the wake of state capture, marked by a stark decline in the provision of quality public services. So, the government has struggled to shield citizens from the worst impacts of the polycrisis. Households face an acute convergence of global and local crises, reflected in health, economic instability, societal unrest, climate challenges, and rising safety concerns.
The research
The 7th Quality of Life Survey involved 13,795 adult residents of Gauteng. Respondents were randomly sampled in every ward of the province. Data was collected by a team of fieldworkers from 28 August 2023 to 16 April 2024. The data is made freely available, and is used by government, academics and civil society. The findings inform policy and strategic planning by government entities across the Gauteng City-Region.
The latest survey results paint a complex picture about the quality of life in Gauteng. Some of the most significant findings which relate to the challenges that household face, and the ways people respond to challenges, are highlighted below. The list of crises includes concerns about public service delivery, satisfaction with government, safety, poverty, and overall quality of life.
Unreliable service delivery
Basic services in Gauteng are characterised by interruptions to supply, inadequate coverage and quality problems. While most residents have access to water, electricity, sanitation and refuse removal, satisfaction with these levels has declined substantially since the previous survey in 2020/21.
The latest survey shows that only 61% of respondents were satisfied with their sanitation, only 60% perceived their water as always clean, and only 64% were satisfied with their refuse removal. These are all lower than in the past when satisfaction ranged between 70% and 75%. The impact, for example, is that those who do not have weekly refuse removal are more likely to dump their rubbish in public spaces or burn it – causing various environmental challenges.
Gauteng households use various resources at their disposal to deal with the impacts of unreliable services. For instance, one in seven households (15%) are now generating some or all their own electricity, compared to 4% in 2017/18. This is partly related to the unreliability of electricity provision, and growing efforts to gain independence from the “grid”. But the unreliability and cost of electricity have varied impacts, depending on household income.
Declining satisfaction with government
Only a fifth (21%) of respondents were satisfied with the performance of the national government. A similar proportion (22%) of respondents were satisfied with the performance of provincial and local governments. Satisfaction for all these spheres has declined by between 15 and 20 percentage points since 2017/18.
The effect of dissatisfaction with government is increasing disengagement. Just over half of respondents (54%) felt that politics was a waste of time, and 57% said that South Africa was a failed state. When the survey was conducted, before the 2024 provincial elections, 21% of respondents said they were not planning to vote. Thus, government dissatisfaction and disengagement helps to understand the low voter turnout during the elections.
Poverty
While poverty rates measured in 2023/24 have improved from their peak during the pandemic, the recovery is partial. Sixteen percent of respondents lived below the food poverty line of R760 per month (about US$43). This remains higher than pre-pandemic levels (it was 12% in 2017/18). It shows that a large portion of Gauteng’s households have struggled to meet their basic needs for a long time.
South Africa’s welfare systems remain a lifeline for many households. The proportion of respondents that benefited from any kind of social grant (including child support and old age pensions has increased steadily from 30% in 2011 to just over 50% in 2023/24.
Low-income households are also less likely to recover from shocks because they lack financial safety nets, and cannot afford to replace public services with costly private alternatives.
Safety concerns
Another kind of problem experienced by respondents is insecurity as a result of crime and violence. A fifth of respondents (21%) said that they had been the victim of crime in the last year. This was a two percentage point increase from 2020/21, when lockdowns reduced crime levels. The proportion of respondents who said that the crime situation had worsened was also higher (increasing from 43% in 2020/21 to 48% in 2023/24).
Much larger proportions of respondents felt unsafe in their homes, and when walking in their neighbourhood in the daytime or at night. For example, in 2023/24, 81% of respondents felt unsafe walking in their area at night, compared to 75% in 2020/21. The effect is that 62% of respondents in 2023/24 were dissatisfied with the security services provided by the government, compared to 54% in 2020/21.
Overall quality of life is lower
Overall, in the latest index quality of life reached its lowest point yet since the index was first calculated. The 2023/24 value was calculated at 59.5 out of 100, compared to 61.4 in 2020/21 and a high of 63.9 in 2017/18.
GCRO Quality of Life Index changes over time.GCRO Quality of Life 7 Survey (2023/24)
Most of the dimensions declined, suggesting that the wellbeing of many households has been adversely affected by the interplay between the governance crisis and the polycrisis. Households’ ability to navigate these challenges is strongly shaped by inequality, which remains very high.
The 2023/24 quality of life report shows that the Gauteng City-Region grapples with a series of wicked problems. Public and private sector leaders, along with civil society, need to assess the current situation and collaborate on innovative solutions to enhance the quality of life of all residents in the City-Region.
Shannon Arnold, a junior researcher at the Gauteng City-Region Observatory, contributed to the research and this article.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sam Carr, Reader in Education with Psychology and Centre for Death and Society, University of Bath
One of my (Sam’s) earliest memories is from 1980, when John Lennon was tragically assassinated. I vividly recall my mother’s reaction upon hearing the news – she put down the phone, overwhelmed with grief.
Her connection to Lennon, someone she’d never met, was deeply personal. This moment, even though I was only three years old, left a lasting impression and showed me how profound these attachments can be. For my mother, Lennon wasn’t just a famous figure. He represented a significant part of her life and emotions.
This collective mourning illustrates how deeply ingrained celebrities can become in our lives, not just as entertainers, but as symbols of our personal experiences and memories.
It was my first feeling of being in love, my first feeling of crushing on a boy, of being excited about boys. I kissed the posters every night. We all did. It felt like you were part of the best club in the world and it’s a huge part of why we bonded together.
This form of attachment is known as a parasocial relationship, an emotional connection formed with someone who is unaware of the bond. Unlike personal relationships, where both parties contribute to the connection, parasocial relationships allow fans to project idealised traits onto celebrities, unchallenged by reality.
In this way, celebrities often represent aspirational versions of ourselves or embody significant aspects of our identity. When they die, the emotional experience of grief is not just about the person, but about losing part of that imagined connection.
No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.
The death of a beloved celebrity shatters something that feels deeply meaningful, and can leave you grappling with an emotional void. The loss is not just of a public figure, but of a personal connection that may have shaped your identity and sense of belonging.
This profound sense of grief is often also shared. Following Payne’s sudden death, fans have gathered worldwide, from the UK to the Philippines and Argentina, to sing and mourn at vigils for the star. A similar phenomenon was also observed in September, when Harry Potter fans raised wands at the Wizarding World of Harry Potter theme park in Orlando. They were paying tribute to Maggie Smith, who played the popular character Professor McGonagall in the Harry Potter films, following her death aged 89.
Collective grief is a common reaction when an influential figure dies. These shared acts of mourning are not only socially significant but also have the power to foster empathy, transforming collective pain and public emotion into meaningful memories of social solidarity and communal strength.
While fans will mourn their star regardless of age, there’s a stark contrast between the deaths of Smith and Payne. Smith’s passing is generally viewed as a “good” death, marking the end of “a true legend”, while Payne’s death at 31 is seen as “a bad, sad ending”. The way that we grieve celebrities is often connected to their age. When Black Panther star Chadwick Boseman died in 2020 aged 43, it shattered many fans’ sense of hope for the future.
For many Payne fans, the singer was their “first love”. Falling in love with celebrities, as psychoanalysts like Aldo Carotenuto have argued, elicits a projection of idealised fantasy that becomes interwoven with our vision of the future. This temporal aspect of fandom is rooted in our sense of narrative identity, through which we view life as a continuing book. The death of a young star can powerfully disrupt this plot and leave you grappling with an unresolved chapter in your own story.
One Direction fans often call themselves “directioners”. Losing a core member of the group has led some directioners to feel this identity is now threatened or altered. The disruption to your sense of identity following the death of a young celebrity that you grew up alongside can be profound. It signifies not only the loss of a cherished part of your past but also serves as a painful reminder of the passage of time and the fragility of life.
This reality can force you to confront your own mortality, highlighting the finite nature of existence. In times of collective mourning, people reflect on their own lives and aspirations while cherishing the memories and legacies of those they admired.
Moving forward without them
Despite the deep pain of grieving, fans often engage in what grief experts call “continuing bonds” – an effort to maintain a connection with the celebrity through memories, tributes or ongoing engagement with their work.
This bond helps to reestablish a sense of order, providing emotional continuity even in the face of loss. The bonds we form with celebrities are often more meaningful than they first appear. Sociologist Jackie Stacey has examined how memories tied to celebrities can profoundly shape and sustain a sense of meaning throughout our lives.
From a life course perspective, early experiences with a favourite star can become deeply embedded in your identity, acting as enduring sources of comfort, inspiration and self-expression.
Though his life has been cut short, the memories and inspiration Payne provided will continue to live on among his fans. As directioners gathered outside the Buenos Aires hotel where he passed away, they sang One Direction songs, including the poignant line: “This is not the end.”
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Scott Williamson, Associate Professor, Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Oxford
Most people in most countries say they want to be governed democratically. Because democracy’s appeal is so powerful, governments and political leaders everywhere claim to be supporters of democracy.
Take China, for instance. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has ruled for decades under a single-party system, a system that contrasts sharply with traditional definitions of democracy. Democratic systems emphasise competitive elections for key leaders, strong protections for political rights and constraints on executive power.
Yet, ask members of the CCP and they will probably tell you that their governance is democratic because it responds to the preferences of the Chinese public. In their view, what makes a democracy is not elections, liberties and constraints. Rather, strong and unencumbered political leaders can govern well and give the people what they want.
How do people understand democracy? If people around the world hold dramatically different views of what democracy means – or even adhere to understandings of democracy that reflect a more authoritarian style of government – then democracy’s apparent global appeal may not mean very much in practice.
Researchers have long been interested in how people from different countries and backgrounds understand democracy. But it’s a complex issue and previous studies have found it difficult to determine what people really mean when they say they want to be governed democratically. In a new article published in Science, we use an experiment administered via surveys in Egypt, India, Italy, Japan, Thailand and the US to bring fresh evidence to this debate.
We presented survey respondents with paired profiles of hypothetical countries. These profiles randomised nine factors reflecting different theories of how people understand democracy. For instance, we presented respondents with information about the countries’ elections, varying whether they were free and fair, biased, or not held at all.
We also randomised whether political rights were protected or repressed, and whether the executive respected the powers of the legislature and courts or not. These three attributes reflect traditional concepts of democracy.
We also included attributes of the hypothetical countries that reflect alternative understandings of democracy. Some claim that democracy means a political system capable of producing substantial changes that benefit citizens broadly. So we varied whether economic equality in the country is higher or lower. We also adjusted whether social equality between genders is better or worse. And we randomised how much influence technocratic experts wield over policy decisions.
Others argue for a more authoritarian model of democracy in which unconstrained leaders give the people what they want in exchange for their obedience. To reflect this view, we gave information about how often the countries’ political leaders follow the majority’s preferences. We also varied whether people obey the government or not.
After reviewing the country profiles, respondents were asked to determine which hypothetical country was more democratic. Analysing which attributes influenced respondents’ choices more strongly gives us insights into how they understand what democracy means.
Reasons to be cheerful
Our results indicate that the traditional definition of democracy is widely accepted. Across the six diverse countries in our sample, respondents were much more likely to perceive countries as democratic when elections were free and fair and political rights were strongly protected.
This prioritisation of elections held across the board. People felt that way regardless of their individual characteristics such as gender, educational attainment, political ideology, age, minority status and attitudes toward geopolitics.
This finding implies some reasons to be optimistic about support for democracy. It suggests that when people say they want democratic governance, many mean competitive elections and protected liberties. This agreement is important. It makes it more likely that enough people will recognise – and potentially push back – against attempts by anti-democratic political leaders to subvert democratic governance.
Reasons for caution
But our findings also highlight points of caution. First, institutional checks and balances were less central to how our respondents understood democracy. This suggests that political leaders may be able to increase their grip on power more easily by undermining the influence of the legislature and courts.
And anti-democratic politicians can still claim to be democratic by deceptively arguing that they prioritise these elements of the political system, while actually undermining them. A prominent example is former US president Donald Trump. In 2020, Trump tried to overturn his election loss by falsely asserting it had been rigged against him.
Even in outright authoritarian countries, rulers often use controlled elections as “evidence” of their democratic character. In Egypt, for instance, the autocratic president Abdel Fatah al-Sisi declared after winning his rigged 2023 election that he would continue to build “a democratic state that protects its citizens”.
Many people may see through such claims, but autocrats can sometimes build support by using elections to present themselves as democrats – even when they are not free and fair.
While many people reject outright authoritarian notions of what democracy means, factors other than elections and liberties also influence their understanding of democratic governance. In our study, countries were often believed to be more democratic when they delivered good outcomes – for example, by providing higher gender or economic equality.
Gender equality was the only attribute in the experiment which came close to elections and liberties in its ability to shape perceptions of which countries were more democratic. Because gender equality is inherently desirable and is associated with democracy, some autocrats have successfully engaged in “genderwashing”. They’ve done this by (often nominally) reforming women’s rights to reduce pressure for more competitive elections and protected political rights.
Finally, just because people generally agree on what democracy means does not necessarily mean they will continue to support it. If democracies fail to perform effectively or represent their citizens well, people may be persuaded to accept more authoritarian models of governance.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Even if we haven’t heard them for many years, familiar songs often stick with us for life. We can often recall every lyric to songs we learned as kids or albums we idolised as teenagers. But beyond music we’ve purposely chosen to listen to or learn, one type of music seems to stick with us without any effort: the jingle.
Jingles have a long history in the advertising industry. The first known radio jingle in the UK – Have You Tried Wheaties? – was launched in 1926. Jingles have since become a major feature of our everyday lives.
Recent market research found that several of the ten most recognisable jingles for UK adults dated back three or even four decades. While comparison site Go Compare topped the list, Mars’ “work, rest and play” jingle (axed in the mid-1990s) and even Shake ‘n’ Vac “put the freshness back” (1980) are still buzzing about in the heads of those polled.
So why do these songs stick with us? And what effect does this have on what we buy?
Jingles become memorable in different ways. Some advertisers use familiar songs, which are inherently easier to remember, in a new context. For instance, the Go Compare jingle uses the traditional song Over There and couples it with the comic visual element of an over-the-top opera singer. The “Just one Cornetto” campaign (launched in 1981) similarly takes a classical melody (O sole mio) and tweaks it to sell ice cream.
Other jingles make use of musical elements that make them likely to become “earworms” – those tunes that get stuck in our heads whether we like them or not. In research examining a large collection of pop music, my team found that songs that were likely to become earworms had upbeat tempos, often in the range that would make a person want to dance along. Many jingles, such as “Do the Shake ‘n’ Vac” and “I feel like Chicken Tonight” fit this pattern.
Indeed, other research has shown that when people either move or sing along to catchy songs, they are more likely to subsequently experience these songs as earworms. It has also been found that having an earworm for a song you have recently learned means you will remember that song better later on.
Lyrics can also play an important role in the memorability of a song or product. The alliterative lyrics of “Maybe it’s Maybelline” ensure that even a consumer who has never heard of this brand will easily recall its name the next time they are in the shop.
Links to other times in our life
It’s not just features of the music that give jingles such a stronghold in our memories. Music tends to be closely associated with the contexts in which we’ve heard it. That is, it often becomes closely entwined with autobiographical memories from our lives.
Hearing a jingle from our childhood can therefore bring back memories not just of hearing that song, but the living room we grew up in, and the feeling of sitting around the TV with family watching together. Jingles therefore can be a strong trigger of nostalgia.
Research has shown that the period when we are around ten to 25 years old tends to be remembered most vividly. Music cues are also best at tapping into memories of this period, which is known as the “reminiscence bump”.
In line with this, the same consumer research also revealed different recognition rates for jingles across age groups. For instance, for millennials, McDonalds’ “I’m lovin’ it” ranked number two in the top-recognised jingles list and “Maybe it’s Maybelline” came in at number five.
More than 40 years on, plenty of Brits will still be able to sing along.
Some brands also explicitly aim to merge this nostalgic element with staying on trend. Maybelline has recently reinvented its jingle, incorporating dance music elements to appeal to gen Z audiences while retaining features of the classic 1990s jingle that connects millennials to their youth.
So does writing a memorable jingle help to sell a product? In short, yes. Research that examined choices of two products from the same category (for example, cameras) showed that products coupled with a familiar tune were more likely to be chosen than those coupled with an unfamiliar tune.
However, liking the music also independently affected product choice. In particular, music that participants really disliked tended to put them off choosing a product even if the tune was familiar. This suggests that advertisers do need to carefully consider the musical preferences of their target market over and above simply writing catchy tunes.
Music has a strong hold on our memories. The same features that help us to learn the alphabet through music or transport us back to the first dance at our wedding also mean we are able to effortlessly recall which cleaning product promises that washing machines live longer.
Kelly Jakubowski consults for Maybelline (L’Oréal Groupe). She receives research funding from The Leverhulme Trust and AHRC.
Source: State University of Management – Official website of the State –
On October 23, the Second Forum of Don Youth “Don Land – Your Future” was held at the State University of Management. It was organized by the ROO “Fellowship of Rostovites “Donskaya Stanitsa” in Moscow with the support of the State University of Management.
The forum was opened by the honorary chairman of the Zemlyachestvo, adviser to the mayor of Moscow, professor of the department of state and municipal management of the State University of Management Vladimir Zotov, who congratulated those gathered on the new meeting:
“You came here and gathered together – this is a holiday. We are all united by love for our small homeland. Special thanks to the State University of Management, which is hosting us within its walls for the second time. This is one of the best management universities in Russia. This year it turned 105 years old, it has a huge potential of scientific schools, a powerful base and a convenient campus. Today we will talk about the profession and education, share experiences, tell about our first steps and give advice.”
State Duma Deputy from Rostov Oblast Larisa Tutova addressed the audience with a welcoming speech:
“I understand that many people who come to Moscow see a career that is not connected to their native region. But I want us to think about our homeland even when we are here and perhaps return there. The authorities of the Rostov region do a lot for young people, provide favorable conditions to start a career, it is enough to remember the unique program “Mortgage for excellent students”, which operates in our native region. We are fellow countrymen, and we must help each other, wherever we are. Strength is in unity, and wealth is in diversity.”
Advisor to the rector’s office of the State University of Management, member of the Rostov community Sergei Chuev noted the importance of love for one’s native land.
“The State University of Management was chosen as the venue for our forum for a reason. There are employees from the Rostov Region here, many students, it was here that the Governor of the Rostov Region Vasily Golubev studied and it was here that he met his wife. Even now I have not become a Muscovite, I position myself as a Rostovite in Moscow. The State University of Management is ready to train and find future jobs in different regions of the country, and today the employers gathered here will show that there is life after the Moscow Ring Road,” shared Sergey Vladimirovich.
Also on stage were veterans of the community, the president of the Moscow regional branch of the International Police Association, police lieutenant general Ivan Sardak and the general director of MP Svyaz, Volgodonsk Telecom LLC in 1993-2011 Nikolai Sungurov, who shared their experience of professional activity and once again emphasized that “the small homeland is the most sacred thing.”
The meeting program continued with a plenary session entitled “Young Specialists – the Core of Regional Development” and a job and internship fair, where Rostov enterprises such as PJSC UAC, OJSC Pipe Metallurgical Company, JSC Doraerodorstroy, JSC Russian Helicopters, and PJSC KB Center-Invest were represented.
At the end of the meeting, the participants were presented with certificates and a group photo was taken.
Subscribe to the TG channel “Our GUU” Date of publication: 23.10.2024
Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.
During his first trip to the Eastern Flank of the Alliance since taking office, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte met with Estonian President Alar Karis, Prime Minister Kristen Michal, Foreign Minister Margus Tsahkna, and visited Allied troops at Tapa Army Base.
After touring the military base with President Karis on Wednesday (October 23), the Secretary General thanked the personnel there – from Estonia and the UK, France and Iceland – for their service. “You are one of eight NATO battlegroups stretching from the Baltic to the Black Sea, backed by the full weight of NATO’s fighting forces in all domains. Land, air, sea, space and cyberspace. Every hour of your vigilance reinforces our collective defence,” he said.
On Tuesday (October 22), during meetings with President Karis and Prime Minister Michal, the Secretary General praised Estonia for its significant investments in defence and its support for Ukraine.
“By spending over 3% of your GDP on defence, Estonia is truly leading by example. And I know you intend to invest even more in our shared security in the coming years,” he said. Mr Rutte added that all Allies need to invest more “in order to meet our capability targets.”
Estonia is among Ukraine’s strongest supporters, having provided over 500 million euros of military aid since 2022.
“Today we discussed how to bolster our support for Ukraine, now, through the difficult winter ahead, and also for the long-term,” said the Secretary General. He emphasised that Allies are working hard to deliver on the commitments made at the Washington Summit in July, “including a new command to coordinate security assistance and training for Ukraine, and our financial pledge of at least 40 billion euros in 2024.”
During his visit, the Secretary General also met with students from Tallinn University and paid his respects at the Memorial of the Victims of Communism.
Since joining NATO in 2004, Estonia has made significant contributions to the collective defence of the Alliance. It hosts NATO’s UK-led multinational battlegroup in Tapa, NATO’s Baltic Air Policing at Ämari Air Base, a new regional hub for NATO’s Defence Innovation Accelerator for the North Atlantic (DIANA), and NATO’s Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence in Tallinn.
The challenge asked participants to use LLM and other machine learning algorithms to create an AI assistant that would help student programmers and developers solve Python problems by understanding where an error was made in their code and offering step-by-step explanations and recommendations for fixing it without explicitly providing the corrected code.
The competition lasted seven days, five of which were held online on the DS Works platform from the cloud technology provider Cloud.ru. The opening and final days were held in the HSE building on Pokrovsky Boulevard.
16 teams that were among the top ranking teams based on the quantitative metrics obtained for their solution were allowed to defend their projects.
The victory was won by the team “MISIS Computer” from the University of Science and Technology MISIS. The second place was taken by the team MMG from the Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation. The bronze was won by the team Selling Pandas, consisting of first-year students of the program“Applied Mathematics and Computer Science” HSE Faculty of Computer Science. The winners received cash prizes of 250,000, 200,000 and 150,000 rubles, respectively.
Vice-Rector of the National Research University Higher School of Economics Sergey Roshchin and Head of the Center for Artificial Intelligence Alexey Masyutin awarded the winners and shared their opinions on the hackathon.
Sergey Roshchin
— The Higher School of Economics is developing in order to respond to the challenges that occur in technology, business processes and various spheres of human life. The big digital world is a new reality in which we must learn to live and interact with artificial intelligence technologies. That is why we are actively building education so that absolutely all of our students, regardless of their field of study, master digital competencies. The Higher School of Economics is a recognized leader in training personnel in the field of AI. But we are going further and setting ourselves more ambitious goals, including automating routine tasks related to the development of AI technologies. We chose the hackathon format because it allows students to test and prove themselves by solving important and new problems. The competition participants spent a whole week developing a solution, and during this time, I am sure, they managed not only to find a worthy solution, but also to gain experience and develop their human capital. And the results obtained are a contribution to our digital future.
This time we managed to hold a real hackathon, when there is no pre-defined pipeline on how to get a solution.
Participants had the opportunity to adapt language models to help the student step-by-step understand the problem while writing code, rather than simply providing a ready-made solution.
Based on the results of the defenses, variants were proposed with enrichment with synthetic data, and with advanced aroma engineering, and with RAG approaches, and even with additional LLM training. This exceeded our expectations.
We intend to use the best solutions for implementation in HSE Smart LMS and provide an AI assistant for both students and teachers when learning Python.
The teams that won prizes also shared their impressions.
First place – the team “MISIS Computer”
— The hackathon was really cool, our team has a lot of experience participating in hackathons, and we know firsthand what a quality organization is. This hackathon had a really great organization, a good leaderboard, clear metrics and, most importantly, active organizers and experts who promptly answered questions and were in touch. Special thanks to Maxim — for his openness and cool expertise on the task. The results of the hackathon will not pass by HSE, the organizers are going to implement the best solutions in the university systems. Thanks to the organizers, experts and participants for such an interesting competition! We will be back!
Second place – MMG team
— Our team took part in the hackathon with great pleasure. We were especially pleased that it was technical and research-based, without a business component, and that the task was very relevant and in demand. Despite the fact that for most of us such a deep dive into working with LLM was the first time, we successfully coped with it, mastered new technologies and gained valuable experience.
It was an honor for us to represent the Financial University at this event. We would like to express special gratitude to the organizers for their constant support. They quickly resolved any difficulties that arose and were always in touch, which created comfortable conditions for work. We are glad that we were able to take part in this hackathon and take such a high place!
Third place – Selling Pandas team
— This was our first hackathon, which essentially consisted entirely of using fine-tuning LLMs (large language models). It was not easy, but it is precisely such competitions that bring the most pleasure, when you need to create a solution in a limited time in a practically new area for you.
By the end of the hackathon, we didn’t even want it to end, as there were still ideas that we hadn’t managed to implement. We were also very pleased with the organization of the hackathon: they always provided clear information and promptly answered all questions. We are very happy that we managed to take the prize place.
Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.
Bakersfield, CA, Oct. 23, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Trio Petroleum Corp. (NYSE American: “TPET”, “Trio” or the “Company”), a California-based oil and gas company, is pleased to announce the appointment of James Blake to its Board of Directors. James brings with him 30 years of experience in the financial industry and holds a Bachelor of Commerce degree from the University of Alberta. He is also a Chartered Financial Analyst (CFA), with a distinguished career, having recently retired from a major Canadian bank where he managed over $750 million in assets as a portfolio manager. His expertise in financial markets, investment strategies, and risk management will be an invaluable asset to Trio Petroleum.
In addition to his extensive financial experience, James has been deeply involved in the startup ecosystem, both as an investor and in raising capital for early-stage companies across various sectors. His capacity to identify high-potential ventures, coupled with his financial acumen, equips him with a diverse perspective that will benefit Trio as the company looks to strengthen its position in the energy market.
“James Blake’s wealth of knowledge in financial management and his entrepreneurial insights align perfectly with Trio’s strategic goals for growth and innovation,” said Robin Ross, Chairman of the Board and CEO of Trio Petroleum Corp. “His leadership and experience will be instrumental in supporting our drive for sustainable growth, operational efficiency, and long-term shareholder value. We are excited to welcome James to our board.”
With his forward-thinking approach and a strong track record in both traditional finance and the startup space, James Blake’s appointment strengthens Trio Petroleum’s commitment to corporate governance, strategic direction, and the creation of sustainable value for its investors.
About Trio Petroleum Corp.
Trio Petroleum Corp. is an oil and gas exploration and development company headquartered in Bakersfield, California, with operations in Monterey County, California, and Uintah County, Utah. In Monterey County, Trio owns an 85.75% working interest in 9,245 acres at the Presidents and Humpback oilfields in the South Salinas Project, and a 21.92% working interest in 800 acres in the McCool Ranch Field. In Uintah County, Trio owns a 2.25% working interest in 960 acres and options to acquire up to a 20% working interest in the 960 acres, in an adjacent 1,920 acres, and in the greater 30,000 acres of the Asphalt Ridge Project.
All statements in this press release of Trio Petroleum Corp. (“Trio”) and its representatives and partners that are not based on historical fact are “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995 and the provisions of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended, and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended (the “Acts”). In particular, when used in the preceding discussion, the words “estimates,” “believes,” “hopes,” “expects,” “intends,” “on-track”, “plans,” “anticipates,” or “may,” and similar conditional expressions are intended to identify forward-looking statements within the meaning of the Acts and are subject to the safe harbor created by the Acts. Any statements made in this press release other than those of historical fact, about an action, event or development, are forward-looking statements. While management has based any forward-looking statements contained herein on its current expectations, the information on which such expectations were based may change. These forward-looking statements rely on a number of assumptions concerning future events and are subject to a number of risks, uncertainties, and other factors, many of which are outside of the Trio’s control, that could cause actual results to materially and adversely differ from such statements. Such risks, uncertainties, and other factors include, but are not necessarily limited to, those set forth in the Risk Factors section of Trio’s Annual Report on Form 10-K and Amendment No. 1 thereto, both filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). Copies are of such documents are available on the SEC’s website, http://www.sec.gov. Trio undertakes no obligation to update these statements for revisions or changes after the date of this press release, except as required by law.
Tampa, FL, Oct. 23, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — LM Funding America, Inc. (NASDAQ: LMFA) (“LM Funding” or the “Company”), a cryptocurrency mining and technology-based specialty finance company, is pleased to announce the promotion of Ryan Duran from Vice President of Operations to President of its digital mining subsidiary, US Digital Mining and Hosting Co LLC.
Bruce Rodgers, Chairman and CEO of LM Funding, stated, “As we continue to focus and expand our Bitcoin mining operations, it is clear that strong, dedicated leadership is essential to drive our hosting and mining infrastructure. With his expertise and leadership skills, Ryan Duren is the perfect choice to accelerate our growth in the Bitcoin mining business.”
With this promotion, Ryan Duran will play a pivotal role in shaping the strategic direction and enhancing the operational efficiency of the Company’s mining operations, ensuring that LM Funding remains at the forefront of the rapidly evolving cryptocurrency industry.
Mr. Duran has worked with the Company since 2008 and has developed broad operational experience in the digital mining and hosting area and the specialty finance operations of the business. Mr. Duran has a Bachelor of Science in Real Estate and Finance from Florida State University.
About LM Funding America LM Funding America, Inc. (Nasdaq: LMFA), together with its subsidiaries, is a cryptocurrency mining business that commenced Bitcoin mining operations in September 2022. The Company also operates a technology-based specialty finance company that provides funding to nonprofit community associations (Associations) primarily located in the state of Florida, as well as in the states of Washington, Colorado, and Illinois, by funding a certain portion of the Associations’ rights to delinquent accounts that are selected by the Associations arising from unpaid Association assessments.
Forward-Looking Statements This press release may contain forward-looking statements made pursuant to the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. Words such as “anticipate,” “believe,” “estimate,” “expect,” “intend,” “plan,” and “project” and other similar words and expressions are intended to signify forward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements are not guaranties of future results and conditions but rather are subject to various risks and uncertainties. Some of these risks and uncertainties are identified in the Company’s most recent Annual Report on Form 10-K and its other filings with the SEC, which are available at http://www.sec.gov. These risks and uncertainties include, without limitation, uncertainty created by the risks of entering into and operating in the cryptocurrency mining business, uncertainty in the cryptocurrency mining business in general, problems with hosting vendors in the mining business, the capacity of our Bitcoin mining machines and our related ability to purchase power at reasonable prices, the ability to finance and grow our cryptocurrency mining operations, our ability to acquire new accounts in our specialty finance business at appropriate prices, the potential need for additional capital in the future, changes in governmental regulations that affect our ability to collected sufficient amounts on defaulted consumer receivables, changes in the credit or capital markets, changes in interest rates, and negative press regarding the debt collection industry. The occurrence of any of these risks and uncertainties could have a material adverse effect on our business, financial condition, and results of operations.
The Gauteng City-Region, which has long been South Africa’s economic engine, is in decline. The region contributes about 35% of the country’s total economic output, and is home to more than 15 million people, about 25% of the country’s population of 62 million people.
Many in the province have come from far and wide hoping to “make it” in the land of opportunity. Yet both the media and the public raise critical questions about its future amid decaying infrastructure, poor delivery of basic government services, and a steady uptick in violent crime.
New research from the Gauteng City-Region Observatory (GCRO) reveals that development outcomes in the province are declining. The GCRO is an independent institute that produces research and analysis to inform decision making and policy in the Gauteng City-Region. It is a partnership between the Gauteng provincial government, the University of the Witwatersrand, the University of Johannesburg, and organised local government (Salga-Gauteng).
The GCRO constructs a multidimensional index of wellbeing that combines 33 variables into one measure, known as the Quality of Life Index, from survey data that has been collected every two to three years since 2009.
This includes measures of health, safety, life satisfaction, socio-economic status, public services, satisfaction with government, and social and political participation. The latest index (2023/24) shows that quality of life in Gauteng has fallen to its lowest level ever since the survey began in 2009. This suggests that the wellbeing of many households has been compromised by the complex and interconnected global challenges, known as the polycrisis, that have emerged since the COVID-19 pandemic.
Many of these challenges are linked to the local governance crisis, characterised by unstable political party coalitions. The interaction of complex crises amplifies harmful effects, profoundly affecting quality of life.
A governance crisis emerged in South Africa in the wake of state capture, marked by a stark decline in the provision of quality public services. So, the government has struggled to shield citizens from the worst impacts of the polycrisis. Households face an acute convergence of global and local crises, reflected in health, economic instability, societal unrest, climate challenges, and rising safety concerns.
The research
The 7th Quality of Life Survey involved 13,795 adult residents of Gauteng. Respondents were randomly sampled in every ward of the province. Data was collected by a team of fieldworkers from 28 August 2023 to 16 April 2024. The data is made freely available, and is used by government, academics and civil society. The findings inform policy and strategic planning by government entities across the Gauteng City-Region.
The latest survey results paint a complex picture about the quality of life in Gauteng. Some of the most significant findings which relate to the challenges that household face, and the ways people respond to challenges, are highlighted below. The list of crises includes concerns about public service delivery, satisfaction with government, safety, poverty, and overall quality of life.
Unreliable service delivery
Basic services in Gauteng are characterised by interruptions to supply, inadequate coverage and quality problems. While most residents have access to water, electricity, sanitation and refuse removal, satisfaction with these levels has declined substantially since the previous survey in 2020/21.
The latest survey shows that only 61% of respondents were satisfied with their sanitation, only 60% perceived their water as always clean, and only 64% were satisfied with their refuse removal. These are all lower than in the past when satisfaction ranged between 70% and 75%. The impact, for example, is that those who do not have weekly refuse removal are more likely to dump their rubbish in public spaces or burn it – causing various environmental challenges.
Gauteng households use various resources at their disposal to deal with the impacts of unreliable services. For instance, one in seven households (15%) are now generating some or all their own electricity, compared to 4% in 2017/18. This is partly related to the unreliability of electricity provision, and growing efforts to gain independence from the “grid”. But the unreliability and cost of electricity have varied impacts, depending on household income.
Declining satisfaction with government
Only a fifth (21%) of respondents were satisfied with the performance of the national government. A similar proportion (22%) of respondents were satisfied with the performance of provincial and local governments. Satisfaction for all these spheres has declined by between 15 and 20 percentage points since 2017/18.
The effect of dissatisfaction with government is increasing disengagement. Just over half of respondents (54%) felt that politics was a waste of time, and 57% said that South Africa was a failed state. When the survey was conducted, before the 2024 provincial elections, 21% of respondents said they were not planning to vote. Thus, government dissatisfaction and disengagement helps to understand the low voter turnout during the elections.
Poverty
While poverty rates measured in 2023/24 have improved from their peak during the pandemic, the recovery is partial. Sixteen percent of respondents lived below the food poverty line of R760 per month (about US$43). This remains higher than pre-pandemic levels (it was 12% in 2017/18). It shows that a large portion of Gauteng’s households have struggled to meet their basic needs for a long time.
South Africa’s welfare systems remain a lifeline for many households. The proportion of respondents that benefited from any kind of social grant (including child support and old age pensions has increased steadily from 30% in 2011 to just over 50% in 2023/24.
Low-income households are also less likely to recover from shocks because they lack financial safety nets, and cannot afford to replace public services with costly private alternatives.
Safety concerns
Another kind of problem experienced by respondents is insecurity as a result of crime and violence. A fifth of respondents (21%) said that they had been the victim of crime in the last year. This was a two percentage point increase from 2020/21, when lockdowns reduced crime levels. The proportion of respondents who said that the crime situation had worsened was also higher (increasing from 43% in 2020/21 to 48% in 2023/24).
Much larger proportions of respondents felt unsafe in their homes, and when walking in their neighbourhood in the daytime or at night. For example, in 2023/24, 81% of respondents felt unsafe walking in their area at night, compared to 75% in 2020/21. The effect is that 62% of respondents in 2023/24 were dissatisfied with the security services provided by the government, compared to 54% in 2020/21.
Overall quality of life is lower
Overall, in the latest index quality of life reached its lowest point yet since the index was first calculated. The 2023/24 value was calculated at 59.5 out of 100, compared to 61.4 in 2020/21 and a high of 63.9 in 2017/18.
Most of the dimensions declined, suggesting that the wellbeing of many households has been adversely affected by the interplay between the governance crisis and the polycrisis. Households’ ability to navigate these challenges is strongly shaped by inequality, which remains very high.
The 2023/24 quality of life report shows that the Gauteng City-Region grapples with a series of wicked problems. Public and private sector leaders, along with civil society, need to assess the current situation and collaborate on innovative solutions to enhance the quality of life of all residents in the City-Region.
Shannon Arnold, a junior researcher at the Gauteng City-Region Observatory, contributed to the research and this article.
Christian Hamann is employed by the Gauteng CIty-Region Observatory which receives funding from the Gauteng Provincial Government.
Rashid Seedat is employed by the Gauteng CIty-Region Observatory which receives funding from the Gauteng Provincial Government. He is also a Board member of the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation.
Is blood thicker than water? Should family always come first?
These clichés about the importance of family abound, despite the recognition that familial relations are oftentimes hard, if not downright dysfunctional.
But over the past few years, a discussion has emerged about a somewhat taboo move: cutting ties altogether with family members deemed “toxic.”
Called going “no contact,” this form of estrangement usually involves adult children cutting ties with their parents. It might happen after years of abuse or when a parent disapproves of a child who has come out as LGBTQ+. Or it might be spurred by political or religious differences. Even Vice President Kamala Harris has been mostly estranged from her father since her parents’ divorce.
Those in favor say people should disentangle from unhealthy relationships without shame, and that family should be held to the same standards as friends and romantic partners.
Those against say the bar for what constitutes familial trauma has become too low, and that some kids who cut off all contact are being selfish.
At the heart of the debate over the ethics of estrangement is a cultural attachment to the idea of family. The field of family estrangement is still in its early stages, but discussions of the collapsed parent-child relationship – its sources, its ethics, its consequences – can be found in literature across history. As I’ve encountered more articles, forums and social media posts devoted to family estrangement, I can’t help but see connections to Shakespeare’s “King Lear,” which I teach to my students as a tragedy about dysfunctional families.
The tragedy features characters who are cast out by their families, and while the work is over 400 years old, it offers uncanny insight into the logic of modern family estrangement.
Early modern family
In Shakespeare’s time – the English early modern era, which spanned from the beginning of the 16th century to the start of the 18th century – Protestantism reinforced the idea that people had special obligations to their kin.
As the English Puritan preacher John Foxe wrote in “The Book of Martyrs,” “Among all the affections of nature, there is none that is so deeply graved in a father’s mind, as the love and tender affection towards his children.”
In Foxe’s teaching, children were blessings from God who required nurturing, spiritual guidance and material support from their parents. Children, in turn, were obliged to honor and obey their parents who cared for them.
While this sounds simple enough, the early modern family was no less prone to dysfunction than the modern family.
Just like today, parent-child relationships were dynamic and evolved across the life span of the parents. As historian Ilana Krausman Ben-Amos argues, the family bond was not sustained by adhering to God’s commands, but through giving and reciprocation that was asymmetrical.
Parents could invest a lot into their children and get very little in return, and vice versa. Due to shorter life expectancy, many parents did not live to see their children come of age, and if they did, children rarely earned enough to pay their parents back for the cost of raising them. Thus, children might reciprocate in less material forms, such as through offering affection.
When a parent died, the children might receive some form of inheritance, but this was largely determined by class status, gender and the order of birth.
Shakespeare’s characters go ‘no contact’
“King Lear” features two storylines. Each relates to the disintegration of the family.
The first plot involves Gloucester and his two sons, Edgar and Edmund. Edmund is a bastard, which means when Gloucester dies, his legitimate brother, Edgar, will inherit everything. To get his revenge, Edmund forges a letter in which Edgar reveals plans to murder Gloucester to expedite his inheritance. Once Gloucester sees the letter, he writes Edgar off as a villain. Feeling betrayed, Edgar assumes a new identity as a beggar and goes no-contact with his family.
In the second plot, King Lear attempts to divide his kingdom among his daughters. Because it is impossible to equally divvy up cities, towns and villages, he invents a contest: Each daughter will give a speech articulating their love for their father. He’ll award the best parts of the kingdom to the daughter who does the finest job stroking his ego.
Lear expects Cordelia, his favorite, to outshine her sisters. But she refuses to play along and instead calls him out for his vanity. Feeling disrespected, Lear disinherits Cordelia. With no money, she’s forced to marry the first man who will take her and moves to France.
In these family dramas, the parents are unfair, even vindictive, toward their children. But the conflict is still compelling and relatable to readers today because so many families are characterized by inequality.
Deception inspires Gloucester’s disavowal and disinheritance of Edgar. And, yes, Edmund’s scheme to destroy Edgar and Gloucester’s relationship is diabolical. But at the same time, Gloucester’s decision to throw away his decades-long relationship with his son over a letter – phony or not – seems rash.
Was Edgar right to flee from his father? Or could something have been done to save the relationship?
Cordelia is correct that Lear is vain for expecting his daughters to compete for their inheritance. At the same time, complimenting her father seems like a small price to pay for an entire kingdom.
Is Cordelia acting like a spoiled brat by refusing to honor and obey her father? Or is she doing him a favor by calling out his unbecoming behavior?
Shakespeare doesn’t offer us any clear answers to these questions; he just asks readers to wade in the complexity of them and experience the unique grief that comes from watching a family fall apart over something that maybe could have been avoided.
No envy for the estranged
No one gets a happy ending in “King Lear” – not the children who reject their parents, and most certainly not the parents, who need their children to protect them and care for them in old age.
Edmund’s grief over his bastard status begets the grief he brings to Gloucester and Edgar. For failing to see the truth of Edgar’s innocence, Gloucester is physically blinded by one of Edmund’s unwitting co-conspirators, a punishment he accepts. When Edgar reunites with Gloucester, his eyes fill with tears as he witnesses his father’s physical suffering. Before Gloucester dies, Edgar asks his father for a blessing.
Even though Lear cut off contact with Cordelia, she still returns to England once she learns her sisters have thrown Lear out onto the streets with nothing but the clothes on his back. The sisters come off as villains, but one could also see their abandoning Lear as karmic retribution. When Lear reunites with Cordelia, he begs for her forgiveness, suggesting he recognizes his failures, and she begs for his, recognizing her enduring love for him despite his faults.
Then and now, family estrangement often leads to loneliness, along with social stigma.
Parents can be ashamed to say their children no longer speak to them. People who are estranged from their parents speak of the impulse to share milestones with family, but fear eroding the boundaries they’ve worked so hard to maintain.
Just like in “King Lear,” not having a family also means being economically vulnerable: It remains difficult to get a loan or lease as a young adult without a co-signer.
The advantages of belonging to a family are so obvious that losing that affiliation, intentionally or not, is tragic. “King Lear” ends with almost all the characters dying, but because this is a play – a fiction, a fantasy – they get to ask for and receive forgiveness before the curtain closes.
Real life doesn’t usually work like that, nor should it be expected to. If “King Lear” and Kamala Harris’ estrangement from her father make anything clear, it is that no amount of money, power or threat of bad publicity can fully protect a family from dysfunction and disintegration.
Jeanette Tran does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Today’s Congress.gov interview is with Christy Amatos, an Assistant Parliamentarian at the United States Senate.
Describe your background.
I am a native Ohioan who attended The Ohio State Universityand later Boston University for law school. I have been working in non-partisan legislative work for about a decade – I started my career in the Ohio General Assembly as a bill drafter. After about a year of that, I was offered the chance to move to another legislative agency that was in the process of rolling out software to fully digitize the lawmaking process. I had no background in tech but they promised me if I knew the legislative process, they would teach me everything I needed to know about being a business analyst.
I had no idea what I was getting into but I loved it! I served as the liaison between the clerks in the Ohio Senate and House of Representatives and the team designing and developing the software. I learned so much about communication – both the unique language used in software development but also how to confront and address problems in a productive and congenial way, particularly in high stress situations. At the time, I had no idea how much those skills were going to help me in the future.
A few years later, I joined the Office of the Senate Parliamentarian in Congress, another non-partisan role but one that was more traditionally connected to my legal training. I have been here for about six years and love it. The people who work on Capitol Hill are what make this job so great – from the Secretary of the Senate staff I work with every day to the folks at the Library of Congress who engage with us on Congress.gov.
How would you describe your job to other people?
The Senate Parliamentarian is kind of like the referee of the Senate. We interpret and apply the rules of the Senate on a daily basis.
What is your role in the development of Congress.gov?
It just so happened that when I started working in the Senate, there was an opportunity to join the Secretary of the Senate’s Congress.gov team and because of my past experience, my boss suggested I join. I was definitely excited to be able to dip my toes back into some of the type of work I had been doing in Ohio. At that time, Congress.gov was live but so was the previous resource, LIS, which was a website only accessible to Congress with some additional features that the public-facing site THOMAS did not have. There were a lot of growing pains getting Congress.gov to the point where it could provide the same level of service to users that LIS had . . . and a lot of staff who were always going to like LIS better no matter what. So we had a big challenge working to gain the trust of the internal users while also continuing to work on bettering Congress.gov.
Fortunately, we were able to gather a great group of staff, both on the Secretary of the Senate side of things and on the Library of Congress side, and were able to get buy-in from some important, but previously uninvolved, stakeholders and then things really started to improve.
All of that to say that I think of my role in two parts – provide important feedback on how data is used and presented from the perspective of my office, but also to help facilitate the good conversations and working relationships that are critical to the success of Congress.gov.
One thing I do take great satisfaction in is fixing errors in really old data – we recently fixed one from five years before I was born – you know the errors have been out there for decades and maybe no one has looked at that particular piece of legislation or maybe they did not notice the misspelled word but fixing it is one more tiny step to getting Congress.gov to be as perfect as we can make it and I find that so satisfying.
What is your favorite feature of Congress.gov?
I think someone described the folks in my office as “power users” of Congress.gov, which sounds much more impressive than I ever actually feel on a daily basis. But I do use the search functions on Congress.gov every single day, so my favorite feature is absolutely one of the advanced searches. The command line search lets the user input search terms and connectors to tailor the results to be very specific without having to click a lot of boxes or choose from dropdown menus. There is nothing more satisfying than getting good search results on the first try!
What is the most interesting fact you’ve learned about the legislative process while working for Congress?
I have been working in the legislative branch for about a decade at this point, so I am not entirely sure I can pin down one in particular. Something I have started to spend time learning, however, is the history of the legislative process, and by extension, the history of the people working in the legislature.
One of my favorite anecdotes is that before the Russell Senate Office Building was named for Richard Russell, it was just called the Senate Office Building and Senator Harry Truman would joke that his constituents could address his mail to “Harry Truman S.O.B.” and the Post Office would know where to deliver it.
One of the important things I have learned about the legislative process is that it is made up of all of the people who have worked and served here, not just the elected members. For example, last year I read the obituary of former Senate Committee on Foreign Relations staffer Bertie Bowman and immediately went in search of his autobiography. He started working at the Capitol in the 1940s when he was 13 years old and did not fully retire until 2021. His story of service to his country is just one example of why so many people have done this work over more than two centuries and serves as an inspiration for those of us currently doing it.
What’s something most of your co-workers do not know about you?
This is the opposite of something people do not know about me, I am telling everyone because it makes me laugh! I just got a kitten and I named him John Quincy Catams.
John Quincy Catams, picture courtesy of Christy Amatos.
Subscribe to In Custodia Legis – it’s free! – to receive interesting posts drawn from the Law Library of Congress’s vast collections and our staff’s expertise in U.S., foreign, and international law.
INDIANAPOLIS, Oct. 23, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — In an effort to make homeownership more accessible and affordable in Michigan, the Federal Home Loan Bank of Indianapolis (FHLBank Indianapolis or the Bank) and the Michigan State Housing Development Authority (MSHDA) have created the MSHDA Rate Relief Mortgage Program to benefit low-income, first-time homebuyers in the state.
This new program will allow qualified low-income first-time homebuyers to reduce the cost of their mortgage by one full percentage point if they finance through a MSHDA-approved lender that also is a Bank member. This will allow hundreds of Michigan’s first-time homebuyers to save money every month on their mortgage.
“Every Michigander should be able to raise their family in a home they love,” said Lt. Governor Garlin Gilchrist II. “That is why we have made historic investments to build or rehabilitate 34,000 housing units and announced the largest housing investment in state history. The MSHDA Rate Relief Mortgage program will lower the mortgage interest rate for eligible homebuyers by a full percentage point, saving families hundreds each year, keeping money in their pockets, and helping more Michigan families achieve their dream of homeownership. Let’s keep working together to build more affordable housing and create a brighter future for Michigan families.”
FHLBank Indianapolis is supporting the program by purchasing a $50 million MSHDA bond (Series F), allowing Bank members the opportunity to sell single-family mortgage loans to MSHDA at below-market rates.
“Everyone should have the opportunity to own a home,” said Cindy Konich, President and CEO of FHLBank Indianapolis. “That’s why the MSHDA Rate Relief Mortgage Program — and our growing partnership with MSHDA — is so important. It reflects our shared vision and values of providing affordable housing solutions, eliminates financing barriers, and opens the door to a brighter future for hundreds of first-time homebuyers in Michigan.”
Amy Hovey, CEO and Executive Director of MSHDA, agreed.
“This program is a game changer for Michigan families. Saving first-time homebuyers a full percentage point on their mortgages will make a big difference, helping more families make it in Michigan,” Hovey said.
MSHDA’s Homeownership Division offers mortgages with competitive interest rates, connections to homebuyer education and counseling, and up to $10,000 in down-payment assistance. Last year, this team backed mortgages and down-payment assistance worth more than $728 million, helping 5,082 first-time homebuyers achieve access to this important wealth-building tool. The Michigan Legislature is currently considering House Bill 5032, which would eliminate the current cap of $224,500 on mortgages eligible for MSHDA support.
Key facts about the program:
Who’s eligible? First-time homebuyers with a qualifying income at or below 80% of Area Median Income (AMI); a credit score of 640 or higher; and must work through an FHLBank Indianapolis member that is also a MSHDA-participating lender.
Other qualifications: New or existing single-family residences, including some types of manufactured homes; 30-year terms; and a maximum sales price limit of $224,500 (per Michigan law. Other restrictions may apply.)
Launch date: The program opened Oct. 21, 2024, and will continue until funds are depleted on a first-come, first-served basis.
How to apply: Interested first-time homebuyers can get more information at their local lending institution. FHLBank Indianapolis members can find more specifics on the Bank’s MemberLink portal and through the Bank’s direct member communications.
Current MSHDA participating lenders who also are FHLBank Indianapolis members are below:
1st State Bank
Adventure Credit Union
Bank of Ann Arbor
Case Credit Union
ChoiceOne Bank
Commercial Bank
Dart Bank
Dort Federal Credit Union
Financial Plus Credit Union
First Merchants Bank (Level One Bank)
Grand River Bank
Horizon Bank
Independent Bank
Kellogg Community Credit Union
Lake Michigan Credit Union
Macatawa Bank
Mercantile Bank of MI
Metro Community Development, Inc.
Michigan First Mortgage, a division of Michigan First Credit Union
Northland Area Credit Union
Northpointe Bank
Superior National Bank and Trust
United Bank of Michigan
United Federal Credit Union
University Bank
West Shore Bank
This is the second housing partnership the Bank and MSHDA have created this year. In January, they jointly announced the launch of the Tribal Nations Housing Development Assistance Program (TNHDAP). That program is aimed at building on tribal nations’ existing capacity and providing resources and support to develop affordable housing programs and projects that respond to their unique housing needs. FHLBank Indianapolis is supporting the program with a grant of up to $3 million.
Media contacts: FHLBank Indianapolis Corporate Communications Scott Thien, Sr. Communications Lead sthien@fhlbi.com
Michigan State Housing Development Authority (MSHDA) Katie Bach, Communications Director Partnerships and Engagement Division BachK@michigan.gov
About Federal Home Loan Bank of Indianapolis: FHLBank Indianapolis is a regional bank in the Federal Home Loan Bank System. FHLBanks are government-sponsored enterprises created by Congress to provide access to low-cost funding for their member financial institutions, with particular attention paid to providing solutions that support the housing and small business needs of members’ customers. FHLBanks are privately capitalized and funded, and they receive no Congressional appropriations. One of 11 independent regional cooperative banks across the U.S., FHLBank Indianapolis is owned by its Indiana and Michigan financial institution members, including commercial banks, credit unions, insurance companies, savings institutions and community development financial institutions. For more information about FHLBank Indianapolis, visit http://www.fhlbi.com and follow the Bank on LinkedIn, and Instagram and X at @FHLBankIndy.
About MSHDA The Michigan State Housing Development Authority (MSHDA), established in 1966, provides financial and technical assistance through public and private partnerships to create and preserve safe and decent affordable housing, engage in community economic development activities, develop vibrant cities, towns and villages, and address homeless issues.
On July 14, 2024, I stepped off the plane in Seoul, South Korea, and I couldn’t help but feel a mix of excitement, curiosity, and nervousness. I was about to embark on a journey that would touch me both professionally and personally as part of the pilot Samsung Ambassador Program. Little did I know that this trip would not only deepen my understanding of Samsung’s rich history, philosophy, and leadership but also introduce me to some of the kindest, most passionate, and most dedicated individuals from around the world.
My first day started promptly at 8 a.m. on July 15th. The Ambassador Program participants gathered in front of the hotel, awaiting a shuttle bus that would take us to Samsung University. After about an hour-long ride, we arrived at the campus, which is nestled near Everland in Yongin, Gyeonggi, roughly an hour outside of Seoul. The university grounds were perfectly manicured, with trees that resembled huge bonsais and wild peacocks basking in the sunlight. The natural beauty of the surroundings was stunning, especially since we were just outside one of the largest urban areas in the world. From the moment we arrived, I was struck by the warmth and hospitality of the Samsung University team.
As we gathered in the “Vision Hall,” one of the main training rooms at the university, we quickly dove into the program following introductions. There was no time like the present! While we learned about Samsung’s commitment to innovation, quality, and customer satisfaction, it was the kindness, generosity, and warmth of my fellow ambassadors that truly left a permanent mark on my heart.
Throughout the week-long program, we explored Samsung’s fascinating history, its humble beginnings, its visionary leadership, and the guiding principles that have propelled the company to global success. We engaged in thought-provoking discussions, hands-on workshops, and an exclusive tour of the Samsung Guide Dog School, founded by late chairman Lee Kun-hee in June 1993. The school, which supports the visually impaired, as well as therapy and search-and-rescue efforts, proudly celebrated its 30th anniversary in 2023.
The U.S. Supreme Court recently weighed in on these debates with its 2024 decision in Grants Pass v. Johnson. The court’s ruling grants cities the authority to prohibit individuals from sleeping and camping in public spaces, effectively condoning the use of fines and bans to address rising rates of homelessness.
East Atlanta Village, a historically Black neighborhood in Atlanta with about 3,000 residents, is trying something different. In the fall of 2023, with support from the Atlanta City Council, the mayor’s office and Intown Cares, a local nonprofit that works to alleviate homelessness and hunger, the neighborhood hired a full-time social worker to support people experiencing homelessness.
Michael Nolan, an Intown Cares social worker, is trained in an approach that emphasizes individual autonomy and dignity, recognizes that being homeless is a traumatic experience, and prioritizes access to housing. His role includes helping individuals get the documentation they need to move off the streets, such as copies of their birth certificates and Social Security cards. He also has a dedicated phone line that community members can use to alert him about dangerous situations that involve homeless people.
Michael Nolan, East Atlanta Village’s social worker, spends 40-plus hours weekly providing supplies, services and other help to people experiencing homelessness.
I am a researcher at the University of Washington studying programs and technologies that help urban neighborhoods flourish. I’m also a resident of East Atlanta Village and have helped the neighborhood organize and evaluate this experiment.
For the past year, my colleagues and I have collected data about the neighborhood social work program to understand how well it can support both people without housing and the broader community. Our preliminary findings suggest that neighborhood social work is a promising way to address challenges common in many neighborhoods with homelessness.
I believe this approach has the potential to provide long-term solutions to homelessness and improve the health and safety for the entire neighborhood. I also see it as a sharp contrast with the punitive approach condoned by the Supreme Court.
Resolving conflicts over public space
One of the people I interviewed while evaluating this initiative was Rebecca, a resident of East Atlanta Village who walks her dog in the local park every day. In the fall of 2023, she noticed that a man had moved into the park and set up a tent. At first, the area was clean, but within a few weeks there was garbage around the tent and throughout the park.
Rebecca felt that the trash was ruining one of the few green spaces in the neighborhood. She decided to contact Nolan. Nolan told her that he knew the unhoused man, was working with him to secure permanent housing and in the meantime would help him move his tent to a less-frequented space.
Such negotiations around public spaces are common challenges for neighborhoods with large homeless populations, especially in dense urban areas. Other examples in our data included conflicts when a homeless person began sleeping in his car outside another resident’s home, and when a homeless man wandered into a homeowner’s yard.
The standard approach in these situations is to fine, ban or imprison the unhoused individual. But those strategies are expensive, can prolong homelessness and do little to actually resolve the issues.
In contrast, hiring a social worker has enabled East Atlanta Village to resolve conflicts gently, through conversation and negotiation. The solutions address concerns about public health and safety and also offer people without homes an opportunity for long-term change.
Meeting basic needs
Over the past year, this program has helped 13 people move into housing. Nolan has facilitated over 180 medical and mental health care visits for people living on the street.
Eighty-six people have been connected to Medicaid, food assistance or Social Security benefits. Thirty-five people have health care for the first time, and six people have started receiving medication for their addictions.
Research shows that addressing people’s basic needs by helping them obtain food, medicine, housing and other necessities not only supports those individuals but also produces cascading benefits for the entire community. They include reduced inequality, better health outcomes and lower crime rates.
Managing mental and behavioral health
Studies have found that about two-thirds of unhoused individuals struggle with mental health challenges. Unmet mental and behavioral health needs can contribute to unsafe and illegal behavior.
The United States does not have a comprehensive system in place for supporting people who are living on the street and struggling with chronic mental and behavioral health challenges. While much more infrastructure is needed, in East Atlanta Village, Nolan is able to check in on people experiencing homelessness, work with clinics to deliver medication for addiction and mental health needs and alert community members about dangerous situations.
As an example, in December 2023 a homeless man was arrested in East Atlanta Village for trespassing, stealing mail and other erratic behavior. When concerned residents posted to the neighborhood Facebook group, Nolan responded that he knew the man well, that this behavior was not typical and that he would look into the situation.
Nolan later updated his post, commenting that the man had been arrested but that he would “continue to follow up and ensure that his current behaviors do not return upon his release.”
In other examples, Nolan has helped de-escalate situations when people experienced mental health episodes in local coffee shops and churches.
A model for other cities
Cities around the U.S. have decisions to make about addressing homelessness and its associated challenges. Neighborhood social work is not a magic bullet, but my colleagues and I see it as a promising approach to address the most common challenges that neighborhoods with high rates of homelessness face.
East Atlanta Village is currently working with the Atlanta City Council to renew funding for this program, which cost US$100,000 in its initial year. We hope that other neighborhoods also consider this strategy when deciding how to address homelessness in their own areas.
Ishita Chordia is affiliated with the East Atlanta Neighborhood Association. She volunteers for the neighborhood association and has helped organize and evaluate the neighborhood social work program.
Kamala Harris and Donald Trump have very different policy positions and political approaches − as well as fashion choices. Jacquelyn Martin/pool/AFP via Getty Images and Win McNamee/Getty Images
Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris and Republican contender Donald Trump could not be more different – and this split between them extends far beyond politics and into their fashion choices.
While Harris tends to wear form-fitting pantsuits and feminine tops, Trump opts for ill-fitting, boxy, navy suits and long red ties.
All American politicians oftenwear American flag pins on their lapels, as well as red, white and blue clothing. But my research shows how fashion plays an important, symbolic role in politics that goes far beyond patriotism. A person’s appearance reflects their identity and how they want others to perceive them.
It makes sense that political campaigns often work with professional stylists to dress and style their top candidates, as a way to define and reflect politicians’ different personalities, identities and policy positions.
Kamala Harris arrives to speak at the Democratic National Convention on Aug. 22, 2024, wearing a dark blue pantsuit. Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images
While Clinton’s pantsuits during the 2016 presidential campaign had rigid silhouettes that did not show the shape of her body, Harris’ pantsuits are more relaxed and less formal.
As a senator, Harris, alongside other Democratic female politicians, wore a white pantsuit to commemorate and celebrate the suffragettes.
At the Democratic National Convention in August 2024, Harris accepted the presidential nomination wearing a perhaps unsurprising navy blue pantsuit with the standard politician’s American flag pin on the lapel. She topped off the look with medium-heel dress shoes and a dark blue pussycat bow blouse, sometimes also called a lavallière. The pussycat bow blouse, which was popularized in the 1970s among professional women, is a feminine version of a traditional tie.
This type of tie has a soft, floppy bow at the neck that can be tied in numerous ways.
Harris’ decision to regularly wear pussycat bow blouses shows that she has a feminine flair, and it’s also a nod to past feminist icons who wore that type of bow.
When Harris wears sneakers – which are often Chuck Taylors – with a pantsuit, it reminds me of how the actress Helen Hunt’s character wore practical commuter sneakers with business clothing in the 1990s and 2000s “Mad About You” TV series.
The unlikely combination of a pantsuit with sneakers shows that Harris is a busy, professional woman – who is also youthful, energetic and relatable to other women.
Walz’s American dad style
Tim Walz speaks at a campaign rally in Volant, Pa., on Oct. 15, 2024, wearing one of his signature flannel shirts. Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images
Harris’ running mate, Tim Walz, has also received public attention for his clothing choices.
At the Democratic National Convention in August, former President Barack Obama remarked about Walz regularly wearing plaid, flannel shirts. “You can tell those flannel shirts he wears don’t come from some political consultant. They come from his closet, and they have been through some stuff,” Obama said.
Walz’s typical outfits, including plaid shirts, jeans and a well-worn suit with the shirt collar unbuttoned and no tie, signals that he is authentic and relatable to the average American.
This unofficial uniform also helps cement the public perception of Walz as an archetypal American coach and dad.
The Harris-Walz campaign has capitalized on Walz’s image by selling merchandise that seems like something out of his closet.
Donald Trump and JD Vance attend a 9/11 remembrance ceremony at the World Trade Center at Ground Zero in New York City on Sept. 11, 2024. Adam Gray/AFP via Getty Images
Vance’s and Trump’s aesthetics
Republican politicians also show who they are, or who they want to be, through their fashion choices. Republican vice presidential nominee JD Vance, for example, has noticeably changed his appearance from when he first became involved in politics a few years ago to when he became a senator in 2023.
In 2017, Vance often wore jeans, a button-down, open-collar shirt and an unbuttoned blazer during his book tour. When he was elected as a senator in 2023, he began wearing suits and ties.
More recently, Vance began dressing in the unofficial Make America Great Again uniform, consisting of a tailored dark blue suit, red tie and white shirt with dark shoes. With this outfit choice, Vance is wrapping himself in red, white and blue, referencing the American flag and signaling his patriotism.
Trump wears a nearly identical political uniform that has become instantly recognizable and closely associated with conservative politicians.
When Trump selected Vance as his running mate in July 2024, Vance also dyed his gray hair to brown to possibly appear more youthful. Perhaps it became more important for Vance to appear younger after 81-year-old President Joe Biden stepped down from the Democratic ticket and 60-year-old Harris became the presidential candidate.
Beyond the campaign, in February 2024, Trump released 1,000 pairs of limited edition high-top sneakers called “Never Surrender.” These shoes, which quickly sold out, were covered in gaudy, gold lamé and had an American flag printed around the collar of the sneakers.
I recently found several examples of pairs of Trump sneakers for sale on eBay and other online shops for thousands of dollars.
Harris’ monochromatic blouses and pantsuit with sneakers combination, alongside Walz’s Midwestern dad outfits, will likely help the campaign’s effort for its candidates to appear as relatable to many working class voters and women.
Likewise, Trump’s classic MAGA red hat and tie, in addition to Vance’s similar uniform of navy blue suit, white button-down shirt and red tie, evoke their focus on masculine conservatism.
The candidates’ styles don’t tell voters any details about campaign promises or political policies, but they do give an idea of who the candidates think they are.
Therèsa M. Winge does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The White House
President Biden and First Lady Jill Biden created the White House Initiative on Women’s Health Research to fundamentally change how our nation approaches and funds women’s health research. Despite making up more than half the population, women have historically been understudied and underrepresented in health research. Since its launch in November 2023, the Initiative has made significant investments to close gaps in research on women’s health—from menopause-related conditions to endometriosis to auto-immune conditions to cardiovascular disease—so that we can improve prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of diseases and conditions that affect women uniquely, disproportionately, and differently.
Today in Las Vegas, Nevada, the First Lady will announce $110 million in awards from the Advanced Research Projects Agency for Health (ARPA-H) to accelerate transformative research and development in women’s health. President Biden established ARPA-H, a new research and development funding agency, with bipartisan Congressional support to generate high-impact biomedical and health breakthroughs. In February 2024, the First Lady launched ARPA-H’s Sprint for Women’s Health, the first major deliverable of the White House Initiative on Women’s Health Research. Over the last 10 months, ARPA-H received an unprecedented response to this call for solutions for women’s health, with over 1,700 submissions across 45 states and D.C. as well as 34 countries.
In less than a year, the White House Initiative on Women’s Health Research has galvanized nearly a billion dollars in funding for women’s health research, including the First Lady’s recent announcement of $500 million from the U.S. Department of Defense and $200 million from the National Institutes of Health. Additionally, in his State of the Union address, President Biden called on Congress to make a bold, transformative investment of $12 billion in new funding for women’s health research. President Biden also signed a first-of-its-kind Executive Order on Advancing Women’s Health Research and Innovation, directing the most comprehensive set of executive actions ever taken to expand and improve research on women’s health. Through the Initiative, federal agencies have committed to taking over 100 actions to prioritize investments in women’s health research and integrate women’s health across the federal research portfolio.
Accelerating Progress in Women’s Health Research
Today’s ARPA-H awardees will spur innovation and advance high-impact, novel approaches to diseases and conditions that affect women uniquely, disproportionately, and differently. Today’s awardees are working across a range of women’s health issues—from pursuing new ways to prevent, detect, and treat cardiovascular conditions, ovarian cancer, endometriosis, neurological diseases, and pain in women to developing next-generation approaches to menopause, migraines, obstetrics, and gynecological care.
One-quarter of today’s awardees are pursuing “launchpad” projects, meaning those projects have the potential for commercialization within two years. The remaining awardees are pursuing “spark” projects that are in the early stage of research. ARPA-H’s support for these projects will help ensure that women and their health care providers can soon benefit from the research investments being made today.
The $110 million in ARPA-H awards announced today across 23 teams fund bold and transformative women’s health solutions, including:
Aspira Women’s Health Inc. of Shelton, Connecticut will receive $10 million to create a first-of-its-kind definitive, non-invasive blood test to diagnose endometriosis. Endometriosis is a debilitating condition that affects about 1 in 10 women and often takes years and surgery to be diagnosed. Aspira Women’s Health Inc. aims to reduce the time it takes to diagnose endometriosis from years to days while helping health care providers identify the most appropriate treatment option for each woman’s needs.
Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, Inc. of Boston, Massachusetts will receive $9.1 million to improve our ability to assess brain disorders in women through a novel non-invasive MRI imaging biomarker. Even though conditions such as Alzheimer’s disease, dementia, and multiple sclerosis disproportionately affect women, there are significant gaps in our knowledge about how to prevent, detect, and treat these conditions in women. By developing a novel and non-invasive MRI technology to measure a specific brain protein, Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center, Inc. will advance our understanding of, and improve treatments for, brain disorders in women.
Children’s Research Institute of Washington, DC—through its research arm on families—will receive $8.1 million to develop a novel way to assess chronic pain in women. Women experience pain differently than men which can lead health care providers to underestimate and undertreat this pain, resulting in prolonged suffering, delayed diagnosis and treatment, and a reluctance to seek medical care. Despite this need, there is currently no objective, quantitative indicator of chronic pain in women. Children’s Research Institute aims to fill this gap by studying how a woman’s eyes react to external stimulation, which is directly related to how she perceives pain.
Gravidas Diagnostics, Inc. of Los Angeles, California will receive $3 million to create a first-of-its-kind at-home test to revolutionize our ability to detect early preeclampsia, a leading cause of maternal mortality and morbidity. By making it easier to identify preeclampsia quickly, Gravidas Diagnostics Inc.’s new low-cost fingerstick test would help women and their doctors get the information they need sooner to reduce pregnancy-related complications and improve maternal and child health.
The University of Iowa will receive $10 million to revolutionize the treatment for late-stage and metastatic ovarian cancer by using personalized nanoparticles to boost a woman’s immune system. More than half of women with ovarian cancer are diagnosed only after the cancer has metastasized, making it harder to treat and reducing survival rates. Leveraging nanotechnology, the University of Iowa will engineer personalized nanoparticles to use a woman’s own immune system to attack multiple cancers and help more women get the treatment they need to live longer.
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (UNC-Chapel Hill) will receive $3 million to improve our ability to treat migraines in women. Women are more likely than men to suffer from migraines, which can be extremely debilitating. UNC-Chapel Hill will study the lymphatic system to better understand why women are more susceptible to migraines than men—with the goal of treating migraines with new drugs specifically targeting the brain lymphatics and developing personalized treatments to reduce women’s debilitating migraines.
Additional information and a full list of awardees is available here.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Hannah Cutting-Jones, Assistant Professor, Department of Global Studies; Director of Food Studies, University of Oregon
Beef dominates American diets. In 2022, Americans consumed almost 30 billion pounds of beef.Johnrob/E+ via Getty Images
American diets have long revolved around beef. On an 1861 trip to the United States, the English novelist Anthony Trollope marveled that Americans consumed twice as much beef as Englishmen. Through war, industry, development and settlement, America’s love of beef continued. In 2022, the U.S. as a whole consumed almost 30 billion pounds (13.6 billion kilograms) of it, or 21% of the world’s beef supply.
Beef has also reached iconic status in American culture. As “Slaughterhouse-Five” author Kurt Vonnegut once penned, “Being American is to eat a lot of beef, and boy, we’ve got a lot more beef steak than any other country, and that’s why you ought to be glad you’re an American.”
In part, the dominance of beef in American cuisine can be traced to settler colonialism, a form of colonization in which settlers claim – and then transform – lands inhabited by Indigenous people. In America, this process centered on the systemic and often violent displacement of Native Americans. Settlers brought with them new cultural norms, including beef-heavy diets that required massive swaths of land for grazing cattle.
As a food historian, I am interested in how, in the 19th century, the beef industry both propelled and benefited from colonialism, and how these intertwined forces continue to affect our diets, culture and environment today.
Cattle and cowboys
Beginning in the 16th century, the first Europeans to settle across the Americas – and later, Australia and New Zealand – brought their livestock with them. A global economy built on appropriated Indigenous territories allowed these nations to become among the highest consumers and producers of meat in the world.
The United States in particular tied its burgeoning national identity and westward expansion to the settlement and acquisition of cattle-ranching lands. Until 1848, Arizona, California, Texas, Nevada, Utah, western Colorado and New Mexico were part of Mexico and inhabited by numerous tribes, Indigenous cowboys and Mexican ranchers.
The Mexican-American War, which lasted from 1846-48, led to 525,000 square miles being ceded to the United States – land that became central to American beef production. Gold, discovered in the northern Sierra by 1849, drew hundreds of thousands more settlers to the region.
The desire for cattle-supporting land played an integral role in the systematic decimation of bison populations, as well. For thousands of years, Native Americans relied on bison for physical and cultural survival. At least 30 million roamed the western United States in 1800; by 1890, 60 million head of cattle had taken their place.
Beef replaces bison
It is no coincidence that the rise of an extensive and powerful American beef industry coincided with the near-elimination of bison across the United States.
In 1875, Philip Sheridan, a general in the U.S. Army, applauded the impact bison hunters could have on the beef industry. Hunters “have done more in the last two years, and will do more in the next year, to settle the vexed Indian question, than the entire regular army has done in the last forty years,” Sheridan said. “They are destroying the Indians’ commissary … (and so) for a lasting peace, let them kill, skin and sell until the buffaloes are exterminated. Then your prairies can be covered with speckled cattle.”
In 1884, with no hint of irony, the U.S. Department of Indian Affairs constructed a slaughterhouse on the Blackfeet Reservation in Montana and required tribal members to provide the factory’s labor in exchange for its beef.
By 1888, New York politician and sometimes rancher Theodore Roosevelt described Western stockmen as “the pioneers of civilization,” who with “their daring and adventurousness make the after settlement of the region possible.” Later, during Roosevelt’s presidency – from 1900 to 1908 – the U.S. claimed another 230 million acres of Indigenous lands for public use, further opening the West to ranching and settlement.
The Union Stock Yards in Chicago, the most modern slaughterhouse of the era, opened on Christmas Day in 1865 and marked a turning point for industrial beef production. No longer delivered “on the hoof” to cities, cattle were now slaughtered in Chicago and sent East as tinned meat or, after the 1870s, in refrigerated railcars.
Processing over 1 million head of cattle annually at its height, the Union Stock Yards, a global technological marvel and international tourist attraction, symbolized industrial progress and inspired national pride.
By the turn of the 20th century, beef was solidly linked to American identity both at home and globally. In 1900, the average American consumed over 100 pounds of beef per year, almost twice the amount eaten by Americans today.
Canadian food writer Marta Zaraska argues in her 2021 book “Meathooked” that beef became a key part of the American origin myth of rugged individualism that was emerging at this time. And cowboys, working the grueling cattle drives, came to embody values linked to the frontier: self-reliance, strength and independence.
Popular for decades as a street food, America’s proudest culinary invention – the hamburger – debuted at the St. Louis World’s Fair in 1904 alongside other novelties such as Dr. Pepper and ice cream.
At the same time, national programs reinforced food insecurity for Native Americans. In efforts to eventually dissolve reservations and open these lands to private development, for example, in 1952 the U.S. government launched the Voluntary Relocation Program, in which the Bureau of Indian Affairs persuaded many living on reservations to move to cities. The promised well-paying jobs did not materialize, and most of those who relocated traded rural for urban poverty.
Policies encouraging settler colonialism ultimately led to more sedentary lifestyles and a dependence on fast, convenient and processed foods – such as hamburgers – regardless of the individual or environmental costs.
In recent decades, scientists have warned that industrial meat production, and beef in particular, fuels climate change and leads to deforestation, soil erosion, species extinction, ocean dead zones and high levels of methane emissions. It is also a threat to biodiversity. Nutritionist Diego Rose believes the best way “to reduce your carbon footprint (is to) eat less beef,” a view shared by other sustainability experts.
As of January 2022, about 10% of Americans over the age of 18 considered themselves vegetarian or vegan. Another recent study found that 47% of American adults are “flexitarians” who eat primarily, but not wholly, plant-based diets.
At the same time, small-scale farmers and cooperatives are working to restore soil health by reintegrating cows and other grazing animals into sustainable farming practices to produce more high-quality, environmentally friendly meat.
More encouraging still, tribes in Montana – Blackfeet Nation, Fort Belknap Indian Community, Fort Peck Assiniboine and Sioux Tribes, and South Dakota’s Rosebud Sioux – have reintroduced bison to the northern Great Plains to revive the prairie ecosystem, tackle food insecurity and lessen the impacts of climate change.
Even so, in the summer of 2024, Americans consumed 375 million hamburgers in celebration of Independence Day – more than any other food.
Hannah Cutting-Jones does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
During a campaign speech in Latrobe, Pennsylvania, on Oct. 19, 2024, Donald Trump promised to save the country from immigrants: “I will rescue every town across America that has been invaded and conquered, and we will put these vicious and bloodthirsty criminals in a jail or kick them out of our country.”
Depicting immigrants as a threat has been a pillar of Trump’s message since 2015. And the types of terms he uses aren’t just disparaging. It might not seem like it, but Trump is continuing a long tradition in American politics: using language shaped by the Bible.
When the former president says those at the border are “poisoning the blood of our country,” “animals” and “rapists,” his vocabulary mirrors verses from the New Testament. The Book of Revelation, the last book of the Bible, says those kept out of the city of God are “filthy”; they are “dogs and sorcerers and sexually immoral and murderers and idolaters and everyone who loves and practices falsehood.”
In fact, Americans have been using the Bible for centuries to talk about immigrants, especially those they want to keep out. As a scholar of the Bibleand politics, I’ve studied how language from Revelation shaped American ideas about who belongs in the United States – the focus of my book, “Immigration and Apocalypse.”
The shining city
The Book of Revelation describes a vision of the end of the world, when the wicked are punished and the good rewarded. It tells the story of God’s enemies, who worship the evil Beast of the Sea, bear his mark on their body and threaten God’s people. Because of their wickedness, they suffer diseases, catastrophes and war until they are finally destroyed in the lake of fire.
God’s followers, however, enter through the gates of the walls surrounding the New Jerusalem, a holy city that comes down from heaven. God’s chosen people enter through the gates and live in the shining city for eternity.
Throughout American history, many of its Christian citizens have imagined themselves as God’s saints in the New Jerusalem. Puritan colonists believed they were establishing God’s kingdom, both metaphorically and literally. Ronald Reagan likened the nation to the New Jerusalem by describing America as a “shining city … built on rocks stronger than oceans, wind-swept, God-blessed, and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace,” but with city walls and doors.
Reagan was specifically quoting Puritan John Winthrop, one of the founders of Massachusetts Bay Colony, whose use of the “city on a hill” phrase quotes Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount. But Reagan’s detailed description closely matches that of the New Jerusalem in Revelation 21. Like God’s heavenly city, Reagan’s picture of America also has strong foundations, walls and gates, and people from every nation bringing in tribute.
Barring the gates
If people imagine the U.S. as God’s city, then it’s easy also to imagine enemies who want to invade that city. And this is how unwanted immigrants have been depicted through American history: as enemies of God.
In the 19th century, when virtually all politicians were Protestant, anti-Catholic politicians accused Irish immigrants of bearing the “mark of the Beast” and being loyal to the “Antichrist”: the pope. They claimed that Irish immigrants could form an unholy army against the nation.
At the turn of the century, “yellow peril” novels against Chinese immigration imagined a heathen horde taking over the U.S. At the end of one such book, China itself is depicted as a satanic “Black Dragon,” forcing its way through “the Golden Gate” of America.
‘Uncle Sam’s Farm in Danger’: an 1878 cartoon by G. F. Keller depicts Chinese emigrants fleeing famine. The Wasp via Wikimedia Commons
And all immigrant groups who were unwanted at one time or another have been accused of being “filthy” and diseased, like the enemies of God in Revelation. Italians, Jews, Irish, Chinese and Mexicans were all, at some point, targeted as unhealthy and carrying illness.
This constellation of labels from Revelation – plague-bearing, bestial, invading, sexually corrupt, murderous – has been reused and recycled throughout American history.
Others have more explicitly used images from Revelation to talk about immigration. Pastor Robert Jeffress, who preached at Trump’s 2017 inauguration church service, told viewers on Fox News’ “Fox & Friends,” “God is not against walls, walls are not ‘un-Christian,’ the Bible says even heaven is going to have a wall around it.” The Conservative Political Action Conference held a panel in 2017 titled “If Heaven Has a Gate, A Wall, and Extreme Vetting, Why Can’t America?” There are even bumper stickers that say, “Heaven Has A Wall and Strict Immigration Policy / Hell Has Open Borders.”
Revelation 21 indeed describes the heavenly New Jerusalem with a massive shining wall, “clear as crystal,” with pearls for gates. Trump, similarly, talks about his “big, beautiful door,” set in a “beautiful,” massive wall that also has to be “see-through.”
The city of God metaphor has long been a tool for American leaders – both to idealize the nation and to warn against immigration. But the concept of a walled-in city seems increasingly outdated in a digitally connected, global world.
As migration continues to rise around the world due to climate changeand conflict, I’d argue that these metaphors and the attitudes they drive are not just obsolete, but exacerbating crisis.
Yii-Jan Lin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Each October, as the days shorten and the air grows crisp, millions of Americans prepare for the beloved – and often sugar-fueled – tradition of Halloween. From jack-o’-lanterns glowing on porches to costumes ranging from the whimsical to the gory, Halloween is a time of playful scares, childhood memories and, of course, candy.
But as the wrappers pile up and the sugar rush hits, there’s something far more sinister brewing beneath the surface: the negative effects of candy on your gut health.
Sugar and other ingredients in Halloween treats can cast a sickly spell on the trillions of microorganisms that reside in your gut, collectively known as the gut microbiome. As a gastroenterologist and gut microbiome researcher at the University of Washington School of Medicine, I have dedicated my career to decoding the cipher of how food affects this microbial community within your gut.
While no candy is truly healthy, some options are better for your gut than others. And there are ways you can help wake your gut from its sugar “spell” after holiday indulgence.
Gut-busting treats
What does all this candy do to your gut?
In a healthy state, your gut microbiome acts like a microbial factory. It digests nutrients your body can’t – such as fiber and colorful, health-conferring plant compounds called polyphenols – and produces important molecules called metabolites that protect against infection and support brain health. It also regulates metabolism, or the transformation of food into useful components that power and grow cells.
A balanced diet keeps your gut’s microbial cauldron churning smoothly. But the concentrated sugar, saturated fat and additives in candy can throw things into disarray by feeding inflammatory microbes that weaken your gut barrier – the protective lining that separates your microbiome from the rest of the body.
The food you eat shapes your gut microbes, which in turn shape your overall health.
Sugar and inflammation impair your microbiome’s ability to digest food and regulate metabolism. Instead of producing healthy byproducts – such as butyrate from fiber and urolithin A from polyphenols – candy lacking these nutrients may trick your system into storing more fat, providing less energy for your muscles and brain.
Too much candy can also affect your immune system. A healthy gut microbiome helps your immune system distinguish between friend and foe, reducing the risk of infections and autoimmune disorders. Sugar and inflammation undermine the microbiome’s role in training the immune system to distinguish between harmful invaders and harmless substances. Without a carefully calibrated immune system, your body may not effectively clear infections or may strongly react to its own cells.
Neurologically, excess sweets can also affect the gut-brain axis, the two-way communication between the gut and brain. A healthy microbiome normally produces neurotransmitters and metabolites, such as serotonin and butyrate, that influence mood and cognitive performance. Sugar and inflammation adversely affects the microbiome’s role in mental health and cognitive function, contributing to depression, anxiety and memory troubles.
The candy conundrum
Not all Halloween treats are created equal, especially when it comes to their nutritional value and effects on gut health. Sugar-coated nuts and fruit such as honey-roasted almonds and candy apples rank among the top, offering whole food benefits just beneath the sugary coating. Packed with fiber and polyphenols, they help support gut health and healthy metabolism.
On the opposite end of the spectrum are chewy treats such as candy corn, Skittles, Starbursts and Twizzlers. These sugar-laden confections are mostly made of high fructose corn syrup, saturated fat and additives. They can increase the unsavory bacterial species in your gut and lead to inflammation, making them one of the least healthy Halloween choices.
Chocolate-based candies, however, stand out as a more microbiome-friendly option. While varieties such as Twix, Three Musketeers and Milky Way contain only a small amount of chocolate, pure chocolate bars – especially dark chocolate – are rich in fiber and polyphenols. In moderation, dark chocolate with at least 80% to 85% cacao may even benefit your gut microbiome and mood by encouraging beneficial bacterial species to grow.
Chocolates with whole nuts, such as almonds or peanuts, offer a boost of fiber, protein and omega-3 fats, making them a healthier choice. Dark chocolate with nuts is best. But when sorting through Halloween treats, Peanut M&Ms, 100 Grands and Almond Joys may be better options over Rolos, Krackels and Crunches. Even candies with processed nuts, such as Reese’s Peanut Butter Cups and Butterfingers, retain small amounts of fiber and protein, making them preferable to nut-free options.
At the bottom of the list, along with chewy sugar candies, are pure sugar candies such as lollipops, Jolly Ranchers, gummies and Smarties. These sweets lack nutritional value, and their high sugar content can contribute to the growth of unhealthy bacteria in your gut microbiome.
In the end, all candies are high in sugar, which can be harmful when consumed in large quantities. Moderation and an otherwise balanced diet is key to enjoying Halloween treats.
Rebalancing after indulgence
If the microbiome is critical for health, and candy can disrupt its balance, how can you restore gut health after Halloween?
One simple strategy is focusing on the four F’s of food: fiber, phytochemicals, unsaturated fats and fermented foods. These food components can help support gut health.
Fiber-rich foods such as whole grains, nuts, seeds, beans, fruits and vegetables regulate digestion and nourish beneficial gut bacteria.
Polyphenol-rich foods such as dark chocolate, berries, red grapes, green tea and extra virgin olive oil help reduce inflammation and encourage the growth of healthy gut bacteria.
Unsaturated fats such as omega-3 fats, walnuts, chia seeds, flaxseed, avocados and fatty fish such as salmon can also support a healthy microbiome.
Fermented foods such as sauerkraut, kimchi, yogurt, kefir and miso help replenish beneficial bacteria and restore gut balance.
To make tracking your diet easier, consider using a food calculator to measure how well your meals align with the four F’s and microbiome friendly options. Like a virtual “spellbook,” an online tool can help ensure your food choices support your gut health and ward off the effects of sugar overload.
As my daughters often remind me, it’s perfectly fine to indulge every now and then in a few tricks and treats. But remember, moderation is key. With a balanced diet, you’ll keep your gut healthy and strong long after the Halloween season ends.
Christopher Damman is on the scientific advisory board at Oobli, Supergut, and One BIO.
In just about any discussion of a poll about the very close presidential race between Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump, you’ll hear the phrase “within the poll’s margin of error.” Those words signal that it is a tight race with no clear leader, even if one of them has a slightly larger percentage of support, like 48% to 47%.
As the director of the Quinnipiac University Poll, which has been taking the pulse of the public on policy issues and elections for the past 30 years, I’ve noted that people have been paying more attention to this technical term since at least 2016.
But those 1 or 2 percentage points were within their polls’ margins of error. And Clinton lost Florida. In a poll about a political race, the margin of error tells readers the likely range of results of an election.
What is a margin of error?
A poll is one or more questions asked of a small group of people and used to gauge the views of a larger group of people. The margin of error is a mathematical calculation of how accurate the poll results are – of how closely the answers given by the small group match the views held by the larger group.
If everyone in the larger group were polled, there would be no margin of error. But it’s complicated, difficult and expensive to contact that many people. The U.S. Census Bureau spent US$13.7 billion over several years in its most recent effort to count every person in the United States every 10 years, and it still wasn’t able to include exactly everyone.
Pollsters don’t have that kind of time – or money – so they use smaller samples of the population. They seek to identify representative samples in which all members of the larger group have a chance to be included in the poll.
The group size is important
The calculation of how close the poll is to the views of the larger population is based on the size of the group that is polled.
For example, a sample of 600 voters will have a larger margin of error – about 4 percentage points – than a sample of 1,000 voters, which has a margin of error of just over 3 percentage points.
The way the sample is chosen also matters: In 1936, the Literary Digest magazine polled people on the presidential election by mailing surveys to telephone owners, car owners and country club members. Everyone in this group was relatively affluent, so they were not representative of the whole U.S. voting population. Calculating a margin of error would have been meaningless because the sample did not capture all segments of the population.
Let’s use an example of how to understand the margin of error. If a poll shows that 47% of the polled group support Candidate A, and the margin of error is plus or minus 3 percentage points, that means that the percentage in the population supporting Candidate A is likely to be between 44% (47 minus 3) and 50% (47 plus 3).
One quick note: Most polls report margins of error alongside another technical term, “confidence interval.” In the most rigorous reporting of polls, you might see a sentence near the end that says something like “The margin of error is plus or minus 3 percentage points, at a 95% confidence interval.” What all that means is this: Imagine if 100 different random samples of the same size were selected from the larger group, and then asked the same questions in the poll. The 95% confidence interval means that 95% of the time, those other polls’ responses would be within 3 percentage points of the answers reported in this one poll.
Comparing support between candidates
The concept of margin of error gets more complex when looking at the differences in support between two candidates. If a margin of error is plus or minus 3 percentage points, the margin of error on the difference between them is about double – or 6 percentage points, in this example.
That’s because the margin of error here is a combined one, and refers to not just the percentage voting for Candidate A but also to the percentage voting for the other candidate.
To look back at 2016 again, the final Quinnipiac University Poll in Florida before Election Day showed Clinton with 46% support and Trump with 45% support. The margin of error was 3.9 percentage points, which meant Clinton was likely to get between 42.1% and 49.9% of the vote, and Trump was likely to get between 41.1% and 48.9% of the vote.
The actual result was that Trump won Florida with 48.6%, as compared with Clinton’s 47.4%. Those results were within our poll’s margin of error, meaning we were correct to declare it “too close to call” – and we would have been wrong to say Clinton was ahead.
2024 will be a close election
In the current election cycle, many media reports about polls are not including information about the margin of error.
Leaving out that information, or downplaying its significance, may help media outlets provide a quick, simple picture about the state of the race. Technology can seem precise in the modern age of the internet and artificial intelligence.
But polling is not as precise. It is an inexact science. It’s a pollster’s job to capture snapshots of the complexities of human nature at a particular time. People’s minds can change, and new information can arise as the campaigns unfold.
With the presidential election in its final weeks, our polls have been finding a fairly tight and steady race, with most voters telling us their minds are made up. Because the difference between the presidential candidates is within the margin of error in swing states, the election polling in autumn 2024 is telling Americans to hold their breath and make sure they vote, because it is likely to be a squeaker.
Doug Schwartz is affiliated with the American Association of Public Opinion Research (AAPOR).
The U.S. Supreme Court recently weighed in on these debates with its 2024 decision in Grants Pass v. Johnson. The court’s ruling grants cities the authority to prohibit individuals from sleeping and camping in public spaces, effectively condoning the use of fines and bans to address rising rates of homelessness.
East Atlanta Village, a historically Black neighborhood in Atlanta with about 3,000 residents, is trying something different. In the fall of 2023, with support from the Atlanta City Council, the mayor’s office and Intown Cares, a local nonprofit that works to alleviate homelessness and hunger, the neighborhood hired a full-time social worker to support people experiencing homelessness.
Michael Nolan, an Intown Cares social worker, is trained in an approach that emphasizes individual autonomy and dignity, recognizes that being homeless is a traumatic experience, and prioritizes access to housing. His role includes helping individuals get the documentation they need to move off the streets, such as copies of their birth certificates and Social Security cards. He also has a dedicated phone line that community members can use to alert him about dangerous situations that involve homeless people.
Michael Nolan, East Atlanta Village’s social worker, spends 40-plus hours weekly providing supplies, services and other help to people experiencing homelessness.
I am a researcher at the University of Washington studying programs and technologies that help urban neighborhoods flourish. I’m also a resident of East Atlanta Village and have helped the neighborhood organize and evaluate this experiment.
For the past year, my colleagues and I have collected data about the neighborhood social work program to understand how well it can support both people without housing and the broader community. Our preliminary findings suggest that neighborhood social work is a promising way to address challenges common in many neighborhoods with homelessness.
I believe this approach has the potential to provide long-term solutions to homelessness and improve the health and safety for the entire neighborhood. I also see it as a sharp contrast with the punitive approach condoned by the Supreme Court.
Resolving conflicts over public space
One of the people I interviewed while evaluating this initiative was Rebecca, a resident of East Atlanta Village who walks her dog in the local park every day. In the fall of 2023, she noticed that a man had moved into the park and set up a tent. At first, the area was clean, but within a few weeks there was garbage around the tent and throughout the park.
Rebecca felt that the trash was ruining one of the few green spaces in the neighborhood. She decided to contact Nolan. Nolan told her that he knew the unhoused man, was working with him to secure permanent housing and in the meantime would help him move his tent to a less-frequented space.
Such negotiations around public spaces are common challenges for neighborhoods with large homeless populations, especially in dense urban areas. Other examples in our data included conflicts when a homeless person began sleeping in his car outside another resident’s home, and when a homeless man wandered into a homeowner’s yard.
The standard approach in these situations is to fine, ban or imprison the unhoused individual. But those strategies are expensive, can prolong homelessness and do little to actually resolve the issues.
In contrast, hiring a social worker has enabled East Atlanta Village to resolve conflicts gently, through conversation and negotiation. The solutions address concerns about public health and safety and also offer people without homes an opportunity for long-term change.
Meeting basic needs
Over the past year, this program has helped 13 people move into housing. Nolan has facilitated over 180 medical and mental health care visits for people living on the street.
Eighty-six people have been connected to Medicaid, food assistance or Social Security benefits. Thirty-five people have health care for the first time, and six people have started receiving medication for their addictions.
Research shows that addressing people’s basic needs by helping them obtain food, medicine, housing and other necessities not only supports those individuals but also produces cascading benefits for the entire community. They include reduced inequality, better health outcomes and lower crime rates.
Managing mental and behavioral health
Studies have found that about two-thirds of unhoused individuals struggle with mental health challenges. Unmet mental and behavioral health needs can contribute to unsafe and illegal behavior.
The United States does not have a comprehensive system in place for supporting people who are living on the street and struggling with chronic mental and behavioral health challenges. While much more infrastructure is needed, in East Atlanta Village, Nolan is able to check in on people experiencing homelessness, work with clinics to deliver medication for addiction and mental health needs and alert community members about dangerous situations.
As an example, in December 2023 a homeless man was arrested in East Atlanta Village for trespassing, stealing mail and other erratic behavior. When concerned residents posted to the neighborhood Facebook group, Nolan responded that he knew the man well, that this behavior was not typical and that he would look into the situation.
Nolan later updated his post, commenting that the man had been arrested but that he would “continue to follow up and ensure that his current behaviors do not return upon his release.”
In other examples, Nolan has helped de-escalate situations when people experienced mental health episodes in local coffee shops and churches.
A model for other cities
Cities around the U.S. have decisions to make about addressing homelessness and its associated challenges. Neighborhood social work is not a magic bullet, but my colleagues and I see it as a promising approach to address the most common challenges that neighborhoods with high rates of homelessness face.
East Atlanta Village is currently working with the Atlanta City Council to renew funding for this program, which cost US$100,000 in its initial year. We hope that other neighborhoods also consider this strategy when deciding how to address homelessness in their own areas.
Ishita Chordia is affiliated with the East Atlanta Neighborhood Association. She volunteers for the neighborhood association and has helped organize and evaluate the neighborhood social work program.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Christopher A. Cooper, Professor of Political Science & Public Affairs, Western Carolina University
Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson shares the stage with former U.S. President Donald Trump during a 2022 rally in Selma, N.C.Allison Joyce/Getty Images
For all its prominence as a key battleground state, North Carolina hasn’t done much swinging in U.S. presidential elections.
The last time a majority of North Carolinians voted for a Democratic candidate was 2008 for Barack Obama. The time before that was 1976 for Jimmy Carter. In the past 12 presidential elections, Republicans have won 10. Those Republicans include Donald Trump in 2016 and 2020.
But as I demonstrate in my 2024 book, “Anatomy of a Purple State: A North Carolina Politics Primer,” simply looking at the outcome of presidential voting gives a skewed understanding of voting behavior in other elections across the state.
Consider 2020 again. While it is true that Trump won North Carolina’s 15 electoral college votes – it now has 16, based on 2020 U.S Census Bureau data — his margin of victory was only about 74,000 votes out of some 5.4 million votes cast. It was the smallest margin of any state that Trump won.
Part of the reason is the nearly even split among voters in the two major parties and the emergence of registered voters who claim they are unaffiliated.
Despite being considered a red state, North Carolina’s congressional delegation is split evenly between Democrats and Republicans with seven each. In addition, four of the state’s 10 statewide, elected Council of State officeholders, including Gov. Roy Cooper, are Democrats.
Though both of North Carolina’s U.S. senators are Republicans and the GOP holds supermajorities in both houses of the state Legislature, North Carolina is not entirely red or blue. It is undeniably purple – and that gives rise to further uncertainty over how the state will vote in the 2024 presidential election.
The Kamala Harris factor
Before U.S. President Joe Biden dropped out of the race in July 2024, polls showed that he lagged behind Trump by 5 percentage points in North Carolina.
As in many other battleground states, it appeared that Trump had a small but fairly durable lead over Biden.
Vice President Kamala Harris campaigns in Greenville, N.C., on Oct. 13, 2024. Alex Wong/Getty Images
For the first time in years, Democratic Party registration began to exceed Republican Party registration in the state.
From July 20-26, 2,351 people registered as Democrats in North Carolina – a 44% increase compared with the previous week. During the same period, Republican and unaffiliated voter registrations were down 23% and 14%, respectively, from the previous week.
The rise and fall of Mark Robinson
In spring 2024, during the height of primary season, Trump stepped into the North Carolina gubernatorial race by endorsing Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson, a Black Republican with a history of derogatory comments about Muslims and members of the LGBTQ community.
“This is a Martin Luther King on steroids,” Trump said of Robinson during a rally in Greensboro, North Carolina, on March 2, 2024.
Given Trump’s two wins in the state, his endorsement was expected to help Robinson beat Democrat Josh Stein in one of the nation’s most competitive state elections.
But Trump’s enthusiasm all but vanished after a series of negative stories about Robinson. They included a Sept. 19, 2024, CNN report alleging that Robinson frequented a porn web site called “Nude Africa” years ago where he described himself as a “Black Nazi.” Robinson also allegedly made a number of misogynistic and racist statements such as “slavery is not bad.”
Trump made another campaign stop in Wilmington on Sept. 21, 2024. Robinson, who had frequently appeared with Trump at previous North Carolina rallies, was not on the stage.
Polling conducted after CNN’s bombshell report showed an election that had shifted from competitive to one where the Democrat Stein is favored by a large margin to become North Carolina’s governor.
It is unclear whether Robinson’s apparent demise will affect the top of the ticket – or other state GOP candidates.
Natural disasters
Hurricane Helene hit western North Carolina on Sept. 28 and brought high winds, flooding, an estimated US$47 billion in property damages and 250 deaths.
It also caused questions about access to voting in areas devastated by Helene and then, two weeks later, Hurricane Milton.
A woman in North Carolina places an American flag near a mobile home that was destroyed in October 2024 by Hurricane Helene. Mario Tama/Getty Images
Twenty-nine counties in North Carolina were affected by the storm, although 13 counties received the brunt of the damage. Analysis of data from the North Carolina Board of Elections reveals that Trump led Biden by about a 10 percentage-point margin among voters in those affected counties.
Given this, lower turnout in this region might hurt Trump more than Harris. It’s little surprise then that the Trump campaign has called for expanding voting access in those areas.
But there’s no way to know who will receive North Carolina’s 16 Electoral College votes. Such is the unpredictable politics of a purple state.
Christopher A. Cooper does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Neil K R Sehgal, PhD Student in Computer & Information Science, University of Pennsylvania
A statue of Jefferson Davis, second from left, is on display in Statuary Hall on Capitol Hill in Washington. A slaveholder, Davis represented Mississippi in the Senate and House before the American Civil War.AP Photo/Susan Walsh, File
One way to measure the legacy of slavery is to determine whether the disproportionate riches of slaveholders have been passed down to their present-day descendants.
Connecting the wealth of a slaveholder in the 1860s to today’s economic conditions is not easy. Doing so requires unearthing data for a large number of people on slaveholder ancestry, current wealth and other factors such as age and education.
But in a new study, we tackled this challenge by focusing on one of the few groups of Americans for whom such information exists: members of Congress. We found that legislators who are descendants of slaveholders are significantly wealthier than members of Congress without slaveholder ancestry.
How slavery made the South rich
In 1860, one year before the Civil War, the market value of U.S. slaves was larger than that of all American railroads and factories.
At the time of emancipation in 1863, the estimated value of all enslaved people was roughly US$13 trillion in today’s dollars. The lower Mississippi Valley had more millionaires, all of them slaveholders, than anywhere else in the country.
More recently, however, historians discovered that, while the South fell behind the North economically immediately following emancipation, many elite slaveholders recovered financially within one or two generations.
They accomplished this by replacing slavery with sharecropping – a kind of indentured servitude that trapped Black farm workers in debt to white landowners – and enacting discriminatory Jim Crow laws that enforced racial segregation.
Of its 535 members, 100 were descendants of slaveholders, including Democratic Sen. Elizabeth Warren and Republican Sen. Mitch McConnell.
Legislators whose ancestors were large slaveholders – defined in our study as owning 16 or more slaves– have a current median net worth five times larger than their peers whose ancestors were not slaveholders: $5.6 million vs. $1.1 million. These results remained largely the same after accounting for age, race and education.
Wealth creates many privileges – the means to start a business or pursue higher education. And intergenerational wealth transfers can allow these advantages to persist across generations.
Because members of Congress are a highly select group, our results may not apply to all Americans. However, the findings align with other studies on the transfers of wealth and privilege across generations in the U.S. and Europe.
Wealth, these studies find, often stays within rich families across multiple generations. Mechanisms for holding onto wealth include low estate taxes and access to elite social networks and schools. Easy entry into powerful jobs and political influence also play a part.
Privilege with power
But members of Congress do not just inherit wealth and advantages.
They shape the lives of all Americans. They decide how to allocate federal funds, set tax rates and create regulations.
This power is significant. And for those whose families benefited from slavery, it can perpetuate economic policies that maintain wealth inequality.
Beyond inherited wealth, the legacy of slavery endures in policies enacted by those in power – by legislators who may be less likely to prioritize reforms that challenge the status quo.
The economic deprivation still experienced by Black Americans is the flip side of the privilege enjoyed by slaveowners’ descendants. The median household wealth of white Americans today is six times higher than that of Black Americans – $285,000 versus $45,000.
Meanwhile, federal agencies that enforce antidiscrimination laws remain underfunded. This limits their ability to address racial disparities.
Legislators in the House of Representatives debate the abolition of the 1836 gag rule, which prevented discussion of any laws concerning slavery. MPI/Getty Images
There are, however, other ways to improve opportunities for historically disadvantaged populations that could gain bipartisan backing.
A majority of Americans, both conservatives and liberal, support increased funding for environmental hazard screening, which assesses the potential impact of a proposed project. They also favor limits on rent increases, better public school funding and raising taxes on the wealthy.
These measures would help dismantle the structural barriers that perpetuate economic disparities. And the role of Congress here is central.
Members of Congress do not bear personal responsibility for their ancestors’ actions. But they have an opportunity to address both the legacies of past injustices and today’s inequalities.
By doing so, they can help create a future where ancestral history does not determine economic destiny.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Cutting-edge technology allows students to experience realistic scenarios without risk
Social workers of the future are now using cutting-edge virtual reality technology to replicate scenarios and complement their education at Anglia Ruskin University (ARU).
The new materials have been created at ARU by Vanessa Ferguson, Leighanne Wilson, Dr Marques Hardin and Paul Driver, and a partnership between ARU and Bloomsbury Publishers means that Social Work students at subscribing institutions are able to access the simulations via the Bloomsbury Social Work Toolkit.
An example scenario replicated by the technology is a simulated home visit, which gives students the opportunity to look around freely, spot any potential issues or signs of neglect, and click on hotspots to find out more information.
Beginning with a referral or initial case notes, learners are prompted to record their thoughts, concerns, and reflections. From there, they can complete a series of preparatory activities to ensure they are ready for their simulated home visit. These activities test learners’ knowledge of relevant legislation and help prepare them for real-world scenarios they may encounter in their social work practice.
All ARU students now have access to the technology through their online learning portal. The VR learning will complement the existing teaching and real-life placements that students undergo as part of their three-year undergraduate degree.
This year is the first time ARU’s Social Work course has included virtual reality technology. A recent Office for Students (OfS) grant means ARU is equipping its campuses in Cambridge, Chelmsford and Peterborough with state-of-the-art VR facilities to be used by a range of courses, including Nursing and Midwifery, as well as Social Work.
Vanessa Ferguson, Associate Professor and Lecturer in Social Work at ARU, said:
“A crucial part of a social worker’s role is the home visit, which has traditionally been challenging to replicate in a teaching environment and so students have relied on experience gained in placement.
“The VR simulation offers them the chance to replicate these home visits and provides a safe environment to discuss their findings with their peers and tutors.
“We are delighted to be partnering with Bloomsbury to help improve the experience for our Social Work students, as well as students across the country, and we look forward to developing new scenarios to enhance their learning further.”
Helen Caunce, Senior Publisher at Bloomsbury Publishers, said:
“We are excited to announce the launch of immersive 360° social work simulations. Helping to prepare students for their placements can be a challenge and these valuable resources will provide much-needed support as students enter a new stage in their journey.”
President. – I declare resumed the session of the European Parliament adjourned on Thursday, 10 October 2024.
2. Opening of the sitting
(The sitting opened at 17:03)
3. Statements by the President
President. – Dear colleagues, on the results of the presidential election and referendum in Moldova, the people in Moldova have chosen their future: they chose hope, stability, opportunity. They chose Europe.
(Applause)
The European Parliament strongly condemns any activities and interferences in Moldova’s presidential election and constitutional referendum on EU integration.
We are proud to be one of Moldova’s strongest allies and supporters. We understand that Moldova’s future lies within the European Union and we fully support its EU accession path.
President Maia Sandu and her government have already made remarkable progress in implementing reforms. And while the road ahead may not always be easy, I want to assure our European Moldovan friends that the European Parliament will continue to be with them every step of the way.
Also, dear colleagues, on 16 October we marked 7 years since the brutal assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia, a Maltese investigative journalist who exposed corruption and organised crime. Those who thought they could silence her were wrong. In fact, her work sparked a movement that echoes in every corner where we pursue a Europe that protects journalists, that respects the rule of law.
I am grateful to have known Daphne beyond her writing: as a woman battling the odds; as a mother who was so proud of the men her boys grew into; as a daughter, wife and sister who wanted more from her country. And she raised the bar for all of us in politics. But most of all, today I think about how we must keep Daphne’s memory alive; how the European Parliament will keep pushing for the truth, for justice and for accountability.
It is for this reason that the European Parliament is proud to be hosting the fourth edition of the Daphne Caruana Galizia Prize for outstanding journalism. And I take this moment to encourage you to attend the award ceremony this Wednesday in the Daphne Caruana Galizia Press Room, to honour the bravery of all those who continue to carry her legacy forward.
This House remembers her and we honour her legacy.
(Applause)
4. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting
President. – The minutes and the texts adopted of the sitting of 10 October 2024 are available. Are there any comments? No? The minutes are therefore approved.
5. Composition of Parliament
President. – The competent authorities of Poland have notified me of the election of Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz to the European Parliament, replacing Marcin Kierwiński with effect from 10 October 2024.
I wish to welcome our new colleague and recall that she takes her seat in Parliament and its bodies in full enjoyment of her rights, pending the verification of her credentials.
6. Composition of committees and delegations
President. – The PfE Group has notified me of decisions relating to changes to appointments within the committees and delegations. These decisions will be set out in the minutes of today’s sitting and take effect on the date of this announcement.
7. Negotiations ahead of Council’s first reading (Rule 73)
President. – The TRAN Committee has decided to enter into interinstitutional negotiations ahead of Council’s first reading, pursuant to Rule 73 of the Rules of Procedure.
The positions adopted by Parliament at first reading, which constitute the mandates for those negotiations, are available on the plenary webpage, and their titles will be published in the minutes of this sitting.
8. Corrigenda (Rule 251)
President. – The competent committees have transmitted nine corrigenda to texts adopted by Parliament.
Pursuant to Rule 251, these corrigenda will be deemed approved unless, no later than 24 hours after their announcement, a request is made by a political group or Members reaching at least the low threshold that they be put to the vote.
The corrigenda are available on the plenary webpage. Their titles will be published in the minutes of this sitting.
9. Signing of acts adopted in accordance with the ordinary legislative procedure (Rule 81)
Marc Botenga (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, vous savez que, sur la base de l’article 188, les députés européens gagnent facilement 14 000 euros par mois. Pourtant, chaque année, notre groupe demande de baisser ces salaires pour que les députés soient un tout petit peu plus en phase avec la réalité des travailleurs, qui, eux, peinent à boucler les fins de mois. Chaque année, ce vote permet de démasquer les députés qui, d’une part, prêchent l’austérité et la misère pour les travailleurs, mais, d’autre part, s’octroient, eux, un salaire généreux de 14 000 euros par mois.
Mais aujourd’hui, en coulisses, vous nous dites que ce n’est plus acceptable et vous voulez empêcher ce vote – je sais bien, chers collègues, que vous ne voulez pas que l’on touche à vos privilèges. Vous nous dites que ces revenus sont garantis par d’autres textes. Mais justement, en refusant aujourd’hui de voter le budget nécessaire, nous pouvons ouvrir cette porte pour faire le premier pas et revoir tout cela.
L’année dernière, vous aviez permis ces amendements. Qu’est-ce qui a changé, qui ne serait plus vrai aujourd’hui? Serait-ce parce que la campagne électorale est terminée? Madame la Présidente, je vous prie, revoyez cette décision. La politique sert à servir et non à se servir.
President. – Thank you very much, Mr Botenga. I will give you the explanation.
You file a point of order under Rule 188, which is actually a point of order, but I will answer you. The amendments tabled by your group on the lines and figures of the general budget 2025 concerning salaries and allowances, etc., have been examined and declared inadmissible, simply because we want to apply the rules.
And I will tell you why: it is because they are in contradiction with the existing regulations, in other words, the Statute for Members of the European Parliament and the Council Regulation determining the emoluments of EU high-level public office holders, based on Articles 243 TFEU and 223 TFEU. So the right procedure would be to call on the responsible institutions to amend the mentioned regulations.
However, you will have seen as well, in this spirit, that the corresponding amendment that you tabled to the resolution on the general budget calling for this change has been declared admissible, because that can be declared admissible.
João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, quero expressar o meu total desacordo com a sua decisão discricionária e sem fundamento de recusar, sem justificação, a proposta de debate sobre o agravamento da situação humanitária em Gaza, na sequência das declarações do coordenador especial da ONU para o processo de paz no Médio Oriente. Na quinta-feira, a ONU declarou que mais de um milhão e oitocentos mil palestinianos enfrentam fome extrema. Ontem mesmo, aquele coordenador especial da ONU emitiu um comunicado falando de pesadelo, cenas horripilantes na zona norte, ataques israelitas implacáveis e uma crise humanitária cada vez pior e, cito, que «nenhum lugar é seguro em Gaza», condenando os contínuos ataques contra civis. Aquele responsável disse: «A guerra tem de parar agora».
Apesar de tudo isto ter acontecido em condições que permitiam que o debate aqui fosse feito, a senhora presidente recusou aceitar sequer a proposta. Desafio-a a colocar à votação este pedido de debate. Enquanto continuarem a chover bombas em Gaza, a morrer crianças, mulheres e civis, este debate será sempre urgente e imprescindível.
Virginie Joron (PfE). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, chers démocrates, chers légalistes, je souhaite faire un rappel au règlement. Son article 219 prévoit le respect de l’égalité des genres dans la composition des bureaux des commissions. Cette égalité n’est pourtant pas respectée, pas plus que le résultat des urnes, c’est-à-dire de la démocratie.
En effet, Madame la Présidente, vous avez accepté de ne pas respecter la démocratie en accordant une dérogation au principe de l’égalité des genres pour M. Weber dans plusieurs bureaux de commissions, ignorant par là même plus de 20 millions de nos électeurs.
Comment pouvez-vous accepter que la commission CONT, qui contrôle le budget de l’Union européenne – et qui doit donner l’exemple –, continue de ne pas respecter nos règles? Vous souhaitez exporter l’égalité des genres jusqu’au Kazakhstan ou encore lui consacrer une semaine en décembre, mais ce principe n’est déjà pas respecté au sein de la commission CONT, au cœur même de notre institution. En ne disposant pas d’une quatrième vice-présidence, la composition du bureau de la commission CONT viole notre règlement.
Madame la Présidente, je vous remercie de faire le nécessaire pour mettre un terme à cette hypocrisie et respecter notre devise, «Unie dans la diversité».
Manon Aubry (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, ça tombe bien, j’avais envie de vous parler de démocratie et de faire un rappel au règlement sur la base de l’article 154, qui traite des accords interinstitutionnels, pour évoquer l’état des négociations entre l’Union européenne et le Mercosur. Je vais commencer, chers collègues, par une question assez simple: qui trouve normal que le plus important accord de libre-échange jamais conclu par l’Union européenne soit en train d’être signé en catimini, sans que notre Parlement ait la moindre information, quelle qu’elle soit? Allez-y, dites-moi qui est d’accord avec cela et levez la main.
Vous le voyez bien – et j’ai fait le compte –, cela fait exactement cinq ans que la Commission européenne n’a pas donné ni publié le moindre compte-rendu officiel sur l’état des négociations. Bien entendu, cet accord de libre-échange aura un impact désastreux sur nos agriculteurs, qui souffrent déjà, sur la santé et sur la planète.
Mes chers collègues, c’est aussi un scandale démocratique. Comment accepter d’être ainsi tenus à l’écart? C’est pourquoi, Madame la Présidente, je vous prierais de demander des comptes à la Commission européenne afin qu’elle nous tienne enfin informés, parce qu’on ne peut pas se laisser ainsi «bananer». Il est temps!
President. – As you can see, your colleagues agree with you. This is something that has been an outstanding issue and we can put pressure on the incoming Commission to respect the deadlines that we have set.
10. Order of business
Terry Reintke,on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, dear colleagues, last Friday, an Italian court invalidated the detention of 16 asylum applicants sent to Albania by the Italian Government. Italy is a democracy, with an independent judiciary and courts that can freely rule on existing cases, also to stop illegal actions by the government. Still, members of the ruling far-right coalition, including members of the government, attacked this independent judiciary and the judges that ruled in this case.
Colleagues, we cannot stay silent on this: rule of law, including separation of powers, is a key fundament of the European Union. We have waited for far too long regarding Hungary to speak up. We cannot make the same mistake again. That is why my group requests a debate with the following title: ‘Commission statement regarding the ruling of the Italian court related to the agreement between Italy and Albania on migration’.
Tomas Tobé (PPE). – Madam President, I think it is clear and already stated that this request should not be supported. It’s very clear. It’s not about a protocol about Italy and Albania, as you say in what you’re asking for. Also, it’s not even a final decision in the court, and it’s also a decision based on an EU directive that actually will be replaced once the new migration pact is fully adopted.
I think it’s also about the general question, because we had a request in plenary before, from the Patriots, about another decision. We could, of course, make this Chamber nothing else than debating different court decisions. I think when it comes to migration policy, we should be serious, we should be balanced, and we should use our time to actually debate real things and not only try to make court decisions that you may like or not like to be in favour of them.
So that is why the EPP will reject this request.
Fabienne Keller,au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, nous savons que le nouveau pacte sur la migration et l’asile et la politique migratoire ont occupé l’essentiel du Conseil européen de la fin de la semaine dernière. C’est un sujet de préoccupation pour nos concitoyens.
Nous sommes fiers, tous ici dans cette Chambre, d’avoir adopté un pacte, d’avoir trouvé un équilibre pour traiter la question de la migration illégale, tout en respectant nos valeurs. Nous savons aussi, chers collègues, qu’il nous faudra encore deux années pour le mettre en œuvre. Nous ne pouvons dès lors pas accepter qu’un État membre utilise une voie détournée pour contourner ce que prévoit le pacte et les règles précises que nous avons définies ensemble.
C’est pourquoi nous proposons de rebondir sur la proposition des Verts et d’ajouter la dimension «mise en œuvre du pacte» dans son ensemble, c’est-à-dire vis-à-vis de ses devoirs, de l’application de ses règles, mais aussi des garanties des droits de l’homme et du respect des droits fondamentaux que nous y avons intégrés. C’est dans cet esprit que nous proposons ce débat amendé.
President. – Ms Reintke, do you agree with the alternative proposal? So the Green Group does not. Therefore, I will put the original request by the Green Group to a vote by roll call.
(Parliament rejected the request)
I now ask Ms Keller: do you want to keep your request? Yes, Ms Keller wants to keep the request, so the proposal from the Renew Group is now put to a vote by roll call.
(Parliament rejected the request)
So the agenda remains unchanged.
The agenda is now adopted and the order of business is thus established.
11. International Day for the Eradication of Poverty (debate)
President. – The first item is the debate on Parliament’s statement on the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty (2024/2881(RSP)).
Dear colleagues, last week, on 17 October, we marked the International Day of the Eradication of Poverty. Poverty is not inevitable. It is a challenge that we can – and we must – overcome. Across the world, far too many people still struggle. Far too many people do not have access to clean water, to clothing, shelter, health care or education. And far too many people are excluded from society, denied the possibility of a dignified job, not given the opportunities to achieve their potential. Given that 1 in 5 Europeans and 1 in 4 children under the age of 18 in the European Union is at risk of poverty or social exclusion, the reality is as serious as it is alarming.
Here in the European Parliament, we refuse to be bystanders. We are proud of all the work we have done already in making our Europe a front-liner in the fight against poverty, and yet more work remains. Poverty is a symptom of inequality, and we understand the responsibility that we bear to ensure that every person – no matter who they are or where they come from – has a chance to live with dignity, with purpose.
This is why the European Parliament is looking forward to seeing the European Union’s first anti-poverty strategy that was announced in the 2024-2029 Political Guidelines of the European Commission. This is a positive step forward. By investing in education, affordable housing and job creation, by ensuring our social safety net works, we can lift millions out of poverty.
This House will continue turning our policies into concrete action, and we will continue to fight for fairness, for dignity and for opportunity for all.
Gabriele Bischoff,im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In der Tat: Wir sprechen inzwischen von 100 Millionen Menschen, die in Europa, einem der reichsten Kontinente, von Armut und sozialer Ausgrenzung bedroht sind; Frau Präsidentin hat es gesagt: mehr als jeder fünfte Mensch hier in Europa. Und dieser Internationale Tag zur Abschaffung der Armut, der muss wirklich ein Weckruf hier sein, weil wir mehr brauchen.
Ja, wir brauchen eine Armutsstrategie, aber wir brauchen auch konkrete Politiken, und eine davon ist in der Tat, dass wir ein festes Budget von 20 Milliarden in einem eigenen ESF+ für die Kindergarantie brauchen, um die 19 Millionen Kinder – 19 Millionen, denen die Zukunft gestohlen wurde – besser vor Armut zu schützen, und wir brauchen Maßnahmen.
Aber wir dürfen nicht nur national bleiben, sondern nach den Verträgen ist Armutsbekämpfung auch das Hauptziel der europäischen Entwicklungspolitik. Das muss so bleiben und muss unser Kompass sein zur Bekämpfung der Armut auf der ganzen Welt.
Malika Sorel,au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, 34 % des Européens renoncent à des soins médicaux, et nombre de jeunes, de nos jeunes, sont en grande souffrance. C’est la tiers-mondisation de nos nations. L’Europe d’Hippocrate, de Pasteur et de Marie Curie n’est même plus capable de soigner les siens, tandis qu’elle érige en dogme la préférence extra-européenne.
Alors que la pauvreté touche chacune de nos nations, la Commission va verser 1,8 milliard d’euros à la Moldavie. De plus, l’immigration issue des couches sociales les plus pauvres bat des records. Pour Enrico Letta, aucune réforme, aucun progrès ne sera possible sans la participation des citoyens. Cette participation, je vous le dis, est impossible, car ces conditions ne sont pas réunies.
Relisons Jean-Jacques Rousseau: «Voulons-nous que les peuples soient vertueux? Commençons donc par leur faire aimer la patrie: mais comment l’aimeront-ils si la patrie ne leur accorde que ce qu’elle ne peut refuser à personne?». Nous sommes là au cœur du mal qui détruit l’Europe. Chers collègues, j’aimerais comprendre: est-ce l’indifférence – ou pire: le cynisme – qui conduit à nous lamenter sur une pauvreté que nous organisons?
Chiara Gemma,a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la povertà non è soltanto una questione economica: è una piaga sociale che mina la dignità e la speranza delle persone. Combatterla è un dovere morale e una responsabilità politica che deve impegnarci tutti, senza eccezioni.
C’è un aspetto che merita una particolare attenzione e che troppo spesso viene trascurato: la condizione delle persone con disabilità, che sono tra le più esposte al rischio di povertà. I dati parlano chiaro: il 28,8% delle persone con disabilità in Europa vive in condizioni di povertà e di esclusione sociale.
Questo dato è inaccettabile, soprattutto se pensiamo che stiamo parlando di una categoria già vulnerabile, che deve affrontare non solo le difficoltà economiche, ma anche le barriere strutturali, culturali e sociali che la società impone.
Non possiamo tollerare che in un’Europa che si proclama “paladina dei diritti umani e dell’inclusione”, quasi un terzo delle persone con disabilità viva in condizioni di disagio economico. La nostra forza si misura dalla capacità di includere chi è già più debole.
Charles Goerens,au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, la lutte contre la pauvreté doit se manifester tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne. Cela étant, la pratique semble confirmer ce propos.
L’Union européenne n’a certes pas réussi à éliminer la pauvreté, comme chacun de nous le souhaiterait. À sa décharge, rappelons que ses compétences sont insuffisantes pour régler ce problème. Les États membres, par contre, disposent de moyens ô combien supérieurs à ceux dont dispose la Commission. À ce propos, l’on constate que les États membres qui ont de meilleurs résultats en matière de lutte contre la misère chez eux sont souvent les mêmes que ceux qui s’impliquent le plus dans la coopération au développement en faveur des pays du Sud.
Cette corrélation n’est pas anodine. Elle nous fait penser que la solidarité est indivisible. C’est donc une question de cohérence, une question d’équité, qui s’applique dans le même esprit tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur de l’Union européenne. Pour appuyer mon propos, il suffit de lire les rapports annuels du Programme des Nations unies pour le développement et d’en comparer les résultats à ceux obtenus en matière de lutte contre la misère au sein des États membres.
Leila Chaibi,au nom du groupe The Left. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, en France, 1 jeune sur 4 vit sous le seuil de pauvreté, et 1 étudiant sur 2 est obligé de sauter un repas par jour. Vous vous souvenez de ces files d’attente interminables devant l’aide alimentaire pendant la pandémie de COVID-19? Ces images, elles avaient fait le tour du monde. C’était il y a quatre ans. Et que s’est il passé depuis? Rien.
Pourquoi l’Union européenne ne demande-t-elle pas aux gouvernements de proposer le repas à 1 euro pour les étudiants? Pourquoi continuons-nous à agir comme si la pauvreté était un phénomène météorologique, une espèce de catastrophe naturelle? Non, la pauvreté ne tombe pas du ciel. Sans inégalités, il n’y a pas de pauvreté. Bernard Arnault, l’homme le plus riche du monde, a vu sa fortune dépasser les 200 milliards d’euros, soit plus que le PIB de la Slovaquie. Imaginez ce qu’on pourrait faire avec cette somme. On pourrait faire 200 000 hôpitaux, 40 000 écoles.
Vous voulez agir contre la pauvreté? Taxez les plus riches, taxez les multinationales, allez chercher l’argent là où il est.
Petar Volgin,от името на групата ESN. – Скъпи колеги, дълго време силните на деня обясняваха, че когато глобализацията окончателно победи, когато бъдат премахнати всички държавни граници и всички държавни пречки пред бизнеса, ние ще станем богати и щастливи. Разказваха ни, че когато милионерът стане милиардер, това ще направи и нас, обикновените хора богати. Защото нали според постулатите на така наречената „трикъл даун” икономика („trickle down economy“) или икономика на просмукването, приливът повдигал всички лодки. Само че действителността се оказа много по-различна.
Да, богатите ставаха още по-богати, милионерите ставаха милиардери, но лодките на обикновенните хора не се повдигаха, даже много от тях потънаха. Колкото повече държавата минаваше на заден план, толкова повече се увеличаваха неравенствата и бедността. Има само един начин, по който може да бъде преодоляно това. Държавата отново трябва да стане активна. Тя трябва да създаде такива правила, които да помагат на работещите хора да живеят по-добре. Наднационалните институции няма да направят това. Те се грижат за интересите на мега корпорациите. Нужна ни е повече държава и по-малко транснационални институции.
Georgiana Teodorescu (ECR),în scris. – Prin acțiunile sale, Uniunea Europeană s-a declarat responsabilă pentru înverzirea Globului, pentru eliminarea surplusului de carbon, pentru tot ce e „eco” și „bio” la nivel mondial, pentru salvarea migranților, precum și pentru încetarea unor războaie din afara granițelor UE.
Totuși, când vine vorba de sărăcia în care trăiesc unii dintre europeni, mai ales despre construirea unor programe concrete și asigurarea unui buget corespunzător pentru acest lucru, rămânem la stadiul de discuții frumoase. Iată că marcăm o zi oficială pentru eradicarea sărăciei, în loc să o eradicăm efectiv. În România, unul din cinci cetățeni trăiește sub pragul sărăciei, cifrele fiind mult mai ridicate în rândul tinerilor. Pe acești oameni, ziua internațională a eradicării sărăciei nu îi ajută. Este nevoie de bani și de măsuri concrete.
Sigur, e onorabil să avem o astfel de zi, nu ne opunem, dar haideți să ne concentrăm mai mult pe fapte și mai puțin pe discursuri pompoase, care au zero efect în asigurarea hranei copiilor săraci ai Europei sau în oferirea unor programe care să-i încurajeze să-și continue studiile.
12. Address by Enrico Letta – Presentation of the report ‘Much More Than a Market’
President. – The next item is the debate on the address by Enrico Letta – presentation of the report ‘Much more than a market’.
We have today with us former Prime Minister of Italy Enrico Letta to present his report ‘Much more than a market’. Caro Enrico, welcome back to the European Parliament. Your report came at an extremely timely moment.
As we embark on a new legislative term, this House recognises that the future of Europe will be defined by our ability to make ourselves more competitive; how we are able to grow our economies and pay back our debts, to fuel our innovation and turn seemingly impossible challenges into opportunities, to create jobs and futures with dignity. That is what our people are asking from us. It is why Europeans went to the polls last June, and what our voters are expecting us to deliver on.
To do all this, we do not need to reinvent the wheel. We already have many tools in place. For over 30 years, the single market has been our Union’s unique growth model, a powerful engine of convergence and our most valuable asset. But we are again at a moment where the single market is in need of a boost.
The time is now for us to renew our engagement to it, to deepen it, especially when it comes to energy, to finance, telecoms, banking, capital markets and services – to bring it back on par with the needs of the current context.
Boosting it also means doing more to level the playing field, to reduce excessive bureaucracy and to cut red tape. This is how our single market works best. So, Mr Letta, dear Enrico, the European Parliament is eager to hear your findings and recommendations on how we can bolster our single market and make Europe more competitive.
Enrico Letta,author of the report ‘Much more than a market’. – Madam President, esteemed Members, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to President Roberta Metsola, the Members of the European Parliament and the groups. It is a particularly emotional moment for me to do so in this Chamber once chaired by David Sassoli. The last time I spoke from this very place was to commemorate him some days after his death. His legacy and his commitment to European values continues to guide and inspire all of us.
I must also express my deep gratitude to those who commissioned this report and entrusted me with the responsibility to undertake it: the Belgian and Spanish presidencies of the Council of the European Union, along with the President of the Commission and the President of the European Council. It is a great honour for me to be here today, especially after a year of engaging with the European Parliament: more than 20 meetings, groups, committees – the IMCO Committee in particular, subcommittees fostering meaningful dialogue and collaboration.
This is a decisive moment for the life of the report. The pragmatic proposals it contains can only make a real impact if this very Chamber embraces and advances them.
This report is not mine. I bear full responsibility for it, of course, but above all, it is the result of a collective exercise developed during a journey that spanned almost the entire European Union, reaching out also to candidate countries for accession and non-EU countries that share with us the single market. Throughout this journey across Europe, I visited 65 cities and took part in over 4 400 meetings, I engaged open social dialogue with all stakeholders. This was not an ideological pursuit, but a pragmatic endeavour. I traveled across Europe and engaged with all stakeholders to find common ground for tangible solutions. And there is one thing I want to stress out here: all the proposals contained in the report do not require Treaty changes. They are very concrete and can be implemented immediately.
Madame la Présidente, par cette méthode j’ai cherché à honorer l’esprit même du projet d’intégration européenne. Un projet qui s’épanouit dans le dialogue entre les grands et les petits pays, entre les grandes villes et les petites communes, entre des modèles divers de relations industrielles, ainsi qu’entre différentes cultures et histoires. C’était la vision de Jacques Delors, à la mémoire duquel ce rapport est dédié.
Jacques Delors visait à poser une base solide sur laquelle les grands idéaux européens pourraient prospérer. Il reconnaissait que la passion seule ne pouvait bâtir l’Europe. Il fallait des projets pragmatiques, qui améliorent concrètement la vie des citoyens. Jacques Delors croyait fermement que le succès de l’intégration européenne ne se mesurait pas à l’aune des bénéfices pour les États, mais à l’amélioration de la vie des citoyens. C’est cette approche que j’ai poursuivie et qui m’a inspiré en rédigeant ce rapport.
The single market has been our greatest achievement. It has fuelled prosperity and it embodies our values. But it was born in a very different era, an era in which both the European Union and the world were smaller, simpler and far less interconnected. More than 20 years ago, we succeeded in integrating our currencies. We created the euro. We integrated this critical dimension which carries important emotional and practical significance for our citizens.
However, we have not achieved the same level of integration in other key strategic sectors that, paradoxically, would have been far less difficult to integrate: sectors that are now vital for the future of the European economy, in particular. At the inception, three sectors were deliberately kept outside the single market, considered too strategic to extend beyond national borders: finance, electronic communications and energy. In reality, when it comes to these issues, Europe is merely a geographical expression. We are 27, not 1, on telecommunication. We have 27 financial markets, not 1 financial market. The exclusion of these sectors from the completion of the single market was motivated by the belief at that time that domestic control would better serve strategic interests.
In an increasingly interconnected world and a vastly larger global market, the national dimension is no longer sufficient. It is becoming a ceiling in these sectors. We need to address this paradox, which is one of the main drivers of the current gap with other global powers, and we must act now. Inertia or inaction on this front risks reducing our choices to a single question: whether we want to become a colony of the United States or of China in ten years’ time. Telecommunications, energy and financial markets must be integrated, as we did for the euro. The integration of these sectors is a precondition for our competitiveness and security. There can be no security without independence in connectivity, energy and finance.
In the report, I propose a roadmap for telecommunications to move from 27 separate markets to 1, from the approximately 80 operators of today to 10, 20 operators. I am not suggesting that we mimic the American or Chinese models here in Europe. These models do not adequately protect consumers as we aim to do in the European Union, but with a single telecoms market, 10, 20 operators can compete while ensuring consumer protection. At the same time, they will be larger and stronger on the global stage. That is what is not happening today with the fragmentation in 27 different markets.
For energy, the key mission is to invest in interconnections. We must reduce the energy prices in Europe, and the only way is to maximise the diversification of energy sources through a highly interconnected European system. We win through cooperation, not through fragmentation. However, the most important sector to integrate is the financial one, which is in reality today the sum of 27 separate financial markets. This fragmentation is a major factor in Europe’s loss of competitiveness, creating the paradox of having a single currency, the euro, without a fully integrated financial market. We are falling behind the US, which has surged ahead in this sector over the last 15 years, and we are paying a steep price for it. Without a unified financial system, we will be unable to create a new paradigm for economic development, unable to innovate and unable to ensure our security.
Having unified and significantly larger financial markets would allow Europe to invest in innovation and support its real economy. It would also enable Europe to effectively finance the Green Deal.
During my journey, one topic has emerged as a priority everywhere: how to support and finance the just, green and digital transition. Let’s be very clear: the Green Deal remains the top priority for the coming years. It is no longer a question of whether Europe will pursue it, but rather how it will be achieved. The legislative term began with a debate on how to approach the Green Deal. In the report, I propose solutions for implementing it that reduce the potential social and economic consequences for Europe. We cannot allow the Green Deal to become a luxury that only the wealthy can afford in our societies. The social and economic dimensions of the Green Deal are essential.
If we are committed to this, we must also clearly outline how we intend to finance it. Otherwise, we risk engaging in an unrealistic declaration of intent. Without a concrete plan on how to finance it, political backlash and delays are inevitable – outcomes that neither the EU nor the planet can afford. That is why all our energy must be focused on financially supporting the transition. We need an innovative set of tools that can leverage both public and private financing, as both are crucial to meet our massive investment needs.
There are differing views within the European Union on how to address this funding challenge. We have to be honest: there are often opposing views on this matter. It makes no sense to ignore or hide these differences. But I firmly believe that the single market is not only a fundamental tool, but also the common ground where these diverse positions can converge.
The initial priority should be to mobilise private capital, where the EU lags behind and has enormous untapped potential. Let me offer two clear as significant examples. Each year, EUR 300 billion of European savings cross the Atlantic to fuel the American financial markets and their real economy. This happens because our financial markets, fragmented as they are, are unable to absorb these resources. But the effect is a paradox. This money ultimately strengthens American companies, which then return to Europe to buy our European companies with our European savers’ money.
We need a change in mindset. The current lack of integration of Europe’s financial markets is unacceptable. Take also the case of international payment systems: every day, each of us makes several credit or debit card transactions, billions of transactions in total. Yet Italians aren’t happy using a French system. The French aren’t happy using a German system. The Germans aren’t happy to use a Spanish one. As a result, we are all end up being happy to rely on an American system. This example alone highlights the inefficiency of our fragmented approach.
We have to be pragmatic, not ideological. The fragmentation of Europe’s financial markets plays directly into the hands of other global players, keeping Wall Street and China satisfied and very happy. And this is why, in the report, I proposed the creation of the savings and investments union, building on the incomplete capital markets union. By fully integrating financial markets, the savings and investments union aims to close the gap in a sector where we have enormous potential and provide a concrete tool to finance our ambitions.
What I want to emphasise is the importance of forging a strong link between the fair, green and digital transition and the financial integration of the single market. One of the main reasons the capital markets union failed to succeed is that it was seen as an end in itself. True financial market integration in Europe will only be achieved when both citizens and policymakers recognise that this integration is not just beneficial for the financial sector, but it is essential for achieving broader, more critical goals such as the fair, green and digital transition.
Ultimately, progress in the area of private investments will enable us to tackle the role, structures and regulations governing public investments. As I have noted, this is a divisive issue, but it is essential that we confront it openly. Closing the current gap in private investments is a critical first step in moving this debate forward. The massive investment needs of the European Union require both private and public sources of funding. We must strike a balance between different sensibilities and pave the way for a more constructive, integrated and efficient funding strategy.
This also extends to the debate on state aid. In the report, I have presented some ideas to overcome the current impasse. We need new solutions that can swiftly mobilise targeted national public support for industry, while also preventing fragmentation of the single market and ensuring a level playing field.
Combining private resources and public investments, considering various instruments, is the only way to achieve a compromise in this chamber and within the European Council. Finance, energy and telecommunications are interconnected and serve as critical boost within a broader concept of security. However, the current geopolitical situation compels us to accelerate the strengthening of our common defence capabilities.
Greater integration within our common market can serve as a pivotal tool to overcome existing duplications and inefficiencies, yet substantial investments are required. We need to act on this front, and we must do swiftly in order to preserve a crucial level of autonomy in our foreign security and defence policy.
The EU must continue its unwavering support for Ukraine in its fight for freedom, while also striving to play a pivotal role in ending the conflict in the Middle East. Both are essential steps towards securing long-term peace and stability. To address this significant challenge, we must consider innovative financing mechanisms here as well. In the report, I propose several options, but I believe, and I want to underline here, the most pragmatic and impactful approach involves the use of the ESM, the European Stability Mechanism.
One of the consequences of fragmentation and the lack of unity in key sectors is the difficulty we are facing in terms of innovation. The EU has not yet developed a robust industry capable of harnessing the benefits of the new wave of technological advancements. As a result, we have become increasingly reliant on external technologies that are now critical to European companies. It is essential that we unlock the full potential of the single market, and to do so, we need to leverage our unexploited common strength in research and development.
The single market, as we know, was built on four fundamental freedoms: the free movement of goods, services, capital and people. However, this structure is outdated and too closely aligned with the 20th century vision. I believe something is missing in today’s complex and dynamic environment, something intangible yet vital. The economy of the future will be driven by innovation, knowledge and tangible assets, a dimension that is vital to our progress.
In the report, I argue for the addition of a fifth freedom, one that encompasses a range of essential fields: research, data, skills, knowledge, education. This is possible within the framework of the existing Treaties, as demonstrated in the report. This new fifth freedom will not just be about facilitating the movement of research and innovation outputs; it will embed the drivers of research and innovation at the heart of the single market. With this framework, the EU will not only better position itself as a global leader in setting ethical standards for innovation, but also as a creator and pioneer of new technologies.
The EU’s ability to innovate depends also on creating an ecosystem where businesses can thrive. This is why the simplification of the single market rules is a central theme. It is a topic that I have heard repeatedly during my travels. However, when we speak of simplification, too frequently, these words are not followed by concrete, actionable proposals. In the report, I present two pragmatic proposals to significantly ease businesses’ access to the benefits of the single market. The first proposal is that EU institutions should unequivocally prioritise the use of regulations over directives when setting single market rules. This would reduce uncertainty and eliminate barriers. The second proposal is the idea of the ’28th regime’ to operate within the single market, a virtual 28th state that companies could choose for smoother, more practical operation at the European level. Both these proposals cover regulatory aspects that help to reduce bureaucracy without in an in any way undermining social standards, on which we do not want to see any race to the bottom. I’m very happy to speak on behalf and in front of the Commission on these topics.
I conclude, Madam President: Jacques Delors always insisted on the crucial point of the importance of a single market with convergence, and the success of the single market is fundamental. If we add to the freedom to move the freedom to stay, the freedom to stay is fundamental for the people who want to stay in their own regions, with the idea to be allowed to grow up there and to have services of general interest across all the EU regions and also in the periphery regions.
My conclusion: President von der Leyen’s decision to outline an ambitious plan for reform and relaunch of the European project, drawing on some of these ideas from both my report and that of Mario Draghi opens a window of opportunity we cannot afford to miss. In a time when divisions among us – between countries, political parties and populations are growing – I stand before you to affirm that the single market is what keeps us united. We must rally around it and remain firm in our commitment to the relaunch and completion of the single market. The question before us is clear: if not now, when? Now more than ever, we must defend, strengthen and relaunch the single market.
I hope that with all these arguments, I have convinced you that, as I wrote in the title of my report, the single market is really much more than a market.
PRZEWODNICTWO: EWA KOPACZ Wiceprzewodnicząca
President. – Thank you very much, Mr Letta.
13. Empowering the Single Market to deliver a sustainable future and prosperity for all EU citizens (debate)
Andreas Schwab,im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, lieber Enrico Letta, Herr Kommissar! Zunächst einmal im Namen der EVP-Fraktion einen großen Glückwunsch für diese intensive Arbeit und auch für die Präsentation der Ergebnisse hier.
Es ist deutlich geworden, dass der Bericht und auch Sie ganz persönlich, Herr Letta, nochmals in Erinnerung rufen, dass der Binnenmarkt der Motor unseres europäischen Wohlstandes ist. Das finde ich beachtlich, weil natürlich ein Stück weit in den vergangenen Jahren in Vergessenheit geraten ist, dass der wirtschaftliche Austausch – egal ob es um Waren oder Dienstleistungen, egal ob es um Autos oder um Tourismus geht – im Zentrum dessen steht, was uns als Europäerinnen und Europäer reich und viele auch zufrieden macht.
Deswegen, glaube ich, muss man an dieser Stelle noch einmal sagen: Der Binnenmarkt kann eben am besten entscheiden, was die richtige Leistung ist. Deswegen sollten wir den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern auch die Möglichkeit geben, dass sie entscheiden können in einem offenen Markt in Europa, welche Leistung, welchen Tourismusort, welches Auto sie kaufen können. Dafür ist der Titel vielleicht ein bisschen gefährlich, denn mehr als ein Markt bedeutet ja im Umkehrschluss, dass wir einen echten Binnenmarkt vollständig schon haben. Da, glaube ich, müssen wir sagen, gibt es noch einiges zu tun.
Es gibt noch einiges zu tun, damit Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmer problemlos von einem Land in ein anderes fahren können. Auch wenn sie das Recht, dort zu bleiben, wo sie sein wollen, behalten sollen, müssen sie die Freiheit genießen können – in der Überarbeitung der Verordnung (EG) Nr. 883/2004 –, die Grenze zu überschreiten. Deswegen, liebe Freundinnen und Freunde, meine Damen und Herren, glaube ich, die Anpassung an eine neue geopolitische Bedingung, die rasche Entbürokratisierung und die Kapitalmarktunion sind sicher Kernforderungen des Berichts, die wir alle unterstützen.
Ich bin froh, dass Enrico Letta in die gleiche Richtung wie Mario Draghi gegangen ist. Deswegen, glaube ich, gilt es jetzt, dass die Europäische Kommission liefert: ein 28. Regime dort, wo es notwendig ist, eine neue Grundfreiheit und einen einheitlichen Telekommunikationsbinnenmarkt. Es gibt viel zu tun.
Gabriele Bischoff,on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President and dear Enrico Letta, I think it is very important that we still keep a vision of what we could do and what is possible, but where we lack the courage so far to do so. Jacques Delors always said that no one falls in love with the common market. That was true in the past, it’s also true today, but you show that it’s not only a single market, but it is what it does for people, how it enables people. And therefore we really have to boost the common market indeed, but also – in the spirit of Jacques Delors – to always have in mind that this always needs a strong social dimension going for it, if we want to also convince the citizens that it’s in their interest to do so.
But I also have to say I could comment on many things, because your report is very rich. I want to highlight the fifth freedom, a fair mobility, a new push here for innovation, and to deliver for our citizens.
Svenja Hahn,im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Liebe Kollegen, wenn wir in der Welt über Werte wie Demokratie reden, hat man uns zugehört, weil wir ein attraktiver Markt waren. Der Binnenmarkt ist das Herzstück der EU – er hat uns wirtschaftlich stark werden und zusammenwachsen lassen. Doch der Binnenmarkt kränkelt vor sich hin, auch weil die Kommission zu wenig für seine Zukunft getan hat.
Herr Letta gibt uns eine lange To-do-Liste mit: allem voran sind es massive Überregulierung, hohe Energiekosten, Steuern und Abgaben und on top noch ein mindset, das Innovation und unternehmerischem Erfolg misstraut. Das ist Gift für unseren Binnenmarkt, das ist Gift für Wirtschaftswachstum.
Und wer jetzt die Lösung in neuen Steuern, Umverteilung und Subventionen sieht, ist doch aus der Zeit gefallen. Wir machen die EU nicht fit für die Zukunft mit Ideen von gestern, sondern mit strukturellen Reformen. Für mehr Wirtschaftswachstum brauchen wir jetzt einen radikalen Bürokratieabbau und eine Fastenkur für neue EU-Gesetze. Und es muss Schluss sein mit Protektionismus in unserem Binnenmarkt.
Wachstum muss das Ziel sein, denn eine starke Wirtschaft schafft Arbeitsplätze, finanziert Bildung und unseren Sozialstaat und sorgt auch dafür, dass wir uns verteidigen können. Ein starker Binnenmarkt ist die Grundlage für unsere Gesellschaft, unseren Zusammenhalt und unsere Sicherheit.
Anna Cavazzini,im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Lieber Enrico Letta, erst einmal vielen Dank für deinen Bericht und die gute Zusammenarbeit mit diesem Haus, insbesondere mit dem Ausschuss für Binnenmarkt und Verbraucherschutz. Einige Leute sind ja fest davon überzeugt – und Gabriele hat es schon gesagt –, dass man sich nicht in einen EU-Binnenmarkt verlieben kann; einer davon hieß Jacques Delors.
Aber ich muss schon sagen, dass die aktuelle Binnenmarktgesetzgebung ziemlich attraktiv ist, ein Schlüssel gegen die multiplen Krisen unserer Zeit. Mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte legen wir demokratische Regeln für die Onlinewelt fest. Mit der Gesetzgebung für die Kreislaufwirtschaft und dem Recht auf Reparatur machen wir Nachhaltigkeit zur Norm auf dem Binnenmarkt. Und – das ist wirklich ein Projekt zum Verlieben – das gemeinsame Ladekabel macht endlich Schluss mit unserem Kabelsalat in den Schubladen. Diese Beispiele zeigen, dass sich die Aufgabe, einen gemeinsamen europäischen Markt zu schaffen, in den letzten 30 Jahren weiterentwickelt hat.
Von der Veränderung des Marktes mit seinen vier Freiheiten – Waren, Dienstleistungen, Kapital und Menschen – nutzen wir ihn heute immer mehr, um unsere gemeinsamen politischen Ziele zu erreichen: Souveränität, die Regulierung von großen Tech-Unternehmen, die Stärkung von Rechten von Verbrauchern und vor allem auch der Schutz unseres Planeten und des Klimas.
Und das ist auch die Geschichte – finde ich –, die wir den Bürgern heute erzählen müssen. Tatsächlich wird sich niemand in die abstrakte Idee der wirtschaftlichen Integration verlieben. Aber die Bürgerinnen und Bürger in der EU wollen hohe Verbraucherschutzstandards, eine gesunde Wirtschaft, Umweltschutz; und der Binnenmarkt und unsere Binnenmarktregeln können all das liefern, wenn wir es richtig machen.
Ich finde, wenn wir die Unterstützung unserer Bürger erhalten wollen, muss der Binnenmarkt sie schützen. Riesige Proteste in ganz Europa und zwei gescheiterte EU-Verfassungsreferenden waren damals die Folge, als die Kommission bei der Marktintegration mit der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie zu weit gegangen ist. Dieses Parlament hat damals, 2006, den Vorschlag geändert und ausgewogener gestaltet. Wir haben in den vergangenen Jahren erfolgreich für eine stärkere soziale Dimension des Binnenmarktes gekämpft und müssen dies auch weiterhin tun.
Ja, viele unsinnige Hürden im Binnenmarkt müssen schnellstens abgebaut werden. Aber Marktintegration darf niemals, aber auch niemals zum Abbau von Schutzstandards führen.
Νικόλας Φαραντούρης,εξ ονόματος της ομάδας The Left. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, αγαπητέ κύριε Letta, σας καλωσορίζω στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο. Καλωσορίζουμε κάποιες από τις προτάσεις σας, όπως αυτές για μια κοινή φορολογική πολιτική ή για μια κοινή ευρωπαϊκή βιομηχανική πολιτική. Δεν με βρίσκει όμως σύμφωνο η περαιτέρω απορρύθμιση των εργασιακών σχέσεων και η αποκλειστική έμφαση μονάχα στην κινητικότητα των επενδύσεων.
Επίσης, σας καλώ, εσάς και την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, να λάβετε υπόψη σας το γεγονός ότι ένας βασικός πυλώνας της εσωτερικής αγοράς από δημιουργίας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, η πολιτική ανταγωνισμού, οι κανόνες ανταγωνισμού και η αντιμονοπωλιακή νομοθεσία, σε πολλές χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και στην ίδια την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν λειτουργεί. Υπάρχουν χώρες, όπως για παράδειγμα η δική μου χώρα, η Ελλάδα, όπου είναι απολύτως καρτελοποιημένοι κάποιοι κρίσιμοι κλάδοι της οικονομίας, όπως επίσης και κλάδοι βασικών κοινωνικών αγαθών. Γι’ αυτό, θα πρέπει να ενταθούν οι προσπάθειες, ξανά από την αρχή, ώστε οι βασικοί πυλώνες της εσωτερικής αγοράς, όπως είναι οι κανόνες ανταγωνισμού, να γίνονται σεβαστοί και εφαρμόζονται αυστηρά.
Καλώ, λοιπόν, την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, στο πλαίσιο του ευρωπαϊκού δικτύου ανταγωνισμού, να δείξει μεγαλύτερη προσοχή σε καρτελοποιημένες αγορές και να δώσει μεγαλύτερη έμφαση στην κοινωνική διάσταση της εσωτερικής αγοράς.
René Aust,im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Der Binnenmarkt ist eine der größten Errungenschaften der europäischen Zusammenarbeit. Er ist ein lebendiges Beispiel dafür, wie souveräne Nationen gemeinsam ihre Ziele erreichen können, wenn sie ihre Kräfte in einem wichtigen Bereich bündeln. Der Binnenmarkt hat Innovationen angeregt und für zusätzlichen Wohlstand in Europa gesorgt.
Doch heute sehen wir leider, dass sich die Europäische Union immer weiter von diesen zentralen Aufgaben entfernt. Statt sich auf ihre wenigen, aber entscheidenden Aufgaben zu konzentrieren, wie eben den Binnenmarkt, den Schutz unserer gemeinsamen europäischen Außengrenzen oder auch die Koordination einer gesamteuropäischen Verteidigungsgemeinschaft, mischt sie sich in immer mehr Lebensbereiche ein, in denen sie eigentlich nichts zu suchen hat.
Anstatt den Schwerpunkt auf grenzüberschreitende Herausforderungen wie Handel, Wettbewerb, Innovation oder gemeinsame Sicherheitsstandards zu legen, wird die EU zunehmend zu einem Gemischtwarenladen, der sich um alles Mögliche kümmert, vom Weltklima bis zur Genderideologie, aber das Wesentliche vernachlässigt. Diese Überdehnung der EU-Aufgaben schreckt private Investoren und Entrepreneure ab und schadet damit ganz Europa. Doch jede Kritik an dieser Entwicklung wird sofort als antieuropäisch verunglimpft und sehr schnell in die Ecke der Europafeinde gesteckt.
Dabei braucht Europa eine Rückbesinnung auf das, was wirklich wichtig ist, und nationale Souveränität ist eine Voraussetzung für eine funktionierende europäische Zusammenarbeit. Darum kann man uns Patrioten auch die Zukunft Europas anvertrauen, weil wir eben verstanden haben, dass mehr nicht immer besser ist. Wir wollen eine handlungsfähige Gemeinschaft europäischer Nationalstaaten, die den Binnenmarkt fortentwickelt, die Außengrenzen sichert und unseren Kontinent schützt.
Lídia Pereira (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, a participação da União Europeia na economia global está a cair. As economias asiáticas ultrapassam‑nos a uma velocidade vertiginosa, tal como o relatório de Enrico Letta e o relatório de Mário Draghi o confirmam. As condições de vida dos europeus estão a degradar‑se. O PIB per capita nos Estados Unidos cresceu o dobro do europeu desde que foi criado o Mercado Único, em 1993. Portanto, não podemos continuar a ficar para trás.
E o mais chocante é a nossa produção de bens essenciais, incluindo em áreas como a saúde, que desceu de 53 % para menos de 25 % em pouco mais de duas décadas. Estamos dependentes de outros, quando nunca precisámos tanto de garantir a nossa autonomia estratégica.
Enrico Letta disse‑o ainda há pouco, mas continuamos, infelizmente, a ver mais de 300 mil milhões de EUR das poupanças dos europeus serem desviadas para fora da Europa. É trágico, porque estamos a financiar a economia dos outros, em vez de fortalecermos a nossa.
Queremos ter um mercado mais competitivo, então precisamos de uma união bancária completa. Queremos proteger as poupanças dos nossos cidadãos e relançar a inovação, precisamos de uma união de mercado de capitais. E, acima de tudo, precisamos mesmo de reformar o mercado único europeu, acrescentando‑lhe a livre circulação do conhecimento, porque só com investigação e inovação seremos capazes de ter mais empresas competitivas a nível global.
Creio que já temos relatórios o quanto basta. Precisamos mesmo é de decisões, e está na hora de as tomarmos.
(A oradora aceita responder a uma pergunta «cartão azul»)
João Oliveira (The Left),Pergunta segundo o procedimento «cartão azul». – Senhora Presidente, fazer a defesa do mercado único a partir da apologia da política de concorrência, ignorando a concentração e a centralização a que essa política e esse mercado têm conduzido, não nos serve de muito. Basta olhar para o setor bancário português e perceber que, sem o aprofundamento do mercado único, ficaram os bancos todos nas mãos de capital estrangeiro, com exceção da Caixa Geral de Depósitos, que, por ser pública, continua a ser nacional.
Trazer aqui a defesa do mercado único a partir da ideia de que é isso que permite reduzir os preços – quando o setor energético mostra exatamente o contrário, com o aumento dos custos da energia – ou agora a partir do setor financeiro, achando que é isso que resolve os problemas, pode servir às multinacionais, mas não serve um país como Portugal, Senhora Deputada.
Camilla Laureti (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie a Enrico Letta per il rapporto. Alexander Langer diceva che la conversione ecologica potrà affermarsi solo se apparirà socialmente desiderabile: per questo in Europa servono investimenti comuni, perché il Green Deal è una rivoluzione necessaria che impatta sul modello di sviluppo e sulla vita delle persone, e nelle persone può generare paura.
Se sapremo realizzarlo, avremo i cittadini al nostro fianco, le aziende più competitive e un’Europa più forte. Gli Stati Uniti, la Cina e l’India stanno andando veloci e in questa direzione – l’Europa non può permettersi di restare indietro. La risposta è un sistema comunitario di aiuti di Stato: dobbiamo integrare i principi dell’economia circolare per spingere sostenibilità e competitività.
La libertà di muoversi, dice anche Letta nel rapporto, deve essere una scelta – oggi non lo è. Un terzo della popolazione europea vive in regioni che da anni sono immobili: le aree interne d’Europa. Qui si vince la sfida della crescita sostenibile, fatta di investimenti comuni, capaci di garantire i servizi di interesse generale per non lasciare indietro nessuno.
Enikő Győri (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Az egységes piac az Unió legközérthetőbb értéke. Az olcsóbb repülés, vagy annak előnye, hogy otthoni szeretteinkkel ingyen telefonálhatunk, nem szorul magyarázatra. Persze szereztünk keserű tapasztalatokat is. Szolgáltatási irányelv, kiküldött munkavállalók, mobilitási csomag. Ezek elfogadásakor a Bizottság mindig a nyugat-európaiak érdekét tartotta előbbre valónak.
Ahol az EU keleti fele versenyképesebb, ott nem akarta lebontani az akadályokat. A feladat tehát csak, hogy olyan területeken mélyítsük az egységes piacot, mely fokozza a versenyképességet, és földrajzi helytől függetlenül megkönnyíti a polgárok és cégek életét. Ne központosítsunk ott, ahol a kisebbek vagy fejletlenebbek rosszul állnak. Több összeköttetés tehát, de például az energia- vagy telekommunikációs szektor centralizáltásával bánjunk csínján, ne tűnjenek el a helyi szereplők, ne dráguljon a szolgáltatás. A pénzügyi piacok közötti átjárhatóság jó irány, de legyünk óvatosak a nemzeti felügyeletek egységesítésével, ne fojtsuk meg a kisebb nemzeti tőkepiacokat, amelyek nélkül nincs helyi ökoszisztéma.
Elnök úr említette az ötödik szabadságot, a tudás mozgását. Ez nagyon klassz. Csak kérdezem, hogy az Európai Bizottság miért blokkolja a magyar kutatók részvételét a Horizont programban, vagy a magyar diákok mozgását az Erasmus program keretein belül? Regionális különbségek kiegyenlítése nélkül nincs versenyképesség. Az agyelszívás ellen tenni kell. Ösztönözni kell a helyben boldogulást. Tartsuk meg a kohéziós politikát, hiszen ezt az egységes piac ellensúlyozására találták ki, hol nehézségeket okozott. Ezt fenn kell tartani kondicionalitás nélkül, mert az durva politikai eszközzé vált a Bizottság kezében.
Denis Nesci (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Presidente Letta, la relazione che discutiamo oggi mette in luce una delle sfide cruciali: il rafforzamento del mercato unico è senza dubbio un obiettivo fondamentale per il futuro dell’Unione europea.
Tuttavia, non possiamo ignorare le criticità evidenti. Le eccessive regolamentazioni burocratiche rappresentano un ostacolo reale che rischia di soffocare l’innovazione e la crescita delle PMI. Se poi ci troviamo di fronte a perfidie come quella della direttiva ETS, giusto per citarne una, che mette a rischio la competitività delle infrastrutture portuali del Mediterraneo – come il porto di Gioia Tauro – con forti ricadute anche sul livello occupazionale, non parliamo di mercato unico, bensì di un distorto mercato unico.
Per rilanciare la nostra competitività nell’ambito del mercato unico abbiamo bisogno di una politica economica adeguata e solidale, accompagnata da regole che vadano incontro alle esigenze di tutti gli Stati membri. Per questo è essenziale che il mercato unico non diventi un vantaggio riservato solo ad alcune aree: serve un mercato unico realmente inclusivo, che possa offrire opportunità anche alle regioni meno sviluppate, mettendo al centro l’uomo e non le “eco-follie”, e che sia a favore di famiglie, consumatori e imprese.
Sandro Gozi (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, caro Enrico, le plus grand succès de l’Union, le marché unique, doit être renouvelé et complété. «Rico» Letta l’affirme avec force, et il a raison.
Renouvelé, car il est impossible de réussir la transition écologique et numérique sans rendre le marché unique plus durable et plus simplifié pour les producteurs et pour les consommateurs. Complété, car il faut éliminer tous les obstacles qui empêchent les PME d’en profiter pleinement et qui nous empêchent d’avoir une union de l’énergie, des télécoms, des capitaux et des investissements. Le coût de la «non-Europe» est trop grand pour ne pas agir. L’approfondissement du marché européen pourrait générer jusqu’à 1,1 trillion d’euros de production économique supplémentaire par an.
Il est aussi urgent – le rapport le dit très bien – de dégager les ressources sociales et économiques nécessaires à l’accompagnement du pacte vert et de la transition numérique.
Enfin, nous devons développer une dimension extérieure du marché unique en lien avec notre politique commerciale. Dans ce cadre, nous devons également réformer les marchés publics, qui doivent aussi nous aider à réduire notre dépendance vis-à-vis des pays tiers. Cela doit être notre grande mission pour l’innovation et la compétitivité.
Marcin Sypniewski (ESN). – Pani Przewodnicząca, Szanowni Państwo, jestem posłem od kilku miesięcy i jestem szczerze zdumiony, że w tym krótkim czasie po raz kolejny debatujemy nad nowym sprawozdaniem, które ma nam wskazać, jak mamy stać się bardziej konkurencyjni, bogatsi, silniejsi czy piękniejsi. Najwyraźniej oprócz biegunki legislacyjnej mamy również do czynienia z biegunką ekspertyz, analiz i sprawozdań. Zamiast tego polecam poczytać Rothbarda, Misesa czy Hayeka, których dzieła przetrwały próbę czasu we wskazywaniu, co jest dobre dla rozwoju gospodarczego i wolności jednostki.
Noblista Fryderyk von Hayek wskazuje, że wiedza w swojej naturze jest rozproszona. To rynek za pośrednictwem cen przesyła informacje do przedsiębiorców i konsumentów. Dzięki temu rynek samodzielnie się stabilizuje i dostosowuje się do zmieniających się warunków i potrzeb. Politycy i urzędnicy nie są do tego w ogóle potrzebni. Alternatywą dla takiego spontanicznego i rozproszonego działania jest centralne planowanie, które wielokrotnie wprowadzane zawsze zawodziło, ponieważ politycy nigdy nie posiądą całości rozproszonej wiedzy.
Rynek nie jest tabelką w Excelu, ale żywym, dynamicznie zmieniającym się organizmem, a prawdziwymi przywódcami na rynku są konsumenci. To ich wymagania starają się spełnić przedsiębiorcy. Rozwiązaniem, które ewentualnie pobudziłoby rynek, jest porzucenie praw własności intelektualnej w postaci chociażby patentów. Informacja może przecież znajdować się w kilku miejscach jednocześnie, bez wzajemnej szkody. Nie jest to dobro rzadkie, dlatego nie powinno być chronione jak własność prywatna. Własność intelektualna to sztuczny twór, a jej ochrona jest fikcją prawną. Chcecie bogactwa i dobrej przyszłości? Postawcie na rynek, a nie na biurokrację i na sprawozdania.
Mohammed Chahim (S&D). – Voorzitter, de heer Letta is vrij helder in zijn analyse, net zoals de heer Draghi kort daarna. Het gaat echt ergens over, namelijk hoe kunnen we onze interne markt versterken? Hoe kunnen we de eenheid van Europa versterken? Hoe zorgen we ervoor dat we een sterke concurrentie krijgen binnen Europa, maar vooral ook met de rest van de wereld? En dit gebaseerd op een gelijk speelveld, op innovatie en op vergroening?
Simpel gezegd zijn er twee stromingen in Europa: enerzijds conservatief rechts, dat de ontwikkelingen buiten de EU negeert, blind is voor de massale groene investeringen in de VS en wegkijkt van de modernisering van de Chinese economie; anderzijds een stroming die deze ontwikkelingen wil inhalen door meer – en niet minder – op Europese schaal samen te werken, te investeren in groene technologieën en ons niet te blijven blindstaren, zoals Draghi zei, op onze deels verouderde industrie.
De keuze is simpel. Kiezen we voor modernisering en vergroening en dus voor vooruitgang? Of kiezen we voor nostalgie en stilstand?
(De spreker stemt ermee in om te antwoorden op een “blauwe kaart”-vraag)
Roman Haider (PfE). – Frau Präsidentin! Der Letta-Bericht benennt viele Probleme des Binnenmarkts richtig: steigende Energiepreise, mangelhafte Infrastruktur, vor allem bei den Hochleistungsbahnstrecken, Rückstand bei den Zukunftstechnologien, Überbürokratisierung vor allem. Das ist alles richtig; es ist nicht neu, aber es stimmt. So richtig aber die Analyse und die Diagnose im Letta-Bericht ist, so falsch sind leider die Vorschläge zur Verbesserung. Das war beim Draghi-Bericht so, und das ist auch beim Letta-Bericht so.
Den beiden fällt zur Lösung der Probleme der EU nur eines ein: noch mehr EU, noch mehr Kompetenzen für Brüssel, noch mehr EU-Institutionen, eine neue Fiskalkapazität, die Kapitalunion, und dabei ist aber genau das das Problem. Noch mehr Kompetenzen für Brüssel bedeuten noch mehr Bürokratie, noch mehr unnütze Vorschriften, noch weniger Flexibilität für die Mitgliedstaaten.
Es ist höchst an der Zeit für neue Wege, für weniger Zentralismus, für weniger EU, für mehr Flexibilität für die Mitgliedstaaten, mehr Subsidiarität und mehr Freiheit.
Kosma Złotowski (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Premierze! Od sukcesu jednolitego rynku zależy przyszłość Unii Europejskiej. Ten bardzo dobry projekt gospodarczy wciąż jest jednak daleki od ideału, gdyż ogranicza potencjał rozwojowy wszystkich państw członkowskich. Wreszcie możemy o tym głośno mówić.
Istnieje wiele barier dla firm, zwłaszcza małych i średnich, które chcą prowadzić działalność ponad granicami w sektorze usług, transporcie, budownictwie czy handlu internetowym. Już zidentyfikowane problemy, takie jak geoblocking, gold-plating czy nadmierne i uciążliwe kontrole, skutecznie należy zwalczać. Europejski Zielony Ład jest wyłącznie kolejną taką barierą dla wzrostu gospodarczego.
Nierealistyczne cele klimatyczne w takich obszarach jak rolnictwo, motoryzacja, transport czy budownictwo muszą zostać w tej kadencji Parlamentu zmienione. Zacznijmy w końcu deregulować, umożliwiać małym i średnim przedsiębiorstwom dostęp do rynków zagranicznych, wspierać innowacje i cyfryzację. To przełoży się na wzrost zatrudnienia oraz niższe ceny towarów i usług dla Europejczyków.
Billy Kelleher (Renew). – Madam President, the Letta report and the Draghi report are a wake-up call for the European Union in terms of digitisation, the Green Deal, our knowledge economy, investing in innovation, research and development, ensuring that we have growth and competitiveness. The single market, the internal market, is a cornerstone on which all of this is built, and we have to protect it and ensure that it prospers and flourishes.
The fact of the matter is, at the moment we are very short on capital in the European Union to invest in all of the above. So we have to advance the Capital Markets Union and the Banking Union to ensure that we have the capital to invest in the knowledge economy, in the Green Deal and other areas of research and development.
The free movement of people, goods and services and capital is the cornerstone. Of course, we do have some in this Chamber who are even trying to undermine the basic principle of free movement of people. We have to be very conscious that we can’t cherry‑pick the Single Market – free movement of capital, goods, services and people is the cornerstone and we must all defend it to the last.
More broadly, over the next number of months, we have to ensure that we respond to the Letta report and the Draghi report in what they observe are the challenges ahead for our competitiveness.
Fulvio Martusciello (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, come sottolineato nella sua relazione e in quella di Mario Draghi, un solido mercato unico europeo è essenziale per la competitività delle imprese, perché può stimolare la crescita economica e l’innovazione, garantendo accesso al mercato ed eliminando la burocrazia inutile.
L’Europa però ha bisogno di una forte strategia industriale per le tecnologie e le catene del valore, che promuova competitività, sostenibilità e innovazione. Questa strategia deve sviluppare una visione coerente, che dia priorità ad un quadro normativo, con politiche basate su dati scientifici e valutazioni di impatto approfondite, fornendo alle imprese la stabilità di cui hanno bisogno. Da questo punto di vista riteniamo molto positive le lettere di missione sulla creazione di una vera e propria economia circolare competitiva.
Negli ultimi decenni le aziende europee hanno infatti investito miliardi di euro in tecnologie all’avanguardia, hanno generato enormi progressi nell’eco-design di prodotti, nella sicurezza dei consumatori e nell’industria del riciclo, dove l’Italia e l’Europa detengono posizioni di leadership mondiale, sia in termini di innovazione industriale che di sostenibilità ambientale.
Purtroppo, l’eccesso di regolamentazione degli ultimi anni ha generato un’enorme incertezza, spingendo interi settori industriali a posticipare i propri investimenti, compromettendo gli obiettivi di crescita complessivi, con spreco di tempo e di risorse.
In questo mandato sarà dunque necessario evitare a tutti i costi di produrre ulteriori iniziative legislative motivate da logiche falsamente ambientaliste e non basate su evidenze scientifiche, che rischiano di penalizzare le imprese europee. Sarà imperativo garantire la conformità con le norme europee da parte dei Paesi terzi, garantendo standard che riducano la dipendenza dai fornitori esteri e rafforzino la competitività dell’industria e delle economie europee per affrontare le sfide delle concorrenze globali di Cina e Stati Uniti.
Laura Ballarín Cereza (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor Letta, señorías, treinta años después de su creación, el informe Letta nos brinda una oportunidad única para avanzar hacia el futuro del mercado único en tres aspectos clave:
En primer lugar, inspirados por Jacques Delors, apoyamos su idea de añadir una nueva libertad a la libertad de movimiento, que es la libertad de permanecer en el rincón de la Unión Europea que queramos. No queremos solo una Unión donde podamos movernos libremente en busca de una vida mejor: también queremos cohesión, oportunidades y desarrollo en todas las regiones de la Unión Europea, y acceso a la vivienda para proteger las zonas rurales y las más pobladas.
En segundo lugar, necesitamos profundizar en la integración del mercado de capitales y el de las telecomunicaciones porque, como bien dice el señor Letta, no es coherente que compartamos una moneda única, pero tengamos aún fronteras digitales y prefijos nacionales.
Y, en tercer lugar, la quinta libertad, la del conocimiento y la innovación. Nos quedan cinco años para profundizar en el mercado único y hacer que más europeos se enamoren de esta idea, tal como quería Jacques Delors, en contra de la extrema derecha que está aquí en esta Cámara sentada.
Roberts Zīle (ECR). – Priekšsēdētājas kundze! Godātais Lettes kungs, es pilnīgi piekrītu jūsu ziņojumam, ka vienotais tirgus ir kaut kas vairāk kā tirgus, un arī jūsu norādītām nepilnībām gan sektoru ziņā: finanses, enerģētika, telekomunikācijas un it īpaši privātā kapitāla izvietošana.
Ja kopumā Eiropā ir 33 triljonu eiro uzkrātā kapitāla un katru gadu 300 miljardi eiro tiek investēti ārpus Eiropas Savienības, Amerikā un citās vietās, tad kaut kas nav kārtībā ar šo. Un ar publisko naudu vien mēs nespēsim izdarīt tos uzdevumus, kas ir nepieciešami Eiropas Savienībai gan militārās industrijas jomā, gan zaļā kursa, gan paplašināšanās, gan citās jomās.
Jūsu ieteiktās zāles arī ļoti vērā ņemamas par piekto pamatbrīvību, par Uzkrājumu un investīciju savienību. Bet dažas zāles, kā, teiksim, radīt siltumnīcas apstākļos Eiropas čempionus, kas var kļūt par globāliem čempioniem, es ļoti baidos, ka tas to nesasniegs. Vēl jo vairāk tas var noplicināt no perifērijas gan naudas resursus, gan arī cilvēku – gudrāko cilvēku – resursus uz dažiem centriem Eiropā, kas varbūt nebūs Eiropas Savienības veiksmes stāsts.
Regina Doherty (PPE). – Madam President, Mr Letta, you’re absolutely right when you say that the single market is the best tool that we have to increase opportunities, improve our well-being and the living standards for all of the citizens across the European Union. And we absolutely can’t take it for granted, because if we do, it’s going to fail. Your report, which is really welcome, helps to illuminate many of the current problems that we are seeing and that the single market is facing.
Europe’s economy is not growing strongly enough. Our small businesses are not given the opportunity to grow and to scale up. Approximately 30 % of the high-value companies founded in the EU between 2008 and 2021 relocated their headquarters out of the EU, and mostly to the US. Some 60 % of the issues that we identified by businesses in 2002 still exist in the European market today, because progress on removing the barriers has been so slow, and it’s particularly true in the case of our service industry.
We see the distorting effects of current rules around the EU state aid rules, which allow larger countries to subsidise businesses at the expense of smaller ones, like my own, Ireland. In 2023, almost 80 % of EU state aid came from just two Member States, and 85 % from three Member States.
Europe will not be able to spend its way out to growth. Instead, we must reduce the unnecessary red tape and bureaucracy that everybody has been speaking about daily since I arrived here in June. But it’s also vital to avoid EU protectionism in the form of high external tariffs, a hostility towards investment from third countries and an over-reliance on those subsidies.
Estelle Ceulemans (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur Letta, Mesdames et Messieurs les Commissaires, chers collègues, il est aussi bon de rappeler que le rapport de M. Letta sera – Mme von der Leyen l’a elle-même dit – l’un des fils rouges de la prochaine Commission. Il était donc vraiment important que vous veniez nous le présenter et que nous puissions en débattre aujourd’hui.
Merci, Monsieur Letta, de reprendre les mots de Jacques Delors, artisan du marché unique, qui nous dit que le marché n’est pas une fin en soi: il est là pour améliorer la vie des citoyens, qui ne sont pas que des consommateurs. Le marché unique a en effet permis de développer la prospérité et la compétitivité, mais il a aussi creusé les disparités et la pauvreté – comme cela a été dit dans le débat précédent, qui nous rappelle que, malheureusement, 1 Européen sur 5 fait face à un risque de pauvreté.
Merci, donc, Monsieur Letta, de rappeler que le marché ne peut fonctionner que sur la base de politiques sociales fortes, et de rappeler aussi qu’il faut, sous cette législature, investir dans les deux transitions, pour qu’elles soient justes. Je voudrais rappeler aussi que nous attendons de la prochaine Commission qu’elle s’engage, tout comme l’a fait M. Nicolas Schmit, sur des matières sociales importantes.
Adrian-George Axinia (ECR). – Doamnă președintă, piața unică europeană este o idee foarte bună, care, din păcate, în anumite domenii de activitate nu funcționează așa cum trebuie. Vă dau trei exemple: piața de energie, acolo unde România, care produce mai multă electricitate decât consumă, plătește cele mai mari facturi din Uniunea Europeană. A doua disfuncționalitate, care este încă nerezolvată, ține de agricultură. În continuare, cerealele și anumite produse alimentare exportate din Ucraina ajung pe piața românească, bulgărească sau poloneză și creează o concurență neloială producătorilor agricoli autohtoni.
Merită subliniat și refuzul implementării procesului de convergență externă, care ar trebui să ducă la egalizarea subvențiilor pentru fermieri în toate țările Uniunii Europene. Nu în ultimul rând, recent, Curtea de Justiție a Uniunii Europene a declarat nelegale mai multe prevederi din pachetul de mobilitate orientate împotriva transportatorilor din România, ceea ce confirmă raportul Draghi. Există în continuare o suprareglementare a pieței unice și aceasta afectează competiția liberă. Aș mai puncta și faptul că uciderea spațiului Schengen de către țările care introduc controale generale la frontieră și statele care țin încă România și Bulgaria pe margine afectează în continuare buna funcționare a pieței unice.
Ľudovít Ódor (Renew). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, tak ako vidíme aj z tejto diskusie, skutočný jednotný trh je niečo, na čom vieme stavať aj v tomto Parlamente, a musíme v najbližších rokoch urobiť maximum pre to, aby sme tento koncept rozšírili aj na ďalšie sektory. Rád by som upozornil na tri veci, ktoré sú pre mňa prioritné. Po prvé, svet sa zmenšil a trhy sa trošku zmenili. V digitálnom svete dominujú tí najlepší. Víťaz berie takmer všetko, dosť dobre už nestačí. Potrebujeme naozaj silných európskych globálnych hráčov, a nie desiatky trpaslíkov. Po druhé, svet inovácií je aj o riziku. Bohužiaľ, náš bankami dominovaný finančný systém, a ako aj občania preferujú menej rizika, a preto bez Únie, úspor a investícií, ako aj lepšej finančnej gramotnosti to tak aj zostane. Peniaze máme, no nevieme ich dostať k inovatívnym firmám. A po tretie, pri dobrých nápadoch a podnikaní nemôžeme tolerovať bariéry pri prechode každej vnútornej hranice.
Marc Angel (S&D). – Madam President, the single market is the crown jewel of the European construction, and in my eyes gives the EU a competitive advantage. A stronger single market means a more competitive Europe.
Mr Letta, as your excellent report shows, we can improve a lot and we must perfect it. We need better implementation of the existing rules. We need to ensure that it contributes to a more sustainable and a more social Europe, and we need to consider strengthening integration in crucial sectors, as a stronger single energy market, for example, driven notably by better interconnectivity, can lead to more secure and affordable energy and cheaper electricity bills for companies and our citizens.
Furthermore, for the S&D Group, more integration means more competitiveness for our companies, better consumer protection and more prosperity for Europeans – while adopting national solutions will lead to more fragmentation and ultimately a weaker Europe.
Further harmonisation of rules also means less bureaucracy and a reduced administrative burden for our companies, especially for SMEs, which will no longer have to navigate through a jungle of 27 different sets of national rules.
So let us leverage the power of integration to tap into the full potential of the single market.
Ivars Ijabs (Renew). – Madam President, thank you, Mr Letta, for your excellent report. Well, of course, the single market is a strength of the EU: it’s the main instrument. This is how we achieve our goals. But what are actually our goals today? Let me remind you that the Russian aggression in Ukraine is still going on. And the Russian attack on an EU country is possibly, still, a question of the nearest future.
And that’s why I really like the part in your report which deals with a common market for security and defence industries. This is a real necessity for the EU right now. Some 80 % of the military help to Ukraine is right now spent on non-European materials.
But how to achieve that common market? European investment in defence is lagging. It is very seriously hindered by red tape, by excessive regulatory requirements, by fragmentation. There is an immense potential of a single market in defence industry, but one must have a political will to implement it – and quickly. Time is running out.
Salvatore De Meo (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la relazione Letta, unitamente a quella del Presidente Draghi, arrivano all’inizio di questa legislatura, che io vorrei diventasse riformatrice, ambiziosa, coraggiosa ma responsabile, perché l’Unione europea non sia più spettatrice in una scena globale ma diventi protagonista.
E abbiamo gli strumenti per farlo: un mercato unico che in questi anni non solo è stato strumento di integrazione ma ha consentito la nostra crescita economica e la prosperità, uno strumento che va semplificato da un punto di vista burocratico, ma soprattutto rafforzato, per esprimere ulteriormente le sue potenzialità e affrontare le nuove opportunità.
Così come è necessario arrivare a un mercato unico dell’energia, un mercato finanziario che permetta ovviamente di garantire condizioni di competitività. E allora noi abbiamo davanti a noi sfide importanti, per le quali solo un mercato unico forte potrà garantirci un futuro all’altezza delle nostre ambizioni climatiche, sociali e produttive.
Jonás Fernández (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, señor Letta, es un placer tenerle aquí en un momento en el que estamos empezando a definir las prioridades de este mandato y, sin duda, acelerar la integración del mercado único —especialmente en el ámbito de los servicios, donde aún tenemos relevantes problemas, como ha expuesto en su informe— es absolutamente necesario.
Pero me va a permitir decirle que lo que más me ha llamado la atención del informe es la exigencia de evitar la huida de ahorro europeo a otras jurisdicciones. Porque algunos llevamos años en esta Cámara pidiendo reducir los superávits por cuenta corriente de algunos países —superávits por cuenta corriente que, en algunos casos, llegan a dos dígitos en relación con el PIB de esos países— y, ciertamente, en los debates que teníamos aquí en estos años, nadie o muy pocos me seguían.
Y yo creo que es importante que, ahora que pedimos que el ahorro se invierta en Europa, seamos capaces de explicar a la Cámara que lo que estamos pidiendo es más demanda interna y reducir los superávits por cuenta corriente que ahogan el crecimiento de la Unión Europea.
Biljana Borzan (S&D). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, zajedničko tržište jedno je od najvećih europskih postignuća.
Svaka kriza produbljuje nejednakosti na tržištu, bogati se još više bogate, siromašni postaju još siromašniji. Troškovi života najveći su problem u cijeloj Europskoj uniji, a nejednakosti između i unutar država članica u cijenama, plaćama, mirovinama i stopi siromaštva se samo povećavaju.
Izvješće ističe zaštitu potrošača kao jedan od uvjeta za pošteno tržište, ali geoblocking, teritorijalne barijere, viši rast cijena hrane u istočnoj Europi samo su neki od gorućih problema. Izvješće hvali Zakon o osnaživanju potrošača u zelenoj tranziciji na koju sam i sama ponosna, ali rješenje je provedba naših pravila u svakom dijelu Europske unije. Više od 80 posto građana moje zemlje smatra da su potrošači nezaštićeni protiv tržišnih igrača.
Moramo ojačati europske alate, potrošačke udruge, inspekcijski nadzor i svijest građana o vlastitim pravima. Ne smijemo biti oni tamo negdje u Bruxellesu. Mi moramo raditi za ljude.
Zgłoszenia z sali
Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, gospodin Letta ispravno govori o tome što ubrzanje integracije unutarnjeg tržišta ima jednu geopolitičku važnost u današnjim uvjetima.
Ja bih to nadopunio time što unutarnje tržište moramo isto tako i povezati s procesom proširenja. Pogledajmo, na primjer, situaciju na zapadnom Balkanu, ima puno političkih problema. Ne smijemo čekati da se oni riješe, da te zemlje postanu punopravne članice, nego bismo ih već prije mogli, doduše možda na jedan postupni način, ali već prije mogli integrirati u naše jedinstveno tržište. Kao što, na primjer, činimo kada je u pitanju roaming. Mislim da je to jedan dobar primjer, ali moramo to proširiti i na druge slobode.
Na taj način će i ljudi u toj regiji imati svoje pravo na ostanak, a Europska unija će imati veći utjecaj i više će pridonijeti stabilnosti tog dijela europskog kontinenta.
Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule comisar, domnule Letta, vă salut și în această săptămână. Aș spune multe. În primul rând vă felicit: este o radiografie corectă, dar nu numai o radiografie, sunt și măsuri concrete. V-aș întreba, estimați dumneavoastră oare cât din acest raport se va aplica? Pentru că, iată, noua comisie nu are un comisar, nu există un portofoliu pentru piața internă. Cine se ocupă atunci de piața internă? Cum să ne ducem la măsurile concrete pe care le-ați spus dumneavoastră? Ați spus că piața unică ne unește; este oare o piață unică acum?
Sunt de acord să avem cea de a cincea libertate de mișcare, dar cel puțin o libertate de mișcare ne lipsește acum, domnule Letta. Știți oare cât a pierdut o țară care de 17 ani nu este în spațiul Schengen și are costuri la transport? Cât a pierdut economia țării mele? Apoi, avem acum, când vorbim, îngrădirea în interiorul spațiului Schengen a granițelor. Deci trebuie – toată piața unică, e adevărat, ați spus că ne unește – dar trebuie să luăm cu pragmatism măsuri care să ducă la rezultate și la o viață mai bună a oamenilor.
Silvia Sardone (PfE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le istituzioni europee hanno deciso di affidare ad Enrico Letta l’incarico di scrivere una relazione sul futuro dell’Europa. Eh, niente, fa già ridere così.
Letta è l’ex leader del Partito democratico, ex premier della sinistra in Italia, volto di punta dei socialisti europei: rappresenta praticamente tutti i responsabili del disastro dell’Unione europea degli ultimi anni, tra l’altro sonoramente sconfitti in Italia.
Per Letta la transizione verde è indispensabile e bisogna accompagnare agricoltori, imprese, industria dell’auto: esattamente ciò che però la sua maggioranza non ha fatto. Anzi, grazie a voi questi settori sono in crisi. Letta ci ricorda che l’Europa non deve cedere sul ruolo di leader nel settore manifatturiero: ma è proprio grazie ai vincoli, tasse e burocrazia volute dall’Europa che ci troviamo in questa condizione.
Enrico Letta: uno che ha uno strano concetto di democrazia e ci ha tenuto a dire che i cordoni sanitari sono fondamentali per fermare le destre. Lui, proprio lui, che ha ribadito che servono più migranti regolari per lo sviluppo, andando contro diversi Paesi, anche socialisti, che finalmente dicono che bisogna fermare l’immigrazione.
Insomma, veramente vogliamo farci dare lezioni da Letta, colui che dice che l’ex ministro Fornero è stato un ministro ottimo quando invece ha solo distrutto il nostro Paese?
João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, visto a partir do conselho de administração de uma multinacional, o aprofundamento do mercado único pode parecer um filão; visto a partir da realidade dos trabalhadores e dos povos, das micro, pequenas e médias empresas, das possibilidades de desenvolvimento de um país como Portugal, o aprofundamento do mercado único é um pesado fardo que nos arrasta para o fundo.
Há algumas décadas atrás, o militante do PCP e ex‑deputado deste Parlamento, Sérgio Ribeiro, antecipava que a transferência de instrumentos de política para a esfera supranacional, nomeadamente através da transferência da política monetária e financeira para o BCE, conduziria a uma política tendencialmente única. Por meio do mercado único e das políticas que lhe estão associadas, que o senhor Letta hoje adjetiva de motor de mudança da União Europeia, retirou‑se capacidade de decisão aos governos nacionais, abriu‑se mais espaço à concentração e centralização do capital, colocaram‑se sob ataque os direitos sociais e laborais.
O aprofundamento do mercado único serve às multinacionais, mas não serve ao desenvolvimento económico nem à justiça social.
Lukas Sieper (NI). – Madam President, dear honourable House, dear people of Europe, Mr Letta, before I came here to this Parliament, I finished my law studies at the University of Cologne. During this time, I put a lot of effort into learning the four European freedoms: the freedom to move people, services, goods and capital. And I can tell you, learning all the law-related details – especially the court rulings – that was a pain in the ass, indeed. Names like Dassonville or Cassis de Dijon, who will tell you here nothing, send a shiver down the spine of every law student.
But at the same time, whenever I opened my books, I felt love for Europe. Because what is Europe if not the idea of freedom? And that’s why, Mr Letta, I would like to take the time to give you my deepest support for one of the main ideas of your report: the implementation of a fifth freedom – the freedom of research, innovation, knowledge and education. Because as Europe is an idea, ideas should roam free on this continent.
(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)
Giuseppe Lupo (S&D),per iscritto. – Penso che il Parlamento europeo debba condividere e sostenere la strategia della relazione Letta per modernizzare il mercato unico dell’UE.
Condivido in particolare che, se vogliamo che il mercato unico migliori davvero la vita della gente, deve avere un’anima che è il dialogo sociale, che deve fare partecipare e coinvolgere le persone, la società, i corpi sociali intermedi, i sindacati dei lavoratori e delle imprese, rilanciando il dialogo sociale come lo ha voluto e praticato con successo Jacques Delors, anche grazie alla collaborazione dell’allora segretario della CES, Emilio Gabaglio.
La grande sfida da affrontare, credo, sia adesso la promozione di una politica fiscale comune, per sostenere con condizioni fiscali di vantaggio le aree territoriali più deboli, superando le differenze dei sistemi fiscali nazionali che ostacolano la leale concorrenza.
14. Implementation of the Single European Sky (debate)
Jens Gieseke,Berichterstatter. – Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar Hoekstra, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! 30 000 Flüge täglich, 600 Mio. Passagiere jährlich, über 500 000 Arbeitsplätze bei Fluggesellschaften, weniger als 17 000 Arbeitsplätze in der nationalen Verkehrskontrolle, überlastete Flughäfen, ein Flickenteppich an Strecken aufgrund der Flugsicherung entlang nationaler Grenzen – das ist das Bild des letzten europäischen Monopols: die Flugsicherungsdienste.
Ich bin heute hier, um Sie zu bitten: Sagen Sie Ja zu kürzeren Strecken, zu mehr Effizienz, zu mehr Leistungen, zu mehr Zusammenarbeit, und Ja zu einem wirklich europäischen einheitlichen Luftraum. Warum gibt es kein Leistungsüberprüfungsgremium? Warum gibt es nicht ein gemeinsames Leistungssystem? Warum gibt es nicht einen europäischen Netzwerkmanager? Das sind alles wichtige Elemente, um die Leistungen der Flugsicherung zu verbessern und den Schaden für die Passagiere zu begrenzen. Fluglotsen behalten ihren Arbeitsplatz, sie werden weniger gestresst arbeiten, sie werden besser arbeiten, weil sie mit ihren Nachbarn zusammenarbeiten. Ich bin hier, um Ihnen zu sagen: Ja, wir können Flüge sicherer, kürzer, umweltfreundlicher und erschwinglicher für den Durchschnittsbürger der Europäischen Union machen.
Wir haben hier ein riesiges Potenzial. Milliarden Euro wurden sowohl von der Europäischen Union als auch von privaten Interessenträgern im Rahmen des SESAR-Projektes investiert. SESAR liefert den digitalen europäischen Luftraum. Es liegt nun in unserer Hand, aber wir können uns nicht nur auf Investitionen in Technologien verlassen. Während der technologische Fortschritt durch das SESAR-Programm fortgeschritten ist, sind die Strukturreformen, die hier erforderlich sind, um sowohl die Kapazitäts- als auch die Umweltperformance zu erreichen, seit mehr als einem Jahrzehnt ins Stocken geraten und halten uns in der Vergangenheit fest. Hier haben die Mitgliedstaaten auch nicht mitgemacht, die standen auf der Bremse.
Sehen Sie sich nun allein diesen Sommer an: Von Juni bis August haben die Flugsicherungen in Europa 16,9 Millionen – ich wiederhole: 16,9 Millionen – Minuten an Verspätungen im europäischen Netzwerk angehäuft. Das waren 41 % mehr als im gesamten Sommer 2023. Zum Vergleich: Im Jahr 2017 – im ganzen Jahr – gab es 15,9 Millionen Minuten. Wenn man die wetterbedingten Verspätungen herausnimmt, dann haben sich die Verspätungen im Vergleich zum Sommer 2023 um 82 % erhöht, und nur sieben nationale Flugsicherungen haben 85 % dieser Verspätungen verursacht.
Das zeigt, dass die Situation von Jahr zu Jahr schlechter wird – leider –, insbesondere jetzt, da der Flugverkehr wieder das Niveau von vor der Pandemie erreicht hat. Diese Reform, die wir nun hier haben, die wird gebraucht, sie wird dringend gebraucht! Die Schaffung eines wirklich einheitlichen europäischen Luftraums wurde viel zu lange von den Mitgliedstaaten blockiert, die nicht bereit waren, sich auf eine Restrukturierung der Flugsicherung zum Wohle der Allgemeinheit, zum Wohle der Passagiere einzulassen.
Dank der unermüdlichen Arbeit von Herrn Marian-Jean Marinescu, unserem Berichterstatter der EVP, für den einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum und für EASA in den letzten 16 Jahren werden wir nun in der Lage sein, diese neue Luftraumverordnung umzusetzen. Hier möchte ich aber auch an die großartige Arbeit von Herrn David Maria Sassoli, unserem verstorbenen Parlamentspräsidenten, erinnern, mit dem Herr Marinescu zusammen an der EASA-Grundverordnung gearbeitet hat. Ich möchte aber auch meinen sozialistischen Kollegen Bogusław Liberadzki nicht vergessen, der mit Herrn Marinescu stark zusammengearbeitet hat, so wie es jetzt Johan Danielsson mit mir tut.
Gestatten Sie mir, Frau Präsidentin, die Mitgliedstaaten nun aufzufordern, die Fehler, die wir noch haben, nun zügig bei der Umsetzung umzuarbeiten. Es besteht ein riesiges Potenzial zum Wohle der Bürgerinnen und Bürger und um am Ende auch die Klimaziele einzuhalten. Also, wir müssen weiterarbeiten.
Johan Danielsson,Föredragande. – Fru talman! Varje år genomförs omkring en miljard resor med flyg inom EU. Över tid har flyget blivit en allt viktigare del av vår vardag och vår ekonomi. För ett land som Sverige är en välfungerande flygtrafik avgörande. Vi har stora avstånd och är glest befolkade. Flyget knyter samman vårt land, vår kontinent och kopplar oss till omvärlden.
Men sektorn står inför stora utmaningar. Under 2023 var nästan tre av tio flyg mer än 15 minuter försenade. Den genomsnittliga förseningen per flygning i Europa är cirka 18 minuter. Samtidigt står flyget globalt för omkring 2 till 3 % av våra totala koldioxidutsläpp.
I dag liknar Europas luftrum ett stort pussel där varje land har sin egen bit, och tyvärr passar inte alla bitar ihop. Det leder till omvägar, till väntetider och till onödiga kostnader. Singel European Sky ska lösa delar av detta pussel. Efter mer än ett decennium av förhandlingar har vi äntligen nått fram till en överenskommelse.
Lagstiftningen handlar om att göra flyget säkrare, punktligare och klimatvänligare. Det gynnar resenärer, det kommer att gynna industrin och det kommer att gynna klimatet. Och det är ett viktigt steg för att modernisera Europas luftrum.
Jag vill tacka alla som arbetat med det här förslaget. Ett särskilt tack till tidigare föredragande Bogusław Liberadzki och Marian-Jean Marinescu, som jobbade med detta oförtröttligt under den föregående mandatperioden. Och så ett tack till Jens Gieseke, min medföredragande den här gången. Det visar vad vi kan åstadkomma om vi arbetar tillsammans över partigränserna i det här huset.
Men låt mig vara tydlig: Singel European Sky är ingen revolution – det är en evolution. Det är en kompromiss som tar oss i rätt riktning. Vi kommer att se förbättringar och effektivitet och samordning. Men även om förändringarna kanske inte blev så stora som vi hade tänkt oss, innehåller det viktiga steg framåt.
Vi stärker till exempel övervakningen på EU-nivå, vilket kommer att vara avgörande för att säkerställa att våra europeiska regler efterföljs. Förändringarna ger oss en god plattform att bygga vidare på mot ett enhetligt, effektivt och hållbart europeiskt luftrum.
Enligt beräkningarna kan Singel European Sky bidra till att minska koldioxidutsläppen med upp till 10 % per flygning. Det här är ett viktigt steg och en del av lösningen för att också göra flyget mer hållbart.
Men vi måste fortsätta arbetet på flera fronter. Vi kommer att behöva säkerställa en marknad för hållbara flygbränslen. Vi kommer att behöva fortsätta arbeta med ökad effektivitet i bränsleförbrukningen i flyget. Vi kommer också att se till att de fantastiska innovationer som är på väg fram, inte minst för att elektrifiera regionalflyget, kan få en praktisk omsättning på vår europeiska flygmarknad. Jag ser fram emot en bra debatt i dag och ett bra beslut senare i veckan. Och jag är hoppfull om att resultatet kommer att bli ett bättre europeiskt luftrum.
Wopke Hoekstra,Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, let me start by wholeheartedly thanking Mr Gieseke, Mr Danielsson and the TRAN Committee for all the great work that they have been doing. But let me also thank the former rapporteurs, Mr Marinescu and Mr Liberadzki, who might be with us virtually, for successfully concluding the interinstitutional negotiations with the Council on the regulation on the implementation of the Single European Sky.
Ladies and gentlemen, our skies – and the two rapporteurs have said that – need fixing for the good of passengers, airlines and the environment. And to illustrate what is really at stake here, let me just recall this summer, when every second flight was delayed. Every second flight was delayed. And we all know how that feels and what it is like.
Now some of those delays were unavoidable, for example because of bad weather conditions. But if you then go into the details, you will find that many of those delayed and cancelled flights could actually simply have been reduced by improving the way we manage air traffic today. And that is, of course, the ultimate aim. That is the ultimate aim of this new regulation.
This agreement will update rules which are 15 years old. Let me be clear – and it was said here before – it is not as ambitious as the Commission, and I feel many in this room, would have wanted. And some would consider it far away from our original plan. But what is also true is that it does represent a clear step forward, and it improves the performance of the European airspace and the provision of air navigation services in the years to come.
The new rules will strengthen the European network, tackling the fragmentation of European airspace, and they will reduce congestion and suboptimal flight routes, which today create delays for our passengers, extra fuel consumption and unnecessary CO2 emissions.
Ladies and gentlemen, the agreement will also stimulate innovation and facilitate new services for air traffic management. It will create incentives to reduce the environmental footprint of aviation. For example, air navigation service providers will now have to introduce environment and climate performance targets on a wider range of services. The charges that airlines will need to pay for flying over our skies will be more favourable for those carriers emitting fewer CO2 emissions and with less impact on the environment.
Finally, more know-how will be introduced when we regulate the performance of monopoly air navigation service providers. A new performance review board will be created to support the Commission, bringing independent expertise and improving the temporary solutions that we have today.
Madam President, honourable Members, please allow me to conclude. More than 10 years have passed since the Commission presented what was then its original proposal. Believe me, it was not an easy task. In order to reap the benefits that the agreement brings, in my view it is now urgent that the Parliament finalises the adoption of the regulation by supporting the Council’s first reading position this week. Implementation work can then start as soon as possible.
Thank you very much, once again, in particular to the TRAN Committee and the rapporteurs, and I’m very much looking forward to the continuation of our interaction today.
Sophia Kircher,im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir reisen heute fast grenzenlos durch Europa. Doch über den Wolken, wo die Freiheit wohl grenzenlos scheint, stoßen wir im EU-Luftraum immer noch auf viele unsichtbare Grenzbalken – dadurch wird der europäische Luftverkehr stark eingeschränkt. Flugzeuge fliegen oft unnötige Umwege, weil veraltete nationale Vorschriften das erzwingen. Das führt zu Verspätungen, zu Kosten und 10 % mehr CO2-Ausstoß pro Jahr.
Der Grund dafür: Der europäische Luftraum gleicht aktuell einem komplizierten Fleckerlteppich aus vielen nationalen Vorschriften. Statt eines gemeinsamen europäischen Systems mit einheitlichen Bestimmungen überwacht derzeit jeder Mitgliedstaat seinen Luftraum eigenständig, ohne eine ausreichende Zusammenarbeit mit anderen EU-Staaten.
Mit diesem Gesetzespaket schaffen wir nun die Grundlage für mehr Zusammenarbeit mit anderen EU-Staaten, die wir so dringend brauchen, und somit werden wir in Zukunft günstiger, schneller und nachhaltiger fliegen können. Das ist eine Win-win-Situation für uns alle. Trotz dessen bleibt noch viel zu tun. Mit diesem Gesetzespaket gelingt uns ein wichtiger Schritt, aber es liegen noch viele Meilen vor uns.
Matteo Ricci,a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo oltre dieci anni di trattative, siamo finalmente giunti a un accordo sul cielo unico europeo, un tema che incide direttamente sulla vita quotidiana di milioni di cittadini.
Tuttavia, dobbiamo essere chiari: il testo che adotteremo domani non è all’altezza delle aspettative. L’Europa ha bisogno di uno spazio aereo unificato con una gestione integrata e rotte dirette per ridurre ritardi, costi e soprattutto l’impatto ambientale.
Oggi la frammentazione del nostro spazio aereo genera inefficienze gravi, costando ai passeggeri tempo e denaro. Ogni ritardo si traduce in maggiori emissioni e questo è un prezzo che il nostro pianeta non può più permettersi di pagare.
Il regolamento che ci apprestiamo a votare promuove una maggiore cooperazione tra le autorità nazionali ma non impone regole vincolanti per una vera integrazione dello spazio aereo europeo. È un compromesso necessario, ma non sufficiente.
Personalmente lo considero solo un primo passo. Non dobbiamo fermarci: l’Europa ha bisogno di un cielo unico europeo per essere più competitiva.
Julien Leonardelli,au nom du groupe PfE. – Madame la Présidente, nous nous défions de tout projet qui penche vers le fédéralisme, à plus forte raison lorsqu’il est placé sous l’égide de la Commission européenne. Cela ne nous empêche pas d’être pragmatiques et responsables. Le projet de ciel unique européen vise, nous dit-on, à faciliter les trajets aériens à l’intérieur de l’Union européenne et à faire économiser 5 milliards d’euros par an de kérosène pour les compagnies aériennes.
La Commission européenne ne pouvait que briller sur ce sujet technique, qui bénéficie d’un véritable consensus européen. Cette initiative, soutenue par une large majorité, ne devait être qu’une formalité. Mais la Commission, trop occupée à outrepasser ses compétences, en oublie ses objectifs premiers. Ce texte ne verra pas l’instauration d’un ciel unique européen, malgré des années de tractations. La montagne a accouché d’une souris. C’est en tout cas ce qui ressort des positions des professionnels du transport aérien, qui ne cachent pas leur déception à l’égard de ce texte.
Le maintien d’un millefeuille à la fois administratif et technocratique ne plaît à personne. Pendant que l’Europe brasse du vent et se penche sur un texte ridicule, qui ne change rien tant ces changements sont insignifiants, les Etats-Unis, eux, produisent déjà en très grande partie la nouvelle génération de carburants par des subventions massives dans la recherche et l’industrie. En matière d’industrie comme d’énergie, les pays européens restent à la traîne, et la Commission européenne n’y est pas pour rien. Madame von der Leyen, sur la souveraineté faites preuve de plus de retenue, et sur le ciel unique montrez plus d’ambition.
PREȘEDINȚIA: VICTOR NEGRESCU Vicepreședinte
Jan-Christoph Oetjen,im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Zehn Jahre hat es gedauert, dass wir dieses Gesetz, diesen einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum, auf den Weg gebracht haben. Nicht etwa, weil wir hier im Parlament lange gebraucht hätten, sondern es hat an den Mitgliedstaaten gelegen, die sich sehr lange hinter nationalen Kompetenzen versteckt haben. Diese nationalen Kompetenzen haben dazu gedient, zu kaschieren, dass es in den Mitgliedstaaten staatliche Monopole in der Flugsicherung gibt, die sie nicht angetastet sehen wollen. Und zur Wahrheit gehört: So richtig antasten tun wir sie jetzt auch nicht. Das, was wir machen, ist keine Reform, sondern ein Reförmchen, aber sie adressiert wichtige Themen.
Wir kriegen endlich dieses performance review, das heißt endlich ein Benchmark für die Flugsicherung – ob sie gut funktionieren, ob sie genügend Leute haben, wie es klappt mit den Verspätungen, an denen – nicht immer, aber sehr häufig – eben auch die Flugsicherung mit Schuld ist.
Wir haben eine Kapazitätsfrage, die sich dadurch adressieren lässt, und von daher können wir am Ende dieser Reform zustimmen. Aber sie ist weit von dem entfernt, was wir uns eigentlich erhoffen und was wir bräuchten, damit wir die Verspätungen in Europa endlich in den Griff bekommen.
Merja Kyllönen,The Left-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, yhtenäisellä eurooppalaisella ilmatilalla on pitkä historia. Tavoitteena on vähentää viivytyksiä, lisätä turvallisuutta, lieventää ympäristövaikutuksia ja alentaa palvelujen tarjoamiseen liittyviä kustannuksia ilmailualalla. Euroopan ilmatilan pirstoutumisen vähentäminen tehokkaammalla ilmaliikenteen hallintajärjestelmällä on enemmän kuin tarpeellista. Vaikka politiikka on edennyt, niin SES ei ole onnistunut saavuttamaan täysin siltä odotettua edistystä. Tämän seurauksena Euroopan ilmatila on edelleen valitettavan pirstoutunut, kallis, tehoton ja kapasiteettiongelmat jatkuvat nopeasti kasvavan lentoliikenteen vuoksi. Työn on siis jatkuttava, paikoilleen emme voi jämähtää.
Nykyinen sääntelykehys on pitkän aikavälin työ. Siinä on ollut mukana monenlaisia toimijoita. Siinä on ollut mukana monenlaista vääntöä sellaisia historian paloja, taisteluita, joita muun muassa Yhdistynyt kuningaskunta ja Espanja kävivät aikanaan, esimerkiksi Gibraltarin osalta. Kun Brexit poisti tämän esteen, komissio on muuttanut alkuperäistä ehdotustaan, ja hyvä niin.
Jäsenvaltiot tarvitsevat laajaa yhteistyötä ja koordinointia toiminnallisissa ilmatilan lohkoissa, myös yhtenäisen eurooppalaisen ilmatilan sääntelykehyksen luomisen jälkeen. Tässä säädöksessä tunnustetaan olemassa olevien yhteistyöjärjestelyjen arvo ilmatilan hallinnan tehostamisessa ja lentoliikennevirtojen optimoinnissa tietyillä maantieteellisillä alueilla.
Liikenteessä yleisesti, mutta lentoliikenteessä erityisesti, turvallisuusnäkökulma korostuu ja siksi kaikissa muutoksissa on mentävä ehdottomasti turvallisuusnäkökulma edellä. Safety first! Ja ihan pakko on sanoa rakkaat terveiset aina upealle taisteluparilleni Marinesculle. Ja rakkaat terveiset myös britti Jodie Fosterille, jota ei voi kyllä tämä talo unohtaa. Olisinpa videoinut parhaat palat uusille päättäjille. Piccolino, magnifico, amato David Sassoli.
Siegbert Frank Droese,im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Seit 20 Jahren plant die EU einen einheitlichen Luftraum, aber wenig ist passiert. Wir teilen die Kritik der Airlines an dem Vorschlag der Kommission zum einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum. Es wird zu höheren Steuern führen, mehr Bürokratie, mehr Berichtspflichten – all das wollen wir nicht. Europa ist bisher schon ein sehr sicherer Luftraum. Warum also auf Biegen und Brechen die Kompetenzen der nationalen Flugsicherungsdienste beschneiden und alles in den EU-Topf werfen?
Es muss nicht alles harmonisiert oder einheitlich zertifiziert werden. Wichtig dagegen wäre für uns die Abschaffung von Sanktionen, z. B. gegenüber Russland. Dann könnten Flugzeuge schneller und vor allem umweltschonender nach Asien fliegen und so CO2 reduzieren. Aber immer neue Steuern und Vorschriften vertreiben Fluggesellschaften aus Europa und verteuern das Fliegen unnötig. Wir wollen, dass auch in Zukunft sich der Arbeiter noch seinen wohlverdienten Urlaubsflug leisten kann und nicht nur die Eurokraten.
Die Kommission könnte sich unserer Meinung nach mal mit wichtigen Dingen beschäftigen, beispielsweise mit der Migration, oder vielleicht gibt es in Zukunft auch Tausende von Abschiebeflügen zu organisieren – da würden wir gern mal einen schönen Vorschlag hören. Diesem Vorschlag, der hier vorliegt, können wir nicht zustimmen.
Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, verehrte Damen und Herren! Der berühmte deutsche Lyriker Reinhard Mey sang einst „Über den Wolken, da muss die Freiheit wohl grenzenlos sein“, und in diesen Worten steckt aus europapolitischer Sicht endlos viel Wahrheit. Denn über den Wolken gibt es keine Grenzen, da ist man einfach irgendwo über Europa. Deswegen unterstütze ich die Aktualisierung des Einheitlichen Europäischen Luftraums, auch wenn sie halb so lange gedauert hat, wie ich auf dieser Welt bin.
Gleichzeitig sollten wir aber nicht aufhören, wo wir jetzt angefangen haben, und über weitere Dinge nachdenken. Ich möchte Ihnen da zwei Sachen vorschlagen.
Zum einen braucht es eine Gebührenanpassung für klimafreundliche Flüge. Wir haben in der Vergangenheit gemerkt, dass wir vor allen Dingen über so etwas die Entwicklung in der Gesellschaft steuern können, und der Klimawandel kennt nun mal keine Grenzen.
Zum anderen benötigen wir einen einheitlichen europäischen Luft-Datenraum. Wir müssen also den Datenaustausch zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten im Luftverkehr optimieren und damit effizienter machen, denn auch Daten kennen keine Grenzen. Die Arbeit am Einheitlichen Europäischen Luftraum ist wertvoll – sie ist noch nicht vorbei.
Alvise Pérez (NI). – Señor presidente, ¿de verdad este Parlamento no entiende lo que se pretende hoy aquí, imponiendo el Cielo Único Europeo?
No se trata de fomentar la competencia, no se trata de mejorar ninguna descentralización ni de ahorrarnos un 10 % más de CO2. Esa es la gran farsa: ¿qué poder en Europa está más centralizado que la propia Comisión Europea? ¿Qué entidad ha centralizado más poder que la Comisión? Ninguna. ¿Y siguen de verdad creyéndose estas iniciativas en pro del supuesto medio ambiente?
Lo que busca con esto la Comisión es que hasta nuestros cielos dependan de una nueva entidad europea bajo el control férreo de Von der Leyen con la excusa del CO2. El Cielo Único Europeo no es más que un instrumento para expandir la supervisión y la regulación comunitaria imponiendo aún más objetivos ambientales, aún más cargas y aún más tarifas contra los usuarios de este continente. La señora Von der Leyen demuestra un desprecio absoluto por la soberanía de los países, y esta Cámara, también.
Y aquí, un orgulloso español les responde que el desprecio, evidentemente, es mutuo. Solo que hay una diferencia esencial: quien parasita y esclaviza a nuestro país es ella, mientras que nosotros solo anhelamos libertad.
Si queremos preocuparnos por el cielo europeo, defendámonos de las intrusiones y las amenazas militares por cielo, mar y aire con las que Marruecos y todas las falsas ONG del sur de Europa están atentando contra nuestro país.
Esta no era la Europa que nos prometieron. Esta es una Europa mesiánica en la que no nos reconocemos.
Intervenții la cerere
Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, stimați colegi, zece ani am fost în Comisia pentru transport și am tot dezbătut nevoia de îmbunătățire a Cerului unic european. Transportul prin aviație este extrem de important. Vorbeam mai devreme la raportul domnului Letta despre conectivitate, despre libera circulație. Domnule comisar, am patru zboruri pe săptămână – nu numai datorită condițiilor meteorologice sunt întârzieri. Întârzierile, așa cum ați spus și dumneavoastră, sunt frecvente și din alte cauze: lipsa de organizare, să stai pe pistă să aștepți că nu ai culoar de zbor.
Asta înseamnă că este nevoie să aplicăm acest regulament și îl susțin, pentru că s-a lucrat la el, îmbunătățește Cerul unic european și cred că avem nevoie de un transport reformat și pe aviație pentru, sigur, eficiență economică în piața internă și, de ce nu, pentru protejarea drepturilor pasagerilor. Prețurile nu se schimbă când ai întârziere, dar ajungi foarte târziu la destinație și câteodată îți pierzi practic întâlnirile pe care ți le-ai programat.
Γεάδης Γεάδη (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η εισήγηση για δημιουργία ενιαίου ευρωπαϊκού ουρανού αποτελεί μια προσπάθεια για βελτίωση της ασφάλειας, της αποδοτικότητας και της περιβαλλοντικής βιωσιμότητας των αεροπορικών υπηρεσιών, όπως έχει αναφερθεί.
Όμως, πώς μπορούμε να μιλάμε για ασφάλεια όταν κλείνουμε τα μάτια στις παρανομίες; Θα γίνω πιο συγκεκριμένος. Η λειτουργία του παράνομου αεροδρομίου της κατεχόμενης Τύμπου στην Κύπρο θέτει σε κίνδυνο τις πτήσεις και χιλιάδες πολίτες καθημερινώς, αφού ελλοχεύει τεράστιος κίνδυνος για αεροπορικά ατυχήματα.
Διερωτώμαι: δεν θα αντιδρούσατε αν λίγα μέτρα από το αεροδρόμιο της Φρανκφούρτης, δίπλα από το αεροδρόμιο στο Παρίσι, πλησίον του αεροδρομίου της Ρώμης, των Βρυξελλών, της Μαδρίτης, του Βερολίνου, λειτουργούσε ένα παράνομο αεροδρόμιο με δικούς του κανόνες; Φυσικά.
Επομένως, ας αφήσουμε τα λόγια και ας περάσουμε στις πράξεις, που δεν είναι ο συντονισμός και η επικοινωνία με κατοχικές αρχές —κάτι που θα οδηγούσε στην κανονικοποίηση της παρανομίας— αλλά η απαγόρευση της λειτουργίας του, που θα συνοδεύεται με αυστηρότατες κυρώσεις σε αεροπορικές εταιρείες που χρησιμοποιούν το παράνομο αεροδρόμιο.
João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, é certo que esta nova versão do Regulamento Céu Único Europeu não vai tão longe como a posição que o Parlamento Europeu havia aprovado, com tudo o que ela representava de ataque sem equívocos à soberania nacional, numa abordagem abertamente mercantilista e de liberalização ainda maior do setor aéreo, visando a sua concentração e centralização. Mas, esses não deixam de ser traços que persistem no documento final, mesmo que de forma matizada, traços que rejeitamos.
Em nome do que esta proposta não é, não faltará certamente quem procure ir além dela, nomeadamente em Portugal, dando continuidade e consequência às ameaças que têm recaído sobre a NAV, com vista ao desmembramento da sua atividade, com prejuízo para a soberania nacional e para a economia.
Pela nossa parte, daqui reafirmamos que continuaremos a intervir, rejeitando o caminho de liberalização do controlo aéreo e em defesa da NAV, empresa pública estratégica para o desenvolvimento nacional.
(Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)
Wopke Hoekstra,Member of the Commission. – Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, dear Members, let me mention two quick points in response. The first one is on sovereignty. For those who are concerned about the impacts on the sovereignty of Member States over their airspace, let me be clear, and let me underline that all the provisions aim to foster better coordination within Europe. Member States will continue to decide whether and which parts of their airspace they open or they close. Full stop. It’s that simple. So I feel sovereignty will continue to be fully in place.
Secondly, in response to the Members who have been speaking, let me reiterate what I said in the first term, and that is that more is needed. More needs to be done, and more today would have been better. But politics is also quite often the art of the possible. We are where we are today. Let’s seal this now and then let’s move forward from there.
Jens Gieseke,Berichterstatter. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar Hoekstra, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich danke für diesen konstruktiven Austausch. Obwohl das natürlich ganz rechts und ganz links schwerfällt, bei so einem sachlichen Thema konstruktiv mitzuarbeiten, glaube ich, dass wir insgesamt eine gute Debatte hatten.
Der einheitliche europäische Luftraum zeigt einmal mehr unser europäisches und auch unser EVP-Engagement für die kontinuierliche Unterstützung der Fluggäste, der Luftfahrtindustrie, der Forschung und Entwicklung, auch im Luftfahrt- und im Raumfahrtsektor, sowie auch die Einhaltung der Umweltversprechen. Wir streben ganz sicher nach effizienteren Flugsicherungsdiensten, weniger Verspätungen, einem geringeren ökologischen Fußabdruck und auch geringeren Kosten für Passagiere und Fluggesellschaften.
Der einheitliche europäische Luftraum ist ein erster Schritt vorwärts, um die Engpässe im Luftraum zu beseitigen, um endlich einen wirklich einheitlichen EU-Raum zu schaffen, ohne die nationale Souveränität zu beeinträchtigen. Das wird dann auch zu weniger Kosten und zu einer besseren Umweltleistung führen.
Ich glaube, morgen kann wirklich ein guter Tag werden für Europa. Von daher mein klarer Appell an alle Kolleginnen und Kollegen, morgen pünktlich zur Abstimmung zu kommen und für diese Neufassung zu stimmen. Ich stimme mit dem Kommissarsanwärter, aktuellen Kommissar und demnächst hoffentlich wiedergewählten Kommissar Hoekstra überein: Das ist ein erster Schritt heute, es werden weitere in den nächsten fünf Jahren folgen müssen. Aber für die EVP kann ich sagen: Wir sind bereit, diese Arbeit fortzusetzen. Unsere Bürger werden es sicherlich danken.
Johan Danielsson,Föredragande. – Herr talman! Jag blir glad över det engagemang som visats under debatten. Avslutningsvis vill jag betona att vårt arbete inom flygsektorn inte slutar här. Vi har, som många konstaterat, fortfarande mycket att göra för att säkerställa en rättvis och hållbar flygsektor i Europa.
Smidiga gränsöverskridande transporter är viktiga men får aldrig ske på bekostnad av arbetstagares rättigheter. Under denna mandatperiod hoppas jag därför att vi kan ta itu också med andra viktiga frågor som berör sektorn.
En revidering av EU:s förordning om luftfartstjänster står högt på agendan. För det första måste vi stärka reglerna kring så kallad wet leasing, där flygbolag hyr in plan med besättning. Wet leasing ska naturligtvis kunna användas för att möta oförutsedda händelser, men inte för att konkurrera med löner och arbetsvillkor.
Utvecklingen – där på ytan seriösa flygbolag skapar dotterbolag med enda syftet att pressa tillbaka personalens arbetsvillkor – är inte värdig och måste få ett slut. För det andra behöver vi tydligare definitioner kring personalens hemmabas. Vi har sett hur bolag i dag utnyttjar skillnader i nationell lagstiftning för att pressa ner lönekostnaderna. Också detta måste få ett slut.
Med det sagt återstår nu att genomföra Single European Sky. Det kommer att kräva fortsatt hårt arbete från EU-kommissionen i övervakningen av de regler som vi nu ändå får på plats, för att säkerställa att det verkligen blir ett steg framåt och inte ett slag i luften. Jag hoppas att alla är här och röstar för förslaget i morgon.
President. – The debate is closed.
The vote will take place tomorrow.
15. A stronger Europe for safer products to better protect consumers and tackle unfair competition: boosting EU oversight in e-commerce and imports (debate)
Didier Reynders,membre de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je suis ravi d’être parmi vous aujourd’hui pour débattre des défis que pose le commerce électronique, tant en matière de protection des consommateurs que de concurrence loyale ou de durabilité. Ces dernières années, des milliards de colis individuels ont été expédiés directement aux consommateurs de l’Union, notamment par voie aérienne, et de nouveaux acteurs du commerce électronique, principalement installés en dehors de l’Union, dominent désormais le marché. Quatre milliards de colis devraient être livrés en 2024.
La Commission est consciente que cet afflux de marchandises achetées en ligne pose des défis en matière de conformité au cadre juridique applicable et de sécurité, de concurrence déloyale et de durabilité. En effet, bon nombre de ces produits s’avèrent dangereux, non conformes ou contrefaits.
En raison de l’urgence de la situation, nous devons identifier une réponse européenne collective pour garantir la sécurité et la conformité des produits vendus sur ces plateformes de commerce électronique situées dans des pays tiers, pour préserver les consommateurs de pratiques commerciales déloyales et pour assurer des conditions de concurrence justes et équitables aux entreprises européennes.
The Commission is ready to act in cooperation with the market surveillance authorities, the consumer protection and customs authorities, as well as with the digital services coordinators under the DSA to effectively enforce Union legislation and increase the controls on those platforms and products. We have instruments at our disposal that we are already using.
First, the Digital Services Act is a powerful tool and it is a priority to enforce this regulation. The Commission is fully committed to ensuring strong and effective enforcement against very large online platforms, notably marketplaces not complying with all rules, which risk fines up to 6% of their global turnover. The DSA gives the Commission unprecedented enforcement powers that are already available. The recent enforcement action by the Commission, which resulted in TikTok’s commitment to withdraw its ‘lite rewards’ system from the EU market, as it raised concerns of addictiveness, is a good example of what the DSA can deliver for the whole European Union.
More specifically, regarding e-commerce, the Commission has already launched an investigation in relation to AliExpress’ practices, including on suspicions related to the risk of dissemination of illegal products and the possible negative impact to consumer protection. We have also recently designated Temu and Shein as very large online platforms under the DSA, and already launched investigative actions in relation to these two online marketplaces. Consumer protection and compliance by online marketplaces is and will remain one of our enforcement priorities. We take this responsibility seriously and will not refrain to act decisively. The Commission will also coordinate closely with the digital services coordinators, which are responsible for the smaller online marketplaces, to ensure that smaller online marketplaces also follow the rules, and that these rules are consistently applied in the European Union. The European Board for Digital Services is crucial in this respect.
Second, customs authorities are the first line of defence when it comes to products imported from third countries. They are also key actors in the supply chain to identify and suspend the release of non-compliant and dangerous goods. The customs reform, proposed by the Commission in 2023, is currently being discussed by the European Parliament and the Council. Under this proposed reform, the implementation of an EU customs data hub would enable risk management at EU level, making the enforcement of compliance with product requirements more targeted and effective. Additionally, the proposal includes an abolition of the current threshold that exempts goods valued at less than EUR 150 from customs duties. These measures would be important tools for combating fraud and abuse. However, customs authorities cannot act alone. It is crucial for them to collaborate with market surveillance authorities and digital services coordinators to combine their tools, capacity and expertise.
Third, the Consumer Protection Cooperation Network, under the coordination of the Commission, has carried out several enforcement actions in recent years against key market players, such as Amazon and AliExpress, to bring them into line with EU consumer protection legislation. In May, the consumer organisation BEUC informed the Commission about practices of the e-commerce platform Temu and its alleged non-compliance with, among others, EU consumer laws. The Commission has immediately informed the CPC Network about this complaint, and discussions under that format are ongoing. Compliance by major e-commerce players, including those targeting European consumers from third countries, is a top priority for the Commission and national authorities. The Commission will continue to fully support and coordinate the enforcement work of the network.
Looking ahead, it will be essential to further tackle challenges with e-commerce platforms and strengthen measures to prevent non-EU compliant products from entering the EU market. This would include ensuring an optimal articulation between the General Product Safety Regulation, the Market Surveillance Regulation and the Digital Services Act. To further improve online product safety and compliance with relevant rules, it will be our priority to fully use the enforcement toolbox provided for under these regulations, for example, by organising product safety control to check and improve compliance of the e-commerce sector with EU product safety requirements, organising joint product sampling and testing activities involving online mystery shopping, and facilitating further the cooperation between market surveillance and customs authorities to give an unified response to the challenges of e-commerce.
To ensure that manufacturers outside the EU comply with all rules, the new GPSR also introduces a new obligation to appoint a responsible person for their products. This will guarantee traceability and responsibility for any goods sold on the open market. To address the issue at its source, it is also paramount to continue cooperating with manufacturing third countries. We are, for example, committed to continue the awareness-raising and training activities on EU product safety rules with Chinese companies. Apart from legal obligations, it is also important to explore voluntary cooperation mechanisms, such as the product safety pledge, which has enabled the removal of close to 60 000 unsafe products listings in the past six months.
It will also be crucial to further improve the current enforcement framework for cross-border infringement of EU consumer law, in order to preserve the level playing field in the Union and the competitiveness of EU businesses. To achieve this aim, we will continue to explore possible approaches to strengthen the Commission’s role in specific circumstances that affect consumers throughout the Union and to further improve the enforcement cooperation among national authorities. Moreover, the Commission encouraged the swift adoption of some proposed legislative initiatives, namely the ‘VAT in the digital age’ package and the customs reform, that aim to structurally improve the transparency and control on the flow of goods entering and leaving the union, starting by e-commerce goods.
I thank you for your attention. Of course, I am now looking forward to our debate and to try to collect your proposals, remarks, or maybe some criticism.
Andreas Schwab,im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Onlineplattformen haben die Art und Weise, wie Verbraucher einkaufen, grundlegend geändert. Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher sind nicht mehr auf lokale Anbieter beschränkt, sondern können Waren bei internationalen Händlern einkaufen, wodurch ihre Auswahl erweitert wird und sie oft bessere Preise finden. Sie haben ja gerade angesprochen, Herr Kommissar: 4 Milliarden Pakete allein in diesem Jahr zeigen, dass die europäischen Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher an internationalen Produkten interessiert sind und auf den besten Preis achten. Aber viele Drittstaatenplattformen stehen in der Kritik wegen mangelhafter Produktqualität, unzureichender Kontrollen und damit unfairer Wettbewerbsbedingungen.
Deswegen ist es gut, Herr Kommissar, dass Sie den Dreiklang aus Maßnahmen, die greifen können, dargestellt haben. Zoll: Wir haben nach wie vor 27 unterschiedliche Zollsysteme, obwohl das einheitliche europäische Zollrecht angewendet werden muss, und es wird leider unterschiedlich angewendet. Wir haben zum Zweiten die Marktaufsichtsbehörden, die alle in nationaler Hand sind und unterschiedlich stark ausgestattet sind, und wir haben das Gesetz über digitale Dienste. Und hier, Herr Kommissar, hätte ich mir etwas mehr erwartet, denn das Gesetz über digitale Dienste wird jetzt schon zum zweiten Mal gegenüber Temu in Anwendung gebracht – aber immer mit der Bitte um Auskunftserteilung und nicht mit Entscheidungen.
Hier müssen wir schneller vorankommen, denn mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte hat das Europäische Parlament hier – dieses Haus – in den vergangenen Jahren wichtige Schritte unternommen, um das Vertrauen der Bürger in die Sicherheit des Internets zu stärken und um europäischen Unternehmen fairen Wettbewerb anzubieten. Daran wollen wir festhalten, und deshalb ist die Europäische Kommission gefordert, hier Schritte folgen zu lassen.
Laura Ballarín Cereza,en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, señor comisario, un 71 % de la población europea compra bienes y servicios en línea. El comercio en línea es cómodo, es barato, pero tiene muchos riesgos. Por ello, regularlo bien es ya inaplazable.
Sabemos que plataformas de comercio electrónico, como Amazon, Aliexpress, Temu o Shein, están afectando a nuestro comercio en tres aspectos clave.
En primer lugar, en la seguridad de productos que consumimos: juguetes, ropa, etc. Todos conocemos esos productos que nos llegan a casa y que no cumplen las condiciones mínimas.
En segundo lugar, en el enorme impacto que tienen sobre el comercio local de nuestros municipios, que está siendo asfixiado por la competencia desleal de estas plataformas a nuestras pymes europeas.
Y, en tercer lugar, en el medio ambiente, porque sabemos que estas empresas abandonan a su suerte toneladas de paquetes devueltos por clientes en Europa y en otros continentes, lo que pone en riesgo la salud de todo el planeta.
Para eso tenemos leyes, apliquémoslas: más controles en las aduanas, y comercio y consumo responsable para proteger nuestro medio ambiente, a nuestros consumidores y nuestro comercio local.
Virginie Joron,au nom du groupe PfE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous voici en marche vers cinq ans de teutonneries supplémentaires. On avait espéré en 2019 que le premier mandat von der Leyen ferait état d’une gestion saine et honnête. Mais on a eu le matraquage des automobilistes, un dérapage budgétaire et les fourberies de Pfizer.
Ce soir, nous parlons donc de la surveillance européenne des marchés du commerce en ligne, pendant que nos commerces de proximité ferment les uns après les autres. La vente de produits dangereux, illicites, contrefaits ou volés est encore légion sur les grandes plateformes. Cette lutte, c’était pourtant ce que vous aviez promis lors de l’adoption de toutes les législations précédentes sur la question. Votre slogan? «Le règlement sur les services numériques protégera vos enfants.» Aujourd’hui, ce n’est plus un règlement sur les services numériques, mais un règlement sur la surveillance numérique qui a été mis en place, sous l’impulsion du démissionnaire Thierry Breton. Les associations de consommateurs ont signalé en avril dernier le géant chinois Temu, parce qu’il n’assurait pas l’identification des vendeurs. C’est l’article 30 du règlement sur les services numériques. Ces mêmes associations ont fait état de cas où le consommateur est manipulé par des prix qui changent ou qui ne correspondent pas au produit choisi. C’est l’article 25 du règlement sur les services numériques. On a eu la directive de 1998 sur les indications de prix, la directive de 2005 sur les pratiques commerciales prohibées, les nouvelles règles de sécurité des jouets ou encore la réforme du code des douanes.
Mais la réalité, c’est une jungle de normes qui empêchent nos entreprises françaises ou européennes de se développer, et des pays tiers, comme la Chine, leader mondial du commerce électronique, qui contournent sans problème nos règles – dixit un inspecteur de l’OLAF – ou, pis, qui bénéficient d’exemptions des frais de douane pour les achats dont la valeur ne dépasse pas 150 euros. Une jungle où, finalement, c’est Bruxelles qui tire une balle dans le pied du commerce électronique européen.
Piotr Müller,w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Szanowni Państwo! Regulacje dotyczące bezpieczeństwa produktów w Europie są niezwykle ważne. One powodują, że z jednej strony konsumenci są bezpieczni, a z drugiej strony, że standaryzujemy pewnego rodzaju rozwiązania produkcyjne w Europie, co oczywiście też przynosi wymierne korzyści i bezpieczeństwo dla konsumentów. Jednak widzimy tę rosnącą konkurencję ze strony w szczególności rynków azjatyckich i moją obawą jest to, że te przepisy w praktyce nie będą obowiązywały właśnie wobec tych krajów, które dostają się na rynek europejski w sposób inny niż produkcja na naszym rodzimym rynku.
W związku z tym mam pytanie do Pana Komisarza, jakie działania tutaj można byłoby podjąć (chociażby być może zapisując w nowej perspektywie budżetowej, nad którą będziemy pracować, dodatkowe środki dla urzędów, dla instytucji krajowych i unijnych, ale przede wszystkim krajowych, bo one najczęściej kontrolują jakość produktów), aby właśnie rzeczywista kontrola tych produktów, które pochodzą w szczególności z Azji, miała miejsce.
Svenja Hahn,im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Wenn Spielzeuge für Babys so leicht auseinanderfallen, dass sie daran ersticken können, dann haben Eltern zu Recht Angst. Vor allem, wenn Untersuchungen zeigen, dass mehr als die Hälfte von Spielzeugen aus Drittländern wie China gefährlich ist.
Wenn Designs von kleinen europäischen Designern kopiert werden und die Klamotten aus fragwürdiger Produktion mit giftigen Chemikalien belastet sind und dann auch noch über Plattformen wie Temu und Shein zu Billigpreisen verschleudert werden, dann leiden wir Verbraucher, unsere Umwelt und unsere Unternehmen, die sich an Recht und Gesetz halten.
Illegale und unsichere Produkte dürfen nicht in unseren Binnenmarkt kommen, am besten, weil sie bereits vor Verkauf gestoppt werden. Die Kommission und die Mitgliedstaaten müssen geltendes Recht rigoros durchsetzen: das Gesetz über digitale Dienste und die neuen Regeln zu Produktsicherheit. Wir müssen gemeinsam unsere Marktüberwachung und unseren Zoll stärken. Vor allem die Digitalisierung des Zolls muss schneller vorangehen, damit wir die digitale Voranmeldung und auch den Wegfall der Freigrenze für illegale Produkte haben können, damit wir illegale Produkte aus unserem Markt fernhalten können.
Ich baue darauf, dass die Kommission zügig einen Aktionsplan mit den Mitgliedstaaten umsetzen wird, damit unsere Kleinsten sicher sind, damit Shopping weder zur Ausbeutung von Umwelt noch von Menschen führt und Wettbewerb fair ist.
Saskia Bricmont,au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, vous l’avez dit: Temu, Shein, AliExpress, Amazon et de plus petites plateformes inondent le marché européen de produits à faible coût. Mais, derrière ces bas prix, il y a des coûts énormes, notamment des techniques de manipulation en ligne incitant à l’hyperconsommation ou des produits de mauvaise qualité pouvant s’avérer dangereux pour la santé et la sécurité.
Une enquête a même révélé que 80 % des jouets testés ayant été importés par le biais de ces plateformes ne respectaient pas les normes de sécurité européennes. Cela induit aussi une concurrence déloyale pour les entreprises européennes qui respectent les normes sociales, environnementales, de produits, de sécurité. Ces normes existent au niveau européen pour de bonnes raisons: la protection des consommateurs, des travailleurs, de l’environnement. Elles doivent donc être respectées par tout le monde, y compris par les entreprises importatrices et par les plateformes de pays tiers.
Des centaines de milliers de colis arrivent chez nous tous les jours, en un clic et sans avoir fait l’objet de contrôles. Autant de produits potentiellement dangereux, qui ne respectent pas les normes européennes. Cette concurrence déloyale touche tous les secteurs et constitue souvent un frein au développement de filières locales durables et sociétalement responsables. C’est le cas notamment du secteur textile, où la concurrence déloyale de l’«ultrafast fashion» venant des plateformes chinoises menace l’émergence d’un secteur textile durable en Europe.
L’Union européenne est bien là pour protéger les consommateurs et nos entrepreneurs: il faut donc assurer effectivement le respect des règles, la transparence et l’information des consommateurs, mais aussi des contrôles douaniers renforcés et les moyens nécessaires à de tels contrôles, des droits de douane même pour les achats de moins de 150 euros, et un renforcement des sanctions à l’égard des plateformes qui ne respectent pas les règles.
Hanna Gedin,för The Left gruppen. – Herr talman! Jag ska börja med att säga att jag är glad att vi har den här diskussionen, för situationen är ohållbar.
Från Vänstern har vi länge krävt ett stramare regelverk för e-handelsplattformar. Ett test som nyligen gjordes av leksaksbranschen visar att åtta av tio leksaker som importeras till EU och kan köpas på olika internetsajter riskerar att kväva eller förgifta barn – kväva och förgifta våra barn.
De uppfyller inte EU:s säkerhetskrav. Vår uppgift som lagstiftare är att se till att minska risken för olyckor, att se till att medborgarna är trygga och säkra. Det gör vi genom att premiera miljövänliga och säkra produkter, samtidigt som vi ser till att arbetsvillkoren för dem som producerar de här sakerna är bra.
Det är inte bara barn och andra konsumenter i Europa som riskerar att skadas. Det finns återkommande indikationer på att många av de här produkterna, förutom att de är skadliga, dessutom är tillverkade genom tvångsarbete.
Kommissionen måste agera – inte bara för att den här slapphäntheten mot utländska internetsajter konkurrerar med lägre standarder och sämre arbetsvillkor än varor som produceras i enlighet med EU-lagstiftning. Dagens regelverk leder faktiskt till stora risker för alla medborgare – inte minst för våra barn. Lösningen måste vara att även utländska sajter får samma skyldigheter som inhemska aktörer, att tullen får större resurser och att varor som importeras, till exempel från Kina, inte längre ska subventioneras när det kommer till exempelvis fraktkostnader.
Zsuzsanna Borvendég,a ESN képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A helyi termelők által helyben előállított termékek védik a környezetet és a nemzetgazdaságot is erősítik, vagyis minden szempontból a társadalom jólétét szolgálják. Emiatt kezdett pártom, a Mi Hazánk Mozgalom hazai termelői vásárokat szervezni Magyarországon, ezzel is népszerűsítve a jó minőségű helyi termékek fogyasztását. Az élelmiszeripar különösen veszélyeztetett ezen a területen. Vissza kell szorítani a globális élelmiszerláncok sokszor gyenge minőségű, földrészeken át utaztatott, agyonvegyszerezett termékeinek dömpingjét.
A multik gazdasági érdekei nem írhatják felül az emberek egészséges élethez való jogát, de meg kell akadályozni azt is, hogy politikai elfogultság alapján olyan mezőgazdasági termékeknek nyissunk szabad utat, amelyek nem felelnek meg az EU-s előírásoknak, ahogy az számos ukrán termék esetében megtörténik. Azonnali hatállyal meg kell tiltani a harmadik országokból érkező hamisított méz importját is. Ennek érdekében egy előterjesztést is készítettem, amelyet az ESN frakció benyújtott, de az AGRI bizottság napirendre sem volt hajlandó ezt tűzni. Kérem, gondolják ezt át újra!
Christel Schaldemose (S&D). – Hr. Formand, kommissær. Flere og flere handler på nettet. Legetøj, tøj, gaver. Det er nemt, det er bekvemt, og det er praktisk. Men hvis man handler på platforme som Temu, så kan det altså skade både din sundhed, vores miljø og den europæiske konkurrenceevne, og alt for mange af f.eks. Temu’s produkter de lever simpelthen ikke op til de europæiske regler. De er sundhedsskadelige, miljøskadelige, og så er de også ødelæggende for vores konkurrencesituation for vores europæiske virksomheder. Derfor er der brug for, at der sker noget. Vi har fået mange nye regler, men vi har brug for, at de bliver håndhævet. Derfor vil jeg gerne opfordre EU-Kommissionen til at komme i gang med at håndhæve reglerne og gøre det lidt hurtigere, end det, der sker i dag. Vi har fået nogle gode regler i det, jeg sagde. Spørgsmålet er, om de er gode nok, spørgsmålet er, om der skal mere til. Noget af det, som jeg tror, vi skal kigge på, er, om vi egentlig ikke burde give disse handelsplatforme et importøransvar, så de fik et meget konkret og direkte ansvar for at sikre, at de produkter, de sælger, overholder de europæiske regler. Så hurtigere og bedre, og hvis ikke det er nok, så tror jeg, at vi skal se på, om der skal endnu flere strammere regler til.
Ernő Schaller-Baross (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A termékbiztonság egyre sürgetőbb kérdés Európában, különösen az e-kereskedelem gyors ütemű terjedése révén. Mondjuk ki őszintén, a piacfelügyelet rendszere ma nem elég hatékony, hogy lépést tartson a digitális világ kihívásaival. A fellépés hiánya komoly kockázatot jelent polgáraink biztonságára nézve, és hosszú távon veszélyezteti Európa versenyképességét is. Az e-kereskedelem gyors üteme és a határokon átnyúló eladások miatt a tagállami hatóságoknak nehéz feladatuk van, hogy minden egyes terméket ellenőrizzenek.
Így a fogyasztók biztonsága gyakran veszélybe kerül, és a szabályozás átláthatóságának fenntartására s kihívásokkal szembesül. Az Európai Parlament nem blokkolhatja tovább a háromoldalú tárgyalásokat, kezdje el a munkát. Kezdje el a termékbiztonságot érintő javaslatok, többek között a játékbiztonságról szóló szabályok tárgyalását is. Ne hagyjuk, hogy a késlekedés ára az európai polgárok vagy gyermekeink biztonsága legyen! Tegyük meg a szükséges lépéseket közösen, hogy Európa továbbra is az innováció és a biztonságos termékek kontinense lehessen. A jelenlévő vagy nem jelenlévő TISZA párti képviselőknek pedig azt üzenem, hogy ne féljenek, ha kérdést tesznek föl ebben a Házban, ebben a teremben válaszolni is lehet.
Denis Nesci (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la protezione dei consumatori e la lotta alla concorrenza sleale, soprattutto nel commercio online, sono una questione prioritaria per l’Europa.
Troppi prodotti non conformi agli standard europei continuano a entrare nel nostro mercato attraverso l’e-commerce, mettendo a rischio la sicurezza dei consumatori e penalizzando le nostre aziende, in particolare le piccole e medie imprese italiane ed europee.
Non possiamo più accettare che le nostre imprese siano costrette a competere ad armi impari con prodotti di bassa qualità provenienti da paesi che non rispettano le nostre regole. Le aziende che rispettano rigorosamente la normativa europea su sicurezza e qualità sono penalizzate da una concorrenza sleale.
Dobbiamo rafforzare i controlli alle frontiere, garantire che i prodotti importati rispettino gli stessi standard che le nostre imprese sono tenute a seguire. Chiediamo che l’Unione europea intervenga con decisione: è fondamentale che le piattaforme di e-commerce non diventino un canale privilegiato per la vendita di prodotti non conformi. Questo è un punto essenziale per difendere la sovranità economica italiana e quella europea, proteggendo il nostro tessuto produttivo.
Come abbiamo spesso sottolineato, la nostra economia non può continuare a subire le conseguenze di politiche commerciali che favoriscono attori esterni a scapito delle nostre eccellenze.
Majdouline Sbai (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, en dix ans, le chiffre d’affaires du commerce électronique a été multiplié par trois. Rien qu’en France, le chiffre d’affaires du site Shein se monte à 1,63 milliard d’euros. C’est un tsunami économique.
Alors oui, oui à la protection des consommateurs, oui à la fin de l’exonération des droits de douane en dessous de 150 euros d’achats, oui à une enquête précise sur les soupçons de subventions chinoises et de concurrence déloyale, oui à la fin de la publicité mensongère, oui, encore oui au contrôle sur la toxicité, la propriété intellectuelle et la sécurité des données personnelles.
Oui, mais quand? Combien d’enseignes et de marques européennes auront fermé entre-temps? Combien de chaussures pour enfants intoxiquées au plomb aurons-nous achetées? Combien de jeunes auront adopté des comportements de consommation détestables pour notre avenir?
Alors, oui à tout cela, mais quand? Je vous le dis: agissons maintenant!
Leila Chaibi (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, des ballons de baudruche à gonfler soi-même bourrés de substances cancérigènes, des jouets comprenant des pièces qui peuvent être avalées, des casques de moto pour enfants qui, en fait ne protègent pas du tout, des détecteurs de fumée qui ne détectent pas la fumée… Ces produits dangereux ne sont pas des exceptions: ils pullulent sur des plateformes de vente en ligne comme Amazon, Temu ou Wish. Les associations de consommateurs les ont testées, et le constat est alarmant.
Comment est-il possible que ces objets puissent envahir le marché européen? La réponse est simple. Pour les géants du commerce électronique, la priorité c’est: les profits, et le marché européen, c’est le jackpot.
C’est un triple jackpot, en réalité. D’abord, un jackpot sur les normes de sécurité, car ces plateformes ignorent les normes de sécurité en vigueur chez nous. Elles inondent l’Union européenne de produits qui ne respectent pas les réglementations en matière de sécurité, et mettent donc les Européens en danger.
C’est un jackpot sur les conditions de travail, car ces produits sont fabriqués dans des conditions inacceptables, en exploitant les travailleurs et en détruisant la planète.
C’est un jackpot sur les obligations fiscales, car, pour couronner le tout, ces plateformes trouvent le moyen d’échapper à leurs obligations fiscales. Et tout cela permet à ces plateformes de commerce électronique de casser les prix et d’écraser nos entreprises européennes, qui ne peuvent pas rivaliser face à cette concurrence déloyale.
Chers collègues, il est temps de sonner la fin de la récré pour Amazon, pour Temu, pour Alibaba et compagnie. L’Union européenne passe beaucoup de temps à discuter, à légiférer sur le poids des pommes ou sur la pulpe des poires. Je ne dis pas que ce n’est pas intéressant, que ce n’est pas important, mais je crois qu’il y a plus important et plus urgent en matière de normalisation au sein du marché unique.
Les plateformes de commerce électronique doivent assumer leurs responsabilités et se soumettre à nos règles communes. Elles doivent être tenues pour responsables des produits qu’elles vendent, comme n’importe quel commerçant en réalité. Si elles veulent jouer dans notre cour, alors elles doivent se conformer à nos règles. Pas de passe-droit. La santé et la sécurité des Européennes et des Européens passent avant leurs profits.
Kateřina Konečná (NI). – Pane předsedající, kolegyně a kolegové, hračky pro batolata, které se snadno rozbijí na malé kousky, u nichž hrozí vdechnutí, nefungující plynové alarmy či hračky a kosmetika obsahující nebezpečné chemikálie – zkrátka produkty, které ohrožují spotřebitele a které jsou v Evropské unii zakázány vyrábět i prodávat.
Jenže e-shopy až do této chvíle dokáží naše pravidla zdatně obcházet a společně s nimi je obchází i výrobci ze zemí mimo Evropskou unii. Tyto zdraví i život ohrožující výrobky, jež často cílí na děti, nadále zaplavují evropský trh díky e-shopům a nízkým nákladům na jejich výrobu. Budu ráda, pokud konečně tuto skulinu, jednou provždy, odstraníme. On-line platformy musí také nést odpovědnost za produkty, které na svých stránkách nabízejí. Jejich stahování musí mít jasná pravidla. Informační systémy musí být lépe připraveny a pokuty za jejich prodávání musí být značně vyšší, než byly dosud. Jsem ráda, že alespoň zde se věci mají s novými pravidly ubírat správným směrem.
Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz (PPE). – Panie Komisarzu! Koledzy, koleżanki! Unia Europejska jest liderem we wprowadzaniu regulacji chroniących konsumentów na rynku cyfrowym, a jednocześnie miliony Europejczyków korzystają z niespełniających standardów Unii Europejskiej produktów. Dlaczego? Po pierwsze dlatego, że europejski rynek jest zalewany przez chińskie subsydiowane towary sprzedawane po bezkonkurencyjnie niskich cenach. 2023 rok 2 miliardy paczek, 2024 rok dwa razy tyle paczek – 4 miliardy.
Po drugie wjeżdżają niebezpieczne produkty. W liście, który otrzymałam od 100 producentów zabawek z Polski, wskazano na sprawozdanie Toy Industries of Europe, z którego dowiadujemy się, że 18 z 19 zabawek kupionych na platformie Temu stanowi rzeczywiste zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa dzieci. Po trzecie chińskie platformy sprzedażowe stosują agresywny marketing i manipulują klientami. Często informacje o tym, kto sprzedaje i za ile sprzedaje wymagają dziesiątki kliknięć, a i tak na koniec są podawane po chińsku.
Co możemy zrobić, żeby przywrócić uczciwą konkurencję? Po pierwsze wprowadzić poza nielicznymi wyjątkami cła na paczki o wartości do 150 euro. Po drugie Komisja musi skutecznie i szybko egzekwować istniejące prawo. Po trzecie działania organów nadzoru krajowych i unijnych muszą być skoordynowane. Musimy to zatrzymać, zanim będzie za późno, zanim miliony produktów niespełniających standardów bezpieczeństwa trafią do naszych domów, do rąk naszych dzieci, zanim setki tysięcy miejsc w Europie znikną. Musimy to zrobić teraz.
Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, discutăm de protecția consumatorului și concurența loială în piață, domnule comisar. Sigur, am dezbătut astăzi și dezbatem comerțul online. Avem foarte multe reglementări, le-ați enumerat și dumneavoastră. Întreb: poate un cetățean, un consumator care a achiziționat online un produs să se apere dacă produsul e defect, dacă se îmbolnăvește, dacă produsul nu este conform? Avem reglementare de la etichetare până la dreptul la repararea produselor.
Totuși, în piața internă sunt extrem de multe produse neconforme din țări terțe și – sigur nu vă dau, cred, o noutate – și în comerțul online avem produse din țări terțe pentru că acordurile nu sunt bine comercial făcute. Nu este subliniată respectarea standardelor de produs, cele europene, și atunci întrebarea este: cum le aplicăm? Reformarea vămilor – pentru prima dată vom avea o autoritate europeană pentru vămi. Problema este de aplicare, nu de reglementare. Am rămas în urmă cu implementarea și cred că aici trebuie să punem accent împreună cu statele membre, evident, ca să protejăm cu adevărat consumatorii.
Gilles Pennelle (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, nous ne pouvons bien évidemment, au groupe des Patriotes pour l’Europe, que saluer l’intention de protéger les consommateurs européens. Cependant, le rapport Letta nous démontre que nous assistons à une augmentation des fraudes, à une augmentation de la concurrence déloyale et à ces fameuses importations de produits dangereux.
Alors certes, on a beaucoup parlé des jouets. Je voudrais aussi parler des médicaments, par exemple, qui sont extrêmement dangereux pour la santé lorsqu’ils sont achetés sur des sites que personne ne contrôle. Dans la réalité, vous récoltez, à la Commission et dans cette Union européenne, les fruits de votre politique. C’est le résultat du dogme suprême du libre-échange qui nous amène là où nous en sommes.
En effet, comment contrôler cette jungle qu’est devenu aujourd’hui le commerce électronique, où les géants du numérique règnent en maîtres. Je pense que les solutions ne sont, comme d’habitude, pas celles que vous proposez. Les solutions sont nationales. Il faut renforcer les douanes nationales pour contrôler ces importations de produits dangereux.
Je voudrais, puisqu’il me reste quelques secondes, rappeler que, dans la plus grande opacité, dans le plus grand secret, la Commission européenne négocie actuellement le traité de libre-échange avec le Mercosur. Mais, là aussi, nous allons probablement importer des produits dangereux, des viandes de très mauvaise qualité, nourries par des produits interdits dans l’Union européenne.
Finalement, vous êtes face à vos contradictions. Il est temps de changer de politique.
Francesco Torselli (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi l’Unione europea sta subendo un vero e proprio attacco da parte di certe nazioni straniere a colpi di prodotti non conformi, di bassissima qualità, spesso anche pericolosi per il consumatore finale.
Un attacco che sfrutta due falle esistenti nel nostro sistema di difesa: la prima, la possibilità di aggirare facilmente le regole da parte di certe piattaforme online; e la seconda, il fatto che l’Europa negli ultimi anni ha promulgato una serie di regolamenti autolesionisti, che spesso sembravano più favorire chi stava fuori dall’Europa piuttosto che le nostre imprese.
È essenziale che oggi l’Unione europea intensifichi i controlli alle frontiere, protegga i consumatori, contrasti la concorrenza sleale. Dobbiamo migliorare la cooperazione, responsabilizzare le piattaforme online. Cooperazione e responsabilità: queste sono le ricette per un’Europa più forte che contrasti il commercio illegale.
Nikola Minchev (Renew). – Mr President, the European Union is a global leader in setting high standards with the aim of ensuring quality and protecting our consumers. ‘Made in the EU’ is not just a label; it’s an unmatched guarantee of quality and safety. Yet we allow unreasonably cheap, low-quality, sometimes even dangerous, products to flood our markets, undercutting our industries. This must change.
We need stronger enforcement of anti-dumping measures to defend the integrity of our single market. The European Commission has made recent strides, improving trade defence instruments by over 40 % to allow faster investigations and duties on unfair imports. But more action and especially enforcement of the existing rules is needed.
Take my own country, Bulgaria. As the EU’s sixth largest exporter of electric bikes, our manufacturers face competition from cheap, lower quality imports from non-EU countries. These imports threaten to destabilise the growing sector. Robust enforcement, like recent EU actions against Chinese e-bikes, is essential to protect jobs, innovation and fair competition across Europe.
Anna Cavazzini (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Teddybär auf der Onlineplattform Temu, der sieht süß und flauschig aus und kostet auch nur zwölf Euro. Aber wenn die Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher diesen Teddy bestellen, besteht die 95-prozentige Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass er den europäischen Vorgaben für Produktsicherheit nicht entspricht. In anderen Worten: Das Kuscheltier ist gefährlich: Seine Augen können verschluckt werden, oder das Fell ist vielleicht giftig.
Dem immer schneller wachsenden Anteil des Onlinehandels, besonders mit Billigprodukten aus China, stehen Zoll und Marktüberwachung hier in Europa hilflos gegenüber. Dieses Jahr gehen Schätzungen zufolge vier Milliarden Pakete in die Europäische Union ein, die unter der Zollgrenze von 150 Euro liegen, und sie landen direkt bei den Verbraucherinnen und Verbrauchern.
Es ist allerhöchste Zeit, unseren hohen europäischen Verbraucherschutz auch im Onlinehandel durchzusetzen. Die Kommission muss das Gesetz über digitale Dienste konsequent umsetzen und Online-Marktplätze mehr in die Verantwortung nehmen. Die EU-Zollreform ist der Schlüssel, um Kontrollen an unseren Grenzen zu verbessern. Das Parlament hat seine Hausaufgaben gemacht; der Rat schleicht und blockiert, und wir verlieren kostbare Zeit.
Wir brauchen endlich mehr rechtliche und finanzielle Verantwortung für die Onlineplattformen. Den großen Wurf hat leider die konservative Seite dieses Parlaments in der letzten Legislatur blockiert; jetzt erkennen alle, glaube ich, dass es ein Fehler war.
Christian Doleschal (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ein T-Shirt für drei Euro, eine Jacke für sieben oder ein Kinder-Plüschtier für wenige Cents: E-Commerce-Händler wie Temu oder Shein überfluten mit aggressiven Vermarktungsstrategien und Dumpingpreisen unsere Märkte. Allein 2023 exportierten Shein und Temu zusammen täglich 9000 Tonnen Fracht nach Europa. Mit ihren unlauteren Praktiken setzen sie unsere Onlinehändler, aber auch unsere Geschäfte in unseren schönen Innenstädten unter enormen Druck. Während diese sich an strenge europäische Vorschriften halten, verstoßen Temu und Shein gegen Vorgaben zur Produktsicherheit, Arbeitsbedingungen, Nachhaltigkeit, Urheberrecht und Datenschutz – ohne spürbare Konsequenzen.
Doch eigentlich mangelt es nicht an Regeln, sondern an deren konsequenter Durchsetzung. E-Commerce-Plattformen wie Temu oder Shein nutzen geschickt Lücken in der Marktüberwachung und bei der Wareneinfuhr zu ihrem Vorteil. Fehlende innereuropäische Vernetzung beim Datenaustausch, unzureichende Zollkontrollen und die aktuell noch gültigen Zollbestimmungen begünstigen die oftmals ungeprüfte Einfuhr von Waren aus dem Ausland in massenhaften Paketen mit geringem Warenwert.
Ja, es ist wichtig, die Aufhebung der Zollbefreiung von Waren unter 150 Euro im Rahmen der EU-Zollreform anzuregen, und dafür danke ich der Kommission. Wir müssen sehen, dass diese neuen Regeln so schnell wie möglich in Kraft treten und durchgesetzt werden. Es geht nicht darum, Protektionismus zu fördern, vielmehr geht es um fairen Wettbewerb – wenn unsere Innenstädte leer gefegt und unsere europäischen Onlinehändler zerstört sind, ist es zu spät.
Bernd Lange (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Temu-Schlagzeile „Shoppen wie ein Millionär“ müsste man wahrscheinlich umdichten in „Verkaufen wie ein Milliardär“. Wir haben gehört, vier Milliarden Päckchen kommen dieses Jahr von den Onlineplattformen Temu, Shein und AliExpress, und da frage ich mich schon, Herr Kommissar: Warum haben wir da nicht eine Gleichbehandlung mit Verkäufen innerhalb der Europäischen Union?
Ich möchte ja nicht den Markt zumachen, überhaupt nicht. Aber es kann doch nicht sein, wenn wir innerhalb der Europäischen Union RAPEX haben, andere Möglichkeiten haben und wenn da ein Laden Produkte verkauft, die nicht akzeptabel sind, wird der Laden zugemacht, und hier fragen wir immer nur nach Informationen und machen im Grunde nicht klar, wenn ein Produkt auf der Plattform ist, und das ist mehrmals passiert, dass diese Plattform eben nicht mehr liefern kann.
Oder auch – Sie sagen, die 150 Euro müssen fallen. Fallen die 2028, wie die Kommission vorschlägt, oder eben früher? Und was ist mit dem Rat und der Zollreform? Auch hier passiert zu wenig. Nicht nur klagen, sondern auch handeln für einen fairen Wettbewerb.
Valérie Deloge (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, quand on entend parler de contrefaçons, on ne pense pas tout de suite à la nourriture. Pourtant, rien qu’en 2023, ce sont 1 150 000 produits alimentaires contrefaits qui ont été saisis en France. Yaourts, pâtes, fromages, mais aussi vin, cognac, huîtres et petits pots pour bébé: tout y passe. Ces produits sont faits pour ressembler à s’y méprendre aux originaux, mais ils ne répondent pas à nos normes et peuvent causer des risques pour notre santé. Pis: ces contrefaçons sont souvent 20 % à 70 % moins chères que les originaux. Nombreux sont les consommateurs qui les achètent, pensant profiter d’offres attrayantes sur des lots de déstockage.
Cette situation est aussi dangereuse qu’intolérable. Elle signifie que nos agriculteurs et nos transformateurs ne sont pas seulement en concurrence avec les pays étrangers qui inondent notre marché à cause d’accords de libre-échange irresponsables, ils sont aussi en concurrence avec ces fraudes, qui ternissent l’image des filières et véhiculent une image négative des produits.
Après les manifestations de l’an dernier, vous avez dit entendre la colère du monde agricole. Vous prétendez vouloir rétablir la réputation des agriculteurs et défendre les filières européennes: voici une bonne occasion de le faire. Traquez ces produits, contrôlez l’entrée des marchandises de mauvaise qualité ou qui ne répondent pas à nos normes et rendez au consommateur l’assurance qu’en achetant des produits européens ils achèteront de la qualité. La colère des agriculteurs, elle, est toujours là. À vous maintenant de prouver que vous pouvez vraiment agir.
Nicolas Bay (ECR). – Monsieur le Président, à quoi bon avoir les normes les plus strictes et les plus exigeantes du monde si c’est pour laisser notre marché être inondé par des importations qui ne les respectent pas? À quoi bon étouffer nos producteurs par la paperasse, les taxes, les règles, si c’est pour laisser leurs concurrents tricher?
Face à la concurrence déloyale, l’Union doit autant protéger ses consommateurs que défendre ses entreprises et ses producteurs. La réciprocité et des conditions équitables de concurrence sont nécessaires pour que le commerce soit bénéfique à tous. Il est impératif de multiplier les contrôles sur les importations et il est surtout impératif de ne pas nouer des accords commerciaux déséquilibrés. Le traité avec le Mercosur, en particulier, que la Commission cherche à conclure dans la précipitation, sacrifiera comme toujours nos agriculteurs. C’est une telle certitude, d’ailleurs, qu’un fonds est déjà prévu pour les indemniser.
Nos producteurs sont les plus respectueux à la fois des consommateurs, de leurs animaux et de l’environnement. Leurs produits sont les meilleurs au monde. Ils ne veulent pas vivre de la charité. Ils veulent vivre du plus vieux et du plus noble des métiers: le travail de la terre, le travail de nos pères. Libérons-les et laissons-les se battre à armes égales en cessant d’organiser la concurrence déloyale, qui les condamne à la disparition.
Anna Stürgkh (Renew). – Herr Präsident! Ja, bei fast jeder Diskussion zur EU fällt ein Wort wie das Amen im Gebet: Regulierung. Die EU als Regulierungsweltmeister und die Regulierung als quasi Endgegner der Innovation, ganz nach dem Motto „Du, glückliches Europa, reguliere“. Dabei steckt ja hinter den Regulierungen eigentlich ein wichtiges Ziel: nämlich Menschen und Unternehmen zu schützen und sie zu unterstützen, sicherzugehen, dass sie nicht Produzentinnen und Produzenten ausgeliefert werden, die Gesetze mit Füßen treten und Profit am Ende sogar noch mit dem Leben ihrer Konsumentinnen und Konsumenten machen.
Dafür müssen wir aber die richtige Regulierung machen, und dafür müssen wir uns auch trauen, manchmal hinderliche Regulierungen wegzulassen. Wir müssen Menschen die Sicherheit geben, dass die Produkte, die sie in Europa auch online kaufen, nicht ihre Gesundheit oder ihr Leben gefährden. Wir müssen dafür sorgen, dass die Regeln, die für europäische Produzentinnen und Produzenten gelten, auch für Produkte gelten, die in unserem Land aus Drittstaaten in unsere Haushalte kommen. Wir müssen sichergehen, dass europäische Regeln auch europäisch gelten und nicht 27-mal unterschiedlich ausgelegt werden.
Die Ziele sind richtig, der Weg noch holprig. Aber ja, „Du glückliches Europa – reguliere“.
Δημήτρης Τσιόδρας (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, οι Ευρωπαίοι πολίτες σε πολλές περιπτώσεις νιώθουν απροστάτευτοι από αθέμιτες πρακτικές, αλλά και από τον τρόπο με τον οποίο γίνονται πολλές συναλλαγές, ιδιαίτερα στο νέο ψηφιακό περιβάλλον.
Στο ηλεκτρονικό εμπόριο πολλές φορές οι καταναλωτές δεν αισθάνονται ότι έχουν τον πλήρη έλεγχο των συναλλαγών τους λόγω των πολύπλοκων κανόνων και των ρητρών που περιλαμβάνονται στα περιβόητα ψιλά γράμματα. Σε πολλές περιπτώσεις υπάρχουν συγκαλυμμένες χρεώσεις, ενώ ο σχεδιασμός πολλών ψηφιακών υπηρεσιών δημιουργεί εθισμό στα παιδιά και οδηγεί σε πρόσθετες χρεώσεις μέσω βιντεοπαιχνιδιών. Παράλληλα, κάθε χρόνο, καταναλωτές στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αγοράζουν, χωρίς να το γνωρίζουν, προϊόντα τα οποία δεν πληρούν τα ευρωπαϊκά πρότυπα ποιότητας και ασφάλειας.
Ένα άλλο σημαντικό θέμα είναι ότι μεγάλες πολυεθνικές εταιρείες εκμεταλλεύονται τη δεσπόζουσα θέση τους στην αγορά για να επιβάλουν γεωγραφικούς εφοδιαστικούς περιορισμούς, επιβάλλοντας αδικαιολόγητα υψηλές τιμές. Ο πρωθυπουργός Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης έχει στείλει στην Επιτροπή μια σχετική επιστολή και πιστεύω ότι θα πρέπει να επιληφθεί του θέματος. Είναι αναγκαία η αυστηρή τήρηση των κανόνων και, όπου χρειάζεται, περαιτέρω αυστηροποίηση της νομοθεσίας και συνεργασία των αρχών, προκειμένου οι Ευρωπαίοι καταναλωτές να αισθάνονται ότι προστατεύονται.
Biljana Borzan (S&D). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, potrošačke organizacije čak 17 država prijavile se Europskoj komisiji najnoviji kineski div Temu. Propituje se sigurnost proizvoda, štetnost za zdravlje, pa čak i prodajni lanac u smislu prodaje ilegalnih proizvoda. Temu i dalje prodaje, ljudi i dalje kupuju.
Prije nekoliko godina 18 potrošačkih organizacija prijavilo je Tik Tok europskim tijelima radi štetnog utjecaja na maloljetnike, koji čine 30 posto njihovih korisnika. Narušavanje mentalnog zdravlja, izazivanje ovisnosti, poticanje nezdravih navika i ponašanja kod djece gorući su problemi koji traže hitnu reakciju. Unatoč tome, promjene na platformi su minimalne.
Kako prisiliti internetske divove da poštuju europska pravila? Treba dati veće ovlasti Europskoj komisiji u slučaju povrede potrošačkih prava. Pokažimo građanima da nisu sami, da je udar na naše ljude, udar i na naše institucije i da će one brzo i efikasno odgovoriti ondje gdje ih najviše boli. One koji rade greške – udarimo ih po džepu.
Philippe Olivier (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, la question de la sécurité des produits n’est pas toujours affaire de développement juridique ou de normes, mais de contrôles. Elle pose la question des portes d’entrée de l’Europe, et les portes d’entrée de l’Europe, ce sont les ports. Sur Le Havre, sur 6 000 conteneurs, seuls 5 sont contrôlés. D’une manière générale, tous les ports européens tendent à être pris en main par les mafias, soit par la peur et par la menace, soit par la corruption. Personne ne s’en préoccupe.
Comment croire que le libre-échange puisse être vertueux quand même les règles les plus élémentaires de surveillance sont en pratique bafouées aux endroits où les contrôles devraient être implacables? Que dire des matières premières qui sont vendues en Europe par des pays qui ne les possèdent pas, mais qui les volent? La République démocratique du Congo est ainsi pillée par son voisin, le Rwanda, et l’Europe commet des actes de recel en achetant à Kigali de telles matières premières.
Si vous souhaitez ramener un peu d’éthique dans le commerce sans limites et sans règles, rétablissez les contrôles nécessaires.
Henrik Dahl (PPE). – Hr. Formand. Tak for ordet. Kinesiske online platforme som Temu og Sheen presser det europæiske marked med produkter, der for det første er lodret ulovlige og for det andet er farlige. Disse produkter er for det første en risiko for forbrugerne, men de er også en direkte trussel imod det indre marked. Temu undergraver systematisk de regler, vi har bygget op for at beskytte de europæiske borgere. De regler overholder de europæiske virksomheder i modsætning til Temu. Når Temu udnytter huller i lovgivningen, så får de en unfair konkurrencefordel, som de bruger til at udkonkurrere europæiske virksomheder. EU har skabt et robust regelsæt for forbrugersikkerhed, men uden en effektiv håndhævelse er de regler ikke noget værd. Vi skal ikke tolerere, at kinesiske platforme systematisk bryder reglerne og underminerer europæiske virksomheder. Derfor er det på tide at tage kampen op mod de aktører, der misbruger systemet, skader forbrugerne og fører en form for økonomisk krig imod Europa. Europa skal være stærkt, og derfor skal Europa sanktionere de kinesiske virksomheder, som bevidst bryder reglerne.
Pierre Jouvet (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, pour éviter un anniversaire ou un Noël sans cadeaux, des parents achètent à bas prix des jouets sur des sites chinois. Comment leur en vouloir, quand les fins de mois sont devenues si difficiles? C’est pourtant un cadeau empoisonné, parce que ces jouets sont certes peu chers, mais très probablement toxiques. D’après des tests menés en laboratoire, près de 80 % d’entre eux sont dangereux.
En plus de ces jouets toxiques, combien de parfums irritants, de lunettes de soleil inefficaces, de jeans de contrefaçon seront vendus par ces plateformes chinoises qui inondent le marché? Temu, Shein, AliExpress importeront près de 4 milliards d’articles en Europe cette année. Ce chiffre a triplé en trois ans. Ces plateformes profitent du seuil douanier de 150 euros sur les colis internationaux pour échapper à tout contrôle. Ces entreprises violent les droits des consommateurs et nuisent aux fabricants européens, qui, eux, respectent les normes sociales et environnementales.
L’Europe doit se réveiller et faire respecter un principe simple: «Notre marché, nos règles.»
Zala Tomašič (PPE). – Gospod predsednik. V skladu s Temujevo politiko zasebnosti se osebni podatki, kot so ime, priimek, naslov, zgodovina nakupov in lokacija, lahko delijo s tretjimi oglaševalci, ponudniki storitev in poslovnimi partnerji. Temu včasih ponuja storitve, Temu včasih ponuja izdelke celo brezplačno. Ampak potrebno se je zavedati, da nič ni brezplačno.
V zameno platforma pridobiva osebne podatke in spremlja obnašanje potrošnikov na spletu. Obstajajo pa tudi skrbi, da se ti podatki potem prodajajo tudi naprej. Le malokateri potrošnik pa se tega tudi zaveda.
Poleg tega je kvaliteta teh izdelkov vprašljiva. Slišali smo že, kako otroške igrače takoj razpadejo na majhne dele, kako detektorji dima dima ne zaznajo. Ampak problem so tudi kozmetični izdelki, ki lahko pustijo nepopravljive poškodbe sluznice in kože.
Močno podpiram prosti trg in konkurenčnost na trgu, vendar pa moramo zaščititi tako potrošnike pred zlorabo osebnih podatkov in škodljivimi izdelki kot tudi naše podjetnike pred nelojalno konkurenco.
Maria Guzenina (S&D). – Arvoisa puhemies, komission edustajat, EU:n pitäisi olla maailman turvallisin alue ostaa tavaraa. Meillä on tiukat standardit sille, millaisia tuotteita täällä saa myydä, joten miten ihmeessä on mahdollista, että tuoreissa testeissä jopa 80 prosenttia leluista, joita myydään muun muassa kiinalaisissa verkkokaupoissa, eivät täyttäneet lelujen turvallisuusvaatimuksia. Kyse on kuluttajien, erityisesti lasten terveydestä. Kyse on ympäristömme suojelemisesta. Kyse on turvallisuudesta ja kyse on eurooppalaisten yritysten mahdollisuudesta pärjätä.
Kiinalaiset säännöistä piittaamattomat jättimäiset verkkokaupat toimittavat kiihtyvällä vauhdilla tavaroita Eurooppaan. Suomen tullin mukaan kiinalaisten pakettien valtava määrä vaarantaa jo tullinkin toimintakyvyn.
Tuoteturvallisuusdirektiivi, se on hyvä alku, mutta on tärkeää, että me emme lisää vastuullisten eurooppalaisten yritysten sääntelyä, vaan meidän pitää varmistaa, että kiinalaiset kaupat noudattavat eurooppalaisia sääntöjä.
Tämän asian ratkaisemisella on kiire. Komission on tehtävä tässä tehtävänsä. Euroopan on oltava yhtenäinen tässä asiassa. Kyse on eurooppalaisten terveydestä.
Niels Flemming Hansen (PPE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, honourable colleagues, e-commerce has rapidly expanded, offering consumers access to products from around the globe. A recent study found that 30 out of 38 products from the Temu platform failed to meet European safety standards, posing a serious risk to consumers. Some 30 out of 38, my dear friends: that’s 78 %.
This is not about protectionism. It’s about ensuring fairness and safety. Non-compliance puts the consumers at risk and creates an uneven playing field, especially for European SMEs that follow EU rules. SMEs, which are the backbone of our economy, will suffer the most.
The scale of e-commerce makes it impossible for national customs to manage alone. In Germany, it’s estimated that there are around 400 000 packages a day from China; 78 % of that is 320 000 packages.
Finally, this is a test of the EU’s ability to address the challenges of a globalised marketplace. We must be decisive, not only to protect our consumers, but to prove that Europe can enforce its own rules and uphold fairness in the single market.
Pierfrancesco Maran (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, caro Commissario, come ha ben sottolineato, è necessario sistemare alcuni aspetti del mercato online e questo va fatto rapidamente.
Oggi il 70% dei cittadini europei compra beni e servizi online. Eppure esistono due mercati: uno per chi rispetta le regole e uno per chi non le rispetta e le aggira. In molti abbiamo sottolineato come alcuni soggetti sono certamente protagonisti delle violazioni.
Operatori come Temu, Shein, AliExpress – che insieme contano 300 milioni di utenti in Europa – immettono sul mercato migliaia di prodotti non sicuri a prezzi stracciati. Loro lo sanno bene e sanno che possono farlo, perché non mettiamo ancora in campo azioni strutturali che li rendano corresponsabili.
Questo è il punto di lavoro principale, perché non possiamo pensare di andare ad inseguire ogni consegna alle dogane. È necessario agire alla fonte nei loro confronti, perché si adoperino per una svolta nei loro comportamenti commerciali.
Lo dobbiamo ai cittadini europei, che devono sapere che i prodotti che comprano sono sempre sicuri e non essere tentati dalla convenienza del low cost senza regole. E lo dobbiamo alle aziende che invece rispettano le regole e che meritano di non avere questa concorrenza.
Elisabeth Grossmann (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Die Digitalisierung und der wachsende E-Commerce haben unsere Märkte grundlegend verändert, und es ist unerlässlich, dass wir als EU entschlossen handeln, um Sicherheit und Fairness zu gewährleisten. Der europäische Handel gerät durch das Onlineangebot aus dem EU-Ausland zunehmend unter Druck, und große Plattformen, vorwiegend aus China, überschwemmen gerade den europäischen Markt mit Billigangeboten und nutzen die bestehenden Schlupflöcher aus, was den Wettbewerb verzerrt und europäische Unternehmen stark benachteiligt und auch europäische Arbeitsplätze kostet und natürlich auch europäische Wertschöpfung.
Und ich sage Ihnen: Es ist nicht fünf vor zwölf, es ist fünf nach zwölf, weil es hat sich bereits das Kaufverhalten der Menschen erheblich verändert, und es sind bereits zahlreiche Unternehmen im Produktionsbereich und auch im Handelsbereich insolvent. Und hier haben wir in Zukunft mitunter auch ein Problem mit der Versorgungssicherheit.
Deshalb ist dringendes Handeln, rasches Handeln geboten. Es ist mit dem Gesetz über digitale Dienste und dem Gesetz über digitale Märkte einiges gelungen – aber diese Gesetze gehören auch konsequent umgesetzt, und zwar sofort.
IN THE CHAIR: ESTEBAN GONZÁLEZ PONS Vice-President
Regina Doherty (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, EU consumer rights are worth absolutely nothing unless they are effectively enforced. We have made some progress with the General Product Safety Regulation, which is going to come into effect later on this year, and we are working on ambitious reforms, but it’s not just about laws.
The EU’s many market surveillance authorities have to work together in order to take risk-based market surveillance seriously, because when it comes to illegal products coming into EU countries, we should be really, really vigilant. According to the Commission, last year, 2.3 billion items worth less than EUR 150 entered the EU last year. And we’re facing what could only be described as a flood of cheap products. Member State authorities are frequently overwhelmed and sometimes just to verify whether something meets a product safety standard is next to impossible. So we need to support these authorities and make sure that they have the resources they need to do their work online markets such as China’s Temu must meet the standards that we uphold every single European company to in order to have the right to operate in the EU market.
We don’t want protectionism, we don’t want to reduce global trade. We just want to make sure that the level playing field is level and that the people who are consuming the goods are safe from them.
Salvatore De Meo (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in questi mesi ricorre insistentemente il tema della competitività, soprattutto in quest’Aula. Però leggiamo dalla recente relazione Letta che il 75% dei prodotti pericolosi in circolazione in Europa deriva da Paesi terzi ed è un dato in crescita preoccupante.
Potete ben capire che questo non solo mette a rischio la competitività delle nostre imprese ma anche la salute dei nostri consumatori, ai quali invece dobbiamo garantire prodotti sicuri con controlli rigorosi, in particolare quelli acquistati sull’e-commerce, piattaforme esplose durante il periodo del COVID.
Dobbiamo intervenire con urgenza per contrastare l’eccessiva presenza di prodotti dei Paesi terzi, che attraverso le piattaforme riescono a raggiungere con comodità milioni di utenti in tempi rapidissimi. Questa situazione crea una concorrenza sleale che penalizza le nostre imprese, che invece sono obbligate a rispettare norme sempre più stringenti, mentre molti prodotti sono importati senza i dovuti controlli.
E allora particolare attenzione va rivolta soprattutto ai giocattoli, oppure ai farmaci, perché rivolti ai bambini e alle persone che hanno bisogno di cure. Dobbiamo garantire standard di sicurezza.
In questo contesto, l’unione doganale può fare ovviamente molto di più e auspichiamo che, ovviamente, la riforma che è stata avviata possa essere portata a termine per garantire una vigilanza più stringente sulle importazioni, proteggendo il nostro mercato e soprattutto i nostri cittadini.
Solo così potremo assicurare una concorrenza equa e un futuro di crescita e sicurezza per tutti.
Catch-the-eye procedure
Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Menschen Europas, Hohes Haus! Wir haben heute bereits über die Wichtigkeit des europäischen Binnenmarkts gesprochen. Umso glücklicher bin ich über diese Debatte, denn wir müssen unseren Binnenmarkt auch schützen. Wir können es nicht akzeptieren, wenn Produkte den Markt fluten, die unter Missachtung der Menschenrechte, teilweise sogar von uigurischen Zwangsarbeitern in Konzentrationslagern hergestellt werden. Wir können es nicht hinnehmen, wenn Produkte den Markt fluten, die unseren Sicherheitsstandards nicht gerecht werden. Wir können es nicht tatenlos geschehen lassen, wenn diese Produkte von autoritären Staaten gezielt subventioniert werden.
Wir können es uns nicht leisten, wenn diese Produkte von internationalen Großkonzernen unter bewusstem Ausnutzen verschiedener Steuersysteme innerhalb der EU vertrieben werden. Schließlich: Wir können es uns nicht leisten, wenn der Binnenmarkt zerstört wird, indem er von ausländischer Konkurrenz ausgespielt wird.
Die Menschen wollen einen starken Binnenmarkt, nicht einen auf Wish bestellt; und das fängt, wie viele meiner Kollegen zu Recht betont haben, beim Zollsystem an.
(End of catch-the-eye procedure)
Didier Reynders,membre de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, je voudrais d’abord vous remercier pour ce débat sur le marché intérieur et la manière dont des produits arrivent sur ce marché intérieur. Les plateformes jouent un rôle de plus en plus important en la matière. J’entends bien l’ensemble des remarques sur les règles – qui, pour une grande part, existent, même s’il y a encore du travail à faire – et sur le besoin d’un contrôle renforcé.
Je dirais tout d’abord que nous devons mieux utiliser les outils qui arrivent et qui sont parfois déjà à notre disposition. Je voudrais féliciter les autorités chargées de la protection des consommateurs dans les États membres, que nous avons organisées en réseau. Ce réseau d’acteurs, le réseau CPC, fait déjà aujourd’hui, en relation avec les associations de consommateurs, un travail sur le terrain remarquable pour détecter et retirer des produits régulièrement, non seulement des magasins, mais aussi des plateformes en ligne. Nous avons d’ailleurs développé au sein de la Commission un outil numérique qui permet de vérifier que ces produits ne reviennent pas sur les plateformes.
Je ne dis pas que nous détectons l’ensemble des produits ou que nous retirons l’ensemble des produits dangereux, que ce soit pour la sécurité proprement dite ou pour la santé des consommateurs, mais je voudrais saluer ce travail, sur lequel il faudra d’ailleurs à nouveau se pencher. Beaucoup ont évoqué le rôle particulier des douanes. Je voudrais confirmer que la Commission souhaite avancer en la matière. Le dossier est entre les mains des colégislateurs pour l’instant. Plusieurs ont évoqué la limite des 150 euros: nous souhaitons l’abolir. J’espère que nous pourrons aboutir prochainement à un accord entre les colégislateurs sur ce sujet. Le travail des douanes est un travail important dans le cadre de la protection des consommateurs.
Le règlement sur les services numériques est en vigueur. Des pouvoirs ont été octroyés à la Commission, des pouvoirs que nous avons commencé à utiliser, y compris dans les domaines que vous avez évoqués et en particulier dans le cadre de plateformes qui inondent l’Union européenne de produits à bas prix. Le règlement général sur la sécurité des produits, que j’ai évoqué tout à l’heure, entrera en vigueur le 13 décembre. À travers ce règlement, comme plusieurs d’entre vous l’ont évoqué, la responsabilité personnelle des plateformes pourra être mise en cause, non seulement celle des grandes plateformes, mais aussi celle des plus petites, puisque nous avons prévu qu’une personne responsable devait être désignée dans l’Union européenne lorsque des produits sont effectivement importés sur le marché. Mais, je le répète, ce règlement général, que nous avons souhaité mettre en place pour remplacer une directive, entre en vigueur le 13 décembre prochain. Je vous invite donc à utiliser, pour le moment, les outils à disposition ou dont disposeront bientôt les différents acteurs chargés de la protection des consommateurs.
Pour ce qui est de la poursuite du dialogue avec nos partenaires, j’ai mis en place au cours de la législature écoulée un dialogue avec les autorités américaines, notamment en matière de protection des produits. En ce qui concerne la politique des consommateurs, il y a aux États-Unis trois agences différentes, et la commission américaine chargée de la sécurité des produits est en dialogue constant avec la Commission européenne. Nous développons un dialogue similaire avec le Royaume-Uni, le Canada, le Japon, ou la Corée du Sud.
Pour la première fois, nous avons tenu, à Paris, au sein de l’OCDE, une réunion ministérielle concernant la politique des consommateurs. Et l’OCDE, pour une fois, s’est penchée non plus seulement sur la production, mais aussi sur la consommation, et donc, réellement, sur la sécurité des produits pour les consommateurs. On voit que ce thème progresse. Nous avons d’ailleurs tenu à Bruxelles, très récemment, une semaine consacrée à la sécurité des produits, avec l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux.
Il est vrai que nous devons aussi poursuivre le travail entamé avec la Chine. Nous le faisons par un dialogue direct, nous le faisons aussi, parfois, en collaboration avec des partenaires internationaux – nous avons mené une action trilatérale avec nos collègues américains. Je ne suis pas naïf, mais on doit continuer à tenter de convaincre nos partenaires chinois qu’il s’agit aussi d’un enjeu de réputation pour leurs produits et pour leurs entreprises, et probablement pour un nombre croissant de consommateurs chinois, qui souhaitent eux-mêmes une plus grande sécurité de leurs produits. C’est un travail qui a aussi été entamé au cours de ces dernières années.
Enfin, vous avez évoqué des cas concrets de sécurité des produits sur des plateformes, mais aussi de produits à bas prix – je pense à Temu ou à Shein. Je l’ai dit, des actions sont en cours. Nous avons saisi le réseau des agences chargées de la protection des consommateurs sur ce sujet. Le réseau CPC y travaille. Le règlement sur les services numériques est lui aussi à l’œuvre dans le cadre de procédures visant ces plateformes, lesquelles ne posent pas seulement un problème de sécurité de produits ou de santé des consommateurs, mais aussi, vous l’avez rappelé, de concurrence déloyale, en raison de prix très faibles, de prix particulièrement bas. Elles ne sont pas seulement en concurrence avec la production de nouveaux produits en Europe, elles le sont aussi avec le marché de seconde main.
Nous avons, avec certains d’entre vous, beaucoup travaillé au développement du droit à la réparation, qui concerne chaque consommateur et qui permet par ailleurs de renforcer le marché de seconde main. Il est clair que nous devons la protéger contre l’évolution de la concurrence déloyale, tout en demandant bien entendu au secteur de la seconde main de garantir la sécurité de ses produits au même titre que le respect d’un certain nombre de règles européennes.
Alors, bien entendu, je ne voudrais pas conclure sans évoquer un ou deux aspects, notamment une remarque plus personnelle. La Commission a vu ses compétences directes renforcées: aussi bien celles qu’elle détient, depuis longtemps, dans le domaine de la concurrence que celles acquises plus récemment dans celui des plateformes – à travers le règlement sur les services numériques.
Pour ce qui est des consommateurs, il est peut-être temps aussi de se poser la question, au-delà du réseau des acteurs nationaux, d’une action possible et plus directe de la Commission pour des cas qui le méritent – des cas manifestement transfrontaliers et qui concernent l’ensemble des consommateurs européens. Cela nécessite des moyens, bien entendu. C’est donc un débat qui reviendra, je l’espère, dans les prochaines années: le travail en la matière ne doit plus se limiter aux agences nationales, il doit aussi advenir à l’échelon de la Commission.
Je terminerai en vous disant que plusieurs ont évoqué la nécessité d’agir vite. J’ai notamment entendu des remarques sur la manière dont on produit un certain nombre de biens vendus sur le marché européen, parfois en violation des règles environnementales ou des droits de l’homme. Nous avons mis cinq ans à faire adopter une directive sur le devoir de vigilance. Maintenant, il faut en entamer la mise en œuvre.
J’espère donc que la détermination de l’ensemble des acteurs – des colégislateurs comme des États membres – sera très grande pour agir: pas uniquement quand un produit arrive sur le marché européen, mais aussi sur les chaînes d’approvisionnement, en réfléchissant à la manière de faire respecter les règles environnementales aussi bien que celles en matière de droits de l’homme, tant par les entreprises européennes que par les entreprises de pays tiers qui viennent sur le marché intérieur – y compris à travers des plateformes.
Beaucoup reste à faire, mais je crois que des règles sont en place. Il faut maintenant les rendre effectives et, surtout, renforcer le contrôle, pour une part à l’échelon européen – lorsque c’est nécessaire.
President. – The debate is closed.
16. One-minute speeches on matters of political importance
Φρέντης Μπελέρης (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, θα ήθελα να μοιραστώ μαζί σας μια όμορφη πρωτοβουλία στην Ελλάδα και συγκεκριμένα στη Φουρνά Ευρυτανίας, ένα ελληνικό χωριό όπου Δήμος, Περιφέρεια και Εκκλησία συνεργάζονται αρμονικά, προσφέροντας μια καλύτερη ζωή σε μέλη νέων οικογενειών με στόχο να τους πείσουν να εγκατασταθούν στον τόπο τους. Θέλω να σας πω ότι αυτές ακριβώς τις μικρές νίκες πρέπει να αναζητούμε απέναντι στη δημογραφική κρίση· τις μάχες, δηλαδή, που δίνονται μεμονωμένα, ώστε η ευρωπαϊκή ύπαιθρος να μη «σβήσει».
Ας δούμε όμως και τη μεγάλη εικόνα. Είναι αναγκαία η άμεση επανεκκίνηση της ευρωπαϊκής περιφέρειας. Αυτό θα το πετύχουμε με την αξιοποίηση επιτυχημένων πολιτικών και σωστή αναδιάρθρωση του ευρωπαϊκού προϋπολογισμού. Η Ευρώπη δεν πρέπει να επανέλθει στις διαφορετικές ταχύτητες με τις οποίες εξαπλώνεται το δημογραφικό πρόβλημα στα 27 κράτη μέλη, αλλά να χρηματοδοτήσει δράσεις με την ίδια ένταση και να δώσει ουσιαστικά κίνητρα.
Κλείνοντας, κύριοι συνάδελφοι, οφείλουμε να φροντίσουμε ώστε να μη νιώθουν οι περιφέρειες και τα νησιά μας απομονωμένα. Κάθε κουκκίδα στον ευρωπαϊκό χάρτη που διασυνδέουμε με μια άλλη, είναι αυτομάτως μια μεγάλη κατάκτηση προς τον κοινό μας στόχο: να δώσουμε ξανά πνοή στην ήπειρό μας.
Gabriela Firea (S&D). – Domnule președinte, vinerea trecută, tocmai a trecut, a marcat Ziua Europeană de Luptă împotriva Traficului de Persoane, o zi care ne amintește cât de fragilă este siguranța pentru multe femei și mulți copii din Europa. Din păcate, traficul de persoane, care este strâns legat de violența domestică, continuă să fie o problemă gravă. Observăm la nivelul Uniunii Europene că se fac pași importanți. A fost adoptată o versiune revizuită a directivei antitrafic, cu măsuri mai stricte pentru combaterea noilor forme de exploatare, inclusiv a celor din mediul online. Programe precum Fondul pentru azil, migrație și integrare și Programul „Cetățeni, egalitate, drepturi și valori” sprijină victimele și încearcă să prevină traficul de persoane.
Totuși, nu este suficient și este clar că avem nevoie de o mai bună coordonare între statele membre și de o utilizare mai eficientă a fondurilor, inclusiv prin Mecanismul de redresare și reziliență. Este vital să investim mai mult în educație, în prevenție și mai ales în protecția reală a victimelor, iar cei care comit aceste crime să fie aduși în fața justiției, pentru că asta înseamnă să facem dreptate: să-i protejăm pe cei vulnerabili și să nu lăsăm nicio victimă fără voce.
Julien Sanchez (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, le récent rapport de la Cour des comptes européenne sur le fonds fiduciaire d’urgence en faveur de la stabilité et de la lutte contre les causes profondes de la migration irrégulière et du phénomène des personnes déplacées en Afrique, fonds doté rappelons-le de 5 milliards d’euros d’argent public de nos concitoyens, est édifiant et accablant.
Si les besoins sont réels et la situation préoccupante, les exemples de gaspillage sans aucun contrôle sont hélas innombrables et choquants. Oui, la Commission européenne gère notre argent avec amateurisme et légèreté. Ainsi, en Gambie, des bénéficiaires ont reçu deux fois la même aide pour des projets agricoles qui, en plus, sont des projets fictifs. En Afrique subsaharienne, des mixeurs ont été distribués dans des écoles qui n’ont même pas accès à l’électricité. Il y a des dizaines d’exemples dans ce rapport, que j’invite chacun à lire.
J’ai trois questions. Ce programme existe-t-il juste pour se donner bonne conscience? Comment peut-on balancer des milliards et se désintéresser à ce point de l’utilisation réelle et concrète de ces fonds? Enfin: n’avez-vous pas honte de voir l’argent des contribuables ainsi dilapidé? Comment tout cela est-il possible, et pourquoi les gens qui laissent faire cela ne sont-ils pas limogés?
Barry Andrews (Renew). – Mr President, Commissioner and colleagues, we are broadly agreed across this House that nothing we do or say would reward Russia for its aggression and its contempt for human rights. Equally, we are broadly agreed that we would not do or say anything that would reward Iran for its aggression. Yet we are now slowly embarking on a policy to do just that, under the banner of so-called normalisation of relations with Assad’s Syria. This will send a clear message to Russia and Iran.
Having stood by those who sought freedom, having passed countless resolutions condemning Assad’s prisons and gulags and executions, and his use of chemical warfare, and looking for an end to impunity, now we quietly return to restore normal relations at a time that can only send one clear message: the EU will stand by those who seek freedom, but if autocrats have the patience and seek the protection of Iran and Russia, they might just succeed.
Vicent Marzà Ibáñez (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, mientras en este Parlamento, hace unos años, y en el Consejo, justo este mes, se ha aprobado una normativa, la nueva Directiva de calidad del aire ambiente, mucho más restrictiva de acuerdo con los criterios científicos, en la ciudad de Elx, en nuestra tercera ciudad valenciana, el Gobierno da rienda suelta a la contaminación y lo que hace es destruir carriles bici, pervertir la zona de bajas emisiones promoviendo el uso del coche y, además, poner en peligro doce millones de euros de fondos europeos que no va a ejecutar con el fin para el que fueron asignados.
Por eso, desde aquí queremos lanzar esta denuncia, en relación con todas las denuncias ciudadanas que están luchando contra esta situación en Elx, en la tercera ciudad valenciana, y pedimos a la Comisión Europea que tome cartas en el asunto. Le queremos preguntar si va a seguir permitiendo que se destinen fondos europeos contra la salud de los ilicitanos y las ilicitanas.
Katarína Roth Neveďalová (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, v týchto dňoch si pripomíname osemdesiate výročie Slovenského národného povstania, ktoré vypuklo 29. augusta 1944, a osemdesiate výročie karpatsko-duklianskej operácie, ktorá bola najväčšou horskou bitkou druhej svetovej vojny a najväčšou bitkou v Československu. Bohužiaľ, dnes nás opustil jeden z posledných žijúcich partizánov na Slovensku, pán Karol Kuna, ktorý sa dožil 96 rokov, a tých pamätníkov Slovenského národného povstania máme stále menej a menej. Rada by som citovala pána Kunu, ktorý povedal: Keby nebolo toľkých, ktorí pretrhli putá zotročenia, dnes by sme nežili v slobodnej krajine. Slovenskí partizáni bojovali za hodnoty odboja proti fašizmu, ako bola sloboda, spravodlivosť a rovnosť, a len vďaka nim bolo nakoniec Československo a Slovenská republika slobodnou krajinou, ktorá stála na strane víťazov. Rada by som dnes vzdala česť týmto ľuďom, ktorí padli za našu slobodu. V Slovenskom národnom povstaní padlo približne desaťtisíc ľudí, ktorí boli nielen vojaci, nielen partizáni, ale takisto civilisti, ktorí pomáhali týmto ľuďom prežiť v horách. A takisto pri duklianskej operácii padlo asi 150 tisíc ľudí. Buď stratili svoj život, svoje zdravie, alebo boli zajatí. Česť ich pamiatke.
Michele Picaro (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il turismo dentale nei paesi extra-UE è un fenomeno in crescita che solleva importanti preoccupazioni per la salute pubblica.
Negli ultimi anni molti pazienti europei, in particolare italiani, si sono rivolti a destinazioni come Albania e Turchia per trattamenti odontoiatrici a prezzi competitivi. Tuttavia, un’indagine della British Dental Association ha evidenziato che il 70% dei pazienti che hanno cercato cure all’estero ha sperimentato eventi avversi gravi, come infezioni e ascessi o difficoltà masticatoria, condizioni che hanno compromesso non solo la loro salute, ma anche la durata di protesi e impianti, vanificando così il vantaggio economico iniziale.
Le norme sanitarie in questi Paesi spesso mancano di una regolamentazione rigorosa. Per questo è necessario promuovere campagne informative che forniscano ai cittadini dati chiari e affidabili sui rischi e i benefici delle cure odontoiatriche all’estero. Informare i pazienti riguardo alle normative sanitarie dei Paesi di destinazione, alla formazione del personale medico, agli standard di qualità delle strutture è cruciale per consentire scelte consapevoli.
Per tale ragione è imperativo che il Parlamento europeo consideri queste problematiche e promuova iniziative per garantire la sicurezza e la qualità delle cure odontoiatriche. Al contrario, si tratta di garantire ad ogni paziente scelte informate, sicure e supportate da normative adeguate. Solo così potremo garantire e proteggere la salute dei cittadini e mantenere la fiducia nel sistema sanitario.
Ciaran Mullooly (Renew). – Mr President, reports along the corridors of this building say a trade deal with the Mercosur countries has all but been agreed by our Commission, and talk of compensation for Irish farmers and others is widespread. But I come here this evening to give you one message, and a message back to those who send those briefs. No way! No way will we accept this.
A study by the Irish Government Department of Enterprise in 2021 indicated that Ireland’s beef sector would lose between EUR 44 million and EUR 55 million if the EU-Mercosur deal goes ahead.
We are the fifth largest beef exporter in the world and the biggest EU exporter, with more than 90 % traded internationally on an annual basis.
It is not acceptable that Ireland and key other European Member States incur high environmental food-safety traceability charges, while third countries just sail in here and are simply allowed to avoid such costs and undercut our beef in prime EU markets.
This Parliament has and must insist on one rule for everyone equally applied to the Mercosur countries, and until this equality rule applies, Ireland says no deal and no sell-out!
Christophe Clergeau (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, jeudi matin, j’étais dans ma ville de Nantes, aux côtés des salariés de General Electric, qui s’apprête à supprimer près de 400 emplois dans son usine et son centre de recherche-développement consacrés à la production d’éoliennes maritimes.
Il y a plus de dix ans, alors que j’étais vice-président de ma région, j’avais œuvré à la naissance de cette filière et montré aux citoyens que l’écologie pouvait créer des centaines d’emplois: d’ouvriers, de techniciens et d’ingénieurs. Aujourd’hui, je vois ces emplois disparaître parce que l’Europe et la France sont incapables de développer des projets éoliens en mer à un tarif qui permettrait de rémunérer une chaîne de valeur et des emplois européens, incapables d’imposer un contenu européen là où il y a pourtant un soutien public important.
Nos usines risquent de fermer alors que nous en aurons besoin pour équiper les nouveaux parcs éoliens en mer. Pendant ce temps, les Chinois construisent des usines en Écosse et en Italie pour assembler des éoliennes essentiellement fabriquées en Chine. Nous parlons de politique industrielle et de compétitivité, mais, dans la vie réelle, nous laissons s’effondrer les filières des industries vertes et nous sacrifions les emplois.
L’Europe va-t-elle enfin se réveiller, ou va-t-elle s’enferrer dans ce lent suicide collectif? Il est temps de réagir et de lutter.
Mélanie Disdier (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, si je m’adresse à vous aujourd’hui, c’est pour vous parler d’une filière en danger: celle du bois.
En 2020, toutes les grandes centrales syndicales et patronales du secteur de l’industrie de transformation du bois ont pris l’initiative d’une déclaration commune pour dire stop à l’exportation massive de grumes en Asie, et particulièrement en Chine. L’exportation du bois non transformé prend des proportions inquiétantes, et pas uniquement pour le chêne – comme c’est le cas dans la forêt de Mormal, qui m’est chère. Toutes les essences sont concernées ou le seront à court terme. Les menuisiers, artisans, constructeurs, fabricants de parquets sont très nombreux à s’alarmer, car ils sont inquiets pour leur avenir. Si les scieries sont privées d’approvisionnement, c’est toute la filière qui va être touchée à court terme.
Dans un contexte de pénurie de matériaux, il est donc suicidaire de laisser perdurer la situation sans réagir. Le bois est devenu une ressource stratégique, qui fait partie intégrante de notre souveraineté, et une clé de la neutralité carbone. Il est grand temps que l’Union européenne s’empare de ce dossier. Des milliers d’emplois sont en jeu en France et en Europe.
Dick Erixon (ECR). – Herr talman! Efter polisrazzior i Öst- och Sydeuropa tidigare i år beslagtogs Rolexklockor, guld, diamanter, smycken, lägenheter, villor, kryptovaluta, Lamborghini, Porsche och en Audi Q8.
Ett enda kriminellt gäng misstänks ha stulit över sex miljarder kronor från coronafonden Next Generation, med hjälp av experter på bidragsansökningar, AI-verktyg och bluffbolag. När socialdemokrater och moderater släppte igenom coronafonden lovades rigorösa kontroller. Så blev det inte. Den överdimensionerade EU-budgeten göder korruption och slöseri, men hjälper även kriminella som hittat en ny kassako att mjölka genom ekobrottslighet.
Bidragen är så stora och mottagarna så många att rigorösa kontroller inte är möjliga. Detta måste få ett slut.
João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, o inquérito pós‑eleitoral feito pelo Parlamento Europeu mostrou que a principal preocupação dos povos é o custo de vida. Este Parlamento deveria estar a discutir as soluções para esse problema, mas nenhum outro grupo político aceitou fazer esse debate. Nenhum outro grupo político quis discutir as opções para combater o aumento do custo de vida, as medidas de controlo e fixação dos preços dos bens essenciais, medidas de combate aos preços especulativos que garantem lucros milionários dos grupos da distribuição da energia e dos combustíveis, das telecomunicações ou da banca.
Deveríamos também estar a discutir as consequências das novas regras da governação económica. Em Portugal, o Governo acabou de apresentar uma proposta de Orçamento do Estado que mostra bem os impactos dessas novas regras, que mostra os condicionamentos e restrições orçamentais, as limitações nos serviços públicos e nas funções sociais do Estado, as restrições ao investimento; tudo isso em contraste com as políticas de privilégio aos grupos económicos e às multinacionais. Também este debate foi travado, porque, para grande parte deste Parlamento, verdadeiramente as condições de vida dos povos pouco interessam.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, la solidaridad y la cohesión son el modelo social europeo y si hay una amenaza que pende sobre ese modelo es la dificultad de acceso a la vivienda que recorre toda Europa.
Este último fin de semana en Canarias, de nuevo, miles de personas han vuelto a salir a la calle para protestar contra lo que consideran que es un exceso de presión turística, porque en Canarias se ha producido un incremento de población de un 30 % en los últimos veinte años y porque, además, se han declarado en los últimos años 60 000 ofertas alojativas extrahoteleras, lo que equivale a doce hoteles con 250 camas cada uno. Pero no se han realizado las inversiones correspondientes ni en hospitales, ni en residencias, ni en redes eléctricas, ni en aeropuertos, ni en conexiones marítimas, ni tampoco en el ciclo del agua y en relación con los vertidos al mar.
Y tenemos puestas nuestras esperanzas en la próxima Comisión Von der Leyen, en la que va a haber por fin un comisario encargado de vivienda, el danés Dan Jørgensen, que podrá movilizar fondos europeos contra los fondos de inversión, contra los fondos buitre, para generar, por fin, oferta de vivienda en alquiler o en venta que permita la emancipación de la gente joven y el acceso a la vivienda de la clase trabajadora. Eso significará una oportunidad de restaurar el modelo social europeo con una política de vivienda europea.
Csaba Dömötör (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! A legutóbbi uniós csúcson a felek arra jutottak, hogy fokozni kell az erőfeszítéseket az uniós versenyképesség növelésére. Ezzel egyet is értünk, de azt is szomorúan állapíthatjuk meg, hogy hiányzik a szókimondó párbeszéd arról, hogy mi is okozza Európa egyre nagyobb leszakadását a versenyképességi versenyben. Sok okot azonosíthatunk, de a legfontosabb mégiscsak az, hogy elszálltak az energiaárak.
Azért szálltak el, mert Európa a brüsszeli intézmények nyomására ideológiai okokból hátat fordított a vezetékes gáznak. A helyette beszerzett cseppfolyós gáz jóval drágább. A zöld energia a legtöbb esetben sajnos szintén drágább, és ez drasztikus terhet ró az európai vállalatokra, kicsikre és nagyokra is. Nem véletlen, hogy egyre több vállalat helyezi át a termelését máshová. A Draghi-jelentés szerint Európában ma kétszer-háromszor magasabbak az áramárak az Egyesült Államokhoz képest, a gázárak pedig négyszer-ötször. Ha ez tartósan így marad, akkor Európa maradék versenyképessége is megy a levesbe. Nem kell beletörődnünk, hogy ez így legyen, újratervezésre van szükség.
Thierry Mariani (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, le Liban est en danger de mort. Ni l’Union européenne ni la France ne sont à la hauteur du drame humain qui s’y joue. Face à cette guerre impitoyable, l’Union européenne s’entête dans ses certitudes et refuse de venir en aide à Damas, qui est pourtant en première ligne pour gérer l’accueil des réfugiés dans cette crise.
Chaque jour, des milliers de personnes traversent la frontière pour chercher refuge et protection en Syrie. Aujourd’hui, ce sont déjà près de 240 000 personnes qui ont fait le choix de passer en Syrie, considérant que ce pays est un territoire sûr. Mais l’Europe et la France restent immobiles, tandis que l’Italie, elle, plaide pour renouer le dialogue avec la République arabe syrienne. La situation au Liban ne fait qu’empirer, et avec elle, si rien n’est fait, plane la menace d’une nouvelle vague migratoire de réfugiés vers l’Europe.
Les Syriens, derrière Bachar el-Assad, ont résisté vaillamment aux islamistes qu’une partie d’entre vous, dans cet hémicycle, avait soutenus. Il est urgent de renouer les liens avec la Syrie. C’est l’intérêt des réfugiés qu’elle accueille, mais également des pays de la région, et c’est aussi l’intérêt de l’Europe.
Marko Vešligaj (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, uvažene kolege, ruralna područja čine 83 posto teritorija Europske unije, a u njima živi 137 milijuna ljudi.
Ova područja su ključna za proizvodnju temeljnih resursa poput hrane i energije. Ipak, unatoč njihovoj važnosti, ruralne zajednice sustavno se marginaliziraju konkretnim politikama i programima financiranja. Da, postoje dokumenti poput Ruralnog pakta i dugoročne vizije za ruralna područja, koje su dobre smjernice, ali njihova implementacija je spora, a problemi se gomilaju.
Iseljavanje, manjak javnih usluga, neadekvatna infrastruktura svakodnevica su lokalnih zajednica u ruralnim prostorima, a nedostatak podrške viših razina vlasti stvara neodrživu situaciju. Danas je dodatno ruralna Europa uslijed klimatskih promjena suočena i s prirodnim katastrofama, od klizanja tla, suša, poplava do potresa i požara.
I za takve situacije trebamo brže i jednostavnije financijske mehanizme. Zato je nužno osigurati izravna i lako dostupna europska sredstva kao garanciju razvoja i održivosti ruralnih područja i ostanka ljudi u njima.
Angéline Furet (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, sous couvert d’un humanisme totalement dévoyé et de faux bons sentiments, des politiciens traîtres aux peuples européens promeuvent une idéologie fanatique qu’ils ont érigée en dogme: l’immigrationnisme.
Malheureusement, cette volonté de suicide altruiste imposée aux Européens a des conséquences concrètes au quotidien. La ville du Mans, en France, en est un triste exemple. L’immigration y a plus que doublé en quinze ans et, avec elle, les délits et les crimes. Augmentation des vols de plus de 300 %, augmentation des viols de plus de 500 % et augmentation des attaques au couteau, elle, de 1 000 %, carrément. Oui, dix fois plus qu’avant l’arrivée sur notre sol de ces étrangers délinquants, de ces criminels importés aux frais des Européens que vous appelez les «migrants».
Le sang des victimes de cette abomination est sur les mains des membres de la Commission européenne qui ont ordonné cette submersion et sur les mains des députés qui l’ont votée.
President. – That concludes this item.
17. Agenda of the next sitting
President. – The next sitting is tomorrow, Tuesday, 22 October 2024 at 09:00. The agenda has been published and is available on the European Parliament website.
18. Approval of the minutes of the sitting
President. – The minutes of the sitting will be submitted to Parliament for its approval tomorrow, at the beginning of the afternoon.
Throughout the course, experts from the WTO Secretariat, regional institutions and King Saud University will share their expertise on tariff schedules, agriculture, trade remedies, services, intellectual property rights, e-commerce and fisheries subsidies, among other topics. The course will provide an opportunity for increased collaboration and knowledge-sharing.
Commending Saudi Arabia’s active participation in the WTO, WTO Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala told participants in a video message: “These regional trade policy courses were set up over 20 years ago to address the realities and interests of member economies across various regions. … We hope that it will also serve as a platform for you to discuss ways to strengthen, reform, and modernize the multilateral trading system – a crucial conversation that your respective representatives are actively pursuing in Geneva, as they work to ensure the organization is fit for purpose in the face of emerging challenges.”
DG Okonjo-Iweala also encouraged all WTO members to ratify the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies promptly, highlighting its significance for the sustainability of ocean resources.
In his opening address, the President of King Saud University Dr Abdullah Alsalman emphasized how the WTO – as a forum for international cooperation – aligns with “Saudi Vision 2030“, under which the government is implementing initiatives to diversify the country’s economy: “Our effort to host this WTO initiative is part of our university’s contribution to achieving the goals of “Saudi Vision 2030”. More than ever, this vision seeks to strengthen the nation’s cooperation with the WTO and boost international trade. Saudi Arabia is both a benefactor and a beneficiary of a prosperous and regulated global economy.”
it is a great pleasure to be at Harvard again, to meet long time companions like Hans-Helmut Kotz and to exchange ideas with top scientists such as Benjamin Friedman. When I was in this round two years ago, we were dealing with an unprecedented global inflation spike.[1] Fortunately, the worst is behind us, and inflation in the euro area is heading back to the Eurosystem’s target. We have not brought the inflation ship safely back into the 2% harbour, but the port is in sight. Thus, I can focus on another question today.
Before I do that, let me share an analogy to set the stage for my discussion. Back in the 1970s and 1980s, the field of economics was split into two seemingly incompatible schools of thought: New Keynesian and New Classical. Their proponents were not too polite in their language, calling assumptions “foolishly restrictive” or comparing an opponent to someone attempting to pass himself off as Napoleon Bonaparte.[2] But, over time, ideas from both camps ultimately merged to form a consensus called the New Neoclassical Synthesis, the very foundation of modern macroeconomics.[3] Gregory Mankiw neatly described this story in his essay “The Macroeconomist as Scientist and Engineer”.[4]
The takeaway from this analogy is that complex issues are rarely black or white. With this in mind, I want to explore whether the conduct of monetary policy in the euro area could be enhanced by offering more detailed and nuanced information regarding its future outlook. More specifically, today I will address the following question: Should the Eurosystem introduce dot plots?
To explore this, I will first examine current experience with dot plots and other forms of forward guidance in both the United States and the euro area. I will then evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of incorporating dot plots into the Eurosystem’s communication strategy. In this analysis, I will concentrate on the implications for policymakers’ independence, the effectiveness of monetary policy and the management of uncertainty.
2 The dot plot and other forms of forward guidance
Let me begin with some basics. Most central banks in advanced economies have a clear mandate to keep prices stable. They do this mainly by setting the policy rate and communicating their decisions in order to manage the expectations of economic agents, including market participants, households and firms. When central banks provide explicit signals about the future path of the policy rate, we call it forward guidance.
We can classify forward guidance into two ideal types: “Odyssean” and “Delphic”.[5] Odyssean forward guidance means the central bank makes a firm commitment to a future course of action, like promising to keep interest rates at a certain level for a certain time. Like Odysseus, who famously tied himself to the mast of his ship to resist the call of the sirens, central banks are committing to staying on course – whatever the future brings.
In contrast, Delphic forward guidance is conditional and involves sharing information about the central bank’s economic outlook and policy intentions without making firm commitments. This term comes from the Oracle of Delphi, famous for its prophecies and predictions, which were so ambiguous and open to interpretation that they always seemed to be borne out in hindsight. A prime example of Delphic forward guidance is the policy rate forecasts published by central banks such as Norges Bank and Sweden’s Riksbank.
A more subtle way of monetary policy communication is through the central bank’s reaction function. A reaction function indicates how the central bank adjusts its policy rate in response to key macroeconomic variables like the inflation rate or economic growth. When economic agents have a clear understanding of this reaction function, communication about the expected development of these macroeconomic variables can also help shape their expectations regarding the future trajectory of the policy rate.
2.1 The Fed’s dot plot
To consider if the Eurosystem should introduce dot plots, let me briefly recall what the Fed dot plots are and how market observers view them. Twelve years ago, the Fed began publishing the federal funds rate projections of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) participants. Its intention was to boost transparency and communication with financial markets and the general public. On the other side of the Atlantic, the Eurosystem has, from its inception, held public press conferences and published monetary policy statements, the minutes of its meetings, and the results of its quarterly macroeconomic projections.
As you are well aware, before the FOMC meeting, FOMC participants share their individual assessment of the appropriate level of the fed funds rate for the end of the current year, the end of the coming two to three years and over the longer run. The longer run projection refers to “each participant’s assessment of the value to which each variable would be expected to converge, over time, under appropriate monetary policy and in the absence of further shocks to the economy.”[6]
Due to its visual representation in the Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), the combined projections of all FOMC members are known as the dot plot. These dots complement the FOMC participants’ projections for GDP growth, unemployment and inflation. While each FOMC participant submits their funds rate projection together with corresponding projections for macroeconomic variables, these correspondences are not revealed by the SEP. Accordingly, market observers cannot directly link the interest rate projections to the projections of the other macro variables.
The dot plot was meant to complement the Fed’s communication, not to replace the forward guidance it provided in the monetary policy statement at that time during the press conference. For example, in January 2012, the FOMC statement provided explicit forward guidance on rates, saying that the Committee “[…] anticipates that economic conditions […] are likely to warrant exceptionally low levels for the federal funds rate at least through late 2014.”[7] During the accompanying press conference, Chairman Ben Bernanke introduced the dot plot, observing that “[…] eleven participants expect that the appropriate federal funds rate at the end of 2014 will be at or below 1 percent, while six participants anticipate higher rates at that time.”[8]
Although the Federal Reserve did not introduce the dot plots as an explicit tool for forward guidance, many market analysts began to interpret them as such. When the forward guidance in the statement and the dot plot sent mixed signals, FOMC chairs often downplayed the dot plot’s importance.
In 2014, Janet Yellen famously stated: “[…] one should not look to the dot plot, so to speak, as the primary way in which the Committee wants to or is speaking about policy […].”[9] Similarly, in 2019, Jerome Powell noted that “[…] the dot plot has, on occasion, been a source of confusion. Until now, forward guidance in the statement has been a main tool for communicating committee intentions and minimizing that confusion.”[10]
And this is also how Fed watchers now see the dot plot, ranking it as the Fed’s fifth most important communication tool.[11] The top communication tools are the press conference, the Summary of Economic Projections (excluding the dots), the FOMC statement, and speeches by the chair.
Numerous studies show that the Fed has successfully used monetary policy communication to influence long-term interest rates and other asset prices.[12] And some research suggests that the dot plots significantly and independently influence market interest rates. [13] But there is a fundamental issue about these results: it is very challenging to determine how much each communication channel contributes to the overall effect.
To identify the causal effect of monetary policy, scholars often define a so-called event window around central banks’ monetary policy meetings. Changes in market interest rates during this event window are then attributed to monetary policy.
But there is a problem: when the dot plot is released, it is published together with the monetary policy statement. That makes it hard to determine which one caused the interest rate changes observed during the event. And because of this, it is unclear whether those channels actually provide complementary information or are just substitutes.
2.2 Monetary policy communication at the Eurosystem
So, what does the Eurosystem’s monetary policy communication look like? The Eurosystem began using explicit forward guidance in the introductory statement to its July 2013 meeting. At that time, inflation in the euro area was low, and the Eurosystem expected underlying price pressures to stay subdued in the medium term. Interest rates were already at the effective zero lower bound.
To provide further accommodation, the ECB’s Governing Council, which is the counterpart of the FOMC, announced in its July 2013 meeting that it “expects the key ECB interest rates to remain at present or lower levels for an extended period of time.”[14] The Governing Council continued to use variations of this statement for almost a decade. And there is now also ample evidence that the Eurosystem has been successful in implementing its forward guidance.[15]
With the resurgence of inflation in 2021 and high uncertainty caused by major shocks and structural changes, the Eurosystem shifted to a data-dependent, meeting-by-meeting approach, largely stepping away from explicit forward guidance.
More specifically, we now base our interest rate decisions on three elements: first, our assessment of the inflation outlook in light of the incoming economic and financial data, second, the dynamics of underlying inflation, and third, the strength of monetary policy transmission. These three elements can be seen as a further specification of our reaction function. However, the Governing Council does not pre-commit to any specific rate path.
Taken together, apart from the publication of the dot plot, the approaches to monetary policy communication taken by the Federal Reserve System and the Eurosystem are largely comparable. Both institutions regard the monetary policy statement and the press conference as their primary communication tools. And both central banks have recently shifted from explicit forward guidance towards a data-dependent meeting-by-meeting approach.
But the Eurosystem also continues to provide signals about future policy rates. It simply does it more implicitly. For example, the wording of the monetary policy statement and the answers of the ECB President during press conferences provide insights into future policy rates. As do speeches and interviews given by Governing Council members. Additionally, the Eurosystem influences market expectations through its quarterly staff projections.[16]
Unlike some other central banks, the Eurosystem uses the interest rate implied by financial market prices on a specific cut-off day as a conditioning assumption for its macroeconomic projections. Specifically, this means that our medium-term inflation forecast aligns with market expectations for a particular policy rate path. Market participants can subsequently compare the exogenous path for the policy rate, as embedded in our macroeconomic projections, with our actual monetary policy decisions, in order to gain insights into our reaction function.
You could say that the Eurosystem provides Athenian communication. Athena was known as the Goddess of wisdom and as a protector and guide to many Greek heroes. Rather than communicating directly with those she protected, Athena often used indirect guidance. And through her subtle guidance, Athena empowered the heroes she protected to take decisive action and make wise choices.
3 A dot plot for the Eurosystem?
Now, let us get to the heart of the matter. Should the Eurosystem introduce dot plots? Although this question can only be answered “yes” or “no”, complex issues are rarely black and white, as mentioned earlier.
In the following, rather than simply listing the pros and cons of introducing dot plots in the Eurosystem, I will structure my discussion around three themes: First, the impact dot plots could have on the independence of the Eurosystem. Second, the potential for dot plots to improve the effectiveness of our monetary policy communication. And third, the role dot plots could play in capturing projection uncertainty around our baseline forecasts.
Throughout, I will only consider adding projections for the policy rates to the existing macroeconomic projections by Eurosystem staff. For simplicity, I will not consider whether to also complement our current consensus projections for macroeconomic variables with individual macroeconomic projections.
3.1 Independence
Let me begin with the theme of independence. The ECB’s Governing Council consists of the six ECB Executive Board members and the 20 governors of the euro area’s national central banks. Although this setting may resemble that of the Federal Open Market Committee, which includes Federal Reserve Bank Presidents, there is a significant difference.
The euro area is not composed of regions within a single country but of individual countries within a larger union, each with its own fiscal authority and national laws, as well as considerable differences in economic size and performance. Therefore, within the Governing Council we have a strong interest in finding and communicating a consensus perspective. This is, for example, enshrined in our statute, which states that the proceedings of the meetings of the Governing Council are confidential.
When we discussed introducing ECB accounts from our Governing Council meetings – comparable to the published minutes of FOMC meetings – about a decade ago, we aimed to balance two things: On the one hand, to clearly articulate the consensus perspective. Yet on the other hand to represent the full spectrum of views in order to help market participants better understand the ECB Governing Council’s decision-making process.[17]
In the end, the Eurosystem decided to represent the full spectrum of the discussion without naming individuals. Nevertheless, despite the anonymity of the arguments presented, markets and the media alike continue to attempt to discern the identities of the individuals behind them. Given that numerous members of the Governing Council express their views on monetary policy through speeches and interviews, identifying their positions is not a particular challenge.
If there were anonymous dot plots of Governing Council members, media and the markets alike would probably attempt to match individual members to each dot as well. The primary distinction between speeches and dot plots is that Governing Council members deliver speeches voluntarily. In contrast, dot plots would force all Governing Council members to regularly articulate their perspectives on the future trajectory of interest rates. And this could potentially influence the Governing Council’s independence.
Once national stakeholders become aware of “their” representative’s views on future interest rates, they may exert pressure on the representative to align with national interests. I am confident that, even if we were to publish dot plots, every member of the Governing Council would continue to act independently and in the best interests of the entire euro area. However, I believe we are well advised not to put ourselves in a situation that might increase pressure on us to act in ways others want us to.
3.2 Effectiveness of monetary policy communication
My second theme is whether a dot plot could significantly enhance the Eurosystem’s effectiveness of monetary policy communication. And here I am sceptical. To begin with, there is the previously discussed issue: the dot plot may conflict with the consensus message conveyed in the monetary policy statement. But the main reason for my scepticism is that comparative studies on different methods of monetary policy communication are inconclusive.
A BIS working paper shows that interest rate projections provide additional information to macroeconomic projections, meaning that they are not redundant.[18] That could be seen as an argument for introducing dot plots. However, while market participants in countries that publish both interest rate projections and macroeconomic projections prefer the former, they might still be able to obtain sufficient information from macroeconomic projections alone.
Furthermore, research on central bank communication in Norway and Sweden shows that publishing interest rate projections has not improved market understanding of what new macroeconomic information implies for future interest rate.[19] In other words, the publication of interest rate paths did not help market participants better understand the central banks’ reaction functions.
This finding aligns with research published by the Reserve Bank of New Zealand that shows that announcements with interest rate forecasts and those with only written statements lead to similar market reactions across the yield curve.[20] The authors pointedly conclude that, while central bank communication is important, the exact form it takes is less relevant.
This result echoes a seminal study by Blinder and co-authors, who concluded back in 2008 that there was no consensus on what constitutes an optimal communication strategy.[21]
All things considered, I see no compelling evidence that the Eurosystem’s monetary policy communication would be significantly enhanced by the introduction of a dot plot.
3.3 Projection uncertainty
Now to the third and final theme – uncertainty. I am quite sure that the Eurosystem has room to improve how we handle projection uncertainty. Currently, the ECB’s Governing Council summarises its view on the uncertainty surrounding economic growth and inflation in the risk assessment section of its monetary policy statement. More specifically, the Eurosystem addresses the uncertainty around its baseline inflation forecast in two ways.[22]
First, it produces fan charts with symmetric ranges around the point forecast, based on past projection errors. In this setup, past projection errors act as a catch-all proxy for uncertainty. Second, it occasionally publishes risk scenarios, conditional on assumptions different from those in the baseline projection. For instance, during the pandemic, the Eurosystem began using alternative assumptions about the future path of infections and contact restrictions to illustrate macroeconomic uncertainty.
Could the use of dot plots enhance the communication of inflation forecast uncertainty within the Eurosystem? Given that dot plots offer only an indirect method for conveying uncertainty about the inflation outlook, there may be more effective alternatives.
One might be to enhance the communication of our existing measures of uncertainty. Another might be to develop new measures, such as scenario and sensitivity analyses, as well as improved fan charts. We must carefully evaluate the pros and cons of each approach.
Hence, it is quite fitting that the Eurosystem is currently performing an interim strategic review, which includes an analysis of how risk and uncertainty should inform both policy decisions and policy communication. I’m already looking forward to the results.
4 Conclusion
Ladies and gentlemen, let me conclude. I began my talk by discussing different schools of thought – New Keynesian and New Classical – and argued that complex issues are rarely black or white. When it comes to central bank communication about the future, there are certainly many promising approaches. And, undoubtedly, dot plots are an intriguing instrument for central bank communication.
However, given the prevailing evidence, I do not see a compelling case for introducing dot plots for the Eurosystem.
On the other hand, I firmly believe that we can and should enhance how we account for uncertainty in our macroeconomic projections. I have outlined a few options which the Eurosystem will address in the ongoing strategy review.
Footnotes:
Nagel, J. (2022), The ECB’s mandate: maintaining price stability in the euro area, speech at the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University.
Mankiw, G. (2006), The Macroeconomist as Scientist and Engineer, Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 20(4), pp. 29-46.
Goodfriend, M. and R. King (1997), The New Neoclassical Synthesis and the Role of Monetary Policy, in: NBER Macroeconomics Annual, Bernanke, B. and J. Rotemberg (eds.), MIT Press, pp. 231-283.
Mankiw, G. (2006), op. cit.
Campbell, J. et al. (2012), Macroeconomic Effects of Federal Reserve Forward Guidance, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Vol. 43(1), pp. 1-80. Another distinction is between time-dependent (or calendar-dependent) and state-dependent forward guidance. The former ties monetary policy to a specific time frame, whereas the latter ties future policy actions to specific economic conditions or thresholds. The concepts can overlap and be used in combination.
SEP: Compilation and Summary of Individual Economic Projections, 24-25 January 2012.
FOMC Statement, 25 January 2012.
Bernanke, B. (2012), Transcript of Chairman Bernanke’s Press Conference, 25 January 2012,
Yellen, J. (2014), Transcript of Chair Yellen’s Press Conference, 19 March 2014.
Powell, J. (2019), Monetary Policy: Normalization and the Road Ahead, speech at the SIEPR Economic Summit, Stanford Institute of Economic Policy Research, Stanford, California.
Wessel, D. and S. Boocker (2024), Federal Reserve communication – survey results, Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy at Brookings.
See, for example, Gürkaynak, R. et al. (2005), Do Actions Speak Louder Than Words? The Response of Asset Prices to Monetary Policy Actions and Statements, International Journal of Central Banking, International Journal of Central Banking, Vol. 1(1), pp. 55-93; Wright, J. (2012), What Does Monetary Policy Do to Long‐term Interest Rates at the Zero Lower Bound?, Economic Journal, Vol. 122(564), pp. 447-466; and Swanson, E. (2021), Measuring the effects of federal reserve forward guidance and asset purchases on financial markets, Journal of Monetary Economics, Vol. 118(C), pp. 32-53.
See, for example, Couture, C. (2021), Financial market effects of FOMC projections, Journal of Macroeconomics, Vol. 67 and Hillenbrand, S. (2023), The Fed and the Secular Decline in Interest Rates, Accepted, Review of Financial Studies.
Draghi, M. and V. Constâncio (2013), Introductory statement to the press conference (with Q&A), Frankfurt am Main, 4 July 2013.
See, for example, Altavilla, C. et al. (2021), Assessing the efficacy, efficiency and potential side effects of the ECB’s monetary policy instruments since 2014, ECB Occasional Paper, No. 278; Andrade, P. and F. Ferroni (2021), Delphic and Odyssean monetary policy shocks: Evidence from the euro area, Journal of Monetary Economics, Vol. (117), pp. 816-832; Kerssenfischer, M. (2022), Information effects of euro area monetary policy, Economics Letters, Vol. 216(C); and Monetary Policy Committee, Taskforce on Rate Forward Guidance and Reinvestment (2022), Rate forward guidance in an environment of large central bank balance sheets: A Eurosystem stock-taking assessment, ECB Occasional Paper No. 290.
The Eurosystem produces macroeconomic projections four times a year. ECB staff produces them in March and September. In June and December, they are co-produced by ECB and national central bank staff.
See Morris, S. and H. Shin (2005): Central Bank Transparency and the Signal Value of Prices, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Vol.36(2), pp. 1-66 for a general treatment of the role of transparency.
Hofmann, B. and D. Xia (2022), Quantitative forward guidance through interest rate projections, BIS Working Paper No. 1009.
Natvik, G. et al. (2020), Does publication of interest rate paths provide guidance?, Journal of International Money and Finance, Vol. 103.
Detmers, G.-A (2021), Quantitative or Qualitative Forward Guidance: Does it Matter?, Economic Record, Vol. 97(319), pp. 491-503.
Blinder, A. et al. (2008), Central Bank Communication and Monetary Policy: A Survey of Theory and Evidence, Journal of Economic Literature, Vol. 46(4), pp. 910-945.
See ECB (2024), ECB staff macroeconomic projections for the euro area, March 2023, box 6 for a rundown.
Fall and summer tend to be the rainiest seasons in New Mexico, but the deluge that fell on parts of the state in late October 2024 stands out for its intensity. According to the Albuquerque office of the National Weather Service, the Roswell airport received 5.78 inches (147 millimeters) of rain on October 19, an all-time daily record. That’s more than four times the average October rainfall for the region and half of its average annual rainfall. Other areas surrounding Roswell received as much as 9 inches (229 millimeters) in a matter of hours, according to the National Weather Service. Much of the flooding in Roswell spilled from the Spring River, which runs through the city. By the time clouds had cleared enough for NASA’s Terra satellite to capture this image (right) on October 21, much of that water had receded. However, floodwaters were still visible along the Pecos River, to the east of Roswell. Terra acquired the other image (left) on October 14, before the extreme rainfall. Both images were captured by the MODIS (Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer) sensor. The false-color images were composed from a combination of infrared and visible light (MODIS bands 7-2-1), to make it easier to distinguish the water. Floodwater appears dark blue; saturated soil is light blue; vegetation is bright green; and bare ground is brown. The unusual amount of rain was produced by an upper-level cut-off low that stalled over Arizona and funneled large amounts of moisture to New Mexico from the Gulf of Mexico, according to meteorologist Jeff Berardelli. The flash floods that ensued caused widespread damage to the town of 48,000 people. Floodwaters inundated roads, swept away and submerged cars, and damaged bridges and buildings. Authorities rescued 290 people, according to a statement from the New Mexico National Guard. National Weather Service forecasts indicate that storms could bring another round of flash flooding to Roswell in the coming days. Flood monitoring resources and tools powered by NASA satellite data include the Flood Dashboard from the NASA Disasters Program, the Global Flood Monitoring System from the University of Maryland, a data pathfinder from the Earth Science Data Systems Program, and flooding monitoring and modeling training from the Applied Remote Sensing Training Program. NASA Earth Observatory images by Wanmei Liang, using MODIS data from NASA EOSDIS LANCE and GIBS/Worldview. Story by Adam Voiland.
Embrace change, they say, or become a casualty. This adage weighed heavily on my mind during my latest research trip to the Arctic. Repeatedly, I found myself clutching the .303 calibre rifle over my shoulder — a piece of equipment I once considered unnecessary.
As my research assistants and I crossed the tundra of Victoria Island in northern Canada, firearms were only the most obvious addition to our gear. Each of us carried a whistle around our neck, a canister of bear spray on our hip, and new alertness in our routine. Back at our camp near Wellington Bay, Nunavut, an electric fence surrounded our tents. Grizzly bears were new inhabitants on this island. Safety called for different provisions and a different mindset.
After three decades, I had returned north with a purpose: to assess how tundra plants were responding in a rapidly changing climate. For my assistants and me, the plan was straightforward. We would return to the exact sites I had studied some 30 years earlier, to evaluate how they had changed during those intervening years.
By the end, I learned a more fundamental point: that perseverance, and long-term planning, are the key to enabling scientific progress and unlocking ecological secrets.
In the Arctic, the pace of environmental change is especially troubling. Species like grizzlies and orcas are advancing northward, weather is more volatile and sea ice is shrinking — driven by temperatures rising nearly four times more quickly than the global average.
While the significance of the Arctic is planetary, an encounter with the land is intensely personal.
North of the treeline, in the expanse of arctic tundra, you take in the whole horizon. In summer, you hear the distant bugling of cranes and geese as you walk boundlessly in the midnight sun.
In winter, you may come upon a band of caribou as you travel atop the wind-sculpted snow. Once you’ve stood north of the treeline, your worldview is transformed.
I am one of those transformed individuals. As a graduate student in the 1990s, I resided at Ekalluktok — a special place on the south coast of Victoria Island where the migrations of char and caribou intersect, where Inuit have lived for thousands of years. Here I studied the abundance and variety of tundra plants.
Today, the Arctic has already blown past 2 C of warming. Understanding the effects of climate change on this island could provide insights into the dynamics of change across the entire Arctic region.
Plants, foundation of the food chain, are a top research priority. Shifts in the flora are likely to be consequential to herbivores such as muskoxen and caribou — and therefore to people.
Measuring change
Nature reveals her swings and proclivities with reluctance. To prise open those mysteries, I added a key ingredient: time. On this return trip, I intended to walk back decades to uncover the response of plants in an altered climate by using precisely the same methods at precisely the same locations as I had in the 1990s.
For deciphering ecological change, it’s a potent recipe: measure, add decades, repeat.
Our more immediate challenge was finding those same locations. Three decades earlier, in the days before GPS, I had marked each location with a metal stake. Now, I trusted that stakes, too, “stand still and wait to be revisited.”
For weeks, my assistants and I scoured the land for those stakes, guided by maps, memory and a metal detector. And our search — sometimes easy and direct, sometimes meandering and desperate — yielded 98 per cent of them.
At each stake, we bent low, occasionally on hands and knees, to tally the abundance of sedges, shrubs, lichens and diminutive wildflowers. It was a repeat performance from my original study almost three decades earlier.
Grasses and sedges increased substantially, an example of arctic greening, regarded as one of the world’s clearest illustrations of climate change effects. Some species — notably purple saxifrage, the official flower of Nunavut — declined dramatically, contributing to arctic browning.
Many other plants showed no apparent change, suggesting climatic resilience, at least over decades. But across the Arctic, the picture of vegetation change remains incomplete, complicated by variations among species and regions. Sustained science will be needed to unravel this ecological complexity.
Funding the long-term
That broader message, unforeseen to me at the outset, is now clear.
Without precisely paired observations, the vegetation shifts at Ekalluktok would have been indistinct. Elegant in their simplicity, repeat observations offer a double vantage point: an instant retrospective for decoding the past and a foundation for monitoring the future.
Managing change starts with awareness. And in a changing world, sustained science will be essential to interpret, mitigate and steer us along a favourable path. Conservation is not a sprint, but a determined trek toward better understanding and a better future.
James Schaefer received funding from Arctic Species Conservation Fund (WWF-Canada), Kenneth M. Molson Charitable Foundation, Northern Studies Training Program (Polar Knowledge Canada), Symons Trust for Canadian Studies, and Trent University.
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
