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Category: Academic Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Global: Governments continue losing efforts to gain backdoor access to secure communications

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Richard Forno, Teaching Professor of Computer Science and Electrical Engineering, and Assistant Director, UMBC Cybersecurity Institute, University of Maryland, Baltimore County

    Signal is the poster child for strong encryption apps. AP Photo/Kiichiro Sato

    Reports that prominent American national security officials used a freely available encrypted messaging app, coupled with the rise of authoritarian policies around the world, have led to a surge in interest in encrypted apps like Signal and WhatsApp. These apps prevent anyone, including the government and the app companies themselves, from reading messages they intercept.

    The spotlight on encrypted apps is also a reminder of the complex debate pitting government interests against individual liberties. Governments desire to monitor everyday communications for law enforcement, national security and sometimes darker purposes. On the other hand, citizens and businesses claim the right to enjoy private digital discussions in today’s online world.

    The positions governments take often are framed as a “war on encryption” by technology policy experts and civil liberties advocates. As a cybersecurity researcher, I’ve followed the debate for nearly 30 years and remain convinced that this is not a fight that governments can easily win.

    Understanding the ‘golden key’

    Traditionally, strong encryption capabilities were considered military technologies crucial to national security and not available to the public. However, in 1991, computer scientist Phil Zimmermann released a new type of encryption software called Pretty Good Privacy (PGP). It was free, open-source software available on the internet that anyone could download. PGP allowed people to exchange email and files securely, accessible only to those with the shared decryption key, in ways similar to highly secured government systems.

    Following an investigation into Zimmermann, the U.S. government came to realize that technology develops faster than law and began to explore remedies. It also began to understand that once something is placed on the internet, neither laws nor policy can control its global availability.

    Fearing that terrorists or criminals might use such technology to plan attacks, arrange financing or recruit members, the Clinton administration advocated a system called the Clipper Chip, based on a concept of key escrow. The idea was to give a trusted third party access to the encryption system and the government could use that access when it demonstrated a law enforcement or national security need.

    End-to-end encryption and backdoor access explained.

    Clipper was based on the idea of a “golden key,” namely, a way for those with good intentions – intelligence services, police – to access encrypted data, while keeping people with bad intentions – criminals, terrorists – out.

    Clipper Chip devices never gained traction outside the U.S. government, in part because its encryption algorithm was classified and couldn’t be publicly peer-reviewed. However, in the years since, governments around the world have continued to embrace the golden key concept as they grapple with the constant stream of technology developments reshaping how people access and share information.

    Following Edward Snowden’s disclosures about global surveillance of digital communications in 2013, Google and Apple took steps to make it virtually impossible for anyone but an authorized user to access data on a smartphone. Even a court order was ineffective, much to the chagrin of law enforcement. In Apple’s case, the company’s approach to privacy and security was tested in 2016 when the company refused to build a mechanism to help the FBI break into an encrypted iPhone owned by a suspect in the San Bernardino terrorist attack.

    At its core, encryption is, fundamentally, very complicated math. And while the golden key concept continues to hold allure for governments, it is mathematically difficult to achieve with an acceptable degree of trust. And even if it was viable, implementing it in practice makes the internet less safe. Security experts agree that any backdoor access, even if hidden or controlled by a trusted entity, is vulnerable to hacking.

    Competing justifications and tech realities

    Governments around the world continue to wrestle with the proliferation of strong encryption in messaging tools, social media and virtual private networks.

    For example, rather than embrace a technical golden key, a recent proposal in France would have provided the government the ability to add a hidden “ghost” participant to any encrypted chat for surveillance purposes. However, legislators removed this from the final proposal after civil liberties and cybersecurity experts warned that such an approach would undermine basic cybersecurity practices and trust in secure systems.

    In 2025, the U.K. government secretly ordered Apple to add a backdoor to its encryption services worldwide. Rather than comply, Apple removed the ability for its iPhone and iCloud customers in the U.K. to use its Advanced Data Protection encryption features. In this case, Apple chose to defend its users’ security in the face of government mandates, which ironically now means that users in the U.K. may be less secure.

    Apple pulled its advanced encryption service from the U.K. market rather than grant the U.K. government backdoor access.

    In the United States, provisions removed from the 2020 EARN IT bill would have forced companies to scan online messages and photos to guard against child exploitation by creating a golden-key-type hidden backdoor. Opponents viewed this as a stealth way of bypassing end-to-end encryption. The bill did not advance to a full vote when it was last reintroduced in the 2023-2024 legislative session.

    Opposing scanning for child sexual abuse material is a controversial concern when encryption is involved: Although Apple received significant public backlash over its plans to scan user devices for such material in ways that users claimed violated Apple’s privacy stance, victims of child abuse have sued the company for not better protecting children.

    Even privacy-centric Switzerland and the European Union are exploring ways of dealing with digital surveillance and privacy in an encrypted world.

    The laws of math and physics, not politics

    Governments usually claim that weakening encryption is necessary to fight crime and protect the nation – and there is a valid concern there. However, when that argument fails to win the day, they often turn to claiming to need backdoors to protect children from exploitation.

    From a cybersecurity perspective, it is nearly impossible to create a backdoor to a communications product that is only accessible for certain purposes or under certain conditions. If a passageway exists, it’s only a matter of time before it is exploited for nefarious purposes. In other words, creating what is essentially a software vulnerability to help the good guys will inevitably end up helping the bad guys, too.

    Often overlooked in this debate is that if encryption is weakened to improve surveillance for governmental purposes, it will drive criminals and terrorists further underground. Using different or homegrown technologies, they will still be able to exchange information in ways that governments can’t readily access. But everyone else’s digital security will be needlessly diminished.

    This lack of online privacy and security is especially dangerous for journalists, activists, domestic violence survivors and other at-risk communities around the world.

    Encryption obeys the laws of math and physics, not politics. Once invented, it can’t be un-invented, even if it frustrates governments. Along those lines, if governments are struggling with strong encryption now, how will they contend with a world when everyone is using significantly more complex techniques like quantum cryptography?

    Governments remain in an unenviable position regarding strong encryption. Ironically, one of the countermeasures the government recommended in response to China’s hacking of global telephone systems in the Salt Typhoon attacks was to use strong encryption in messaging apps such as Signal or iMessage.

    Reconciling that with their ongoing quest to weaken or restrict strong encryption for their own surveillance interests will be a difficult challenge to overcome.

    Richard Forno has received research funding related to cybersecurity from the National Science Foundation (NSF), the Department of Defense (DOD), and the US Army during his academic career since 2010.

    – ref. Governments continue losing efforts to gain backdoor access to secure communications – https://theconversation.com/governments-continue-losing-efforts-to-gain-backdoor-access-to-secure-communications-253016

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Placenta bandages have far more health benefits than risky placenta pills − a bioengineer explains

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Marley Dewey, Assistant Professor of Bioengineering, University of California, Santa Barbara

    With some bioengineering, placentas can be recycled for various medical treatments. mikroman6/Moment via Getty Images

    Eating a placenta may not give you the health benefits some people want you to believe it has, but using it as a bandage might.

    The placenta is an organ created during pregnancy that provides nutrients to a growing fetus through an umbilical cord. It’s usually large and relatively flat, composed of blood vessels, stem and immune cells, and collagen. It doesn’t look particularly appetizing to most people, and those who have eaten placentas often mention an unpleasant taste or smell.

    But in the early 2000s, the practice of mothers eating their placenta after childbirth, claiming health benefits and mood improvement, gained mainstream attention. This trend typically involves putting your placenta into capsules you can take as pills, and there are even companies selling custom-made and do-it-yourself products online.

    While some mammals may eat their own placentas due to limited nutritional resources in the wild, the benefits people might get from eating placentas is unclear.

    If boiled and dehydrated, the useful components of the placenta may be altered and reduced. If ingested raw, pathogens may remain on the surface of the placenta. In 2016, after a newborn was hospitalized multiple times from an infection potentially resulting from the mother ingesting her placenta, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommended mothers avoid taking placenta pills.

    I can’t personally speak to the taste of placentas. However, as a bioengineer who designs materials to regenerate injured bones and other tissues, I along with my colleagues have uncovered a much clearer picture of the benefits placentas can offer as a biomaterial to repair wounds – if used properly.

    The placenta contains many medically useful components – just not when eaten.
    Sinhyu/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    Placenta as biomaterial

    Biomaterials are materials designed to interface with your body to repair damage. If you burned your skin, for example, your doctor may use a biomaterial such as a skin graft to help your body repair the damaged tissue, ideally providing nutrients to the damaged area to promote cell growth.

    Researchers have been exploring recycling placentas, which are often thrown away after delivery, as a type of biomaterial to regrow wounded tissue in patients. Because the placenta is rich in nutrients and stem cells that give it antimicrobial, anti-inflammatory and pro-regenerative properties, this organ is a particularly good candidate for medical applications.

    Your body normally responds to a wound with inflammation, which is an immune reaction that clears harmful stimuli and pathogens, often resulting in swelling and pain around the injury site.

    Unfortunately, sometimes this inflammatory process can get out of hand and lead to chronic wounds and prevent healing. But the active biomolecules within the placenta work with your immune system to promote repair by reducing inflammation and preventing scar formation.

    For example, chronic diabetic foot ulcers are a challenging injury that sometimes never closes and leads to foot amputation. Researchers found that using biomaterials made of parts of the placenta to treat these injuries resulted in a wound closure rate 6.24 times higher than conventional treatments. Researchers have also found that placenta-based biomaterials can reduce scarring after heart injury.

    I have used human placentas in my own research to study how they work in a variety of wound repair scenarios. I can take a volunteer patient’s donated placenta and remove factors that may negatively affect healing, such as all cells, blood and other components that may cause inflammation. Then I can take the material that’s left – primarily containing essential growth nutrients and the tissue foundation that cells used to live in – and use it to improve bone or tendon repair.

    Placentas undergo significant processing before they can be used in biomaterials.
    Kolliopoulos et al./Frontiers in Bioengineering and Biotechnology, CC BY-SA

    Moreover, placentas contain stem cells that can also be useful for medicine. These cells are able to turn into various other types of cells of your body. This can be particularly helpful for repairing organs that are difficult to directly harvest cells from, such as the heart, liver and nerves. For example, placental stem cells can be added to an injured heart and become heart cells themselves to aid in repair.

    Researchers have also used stem cells from the placenta and the umbilical cord for applications such as stem cell transplantation to treat disease and injury. Studies have found that placenta-derived stem cells transplanted into rats could reverse Parkinson’s and nerve death. Stem cells from the placenta can also serve as a more promising source of cells for cell transplantation therapies compared with stem cells from fat and bone marrow.

    On your skin, not in your stomach

    So placentas do have some clear health benefits. But why are they more useful as a biomaterial bandage than as a pill or food, taste considerations aside?

    Unlike placenta products that are ingested – pills, dried jerky or raw placenta – biomaterials have undergone rigorous testing to ensure they are safe and effective. They are processed and handled in a controlled laboratory environment and often sterilized to ensure no bacteria or other pathogens can enter the patient. The Food and Drug Administration has approved several placenta-based biomaterials for use in the clinic, including to treat diabetic foot wounds, surgical wounds and tissue replacement.

    In contrast, placentas and placenta products eaten at home may not receive proper treatment to kill the many harmful pathogens that may be present during transport. The processing to turn placentas into something ingestible may also damage their beneficial components, leading to increased health risks and reduced benefits. No ingested placenta products have received FDA approval to date.

    Eating placentas won’t make you any healthier. But science says applying a lab-processed, placenta-based biomaterial to a recent wound might speed up healing and result in smoother, scar-free skin.

    Marley Dewey receives funding from the National Science Foundation and the National Institutes of Health.

    – ref. Placenta bandages have far more health benefits than risky placenta pills − a bioengineer explains – https://theconversation.com/placenta-bandages-have-far-more-health-benefits-than-risky-placenta-pills-a-bioengineer-explains-256075

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Landing on the Moon is an incredibly difficult feat − 2025 has brought successes and shortfalls for companies and space agencies

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Zhenbo Wang, Associate Professor of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering, University of Tennessee

    Several missions have already attempted to land on the lunar surface in 2025, with more to come. AP Photo

    Half a century after the Apollo astronauts left the last bootprints in lunar dust, the Moon has once again become a destination of fierce ambition and delicate engineering.

    This time, it’s not just superpowers racing to plant flags, but also private companies, multinational partnerships and robotic scouts aiming to unlock the Moon’s secrets and lay the groundwork for future human return.

    So far in 2025, lunar exploration has surged forward. Several notable missions have launched toward or landed on the Moon. Each has navigated the long journey through space and the even trickier descent to the Moon’s surface or into orbit with varying degrees of success. Together, these missions reflect both the promise and difficulty of returning to the Moon in this new space race defined by innovation, competition and collaboration.

    As an aerospace engineer specializing in guidance, navigation and control technologies, I’m deeply interested in how each mission – whether successful or not – adds to scientists’ collective understanding. These missions can help engineers learn to navigate the complexities of space, operate in hostile lunar environments and steadily advance toward a sustainable human presence on the Moon.

    Why is landing on the Moon so hard?

    Lunar exploration remains one of the most technically demanding frontiers in modern spaceflight. Choosing a landing site involves complex trade-offs between scientific interest, terrain safety and Sun exposure.

    The lunar south pole is an especially attractive area, as it could contain water in the form of ice in shadowed craters, a critical resource for future missions. Other sites may hold clues about volcanic activity on the Moon or the solar system’s early history.

    Each mission trajectory must be calculated with precision to make sure the craft arrives and descends at the right time and place. Engineers must account for the Moon’s constantly changing position in its orbit around Earth, the timing of launch windows and the gravitational forces acting on the spacecraft throughout its journey.

    They also need to carefully plan the spacecraft’s path so that it arrives at the right angle and speed for a safe approach. Even small miscalculations early on can lead to major errors in landing location – or a missed opportunity entirely.

    Once on the surface, the landers need to survive extreme swings in temperature – from highs over 250 degrees Fahrenheit (121 degrees Celsius) in daylight down to lows of -208 F (-133 C) at night – as well as dust, radiation and delayed communication with Earth. The spacecraft’s power systems, heat control, landing legs and communication links must all function perfectly. Meanwhile, these landers must avoid hazardous terrain and rely on sunlight to power their instruments and recharge their batteries.

    These challenges help explain why many landers have crashed or experienced partial failures, even though the technology has come a long way since the Apollo era.

    Commercial companies face the same technical hurdles as government agencies but often with tighter budgets, smaller teams and less heritage hardware. Unlike government missions, which can draw on decades of institutional experience and infrastructure, many commercial lunar efforts are navigating these challenges for the first time.

    Successful landings and hard lessons for CLPS

    Several lunar missions launched this year belong to NASA’s Commercial Lunar Payload Services program. CLPS is an initiative that contracts private companies to deliver science and technology payloads to the Moon. Its aim is to accelerate exploration while lowering costs and encouraging commercial innovation.

    An artist’s rendering of Firefly Aerospace’s Blue Ghost lander, which navigated and avoided hazards during its final descent to the surface.
    NASA/GSFC/Rani Gran/Wikimedia Commons

    The first Moon mission of 2025, Firefly Aerospace’s Blue Ghost Mission 1, launched in January and successfully landed in early March.

    The lander survived the harsh lunar day and transmitted data for nearly two weeks before losing power during the freezing lunar night – a typical operational limit for most unheated lunar landers.

    Blue Ghost demonstrated how commercial landers can shoulder critical parts of NASA’s Artemis program, which aims to return astronauts to the Moon later this decade.

    The second CLPS launch of the year, Intuitive Machines’ IM-2 mission, launched in late February. It targeted a scientifically intriguing site near the Moon’s south pole region.

    An artist’s rendering of Intuitive Machines’ IM-2 mission, which is scheduled to land near the lunar south pole for in-situ resource utilization demonstration on the Moon.
    NASA/Intuitive Machines

    The Nova-C lander, named Athena, touched down on March 6 close to the south pole. However, during the landing process, Athena tipped over. Since it landed on its side in a crater with uneven terrain, it couldn’t deploy its solar panels to generate power, which ended the mission early.

    While Athena’s tipped-over landing meant it couldn’t do all the scientific explorations it had planned, the data it returned is still valuable for understanding how future landers can avoid similar fates on the rugged polar terrain.

    Not all lunar missions need to land. NASA’s Lunar Trailblazer, a small lunar orbiter launched in February alongside IM-2, was intended to orbit the Moon and map the form, abundance and distribution of water in the form of ice, especially in shadowed craters near the poles.

    Shortly after launch, however, NASA lost contact with the spacecraft. Engineers suspect the spacecraft may have experienced a power issue, potentially leaving its batteries depleted.

    NASA is continuing recovery efforts, hoping that the spacecraft’s solar panels may recharge in May and June.

    An artist’s rendering of NASA’s Lunar Trailblazer spacecraft. If recovered, it will orbit the Moon to measure the form and distribution of water on the lunar surface.
    Lockheed Martin Space

    Ongoing and future missions

    Launched on the same day as the Blue Ghost mission in January, Japanese company ispace’s Hakuto-R Mission 2 (Resilience) is on its way to the Moon and has successfully entered lunar orbit.

    The lander carried out a successful flyby of the Moon on Feb. 15, with an expected landing in early June. Although launched at the same time, Resilience took a longer trajectory than Blue Ghost to save energy. This maneuver also allowed the spacecraft to collect bonus science observations while looping around the Moon.

    The mission, if successful, will advance Japan’s commercial space sector and prove an important comeback for ispace after its first lunar lander crashed during its final descent in 2023.

    The Resilience lunar lander days before its launch in the payload processing facility at the U.S. Space Force station. The Resilience lander has completed its Earth orbit and a lunar flyby. It is now completing a low-energy transfer orbit and entering an orbit around the Moon.
    Business Wire

    The rest of 2025 promises a busy lunar calendar. Intuitive Machines plans to launch IM-3 in late 2025 to test more advanced instruments and potentially deliver NASA scientific experiments to the Moon.

    The European Space Agency’s Lunar Pathfinder will establish a dedicated lunar communications satellite, making it easier for future missions, especially those operating on the far side or poles, to stay in touch with Earth.

    Meanwhile, Astrobotic’s Griffin Mission-1 is scheduled to deliver NASA’s VIPER rover to the Moon’s south pole, where it will directly search for ice beneath the surface.

    Together, these missions represent an increasingly international and commercial approach to lunar science and exploration.

    As the world turns its attention to the Moon, every mission – whether triumph or setback – brings humanity closer to a permanent return to our closest celestial neighbor.

    Zhenbo Wang receives funding from NASA.

    – ref. Landing on the Moon is an incredibly difficult feat − 2025 has brought successes and shortfalls for companies and space agencies – https://theconversation.com/landing-on-the-moon-is-an-incredibly-difficult-feat-2025-has-brought-successes-and-shortfalls-for-companies-and-space-agencies-256046

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Manu jumping’: The physics behind making humongous splashes in the pool

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Pankaj Rohilla, Postdoctoral Fellow in Fluid Dynamics, Georgia Institute of Technology

    Maybe you’ve unknowingly tried to do a manu jump. Isabel Pavia/Moment via Getty Images

    Whether diving off docks, cannonballing into lakes or leaping off the high board, there’s nothing quite like the joy of jumping into water.

    Olympic divers turned this natural act into a sophisticated science, with the goal of making a splash as small as possible. But another sport looks for just the opposite: the extreme maximum splash, one as high, wide and loud as possible.

    Welcome to the world of “manu jumping.” Although not a familiar term in the United States, manu jumping is beloved throughout New Zealand. The sport originated in the Māori community, where popping a manu is a way of life. There, manu jumpers leap from bridges, wharves and diving platforms to make the giant splashes.

    The sport is playful yet competitive. At the Z Manu World Champs, you win based on the height and width of your splash. The current record: a splash more than 32 feet high (10 meters).

    The concept sounds simple, but like Olympic diving, it turns out there’s a science to manu jumping.

    In New Zealand, manu jumping is an obsession.

    The Worthington splash

    As fluid dynamicists, we study the way living organisms interact with fluids – for instance, how flamingos feed with their heads underwater,
    or how insects walk on water.

    So when we stumbled upon viral videos of manu jumping on TikTok and YouTube, our curiosity was triggered. We launched a scientific investigation into the art of making a splash.

    Our research was more than just fun and games. Optimizing how bodies enter fluids – whether those bodies are human, animal or mechanical – is an indispensable branch of science. Understanding the physics of water entry has implications for naval engineering, biomechanics and robotics.

    We discovered that creating the perfect manu splash isn’t just about jumping into the water. Instead, it’s about mastering aerial maneuvers, timing underwater movements and knowing exactly how to hit the surface.

    The microsecond the manu jumper hits the water is critical. Two splashes actually occur: The first, the crown splash, forms as the body breaks the surface. The next, the Worthington splash, is responsible for the powerful burst of water that shoots high into the air. Manu jumping is all about triggering and maximizing the Worthington splash.

    So we analyzed 75 YouTube videos of manu jumps. First, we noticed the technique: Jumpers land glutes first, with legs and torso scrunched up in a V-shaped posture.

    But the moment they go underwater, the divers roll back and kick out to straighten their bodies. This expands the air cavity, the space of air created in the water by the jump; then the cavity collapses, detaching itself from the body. This period of detachment is known as “pinch-off time” – when the collapse sends a jet of water shooting upward. All of this happens within a fraction of a second.

    The science behind making a big splash.

    Answers from Manubot

    We found that jumpers entered the water at a median V-angle of about 46 degrees. Intrigued, we recreated these movements in a lab aquarium, using 3D-printed, V-shaped projectiles to test different V-angles.

    The result? A 45-degree angle produced the fastest, tallest splashes, virtually matching what we observed in the human jumpers. V-angles greater than 45 degrees increased the risk of injury from landing flat on the back. We found it interesting that the jumpers very nearly hit the optimal angle largely through what appeared to be intuition and trial and error.

    Note how the splash of the V-shaped projectiles was highest at 45 degrees.

    Digging deeper, we then built Manubot, a robot that mimics human body movements during manu jumps. It’s able to switch from a V-shape to a straight posture underwater. This is how we learned the optimal timing to maximize splash size.

    For instance, for someone who’s 5-foot-7 and jumping from 1 meter, opening their body within 0.26 to 0.3 seconds of hitting the water resulted in the biggest splash. Open too soon or too late, and splash size is compromised.

    Here’s how the Manubot worked.

    One caveat: Humans are far more complex than any 3D-printed projectile or a Manubot. Factors such as weight distribution, flexibility and anatomical shape add nuance that our models can’t yet replicate.

    For now, though, our findings highlight a simple truth: Creating the perfect manu splash isn’t the result of luck. Instead, it relies on a carefully tuned symphony of aerial and underwater maneuvers. So the next time you see someone spray everyone in the pool with a gigantic jump, remember – there’s a beautiful science behind the splash.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Manu jumping’: The physics behind making humongous splashes in the pool – https://theconversation.com/manu-jumping-the-physics-behind-making-humongous-splashes-in-the-pool-255837

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: New chancellor, old constraints: Germany’s Friedrich Merz will have a hard time freeing the country from its self-imposed shackles

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Mark I. Vail, Worrell Chair of Politics and International Affairs, Wake Forest University

    German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has had an uncertain start to his tenure. John MacDougall/AFP via Getty Images

    Friedrich Merz received a rude shock on the morning of May 6, 2025, as he prepared to lose the “in-waiting” qualifier from his title as German chancellor.

    After weeks of negotiations following February’s federal election, Merz’s Christian Democrats (CDU) had struck a coalitional bargain with the center-left Social Democrats (SPD), giving the bloc a thin majority of 13 seats in the 630-member Bundestag, the lower house of Germany’s parliament. Yet, Merz still struggled to ratify his chancellorship.

    He fell short of the majority he needed on the first vote, with 18 members of his coalition voting against him.

    Though he was elected on a second ballot, the initial “no” vote was unprecedented for an incoming chancellor in the postwar federal republic, with insiders claiming that some of those voting “no” were conservatives opposed to Merz’s push to loosen German fiscal rules. Aside from the immediate political embarrassment, the vote was symptomatic of something else: a more deep-seated weakness in both the new chancellor and his government. As a scholar of German politics and history and the author of a forthcoming book on German state traditions and economic governance, I see Merz’s problems, and those of his country, as having deep historical roots.

    Taking the brakes off?

    For Germany and Europe, the stakes in the run-up to the vote to ratify Merz as chancellor could not have been higher – a cascade of crises confronts both. As SPD’s parliamentary leader Jens Spahn noted in the run-up to the May 6 vote: “All of Europe, perhaps the whole world, is watching this ballot.”

    The German chancellor is looking to strengthen both Europe and Germany through firm leadership and heavier spending. He has promised a massive increase in defense outlays in order to create the “strongest conventional army in Europe,” to counter the threat from a bellicose Russia and the United States’ wavering over traditional security commitments to the continent.

    This broad vision, however, is confronted by a number of obstacles, most importantly the so-called “debt brake.” Adopted after the 2008 financial crisis, this “brake” limited annual deficits to a paltry 0.35% of gross domestic product and proscribed any debts at all for the German “Länder,” or regions.

    In March, soon after the February election but before the seating of the new Bundestag, then-presumptive Chancellor Merz called for an exemption to the debt brake for defense spending above 1% of annual gross domestic product, with a promise to do “whatever it takes” to bolster Germany’s military and verbally committing to spend up to US$1.12 trillion (1 trillion euros) over 10 years. The outgoing parliament agreed and also created a $560 billion (500 billion euros) fund dedicated to rehabilitating Germany’s crumbling infrastructure.

    But Merz’s plans to revitalize Germany’s military and infrastructure could be seriously undermined by domestic forces – both within and outside of his coalition. It runs up against long-standing German norms and ideologies that threaten to hamper the state’s capacity and the government’s ability to act decisively.

    Ambivalence about state power

    This wobbly start to the new government hearkens back to old and deeply rooted divisions about the character of the post-World War II German state.

    In the late 1960s, West German Chancellor-to-be Willy Brandt quipped that the federal republic had become an “economic giant but a political dwarf.”

    Though the phrase would become a cliché, it captured both the fraught legacies of World War II and older German ambivalence about state power, which had long been associated with authoritarian politics under both the Nazis and the Wilhelmine Reich following German unification under Bismarck in 1871.

    U.S. President John F. Kennedy, left, rides through the streets of Berlin with West Berlin Mayor Willy Brandt, center, and Chancellor Konrad Adenauer.
    Bettmann/Contributor

    Until the 1980s, such constraints posed relatively few problems. The country’s postwar “economic miracle” legitimized the fledgling democratic state, while empowering capital and labor within the export sectors that fueled the boom. This effectively devolved political power to economically strategic actors.

    These institutional features also reflected a distinctive postwar model of German politics that weakened centralized power. Achieved in the late 1940s by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, West German sovereignty was fragmented: domestically by federalism and decentralized political institutions, and internationally through integration into NATO and the European Economic Community.

    This “semi-sovereign state,” in political scientist Peter Katzenstein’s famous formulation, helped reclaim German moral credibility from the ashes of fascism and genocide. A decentralized state with robust checks and balances was viewed as both a bulwark against authoritarianism and a recipe for export-led growth and political stability.

    Even after the restoration of full sovereignty with German reunification in 1990, German officials still trod lightly. Their concern was that a more assertive Germany would reawaken old fears about German militarism. Moreover, they were content to privilege economic rather than military power as the coin of their peculiar realm.

    A nation of Swabian housewives?

    The historical ambivalence about the German state’s role and related dilemmas about German power will not be easy for Merz to resolve.

    With respect to Germany’s capacity for decisive leadership, the past three years suggest that much work remains to be done. Confronted with a series of unprecedented shocks − from Russian military aggression in Ukraine, to the attendant energy crisis that exposed German dependence on imported Russian gas, to the rise of the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) − Merz’s predecessor, Social Democrat Olaf Scholz, called in 2022 for a “Zeitenwende,” or “epochal change,” in defense and energy policy.

    But instead, Scholz’s “traffic light coalition” of (yellow) Liberals, Greens, and (red) Social Democrats dithered and bickered, eventually succumbing to a rare – in German politics – public interparty squabble that ultimately brought down the government in late 2024.

    Reluctant to send its most advanced weapons – notably long-range Taurus cruise missiles – to Ukraine, and unable to overcome the Liberals’ hostility to badly needed fiscal expansion, Scholz was criticized for leading from behind, wary of backlash from pacifist currents in the German electorate and captive to long-held German concerns over expanding the national debt.

    Merz is looking not to repeat the same mistakes. But to accomplish his vision of a revitalized and more secure Germany, he has to overcome both the debt brake and, even more important, the deep ideological currents that gave rise to it.

    These factors intensified long-standing constraints on defense spending, which had failed to keep up with inflation for much of the 2000s and remained far below the NATO norm of 2% of annual gross domestic product.

    The “brake” was subsequently embraced by governments of both left and right, from SPD Chancellor Gerhard Schröder’s “Red-Green” coalition of 1998 to 2005 to the governments of Christian Democrat Angela Merkel from 2005 to 2021. As is abundantly clear in the pages of Merkel’s recent memoir, the proverbial character of the frugal “Swabian housewife” was one that she relished rather than resisted.

    But to many observers, this fetishization of austerity has contributed to decades of underinvestment in domestic infrastructure − from roads, to schools, to public buildings, to broader public services − failures which the AfD has been eager to exploit. And as promising as it seems, Merz’s commitment of $560 billion (500 billion euros) is approximately equivalent to the country’s existing needs, without accounting for future depreciation.

    Far-right activists gather near the Ostkreuz railway station in Berlin, Germany, on March 22, 2025 .
    Omer Messinger/Getty Images

    Even Germany’s traditionally punctual train service has become a laughingstock, with jokes about late or canceled trains now standard fare for German comics.

    Going beyond rhetoric

    It remains unclear whether Merz’s rhetorical shift and a constitutional change that permits but does not in itself create more robust defense spending augur a new direction in German politics, or whether Europe’s largest economy will continue to be hobbled by self-imposed constraints and parliamentary squabbling. If the latter happens, Germany risks both continued economic decline and bolstering the AfD, whose support comes disproportionately from economically stagnant former Eastern regions, and which last month surpassed Merz’s CDU in public opinion polls.

    And despite Merz’s commitments, not a single euro of the promised military and infrastructure funds has yet been budgeted. And even if it were, that would not address the country’s yawning needs in other areas, such as state-funded research and development and education.

    Europe, too, needs Merz’s words to turn into action − and soon. The threat of Russia to the east and the turning tide of relations with Trump’s America to the west has put the EU in a bind and in need of strong leadership.

    Mark I. Vail does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. New chancellor, old constraints: Germany’s Friedrich Merz will have a hard time freeing the country from its self-imposed shackles – https://theconversation.com/new-chancellor-old-constraints-germanys-friedrich-merz-will-have-a-hard-time-freeing-the-country-from-its-self-imposed-shackles-256048

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s vision for Air Force One will turn it from the ‘Flying White House’ to a ‘palace in the sky’

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Janet Bednarek, Professor of History, University of Dayton

    Former first lady Jacqueline Kennedy helped design Air Force One’s color scheme, which has been used since her husband’s presidency. Jeff J. Mitchell/Getty Images

    Since President Donald Trump excitedly announced that he would be accepting a US$400 million plane from the Qatari government to serve as the next Air Force One, even members of his own party have expressed alarm.

    There’s the price tag of refurbishing the plane with top-secret systems – upward of $1 billion, according to some estimates. Then there are the conflicts of interest from accepting such a large present from a foreign nation – what some say would be the most valuable gift ever given to the U.S.

    But it would also mark a striking departure from tradition.

    While they’re often variants of commercial planes, presidential planes have almost always been U.S. military aircraft, flown and maintained by the Air Force.

    The first White Houses in the sky

    I’m an aviation historian who once worked in the United States Air Force’s history program for three years, so I’m well-acquainted with the history of presidential aircraft.

    Franklin D. Roosevelt became the first president to fly while in office. In January 1943, he boarded the Navy-owned, civilian-operated Boeing Dixie Clipper – a sea plane – for a trip to Casablanca to meet with Allied leaders.

    President Franklin D. Roosevelt made the first presidential flight on a Dixie Clipper, a sea plane built by Boeing.
    Hulton Archive/Getty Images

    The security measures needed to safely transport the president – especially during wartime – spurred the creation of the first custom-built aircraft for presidential use, a heavily modified VC-54 Skymaster. Though officially named “The Flying White House,” the new presidential aircraft became better known by its nickname, the “Sacred Cow.”

    President Harry Truman used the Sacred Cow as his presidential aircraft through much of his first term in office.

    In late 1947, the U.S. Air Force ordered a second custom-built presidential aircraft, a modified DC-6, which Truman named the Independence.

    While in office, Presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry Truman flew on a modified Douglas C-54, nicknamed the Sacred Cow.
    Museum of Flight/Corbis via Getty Images

    During Dwight D. Eisenhower’s two terms, the president flew on two different planes operated by the Air Force: the Columbine II, which was a customized, military version of Lockheed’s commercial airliner the Constellation, and the Columbine III, which was a Super Constellation.

    Embracing the jet age

    In the 1960s, the use of jet engine technology in U.S. commercial aircraft revolutionized air travel, allowing planes to fly higher, farther and faster. Jet travel became associated with the glamorous and the elegant lifestyles of the “jet set” crowd.

    So it’s fitting that President John F. Kennedy – who was sometimes called the “the first celebrity president” – was the first White House occupant to fly in a jet, the Boeing 707.

    Kennedy’s aircraft was also the first painted in the distinctive light blue-and-white scheme that’s still used today. First lady Jacqueline Kennedy developed it with the help of industrial designer Raymond Loewy.

    It would go on to serve eight presidents before leaving the presidential fleet in 1990, when Boeing delivered the first of two modified Boeing 747s.

    These are the aircraft that continue to serve as the president’s primary plane. Boeing signed a contract to provide two new aircraft in 2017, during Trump’s last term. In 2020, the company decided to refurbish two existing aircraft that were originally built for another customer.

    The refurbishment has been more cumbersome and expensive than building a new aircraft from scratch. But it’s the only option because Boeing closed its 747 assembly line in late 2022.

    A nickname sticks

    On a trip to Florida, the crew of Columbine II first used “Air Force One” as the plane’s call sign to clearly distinguish the plane from other air traffic.

    While the public has associated the name Air Force One with the modified Boeing 707s and 747s and their distinctive colors, any plane with the president aboard will carry that call sign.

    They include several smaller aircraft, also operated by the Air Force, such as the North American T-39 Sabreliner used to transport Lyndon B. Johnson to his ranch in Texas and the Lockheed VC-140B JetStars, the fleet of backup planes used by several presidents, which Johnson jokingly called “Air Force One Half.”

    A cultural and political symbol

    Air Force One has long served as a symbol of the power and prestige of the presidency.

    It became an indelible part of U.S. history in November 1963, when Johnson took his oath of office from Air Force One’s cabin while Kennedy’s body lay in rest in the back of the aircraft.

    Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson is sworn in as president aboard Air Force One following the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
    Universal History Archive/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    Air Force One carried President Richard M. Nixon to China and the Soviet Union for historic diplomatic missions. But it also famously flew him from Andrews Air Force Base in Maryland to his home state, California, after he resigned from office. On that day, the plane took off as Air Force One. But it landed as SAM 27000, the plane’s call sign used when the president wasn’t on board.

    Trump has been compared to Nixon in more ways than one.

    And Trump’s complaint that Arab leaders have bigger and more impressive airplanes than the current Air Force One is reminiscent of Nixon’s own concerns of being outclassed on the world stage.

    The Nixon family boards Air Force One to fly to California on Aug. 9, 1974, following President Richard Nixon’s resignation.
    Wally McNamee/Corbis via Getty Images

    When president, Nixon strongly advocated for American supersonic transport – a 270-passenger plane designed to be faster than the speed of sound – that he hoped could be modified to serve as a new Air Force One. He feared the failure to develop an SST would relegate the U.S. to second-tier status, as other world leaders – particularly those from England, France and the USSR – traversed the globe in sleeker, better performing aircraft.

    Trump’s concerns about Air Force One seem less focused on safety and security and more on size and opulence. His longing for a “palace in the sky” is befitting for a president drawn to soaring skyscrapers, lavish parades and gold ornamentation.

    Janet Bednarek does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump’s vision for Air Force One will turn it from the ‘Flying White House’ to a ‘palace in the sky’ – https://theconversation.com/trumps-vision-for-air-force-one-will-turn-it-from-the-flying-white-house-to-a-palace-in-the-sky-256745

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s battle with elite universities overlooks where most students actually go to college

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Amy Li, Associate Professor of Higher Education, Florida International University

    There are nearly 20 million undergraduate college students in the United States. Anadolu/Getty Images

    Headlines often mention the ongoing power struggle between President Donald Trump’s administration and private colleges such as Columbia University and Harvard University.

    But such elite universities educate only a small portion of America’s total undergraduate population, which stood at 20 million in fall 2024.

    As an associate professor of higher education, I have published research on policies that affect college access, retention and graduation. My work has examined data across different types of higher education institutions.

    The Ivies and other elites

    Less than 1% of American college students attend elite private colleges.

    A small group of colleges, consisting of Ivy League schools and other highly selective universities known as “Ivy-Plus,” fit in this category.

    The Ivy League consists of eight private schools that formed an athletic conference in the 1950s. The member universities are known for their academic excellence.

    The Ivy-Plus are highly prestigious colleges located across the country with similar reputations for outstanding academics such as Stanford University, Duke University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

    These colleges have extremely competitive admissions, often accepting less than 10% of applicants.

    They enroll students from high-income backgrounds more than any other type of institution. Students from upper-income families represent 60% to 70% of attendees at elite privates.

    Elite private universities confer undergraduate and graduate degrees and focus on research.

    Elite public colleges

    Elite public colleges, such as the University of California, Berkeley, and the University of Virginia, are near the top of the U.S. News & World Report’s rankings. They also are often the flagship university in their state, such as the University of Michigan.

    These colleges have highly selective admissions processes as well and often accept about 10% to 20% of applicants.

    The largest portion of revenue at public universities, roughly 40%, comes from government sources that include federal, state and local government grants, contracts and appropriations, according to the National Center for Education Statistics.

    Students from upper-income families constitute 50% to 55% of attendees at elite public colleges.

    Like elite private colleges, elite public colleges confer undergraduate and graduate degrees and focus on research.

    Community colleges

    There are 1,024 community colleges in the U.S., serving 39% of undergraduate students.

    These public, two-year colleges grant associate degrees and occasionally bachelor’s degrees. They also offer certificates, workforce training and noncredit courses to prepare students for college-level courses.

    Community colleges have a strong teaching focus and a mission to serve their communities. They tend to guarantee admission to anyone who wants to enroll and offer lower tuition and fees.

    Community colleges are also critical entry points for students from lower-income households and those who identify as racial or ethnic minorities or who are the first in their family to attend college.

    Like other public institutions, community colleges depend heavily on state funding, as well as local property taxes.

    Regional universities

    Roughly 70% of undergraduate students who attend public, four-year institutions enroll at regional public universities.
    Newsday RM via Getty Images

    Of all undergraduates who attend public, four-year institutions, roughly 70% enroll in regional institutions.

    They include colleges in state-run systems such as the State University of New York and California State University.

    There is wide variation in acceptance rates among regional public universities, but they tend to be moderately selective, accepting between half and 70% of applicants.

    Regional public universities offer a wide range of academic programs mostly at the bachelor’s and master’s levels. They also depend heavily on state funding.

    Small private colleges

    Small, less selective private colleges often have acceptance rates of 60% or higher and enroll 3,000 or fewer students.

    Their budgets depend primarily on tuition and fees.

    Some of these types of colleges have suffered from enrollment declines since the early 2000s, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Many of these institutions lacked the large endowments that allowed elite privates to weather the financial challenges brought on by the pandemic.

    A number of small private colleges, such as Eastern Nazarene College in Massachusetts, have closed or merged with other universities due to financial difficulties.

    These small private colleges often offer academic programs at the bachelor’s and master’s levels.

    Private for-profit

    About 5% of students attend private for-profit colleges.

    These colleges offer courses in convenient formats that may be attractive to older adult students, including those with full-time jobs.

    For-profit college students disproportionately identify as older, Black and female. Students who attend these colleges are also more likely to be single parents.

    In recent years, the federal government has cracked down on false promises some for-profit institutions made about their graduates’ job and earnings prospects and other outcomes.

    The enforcement led to the closure of some colleges, such as ITT Technical Institute and Corinthian Colleges.

    Minority-serving institutions

    Minority-serving institutions, including historically Black colleges and universities, have a mission to serve certain populations.
    Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images

    Minority-serving institutions have a mission to serve certain student populations.

    Minority-serving institutions include historically Black colleges and universities, or HBCUs, such as Morehouse College; Hispanic-serving institutions, or HSIs, such as Florida International University; Asian American, Native American and Pacific Islander-serving institutions, or AANAPISIs, such as North Seattle College; and tribal colleges and universities, or TCUs, such as Blackfeet Community College, which serve Native American students.

    The federal government determines which colleges fit the criteria.

    These are primarily two- and four-year colleges, but some grant graduate degrees.

    Amy Li does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump’s battle with elite universities overlooks where most students actually go to college – https://theconversation.com/trumps-battle-with-elite-universities-overlooks-where-most-students-actually-go-to-college-254680

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Giant: John Lithgow’s masterful turn explores Roald Dahl’s antisemitism – and wider questions about children’s literature

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kristina West, Lecturer in Children’s Literature, Royal Holloway University of London

    Back in 2023, a bitter debate erupted over the editing of Roald Dahl’s children’s books. His publishers, Puffin Books, had worked with Dahl’s estate (now owned by Netflix) to remove references to violence, body size, mental health, gender and skin colour. Now, a new play about an incident in Dahl’s later life is focusing on another controversy.

    Giant (written by Mark Rosenblatt) is playing at London’s Harold Pinter Theatre until August 2. It features a masterly performance by John Lithgow in the role of Dahl. The play tracks the fallout from his 1983 review of God Cried, a photographic book by Catherine Leroy and Tony Clifton about the Israeli army’s siege of west Beirut.

    However, in Rosenblatt’s blend of fact and fiction, the very real controversy arose not from the review, but from an interview Dahl gave that many Jewish and non-Jewish readers objected to as antisemitism (others saw it as a justified critique of Israel’s actions during the Lebanon war). This is melded with an imaginary situation in which Jewish representatives from Dahl’s British and American publishers visit his home to calm the backlash.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Rosenblatt explores the tensions in this response both as it related to Dahl and to conversations across the world on the recent and ongoing attacks in Palestine and Israel.

    Perhaps reflecting the controversy over Dahl’s language in his children’s books, this play, too, is engaged with conversation, language and word choices. The words we use about others, how that language is interpreted and meaning is formed, and discussions about language are all at the centre of the story. As is the discourse between different forms, styles, and times of writing, and the tension between spoken and written language.

    While Rosenblatt’s script is centred on Dahl’s comments on Israel and Jewish people, it also engages with his spoken misogyny. This includes his repeated insulting epithets for American publisher Jessica Stone (Aya Cash) and his hectoring of housekeeper Hallie (Tessa Bonham Jones). It is no coincidence that the play is set right before the release of The Witches (1983), now a centre of complaints about Dahl’s written misogyny.

    The trailer for Giant.

    And while the play begins with some genuinely comic moments, the night I saw it the audience audibly gasped during the scene in which Dahl told The New Statesman that “even a stinker like Hitler didn’t just pick on [the Jews] for no reasons”. It’s a quote taken directly from Dahl’s real interview with journalist Michael Coren in 1983.

    In its engagement with the power of language and the potential effects of a political statement on the sales of Dahl’s books, the play returns viewers to the debate over cancel culture and the place of politics in and around children’s literature.

    Today, such controversy centres on Harry Potter author J.K. Rowling and the impact of her position on transgender rights on her millions of child and adult fans. But such criticisms of children’s authors for being too political have been made for decades.

    Cancel culture

    Lithgow’s performance as Dahl adds another layer of complexity to the debate on age appropriateness and the validity of political comment. He centres his aged Dahl in a time of flux, unsettled and unwell, dealing with the renovation of his house. This is reflected in some clever staging in which the house as a place of sanctuary, work and rest has become a claustrophobic space in which people are on top of each other, nothing is where it belongs, and the only solace to be had is in a decent glass of wine.

    He is also about to marry his long-term mistress, Felicity Crossland (Rachael Stirling), after divorcing his even longer-term wife. You can almost hear the creak of his knees as he moves around and feel the aches in his back as he stretches that gaunt frame.

    Lithgow’s performance of age seems to explain some of Dahl’s crabby responses. As such, perhaps, the audience is tempted to ask questions that have been asked about “classic” literature before: is old age justification for prejudicial viewpoints? Is misogyny acceptable when someone was born in 1916? Is antisemitism excusable if someone is unwell?

    While Rosenblatt and Lithgow may open the door to questions such as these, they close that door pretty firmly by the end of the play. The shock value of Dahl’s phone interview in which he exerts an agency belying his age and clearly demonstrates his antisemitism leaves the audience in little doubt as to the final message.

    But with Dahl damned by his own antisemitism, what next? Is the play calling on cancel culture for Dahl? Is it claiming that his political views and language choices mean that we shouldn’t read The Witches to our children, in edited form or not?

    Perhaps it leaves us rather back where we began: with questions over language, with debate, with more discussion on intent, and meaning, and appropriateness of language. We also need to question the rights of an individual – especially a celebrated children’s author – to express controversial views against the rights of an individual or group, especially when demonstrably abhorrent. And this conversation isn’t going to end any time soon.

    Giant is at London’s Harold Pinter Theatre until August 2 2025.

    Kristina West does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Giant: John Lithgow’s masterful turn explores Roald Dahl’s antisemitism – and wider questions about children’s literature – https://theconversation.com/giant-john-lithgows-masterful-turn-explores-roald-dahls-antisemitism-and-wider-questions-about-childrens-literature-256530

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A trial is testing ways to enforce Australia’s under-16s social media ban. But the tech is flawed

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Alexia Maddox, Senior Lecturer in Pedagogy and Education Futures, La Trobe University

    De Visu/Shutterstock

    Australia’s move to ban under-16s from social media is receiving widespread praise. Other countries, including the United Kingdom, Ireland, Singapore and Japan, are also now reportedly considering similar moves.

    The ban was legislated in November 2024 and is due to take effect in December 2025. The law says social media platforms can’t use official IDs such as passports to check Australian users’ ages, and shouldn’t track Australians. But it doesn’t specify the alternative.

    To test alternative methods, the federal government commissioned a trial of currently available technologies designed to “assure” people’s age online. Run by the Age Check Certification Scheme, a UK-based company specialising in testing and certifying identity verification systems, the trial is in its final stages. Results are expected at the end of June.

    So what are the technologies being trialled? Are they likely to work? And how might they – and the social media ban itself – alter the relationship all of us have with our dominant forms of digital communication?

    Dead ends for age verification

    Age verification confirms a person’s exact age using verified sources such as government-issued IDs. Age assurance is a broader term. It can include estimation techniques such as analysing faces or metadata to determine if users meet age requirements.

    In 2023 the federal government rejected mandating verification technologies for age-gating pornography sites. It found them “immature” with significant limitations. For example, database checks were costly and credit card verification could be easily worked around by minors.

    Nonprofit organisation Digital Rights Watch also pointed out that such systems were easily bypassed using virtual private networks – or VPNs. These are simple tools that hide a user’s location to make it seem like they are from a different country.

    Age assurance technologies bring different problems.

    For example, the latest US National Academies of Sciences report shows that facial recognition systems frequently misidentify children because their facial features are still developing.

    Improving these systems would require massive collections of children’s facial images. But international human rights law protects children’s privacy, making such data collection both legally and ethically problematic.

    Flawed testing of innovative tech?

    The age assurance technology trial currently includes 53 vendors hoping to win a contract for new innovative solutions.

    A range of technology is being trialled. It includes facial recognition offering “selfie-based age checks” and hand movement recognition technologies that claim to calculate age ranges. It also includes bespoke block chains to store sensitive data on.

    There are internal tensions about the trial’s design choices. These tensions centre on a lack of focus on ways to circumvent the technology, privacy implications, and verification of vendors’ efficacy claims.

    While testing innovation is good, the majority of companies and startups such as IDVerse, AgeCheck, and Yoti in the trial, will likely not hold clout over the major tech platforms in focus (Meta, Google and Snap).

    This divide reveals a fundamental problem: the companies building the checking tools aren’t the ones who must use them in the platforms targeted by the law. When tech giants don’t actively participate in developing solutions, they’re more likely to resist implementing them later.

    Google recently proposed storing ID documents in Google Wallet for age verification.
    nitpicker/Shutterstock

    Unresponsive tech companies

    Some major tech companies have shown little interest in engaging with the trial. For example, minutes from the trial’s March advisory board meeting reveal Apple “has been unresponsive, despite multiple outreach attempts”.

    Apple has recently outlined a tool to transmit a declared age range to developers on request. Apple suggests iOS will default the age assurance on Apple devices to under 13 for kids’ accounts. This makes it the responsibility of parents to modify age, the responsibility of developers to recognise age, and the responsibility of governments to legislate when and what to do with an assured age per market.

    Google’s recent Google Wallet proposal for age assurance also misses the mark on privacy concerns and usefulness.

    The proposal would require people over 16 to upload government-issued IDs and link them to a Google account. It would also require people trust Google not track where they go across the internet, via a privacy-preserving technology that remains a promise.

    Crucially, Meta’s social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram also do not let you login with Google credentials. After all, they are competitors. This raises questions about the usefulness of Google’s proposal to assure age across social media platforms as part of the government’s under-16s ban.

    Meanwhile, Google is also suggesting AI chatbots should be directly targeted and available to children under 13, creating something akin to a “social network of one”, which are out of scope of the ban.

    Rather than engage with Australian age verification systems, companies such as Apple and Google are promoting their own solutions which seem to prioritise keeping or adding users to their services, or passing responsibility elsewhere.

    For the targeted platforms that enable online social interactions, delay in engagement fits a broader pattern. For example, in January 2025, Mark Zuckerberg indicated Meta would push back more aggressively against international regulations that threaten its business model.

    A shift in internet regulation

    Australia’s approach to banning under-16s from using social media marks a significant shift in internet regulation. Rather than age-gating specific content such as porn or gambling, Australia is now targeting basic communication infrastructure – which is what social media have become.

    It centres the problem on children being children, rather than on social media business models.

    The result is limiting childrens’ digital rights with experimental technologies while doing little to address the source of perceived harm for all of us. It prioritises protection without considering children’s rights to access information and express themselves. This risks leaving the most vulnerable children being cut off from digital spaces essential to their success.

    Australia’s approach puts paternal politics ahead of technical and social reality. As we get closer to the ban taking effect, we’ll see how this approach to regulate social communication platforms offers young people respite from the platforms their parents fear – yet continue to use everyday for their own basic communication needs.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A trial is testing ways to enforce Australia’s under-16s social media ban. But the tech is flawed – https://theconversation.com/a-trial-is-testing-ways-to-enforce-australias-under-16s-social-media-ban-but-the-tech-is-flawed-256332

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Ben Roberts-Smith has lost an appeal in his long-running defamation case. Here’s why

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rick Sarre, Emeritus Professor in Law and Criminal Justice, University of South Australia

    The full Federal Court has dismissed Ben Roberts-Smith’s appeal to have his defamation case loss overturned.

    It is important in seeking to understand this judgement to know the history of the case.

    In June 2023, Federal Court Justice Anthony Besanko handed down a 726-page judgement in the defamation case that Roberts-Smith, the most highly decorated serving member of the Australian Defence Force, had brought against Nine Entertainment news outlets.

    Reporters for the Sydney Morning Herald, the Canberra Times and The Age had alleged, in 2018, that Roberts-Smith, a patrol commander with the Australian Special Air Service Regiment, was a war criminal. They maintained he had murdered unarmed Afghan prisoners and civilians, and bullied fellow soldiers.

    These press reports were particularly galling to a man who had been awarded the Medal of Gallantry, the Victoria Cross, and a Commendation for Distinguished Service.

    He sued Nine Entertainment (then referred to as Fairfax Publications) and their investigative journalists.

    Submissions in the trial ended in July 2022 after 110 days of evidence. In the result, Justice Besanko determined that Nine Entertainment had not defamed Roberts-Smith. The judge found the reporting was capable of being deemed defamatory, but that most of the imputations were substantially true. That being the case, he upheld the defence of truth and contextual truth not only in relation to the allegations of murder, but also with respect to imputations regarding Roberts-Smith’s character.

    Roberts-Smith appealed to the full Federal Court. The appeal hearing ran for ten days in February 2024. Today, 15 months later, the appeal court consisting of Justices Nye Perram, Anna Katzmann and Geoffrey Kennett has dismissed his appeal.

    Because the case had national security implications, there is in place for a short period, a non-publication order over what is referred to as the “open court” reasons for judgement. The judges ordered that their reasons will not be available
    “until either the Commonwealth notifies the court and the parties that it has no objection to publication […] or 4pm on May 20, 2025, whichever is earlier”.

    In recent times it has become the practice of the Federal Court, in cases of public interest, to provide a summary to accompany the orders, available immediately. The summary provided to the public is not a complete statement of the conclusions reached. The only authoritative statement of the court’s reasons is that contained in the judgement that will be made available in due course.

    There are, however, a couple of matters that bear noting now.

    The first is that the appeal judges were unanimous in their support for the conclusions of the trial judge. In 2023, Justice Besanko made numerous adverse findings about the credibility of the evidence of Roberts-Smith, and the evidence of the witnesses whom he called on his behalf. Roberts-Smith sought to challenge all of those adverse findings and to point out errors in the trial judge’s findings. But it was to no avail.

    The appeal court’s summary states

    Having carefully considered all these matters, we are unanimously of the opinion that the evidence was sufficiently cogent to support the findings that the appellant murdered four Afghan men and to the extent that we have discerned error in the reasons of the primary judge, the errors were inconsequential. Accordingly, the appeal must be dismissed with costs.

    There is another, secondary matter arising from a side issue to the appeal, which bears mentioning here. When the draft judgement of the appeal court was close to completion, Roberts-Smith’s lawyers filed an application to lodge an amended notice of appeal. It referred to an audio recording that was sent anonymously to them in March this year. The recording purported to be a portion of a telephone conversation between investigative journalist Nick McKenzie and a witness whose identity is the subject of suppression orders.

    In this call, McKenzie was alleged to have admitted to using Roberts-Smith’s ex-wife as a source regarding her former husband’s legal strategy. Roberts-Smith’s lawyers said had they known of McKenzie’s alleged journalistic misconduct, they would have structured their arguments differently during the defamation trial.

    On the Federal Court website today, two judgements have been released in relation to the so-called McKenzie tape. The first gave the Roberts-Smith team a glimmer of hope. The appeal court judges determined that the application for them to hear the recording was, in fact, appropriate, and that the content was therefore admissible evidence in consideration of a new claim of miscarriage of justice.

    However, the second judgement extinguished any hope of this occurring. The appeal court judges concluded there was, in fact, no miscarriage of justice in not allowing the recording to be considered by a court.

    It’s been seven years since the allegations regarding Ben Roberts-Smith’s involvement in war crimes first surfaced. Roberts-Smith has indicated his intention to appeal to the High Court. This case may yet still have a way to run.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ben Roberts-Smith has lost an appeal in his long-running defamation case. Here’s why – https://theconversation.com/ben-roberts-smith-has-lost-an-appeal-in-his-long-running-defamation-case-heres-why-223543

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: With a new minister for early childhood education, what can the federal government do to make centres safer?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Victoria Minson, Senior Lecturer in Early Childhood Education, Australian Catholic University

    This week, more reports emerged of horrific abuse of children at childcare centres.
    An ABC investigation reported young children had suffered burns and been verbally abused. In another case, a baby was repeatedly slapped by an early childhood educator.

    This follows claims of sexual abuse and neglect earlier this year.

    On Tuesday, we also saw the appointment of Victorian senator Jess Walsh as the new minister for early childhood education. As a former head of the union responsible for the sector, Walsh comes to the role with a thorough understanding of early education issues. She will also sit in cabinet.

    What does Walsh and the re-elected Albanese government need to do to better ensure children’s safety in early childhood education and care? Here are three ideas.



    Read more:
    Amid claims of abuse, neglect and poor standards, what is going wrong with childcare in Australia?

    1. Design safer centres

    One place to start is how centres are set up.

    “Safety by design” is a concept used in other sectors (such as online safety) and has its origins in crime prevention. It means planning spaces and systems to prevent harm before it happens. This could include changing the environment, routines or rules.

    For example, clear lines of sight in a room help educators watch children, and each other, more easily. Secure entrances ensure only authorised people can come into a centre.

    But safety isn’t just about buildings; it also depends on people. Educators need the right training to spot risks and signs of harm, and to act early.

    This means building their capability: not just knowing what to do, but feeling confident to speak up and raise concerns. This confidence needs to be encouraged by managers and leaders in centres – staff should be supported to speak openly.

    2. Conduct a thorough investigation

    Australia has a system to monitor quality standards in early childhood services via the Australian Children’s Education and Care Quality Authority or ACECQA. This body oversees a National Quality Framework.

    On Friday, National Children’s Commissioner Anne Hollonds said Australia needs to “urgently strengthen” regulatory frameworks.

    The recent reports of abuse and noncompliance certainly raise a series
    of questions: how could this happen? How could “trained professionals” think this treatment of children is OK?

    Multiple systemic failures could be the answer – meaning the mechanisms or processes in place to stop situations going from unacceptable to unfathomable, failed.

    A federally convened taskforce could investigate these breaches of child safety to identify risks and failures and prevent further cases of harm. Rather than yet another long inquiry, a taskforce could help get to the root of the problems and recommend solutions that can be implemented quickly.



    Read more:
    How can you tell if your child’s daycare is good quality?

    3. Boost the status of early childhood education

    Governments can also invest in the ongoing professionalisation of early childhood educators. They can do this by insisting on higher qualifications, pay, professional development and a strong ethical framework.

    In turn, this can enhance the ability of those in the sector to prevent and respond to abusive practices.

    Admittedly, the federal government has taken steps to increase requirements around qualifications and pay. But early childhood professionals continue to endure low status in the community.

    The people who work in early childhood services are not “babysitters” – they are trained educators. Early childhood education is also more than a means to increase productivity, by enabling parents to work. It provides education and care to children at a crucial time in their development.

    None of these perceptions help the sector or the service it provides. The whole community needs to understand the vital role it plays in our society – just like schools or hospitals.

    If Australians appreciate and value early childhood education, they can advocate for (or at least support) improvements and investments.

    A final word to parents

    It is understandable parents might find recent headlines about abuse and neglect in early childhood centres distressing. Keep in mind, 91% of early childhood services have been assessed as at least meeting national quality standards.

    If you have any concerns about your service, you can contact the regulatory authority in your state or territory.

    Victoria Minson is the Course Coordinator for the Bachelor of Early Childhood Education (Birth to Five Years) (Accelerated) at Australian Catholic University. The Victorian offering of the course has received funding from the Victorian government and Victorian Department of Education. Victoria also receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    Daryl Higgins receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the National Health and Medical Research Council, and Australian Government and state/territory government departments.

    – ref. With a new minister for early childhood education, what can the federal government do to make centres safer? – https://theconversation.com/with-a-new-minister-for-early-childhood-education-what-can-the-federal-government-do-to-make-centres-safer-256802

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Waste-to-energy in Australia: how it works, where new incinerators could go, and how they stack up

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Abbas, Associate Dean (Research), University of Sydney

    Martin Mecnarowski, Shutterstock.

    Every year, Australia buries millions of tonnes of waste in landfills. But these sites are filling fast, recycling has its own limitations, and most waste export is banned. So councils and state governments are looking for alternatives.

    Several large-scale incinerators have been proposed, to turn municipal solid waste into electricity. One is already up and running in Perth’s outer suburbs.

    The A$1.5 billion Parkes Energy Recovery project planned for New South Wales would be Australia’s biggest. However, community backlash over potential health risks could put the plan in doubt.

    As chemical engineers, we recognise the potential benefits of this technology. Modern facilities operating around the world show these processes can be efficient, safe and environmentally controlled. However, minimal risk does not mean zero risk. Understanding both the benefits and challenges is crucial to address community concerns.

    What is waste-to-energy?

    Waste-to-energy, also known as energy-from-waste, can transform waste otherwise destined for landfill into electricity, heat or fuel.

    This does not replace recycling. Instead, it offers a solution for materials that are difficult or impossible to recycle. Care must be taken, however, to ensure waste-to-energy technologies complement rather than supplant recycling efforts.

    How does it work?

    There are three main types of waste-to-energy technologies:

    1. Thermal: use heat to generate steam, which spins turbines to create electricity. The heat can come from burning waste, producing carbon dioxide, water and ash. Alternatively, solid waste can be turned into gas (hydrogen and carbon monoxide). This process is known as gasification.

    2. Biological: use microorganisms to break down organic matter in the waste stream, producing biogas, mainly methane. This is then used for power or heat generation.

    3. Chemical: use processes such as pyrolysis or hydrothermal liquefaction to convert hard-to-recycle materials into fuels or chemicals. These can feed into industrial and manufacturing processes.

    What’s holding Australia back?

    When most Australians hear about making energy from waste, they think of
    old-fashioned incinerators. Those outdated facilities released smoke and toxins into the air.

    But modern incinerators use advanced air pollution control systems that capture harmful emissions.

    Some use static electricity to remove dust or smoke particles from the gas stream. Other pollution control systems include acid gas scrubbers, catalytic converters and fabric filters.

    This can cut emissions of fine particles by up to 99%.

    The volume of waste sent to landfill is also reduced by up to 90%. What remains includes incinerator bottom ash and fly ash. Often these can be reused in making concrete, pavement and other construction materials. But regulatory issues will need to be overcome before this can happen in Australia.

    Introducing the Parkes project

    The Parkes Energy Recovery project, announced in March, promises to process around 600,000 tonnes of waste a year. This should generate at least 60 megawatts of electricity – enough to power 80,000 homes.

    To receive development approval, the project must comply with stringent environmental and health standards. This includes preparing an Environmental Impact Statement and Human Health Risk Assessment. The NSW Environment Protection Authority may then issue an Environment Protection Licence. Such a licence requires ongoing monitoring and frequent audits.

    Extensive community consultation is underway.

    Other projects around Australia

    There are two waste-to-energy plants in Western Australia, one at Kwinana and another under construction at East Rockingham. A third plant has been given the go-ahead in Victoria, at Maryvale.

    Kwinana received its first delivery of waste in July 2024.

    Licences to build other major waste-to-energy facilities have been issued in Victoria. Various proposals are also being considered in New South Wales, Queensland and South Australia.

    Australia’s first standalone, large-scale waste-to-energy plant in WA | ABC News.

    Taking tips from overseas

    A shortage of landfill sites in cities across Europe and Asia originally promoted investment in waste-to-energy technology. These power plants are now commonplace in Germany, the Netherlands and Japan, substantially reducing reliance on landfill.

    The Amager Bakke plant in Copenhagen shows how such facilities can also enrich a community. This award-winning building doubles as a public recreation space, complete with a rooftop ski slope.

    In China, the proposed Shenzhen East Waste-to-Energy Plant could process 5,000 tonnes of waste a day. That works out to 1.8 million tonnes of waste a year, if run continuously.

    One of the world’s largest waste-to-energy plants is in Shenzhen, China (Dezeen)

    Waste-to-energy and the circular economy

    Waste-to-energy technology is useful in the transition to a circular economy. This is an economy where resources are continually cycled through the system and never wasted.

    Reusing, recycling and reducing waste must remain top priorities. Waste-to-energy technology should then be used as a last resort, extracting value from hard- or impossible-to-recycle materials.

    It’s certainly better than sending waste to landfill. When buried underground, waste can leach toxins into soil, ground and surface water. The potent greenhouse gas methane is also released when food rots in landfill.

    Over-reliance on waste-to-energy could supplant more sustainable circular recycling efforts. But incineration plants are being scaled back in Europe, as the focus shifts to reuse.

    Copenhagen’s power plant is also a ski slope (The Impossible Build)

    The case for waste-to-energy

    Despite its potential, waste-to-energy technology remains controversial in Australia. Some local communities remain concerned about emissions and potential long-term health risks. Environmental groups also question the potential effects on recycling rates.

    Nevertheless, growing awareness of the limitations of recycling, increasing landfill levies, bans on waste exports, and ambitious federal and state circular economy strategies are making waste-to-energy a more pragmatic option. Stringent regulation and community consultation will be necessary to get these projects off the ground.

    Responsible use of modern waste-to-energy technology can generate electricity and heat for homes with minimal emissions, and can extend benefits that serve local communities. It can also complement Australia’s renewable energy targets while taking a better approach to managing waste.

    Professor Ali Abbas is Associate Dean (Research) at the University of Sydney Faculty of Engineering. He is Australia’s Chief Circular Engineer (Circular Australia), and Founder and Executive Director Innovation at Scimita Group, a Deep Tech Innovation House working in sustainable technologies. He has previously advised government and industry on energy-from-waste and circular economy topics.

    Dominic Bui Viet is a Research Fellow at The University of Sydney in the Faculty of Engineering. He has previously received funding from a Cooperative Research Centre projects grant to conduct research into pyrolysis technologies for waste management.

    Eric Sanjaya is a Research Fellow at The University of Sydney, Faculty of Engineering. He has previously advised government and industry on energy-from-waste and circular economy topics

    – ref. Waste-to-energy in Australia: how it works, where new incinerators could go, and how they stack up – https://theconversation.com/waste-to-energy-in-australia-how-it-works-where-new-incinerators-could-go-and-how-they-stack-up-254395

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The space race is being reshaped by geopolitics, offering opportunities for countries such as New Zealand

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Zámborský, Senior Lecturer, Management & International Business, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    NASA/Getty Imges

    The space economy is being reshaped — not just by innovation, but by geopolitics. What was once dominated by state space agencies, and more recently by private ventures, is evolving into a hybrid model in which government priorities and commercial capabilities are intertwined.

    The rise of protectionist policies, tariff wars, export controls and national security concerns is forcing space firms to adapt their strategies – and in many cases, to rethink where and how they operate.

    This offers countries such as New Zealand the opportunity to stand out in the new space race – becoming neutral ground with fewer trade and other regulatory barriers for the growth of the emerging hybrid space economy.

    Looking to space

    The New Zealand government plans to double the size of the space and advanced aviation sectors by 2030. Already, about 20,000 workers are employed in these sectors, generating US$1.8 billion in revenue.

    New Zealand’s flagship player in the space sector is Rocket Lab. Founded in 2006, the integrated space firm was listed on NASDAQ in 2021. By the end of 2024, the company was worth around US$8 billion.

    While its headquarters are in the United States, Rocket Lab also operates in Canada and keeps around 700 of its 2,000 global staff and its key launch site in New Zealand. Recently, it also announced the acquisition of a German optical communications supplier, Mynaric.

    Founded in New Zealand by Peter Beck, Rocket Lab is now headquartered in the United States with sites in Canada and elsewhere.
    Phil Walter/Getty Images

    Opportunities in US trade war

    Rocket Lab’s decision to engage in substantial foreign investment and diversify its operations across the US, New Zealand, Canada and Europe gives it flexibility in responding to the US-initiated trade war.

    The current and possible future US tariffs have created uncertainty for investors. Along with retaliatory measures by China and other nations, these developments have significant consequences for space firms.

    Companies in this field rely on globally sourced components (for example, semiconductors and electronic components) and materials such as steel and specialised fuel for their operations.

    Firms based in just one location can suffer from tariffs or retaliatory restrictions. But those with operations in several countries — especially in more neutral countries such as New Zealand and some Southeast Asian nations — may benefit from geopolitical tensions. Geostrategic diversification gives them more options, including less risky locations for operations, trade and investments in the space sector.

    A recent Deloitte report noted that companies in the space ecosystem may prefer to look for launch sites and satellite providers on neutral ground.

    Initiatives are already emerging in Indonesia and Malaysia to construct commercial spaceports and attract investment in satellite manufacturing.

    The benefits of being neutral

    The rising geopolitical tensions mean new space firms from relatively neutral countries such as New Zealand are increasingly aligning with national defence priorities. The emerging hybrid space economy is, in some ways, a response to this global power realignment.

    New Zealand has historically sought to balance strong trade ties with China, its largest trading partner, with security cooperation with the US as part of the Five Eyes intelligence alliance. But recent developments have prompted a reassessment.

    Notably, the presence of Chinese warships in the Tasman Sea and upheavals in the global security climate after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has led to a review of New Zealand’s defence posture.

    The government is now aiming to double defence spending to 2% of GDP. The US military has held talks with New Zealand about launching more satellites from this country.

    Earlier this year, Rocket Lab also declared it was “ready to serve the Pentagon”. For example, it secured contracts worth about US$500 million to launch a satellite from New Zealand for BlackSky, a US-based space-based intelligence provider.

    Rocket Lab also became one of five launch companies invited to compete for missions under the US National Security Space Launch program. This program puts the most valuable military and spy satellites into orbit, worth up to US$6 billion of Pentagon contracts in the next few years.

    Tapping into foreign investment

    Nations’ increased needs for domestic space defence capabilities also create foreign investment opportunities. For example, Airbus will design and build a new military satellite system costing about US$170 million in the United Kingdom to improve real-time military imagery.

    Ongoing economic strife and possible military conflicts have important implications for the strategies of new space firms and the policies of nations seeking space investment.

    New space firms may redirect their investment to countries where their main customers are located (for example, the US or European Union) or to neutral countries less affected by geopolitical tensions (for example, New Zealand). This allows them to diversify and reduce exposure to tariffs and other restrictions.

    In New Zealand, this may mean more government investment not only by Rocket Lab, but also involvement by other industry players from the US, Japan or Europe.

    Commercial opportunities in the new space sector will remain. But the shape of the sector may move towards a more hybrid space, recognising both commercial and national security interests in times of economic war.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The space race is being reshaped by geopolitics, offering opportunities for countries such as New Zealand – https://theconversation.com/the-space-race-is-being-reshaped-by-geopolitics-offering-opportunities-for-countries-such-as-new-zealand-256773

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why Anthony Albanese’s presence at Pope Leo’s inauguration is shrewd politics

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Historian, Australian Catholic University

    When Prime Minister Anthony Albanese steps into St Peter’s Square for the inaugural Mass of Pope Leo XIV on Sunday, the optics will be far more than pious courtesy.

    For a day, the Vatican will temporarily be the world’s premier diplomatic stage. And a canny Australian leader can use such an occasion to advance domestic and foreign policy agendas simultaneously.

    Faith optics and domestic politics

    Albanese has lately spoken of “reconnecting” with his Catholic heritage. He called the election of the US-born pontiff “momentous” for believers and non-believers alike.

    In multicultural Australia, where roughly one in four citizens identifies as Catholic, Albanese’s trip to the Vatican allows him to reassure a core constituency that sometimes feels politically overlooked: Catholics.

    This signalling costs Albanese nothing. Yet, it helps to boost Labor’s broader narrative of inclusion and respect for faith communities.

    St Peter’s Square as a diplomatic crossroads

    The inaugural mass will also attract a rare concentration of global powerbrokers in one square kilometre. The head-of-state guest list is still fluid, but several confirmations make the trip worth Albanese’s while.

    Albanese’s most immediate objective will likely be to revive free-trade negotiations with the European Union, which broke down in 2023.

    The Australian has reported that Albanese hopes to bend the ear of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President António Costa.

    Albanese will also get a chance to meet Prince Edward, who will represent King Charles III, as well as his newly elected counterpart in Canada, Prime Minister Mark Carney.

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is also expected to attend after a week of overtures to the new pope concerning Kyiv’s quest for a just peace in its war with Russia.

    Speculation was swirling around the possibility of US President Donald Trump returning to Rome, fresh from his high-visibility appearance at Pope Francis’s funeral on April 26.

    But Vice President JD Vance will lead the US delegation, joined by Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

    For Albanese, a corridor encounter with Vance would allow him to set a personal tone before his expected visit to Washington later this year, without the media glare that accompanies an Oval Office photo-op.

    Why leaders flock to the Vatican

    Some commentators may frame the attendance of world leaders at the mass cynically: a chance to use a sacred event for their own political purposes.

    Yet, politicians have long been a fixture at papal events. Such participation is hardly exceptional. It reflects a centuries-old dynamic in which those with temporal political power seek moral sanction, and the papacy demonstrates its enduring capacity to convene the political order.

    Pope Francis’s inauguration in 2013 drew 31 heads of state and 132 official delegations from national governments or international organisations.

    And John Paul II’s funeral in 2005 assembled more than 80 sitting heads of state. It was one of the largest gatherings of leaders in modern history.

    Why does the Vatican exert such magnetic pull?

    First, it is a neutral micro-state whose moral authority can confer legitimacy on secular, political initiatives. Consider, for example, John Paul II’s role in Poland’s democratic revolution.

    Second, the Holy See’s diplomatic corps is the world’s oldest continuous foreign service. It boasts diplomatic relations with 184 states, including Palestine and Taiwan (one of a dozen states in the world to do so).

    Although every pontiff is first and foremost the universal pastor of the Catholic Church, the Lateran Treaty of 1929 also endowed him with full sovereignty over the territory of Vatican City.

    The pope’s head-of-state status is most visible at multilateral forums. In 2024, for instance, Pope Francis became the first pontiff to address a G7 summit, speaking in a special session on artificial intelligence.

    He also had a string of bilateral meetings on the sidelines with the leaders of the United States, Ukraine, France, Brazil, Turkey, Canada and India, among others.

    When a pope travels, host governments roll out the symbols of a state visit, though the Vatican insists on calling such trips “apostolic journeys”. Conversely, when foreign leaders come to Rome, they are received in the pope’s own apartments, not in a government palace. These meetings therefore take on a spiritual, as well as political, cast.

    In short, the pope moves with ease between being a shepherd and sovereign. His spiritual authority opens doors for dialogue, while his head-of-state status allows him to receive ambassadors, sign treaties and sit across the table from presidents and prime ministers.

    The result is a singular blend of moral voice and diplomatic reach unmatched in global affairs.

    Pragmatic statecraft under the colonnade

    For a middle-power such as Australia, dialogue between a prime minister and a pope can have a multiplier top-down effect. These discussions often echo across chancelleries in the Global South, especially in Catholic Latin America and the Philippines. These are both priority markets for Australian education and green-hydrogen exports.

    In Rome, Albanese can also affirm Australia’s commitment to multilateralism at a moment when Indo-Pacific tensions have nudged Canberra towards increased defence spending and an over-militarised image. The sacred stage permits a softer register: diplomacy as dialogue, not deterrence.

    When the incense clears on Sunday, most viewers will remember the pageantry: the fisherman’s ring (a gold signet ring cast for each new pope), the pallium (the white woollen band draped over the pope’s shoulders during mass), and the roar of 100,000 pilgrims.

    Yet, the quieter choreography in the diplomatic boxes may shape trade flows, security partnerships and refugee corridors for years.

    Albanese appears to have recognised this rare alchemy. Showing up in Rome is pragmatic statecraft, executed under Bernini’s colonnade. This is where religious and political figures have long mingled — and will continue to do so as long as popes and prime minister seize the moment.

    Darius von Guttner Sporzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why Anthony Albanese’s presence at Pope Leo’s inauguration is shrewd politics – https://theconversation.com/why-anthony-albaneses-presence-at-pope-leos-inauguration-is-shrewd-politics-256696

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Saudi Arabia has big AI ambitions. They could come at the cost of human rights

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Niusha Shafiabady, Associate Professor in Computational Intelligence, Australian Catholic University

    This week, on his tour of the Middle East, United States President Donald Trump unveiled a suite of new deals with Saudi Arabia.

    Trump claimed the deals were worth more than US$1 trillion (A$1.5 trillion). This is likely an overestimate. What’s less murky is that many of these deals involve the development of artificial intelligence (AI) technology.

    This news came shortly after Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince and de facto ruler, Mohammed bin Salman, launched a new company known as Humain to develop and manage AI. The company is part of Saudi Arabia’s state-run investment firm, and is seeking to create powerful Arabic large language models. This would be significant for the more than 450 million people who speak Arabic around the world.

    These developments are part of Saudi Arabia’s vision to become a global AI hub, as it tries to diversify its economy away from oil.

    But as AI grows in Saudi Arabia, it could have consequences – including for human rights.

    An absolute monarchy

    Saudi Arabia is an absolute monarchy in which the unelected king holds total authority in the way the country is run. According to nonprofit organisation Freedom House, the country “restricts almost all political rights and civil liberties”.

    The country has been criticised by Human Rights Watch for human rights issues, including suppressing free speech and targeting government critics.

    In one extreme example, in October 2018, one of the government’s most vocal critics, Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi, was assassinated at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey. A 2021 US intelligence report concluded Mohammed bin Salman approved the assassination.

    Discrimination against women is another major human rights concern. These issues have led to serious concerns about overall freedoms in the country.

    Becoming a global AI hub

    Saudi Arabia is expanding its efforts to extend economic opportunities while positioning the country at the forefront of global AI innovation. According to the Global AI Index, the country’s public AI spending commitments significantly outrank those of the US and China, totalling more than $40 billion over the next decade.

    The newly-launched AI company, Humain, is at the centre of Saudi Arabia’s efforts to become a global AI hub.

    This week the company announced a partnership with NVIDIA, which develops special computer chips known as graphic processing units – or GPUs – for AI. NVIDIA will support the creation of AI data centres in Saudi Arabia by exporting “several hundred thousand” of its most advanced GPUs over the next five years.

    Humain will also deploy an AI platform developed by NVIDIA to enable industries to create digital twins. These are virtual replicas of physical environments that aim to enhance efficiency and sustainability.

    Alongside its partnership with NVIDIA, Humain also announced a new US$5 billion partnership with Amazon Web Services. This will help build a suite of AI infrastructure in Saudi Arabia.

    More broadly, Saudi Arabia is embedding AI into urban development. The technology is at the heart of its megacity development known as The Line. AI is also being deployed to streamline traffic systems and enhance energy efficiency.

    This is something the general public in Saudi Arabia support. For example, a 2022 survey by Ipsos found 76% of adults in Saudi Arabia believed that products and services using AI have more benefits than drawbacks. This compared to a global country average of 52%.

    Nonprofit organisation Freedom House says the monarchy that governs Saudi Arabia restricts almost all political rights and civil liberties.
    Chaudhary Umair Ahmad/Shutterstock

    A digital authoritarian tool

    Saudi Arabia already uses AI and other digital technologies to monitor citizens and control dissent.

    For example, the country reportedly used spyware on devices belonging to Jamal Khashoggi’s relatives in the lead up to his murder.

    The Line will also incorporate digital tracking systems of citizens. This has led some critics to describe it as a “surveillance city”.

    With the country’s track record in mind, the huge expansion of Saudi Arabia’s AI capabilities creates further opportunities for the regime to use the technology in ways that could be of concern.

    In a 2024 paper political scientist Nayera Mohamed Hamed Ibrahim described AI in Saudi Arabia as being a “digital authoritarian tool” which further entrenched the absolute power of the monarchy and its control over civilian life.

    The technology risks becoming an even more powerful digital authoritarian tool in Saudi Arabia as the country continues its march to becoming one of the world’s biggest developers of AI.

    Niusha Shafiabady does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Saudi Arabia has big AI ambitions. They could come at the cost of human rights – https://theconversation.com/saudi-arabia-has-big-ai-ambitions-they-could-come-at-the-cost-of-human-rights-256793

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Disarming Hezbollah is key to Lebanon’s recovery − but the task is complicated by regional shifts, ceasefire violations

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Mireille Rebeiz, Chair of Middle East Studies and Associate Professor of Francophone and Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies, Dickinson College

    Slain Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah looms large in Lebanon. Anwar Amro/AFP via Getty Images

    Within a span of two weeks from late April to early May 2025, Israel launched two aerial attacks ostensibly targeting Hezbollah in Lebanon: The first, on April 27, struck a building in Beirut’s southern suburbs; the second, an assault in southern Lebanon, left one person dead and eight others injured.

    While the attacks may not be an aberration in the long history of Israel’s military action in Lebanon, the latest episodes were notable given the context: Israel and Hezbollah have been nominally locked in a truce for five months.

    As an expert on Lebanese history and culture, I believe the latest violations clearly show the fragility of that ceasefire. But more importantly, they complicate the Lebanese government’s mission of disarming Hezbollah, the paramilitary group that remains a powerful force in the country despite a series of Israeli targeted killings of its senior members. That task forms the backbone of a nearly 20-year-old United Nations resolution meant to bring lasting peace to Lebanon.

    The long road to a ceasefire

    In the aftermath of Hamas’ attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, Hezbollah vowed solidarity with the Palestinian movement, resulting in a running series of tit-for-tat attacks with Israel that escalated into a full-blown war in the fall of 2024.

    On Oct. 1, 2024, Israel invaded Lebanon – the sixth time since 1978 – in order to directly confront Hezbollah. That operation led to the killing of an estimated 3,800 Lebanese people and the displacement of over 1 million civilians. The damage to Lebanon’s economy is estimated at US$14 billion, according to the World Bank.

    Hezbollah lost a lot of its fighters, arsenal and popular support as a result. More importantly, these losses discredited Hezbollah’s claim that it alone can guarantee Lebanon’s territorial integrity against Israel’s invasion.

    The United States and France brokered a ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel on Nov. 27, 2024. The agreement was based in part on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701, which was adopted in 2006 to end that year’s 34-day war between Israel and Hezbollah. The resolution had as a central tenet the disarmament of armed militias, including Hezbollah, and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon.

    The 2024 ceasefire built on that resolution. It required Hezbollah’s retreat beyond the Litani River, which at its closest point is about 20 miles from northern Israel. In return, and by February 2025, Israel was to gradually withdraw from Lebanese territories in order to allow the Lebanese army to take control of areas in the south and to confiscate all unauthorized weapons – a nod to Hezbollah’s arsenal.

    Yet, Israel maintained the occupation of several posts in southern Lebanon after that deadline and continued to launch attacks on Lebanese soil, the most recent being on May 8, 2025.

    The challenge of disarming Hezbollah

    Despite these violations, large-scale war between Israel and Hezbollah has not resumed. But the next step, a lasting peace based on the laying down of Hezbollah arms, is complicated by a series of factors, not least the sectarian nature of Lebanese politics.

    Since its inception in 1920, Lebanon’s governance has been defined by a polarized and formally sectarian political system, which seeded the roots of a decades-long civil conflict that began in 1975. A series of invasions by Israel in response to attacks from Lebanese-based Palestinian groups exacerbated sectarianism and instability.

    From this mix, Hezbollah emerged and became a powerful force during the late 1980s.

    The Taif Agreement, ending Lebanon’s civil war in 1989, formally recognized the state’s right to resist the Israeli occupation of Lebanese territories – and with it Hezbollah’s presence as a force of resistance. An uneasy coexistence between the government and Hezbollah emerged, which often spilled over into violence, including assassinations of important public figures.

    More recently, Hezbollah was responsible for a two-year political vacuum as it mobilized members to repeatedly block opposition candidates for the vacant presidency in the hopes of installing a leader that would support its agenda.

    A view from the southern Lebanese district of Marjeyoun shows smoke billowing from the site of Israeli airstrikes on May 8, 2025.
    Rabih Daher/AFP via Getty Images

    In January 2025 that standoff ended when Lebanon’s parliament elected army chief Joseph Aoun, a Maronite Christian, as president.

    The acquiescence of Hezbollah and its allies was in part a sign of how much the power of the Shiite militia had been diminished by Israel during the conflict.

    But it is also the result of a widespread general understanding in Lebanon of the need to end the humanitarian crisis caused by Israel’s war. The new president has brought much-needed hope to a battered country – one that has been plagued by numerous crises, including a collapsed economy that by 2019 had pushed 80% of the population into poverty.

    But Aoun’s presidency signals the changing political environment in another key way; unlike his predecessors, Aoun has not endorsed Hezbollah as a legitimate resistance movement.

    Further, Aoun has announced his intentions to disarm the group
    and to fully implement resolution 1701.

    To this end, Aoun has made impressive gains. According to state officials, the Lebanese army had by the end of April 2025 dismantled over 90% of Hezbollah’s infrastructure south of the Litani River and taken control over these sites.

    Yet Hezbollah’s chief, Naim Kassem, doggedly rejects calls to disarm and integrate the group’s fighters into the Lebanese armed forces.

    Even in Hezbollah’s weakened position, Kassem believes only his movement, and not the Lebanese state, can guarantee Lebanon’s safety against Israel. And Israel violations of the ceasefire only play into this narrative.

    “We will not allow anyone to remove Hezbollah’s weapons,” Kassem said after one recent airstrike, vowing that the group would hand over weapons only when Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon and ended it’s air incursions.

    Can Lebanon’s new president, Joseph Aoun, untangle the Gordian knot of Lebanese politics?
    Ludovic Marin/AFP via Getty Images

    The challenge going forward

    Yet countries including the United States and Qatar – not to mention Israel – consider Hezbollah’s disarmament a prerequisite to both peace and much-needed international assistance.

    And this makes the task ahead for Aoun difficult. He will be well aware that international aid is desperately needed. But pressing too hard to accommodate either Israel’s or Hezbollah’s interests risks, respectively, exacerbating either domestic political pressures or jeopardizing future foreign investment.

    To complicate matters further, the situation in Lebanon is hardly helped by developments in neighboring Syria.

    The fall of Syrian President Bashar Assad in December 2024 has added another element of regional uncertainty and the fear in Lebanon of further sectarian violence. Although Syria’s new leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, has vowed to protect all religious groups, he was not able to prevent the massacre of Alawite civilians in several coastal towns – an attack that triggered a fresh wave of refugees heading toward Lebanon.

    The removal of Assad was another blow for Hezbollah, a strong Assad ally that benefited from years of Syrian interference in Lebanon.

    The challenge of international relations

    For now, a return to full-scale war in Lebanon does not appear to be on the table.

    But what comes next for Lebanon and Hezbollah depends on many factors, not least the state of Israel’s ongoing war on Gaza and any spillover into Lebanon. But the actions of other regional actors, notably Saudi Arabia and Iran, matter too. Should Saudi Arabia be encouraged down the path of normalizing relations with Israel – a process interrupted by the Oct. 7 attack – then it would impact Lebanon in many ways.

    Any deal would, from the Saudi perspective, likely have to include a solution to the question of Palestinian statehood, taking away one of Hezbollah’s main grievances. It would also likely put pressure on Lebanon and Israel to find a solution to its long-standing border dispute.

    Meanwhile, Iran, too, is seemingly turning to diplomatic means to address some of its regional issues, with nascent moves to both improve ties with Saudi Arabia and forge forward with a new nuclear deal with the U.S. This could see Tehran turn away from a policy of trying to impose its influence throughout the region by arming groups aligned with Tehran – first among them, Hezbollah.

    Mireille Rebeiz is affiliated with the American Red Cross.

    – ref. Disarming Hezbollah is key to Lebanon’s recovery − but the task is complicated by regional shifts, ceasefire violations – https://theconversation.com/disarming-hezbollah-is-key-to-lebanons-recovery-but-the-task-is-complicated-by-regional-shifts-ceasefire-violations-255671

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: You usually need more than a few drops of blood, saliva or urine to detect illnesses. Here’s why

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amali Cooray, PhD Candidate in Genetic Engineering and Cancer, WEHI (Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research)

    Lumen Photos/Shutterstock

    In the 2000s, biotech company Theranos promised to revolutionise blood testing. Founder Elizabeth Holmes claimed Theranos technology could perform hundreds of tests using just a finger-prick drop of blood. If true, their diagnostics would be faster, cheaper and more accessible.

    Theranos raised hundreds of millions of dollars from investors and was valued at more than US$9 billion in 2015.

    However, the technology never worked, leading to one of the biggest scandals in biotech history. Theranos was secretly using traditional machines to run many tests, then claiming the results came from its own (non-functional) device. Holmes was eventually convicted of fraud and sentenced to 11 years in prison.

    Today, a new startup, Haemanthus, claims to have developed a similar technology. Co-founded by Billy Evans (Holmes’ partner), this new company says it can detect and diagnose illnesses using tiny amounts of blood, urine, or even saliva.

    While technology has advanced since Theranos’ time, it’s important to consider these claims carefully.

    Clinicians and lab techs can currently detect many conditions with blood, and some with urine or saliva. These are an important tools in modern medicine. However, the volumes required are usually much greater than a few drops or a dab.

    What can blood detect?

    Blood circulates through all organs, transporting cells, nutrients, hormones and waste products. Blood tests collect several millilitres of blood from a vein and send this to a laboratory for analysis.

    Blood tests can check if a person has signs of infection or disease, to monitor organ function, or to show how a person is responding to medical treatment. Blood tests are widely used to monitor heart disease, diabetes, kidney disease, or deficiencies in iron or vitamins.

    A significant proportion of medical decisions are based on laboratory analysis of blood tests. Making them more affordable and accessible would have great benefits.

    What about urine?

    Urine is produced by the kidneys and contains waste filtered from the blood. The colour and composition of urine gives you a snapshot of any problems the body might be trying to fix.

    Urine analysis can detect urinary tract infections, kidney disorders, diabetes and liver diseases by measuring sugars, proteins and cells.

    Urine can detect some infections such as UTIs.
    AnaLysiSStudiO/Shutterstock

    As urine tests are non-invasive and easy to administer, they can be used to quickly screen for some conditions.

    However, factors such as how much you’ve had to drink and what you’ve eaten can influence urine composition, potentially affecting test results.

    Saliva can also be used for diagnoses

    Saliva is the clear, watery liquid produced by salivary glands in the mouth. It’s mostly water (around 99%), but also contains various substances such as hormones, antibodies, enzymes, DNA, RNA and metabolites.

    Saliva testing is already used in clinical settings to detect HIV antibodies, monitor levels of cortisol (a marker of stress) and to diagnose viral infections such as COVID.

    The potential of saliva as another non-invasive diagnostic tool is growing, especially as researchers identify more markers of disease that it can contain.

    However, saliva production varies between individuals. The composition of saliva can be impacted by what you eat and drink, the time of day, or even stress. These variations can limit how consistent and reliable saliva can be for making a diagnosis.

    But how much of it do you need?

    While diagnosing diseases using bodily fluids isn’t new, Haemanthus and other startups differentiate themselves by aiming (and claiming) to need only small amounts for multiple tests: a drop of blood, a swab of saliva, or a few milliliters of urine. This would mean faster, cheaper, more convenient tests that cause less discomfort.

    The promise of avoiding traditional blood tests is appealing.
    Ronald Rampsch/Shutterstock

    But there are physical limitations of small samples. Many diagnostic markers (called biomarkers) are only present in very low amounts in our body fluids.

    When the sample amount decreases, so do the amounts of the biomarkers, making it harder to detect them reliably. This is particularly true for biomarkers such as hormones, cancer markers, or early-stage disease indicators.

    What can you detect with a few drops?

    Of course, some conditions can be diagnosed using small samples, but generally only one condition is tested for with each small sample, unlike the claims of companies like Theranos.

    Finger-prick blood samples, for example, can monitor blood glucose levels of people with diabetes.

    Small urine samples can detect urinary tract infections, but not all types of infections at once.

    The specific biomarkers for these conditions can be reliably detectable in small amounts of fluid.

    To diagnose more complex conditions, or even unknown conditions, multiple tests may be required, each needing different sample preparations. This requires both volume and precision – two things tests with small sample volumes struggle to deliver.

    What happens next?

    While the idea of diagnosing illnesses with small fluid samples is promising, especially for remote or resource-limited settings, the science suggests we should be cautious.

    Most human diseases are complicated, and we usually need comprehensive testing approaches to diagnose them. Relying only on small fluid samples could lead to misdiagnosis, delayed treatments, or unnecessary interventions.

    Innovations in biosensor technology, machine learning algorithms and biomarker discovery continue to advance the field. And one day, fast and reliable small volume testing may be possible.

    However, a lot more peer-reviewed research and regulatory approvals will be essential to ensure patient safety and diagnostic accuracy.



    Read more:
    Worried about getting a blood test? 5 tips to make them easier (and still accurate)

    John (Eddie) La Marca receives funding from Cancer Council Victoria. He is affiliated with the Olivia Newton-John Cancer Research Institute and the Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research.

    Sarah Diepstraten receives funding from Cure Cancer Australia and My Room Children’s Cancer Charity.

    Amali Cooray does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. You usually need more than a few drops of blood, saliva or urine to detect illnesses. Here’s why – https://theconversation.com/you-usually-need-more-than-a-few-drops-of-blood-saliva-or-urine-to-detect-illnesses-heres-why-256562

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: To boost the nation’s health, the government’s proposed food strategy must put people over profits

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachael Walshe, Post-doctoral Researcher, University of Canberra

    crbellette/sShutterstock

    On election night, a triumphant Anthony Albanese took to the stage brandishing a Medicare card as a symbol of the nation’s commitment to public healthcare.

    As the re-elected government gets to work on its promised national food security strategy “Feeding Australia”, it has a unique opportunity to build a strategic agenda as bold and transformative as Medicare.

    That agenda is investment in food as a public good – a recognition that a healthy food system is as important to the nation’s health and wellbeing as access to hospitals, bulk-billing doctors and subsidised medicines.

    Feeding Australia

    The new Labor government, with its large majority, has a once-in-a-generation chance to deliver meaningful change in our food system.

    It went into the election promising a new food security strategy, which Agriculture Minister Julie Collins says will improve supply chain resilience and and minimise price volatility at the checkout:

    Australia has an impressive record in agriculture, feeding millions of people both here and abroad, but we can’t afford to be complacent. The Albanese Labor government will protect and strengthen Australia’s food security for the benefit of our farmers and all Australians, as well as the trading partners that rely on our produce. When our food and supply chains are secure, it reduces financial strain on households, helping all Australians.

    Labor has tried this before. In 2013, the Gillard government’s short-lived National Food Plan was critcised for prioritising corporate interests over public health and sustainability.

    Repeating past mistakes will again risk putting corporate hunger first. The Feeding Australia strategy must prioritise the health of people, planet, and care for Country.

    Food for thought

    The food security strategy must address multiple, converging crises:

    • growing food poverty
    • worsening diet-related health
    • biosecurity threats
    • accelerating climate change
    • declining farmer viability
    • supermarket duopoly.

    Australia produces enough food to feed more than twice its population. Yet it struggles to feed its own people well.

    Foodbank Australia estimates one third of Australians now experience some form of food insecurity. A combination of market failures and policy inaction leaves us vulnerable to supply chain disruption and even greater food inequity.

    Biosecurity is also a challenge. The recent outbreak of bird flu means eggs – a basic pantry item – now cost 16.1% more than 2020.

    But it’s not only consumers who are suffering. One-third of vegetable growers are considering leaving agriculture in the next year, due to high costs and what growers’ group AUSVEG has called the “relentless squeeze” on margins.

    A business-as-usual approach will only reinforce the current state of Australia’s supermarket sector, which is among the most concentrated and profitable in the world. Accusations of price gouging and misleading pricing raise concerns for consumers, particularly during a cost-of-living crisis.

    As extreme climate events and biosecurity threats increase in frequency and intensity, the duopoly’s centralised supply chains have occasionally failed. After this year’s floods in Far North Queensland, supermarket shelves were empty once again.

    Empty shelves were a weekly occurance in Far North Queensland after the floods stopped rail and road transport.
    Photo by Mick Haupt on Unsplash

    Yet, independent grocers with shorter supply chains remained stocked – as they did during the Queensland floods in 2011.

    The food strategy must do more than offer a band-aid solution to fix an ailing food system.

    Community networks

    Local food networks have an important role to play in this process.

    They are collectives of people and organisations that are committed to creating food and farming systems that put health, equity, and sustainability first. They gather collective wisdom, mobilise public procurement to support local producers, and secure more democratic, health-oriented, and sustainable food system policies.

    Food networks are flourishing in North America, which has more than 300 active councils as of 2023. The Australian sector is not as mature, but is growing.

    Groups including the South Australian Urban Food Network, Tasmanian Food Security Council, Southern Harvest (NSW/ACT), and Farm 2 Fork Collective (Queensland), demonstrate growing capacity for citizen involvement in food policy and decision making. These networks encourage local initiatives such as community gardens, food hubs, and localised institutional procurement.

    New research points to how community-led food cooperatives can also help improve food security and healthier diets.

    These, and other examples, show the power of community in strengthening food system resilience and security. But they can’t do it alone. Communities need government support and investment.

    Future food

    The question of who feeds Australia – and how we are fed – matters to us all.

    The National Food Security Strategy is an opportunity to forge a more healthy food future. It can lay the foundations for a food and farming system that feeds us well for generations to come.

    Achieving this bold agenda will take an inclusive, participatory process that foregrounds First Nations’ voices and the lived experience of those at the sharp end of the cost-of-living crisis.

    Rachael Walshe works for Sustain: The Australian Food Network

    Kelly Donati is a co-founder and volunteer board director of Sustain: The Australian Food Network.

    Molly Fairweather works for Sustain: The Australian Food Network. She is also a member of Healthy Food Systems Australia (HFSA).

    Nick Rose is the co-founder and Executive Director of Sustain: the Australian Food Network. He is also a Senior Lecturer in the Bachelor of Food Studies at William Angliss Institute.

    Nick Rose was a Partner Investigator on an ARC project, Strengthening Food Governance at the Local Level (2019-2022).

    Sustain currently receives funding from a range of public sector organisations and philanthropic foundations with a shared mission for food system change, including VicHealth and Lord Mayor’s Charitable Organisation.

    – ref. To boost the nation’s health, the government’s proposed food strategy must put people over profits – https://theconversation.com/to-boost-the-nations-health-the-governments-proposed-food-strategy-must-put-people-over-profits-256679

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australian researchers use a quantum computer to simulate how real molecules behave

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ivan Kassal, Professor of Chemical Physics, University of Sydney

    University of Sydney Nano Institute

    When a molecule absorbs light, it undergoes a whirlwind of quantum-mechanical transformations. Electrons jump between energy levels, atoms vibrate, and chemical bonds shift — all within millionths of a billionth of a second.

    These processes underpin everything from photosynthesis in plants and DNA damage from sunlight, to the operation of solar cells and light-powered cancer therapies.

    Yet despite their importance, chemical processes driven by light are difficult to simulate accurately. Traditional computers struggle, because it takes vast computational power to simulate this quantum behaviour.

    Quantum computers, by contrast, are themselves quantum systems — so quantum behaviour comes naturally. This makes quantum computers natural candidates for simulating chemistry.

    Until now, quantum devices have only been able to calculate unchanging things, such as the energies of molecules. Our study, published this week in the Journal of the American Chemical Society, demonstrates we can also model how those molecules change over time.

    We experimentally simulated how specific real molecules behave after absorbing light.

    Simulating reality with a single ion

    We used what is called a trapped-ion quantum computer. This works by manipulating individual atoms in a vacuum chamber, held in place with electromagnetic fields.

    Normally, quantum computers store information using quantum bits, or qubits. However, to simulate the behaviour of the molecules, we also used vibrations of the atoms in the computer called “bosonic modes”.

    This technique is called mixed qudit-boson simulation. It dramatically reduces how big a quantum computer you need to simulate a molecule.

    Using a new technique allows realistic simulations to be carried out with small quantum computers.
    Nicola Bailey

    We simulated the behaviour of three molecules absorbing light: allene, butatriene, and pyrazine. Each molecule features complex electronic and vibrational interactions after absorbing light, making them ideal test cases.

    Our simulation, which used a laser and a single atom in the quantum computer, slowed these processes down by a factor of 100 billion. In the real world, the interactions take femtoseconds, but our simulation of them played out in milliseconds – slow enough for us to see what happened.

    A million times more efficient

    What makes our experiment particularly significant is the size of the quantum computer we used.

    Performing the same simulation with a traditional quantum computer (without using bosonic modes) would require 11 qubits, and to carry out roughly 300,000 “entangling” operations without errors. This is well beyond the reach of current technology.

    By contrast, our approach accomplished the task by zapping a single trapped ion with a single laser pulse. We estimate our method is at least a million times more resource-efficient than standard quantum approaches.

    We also simulated “open-system” dynamics, where the molecule interacts with its environment. This is typically a much harder problem for classical computers.

    By injecting controlled noise into the ion’s environment, we replicated how real molecules lose energy. This showed environmental complexity can also be captured by quantum simulation.

    What’s next?

    This work is an important step forward for quantum chemistry. Even though current quantum computers are still limited in scale, our methods show that small, well-designed experiments can already tackle problems of real scientific interest.

    Simulating the real-world behaviour of atoms and molecules is a key goal of quantum chemistry. It will make it easier to understand the properties of different materials, and may accelerate breakthroughs in medicine, materials and energy.

    We believe that with a modest increase in scale — to perhaps 20 or 30 ions — quantum simulations could tackle chemical systems too complex for any classical supercomputer. That would open the door to rapid advances in drug development, clean energy, and our fundamental understanding of chemical processes that drive life itself.

    The authors declare no competing interests. The research was supported by the Sydney Horizon Fellowship program, the Wellcome Leap Quantum for Bio program, the Australian Research Council, the US Office of Naval Research Global, the US Army Research Office Laboratory for Physical Sciences, Lockheed Martin and the Sydney Quantum Academy.

    – ref. Australian researchers use a quantum computer to simulate how real molecules behave – https://theconversation.com/australian-researchers-use-a-quantum-computer-to-simulate-how-real-molecules-behave-256870

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Some young trans people take sex hormones so their bodies better align with their gender. What are the benefits and risks?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cristyn Davies, Senior Research Fellow in the Specialty of Child and Adolescent Health, Faculty of Medicine and Health, University of Sydney

    romain-jorge/Shutterstock

    Triggered by hormonal changes in the brain and body, puberty marks a physical transformation. Oestrogen and testosterone – often called “sex hormones” – drive many familiar changes, such as breast development and periods or a deeper voice and facial hair.

    For most young people, the pubertal changes they experience align with their gender. However, for trans and gender diverse adolescents, these changes can be distressing and may lead to a sense of disconnection from their true sense of self.

    (We’ll use the term “trans” in this article to refer to transgender and gender diverse people.)

    Why do young trans people use sex hormones?

    To support trans adolescents, oestrogen and testosterone may be used to induce physical changes that better align with their gender.

    Oestrogen stimulates breast development, alters body fat distribution, results in softer skin, and reduces facial and body hair, creating a more feminine appearance.

    Testosterone deepens the voice, increases facial and body hair, promotes muscle growth and stops periods, creating a more masculine appearance.

    Hormones are just one means by which people can affirm their gender and only some trans adolescents seek sex hormone treatment. Other means include puberty suppression, changing your name, pronouns, hair, clothing and legal documents.

    When do trans people start sex hormones?

    Many trans people start taking sex hormones as adults.

    For those who start as adolescents, hormones are introduced when a young person is considered to have the intellectual and emotional maturity to make this decision.

    The starting age also varies depending on the person’s preferences, family support and barriers to accessing care. These barriers include long wait times, regional disparities, costs, legal or policy restrictions, and challenges navigating the health system, all of which make it harder to get timely, reliable care.

    Before starting hormone therapy, trans adolescents undergo comprehensive assessment and counselling with a team of mental health professionals and medical doctors who specialise in transgender health. This helps ensure young people understand the potential benefits, limitations, risks, and long-term implications of treatment.

    This process involves their family and is designed to provide time, support and space for shared, informed decision-making.

    A young trans man takes a walk
    Young trans people undergo comphrensive assessments and counselling before they start taking sex hormones.
    Sandra van der Steen/Shutterstock

    Treatment with sex hormones usually begins with low doses, after which adjustments are made over time under regular clinical monitoring.

    Subsequent physical changes occur gradually over several years, as is true for puberty, and some of these are irreversible. Breast growth or a deepened voice, for example, will persist if treatment is stopped.

    What are the benefits?

    The largest study to date followed 315 trans and gender diverse adolescents for two years after starting oestrogen or testosterone. It found a significant increase in how comfortable participants felt about their appearance. This was accompanied by significant improvements in life satisfaction and reductions in depression and anxiety.

    More recently, Australian youth mental health research centre Orygen conducted a review of the overall evidence. It reported sex hormone treatment for young trans people is associated with body image satisfaction and reduced psychological symptoms, including depression, anxiety and suicide attempts, thoughts and/or planning.

    An independent review of the evidence commissioned by NSW Health reported similar conclusions and found sex hormone therapy was associated with reduced gender dysphoria, which is the distress experienced when a person’s gender identity differs from their sex reported at birth.

    Together, these published outcomes are consistent with decades of clinical and lived experience that young trans people report feeling more at ease in their bodies, more confident in social settings, and more optimistic about their future after starting hormones.

    What about unwanted effects?

    Like all medical treatments, sex hormone therapy involves the potential for unwanted effects.

    Oestrogen, for example, can increase the risk of blood clots and breast cancer in the long-term, but the overall risk appears low.

    Testosterone can increase acne as well as the number of red blood cells the body produces. Too many red cells can make a person’s blood too thick and increase the likelihood of a stroke or heart attack. Monitoring red cell counts and adjusting the dose of testosterone helps reduce these risks.

    Oestrogen and testosterone can also affect the reproductive system. Oestrogen can stop sperm production and testosterone can stop the ovaries from releasing eggs, but neither treatment should be considered an effective form of contraception.

    Given the possibility that trans adolescents might wish to stay on hormone treatment long-term, they are usually offered fertility counselling before starting treatment. The option to freeze sperm or eggs exists, although access and affordability can be a challenge.

    One unwanted effect that has received a lot of attention relates to regret. There is fear adolescents who start hormone treatment will regret this decision later on.

    At this stage, the risk of regret among adolescents starting hormone therapy appears low. Harvard researchers recently followed a cohort of 1,050 adolescents who had received hormone therapy, and only one was noted to have expressed regret.

    However, the risk of regret is inherent to any medical treatment. Allowing adolescents the dignity of risk to make their own decisions respects their autonomy.

    Sex hormones have been used in trans adolescents since at least the 1980s, and so far the evidence suggests these treatments are safe and work well for those who receive them. Nonetheless, long-term research into their safety (and effectiveness) is ongoing and essential.

    What about consent?

    Past decisions of the Family Court of Australia established a requirement for both parents to provide consent for their trans adolescent to access hormonal treatments, treating this care as legally exceptional.

    However, a 2022 decision of the Queensland Supreme Court ruled an adolescent, who is under the age of 18 and has sufficient understanding and intelligence to consent for themselves, could consent to their own hormone treatment.

    Despite this, some gender clinics still require consent from both parents. If there’s a dispute between parents, the matter should be taken to court, to reach a resolution based on the adolescent’s best interests.

    Testosterone and oestrogen therapy are not new or experimental. They are grounded in decades of clinical practice and growing evidence. What is new is the public attention. We need to ensure policies and conversations are based on facts, not fear.

    The Conversation

    Cristyn Davies reports voluntarily being co-chair of the Human Rights Council of Australia; co-chair of the Child and Youth Special Interest Group for the Public Health Association of Australia; President of the Australian Association For Adolescent Health; an ambassador to Twenty10 Incorporating the Gay and Lesbian Counselling Service of New South Wales; and co-chair of the research committee for the Australian Professional Association for Trans Health.

    Blake Cavve is a senior research officer at The Kids Research Institute Australia and an adjunct researcher at The University of Western Australia, with ongoing research collaborations with the Child and Adolescent Health Service. Blake has recieved funding from the Perth Children’s Hospital Foundation and the Raine Medical Research Foundation. He is a member of the Australian Professional Association for Trans Health, and the World Professional Association for Transgender Health.

    Ken Pang is a Senior Principal Research Fellow at the Murdoch Children’s Research Insititute and a paediatrician at the Royal Children’s Hospital in Melbourne. He receives research funding from the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council and the Medical Research Future Fund. He is a member of the Australian Professional Association for Trans Health, the World Professional Association for Transgender Health, and the editorial board of the journal, Transgender Health.

    Michele O’Connell is paediatric endocrinologist at the Royal Children’s Hospital in Melbourne. She is a co-investigator on research studies funded by the Medical Research Future Fund and a member of the Australian Professional Association for Trans Health.

    Rachel Skinner receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council’s Medical Research Future Fund and the Australian Research Council for related research. She is an adolescent medicine paediatrician employed by the Sydney Children’s Hospitals Network and provides clinical care to trans young people. She has professional memberships with the Royal Australasian College of Physicians, the Australian Association of Adolescent Health, the Society of Adolescent Health and Medicine, the Australian Professional Association of Transgender Health and the World Professional Association of Transgender Health.

    – ref. Some young trans people take sex hormones so their bodies better align with their gender. What are the benefits and risks? – https://theconversation.com/some-young-trans-people-take-sex-hormones-so-their-bodies-better-align-with-their-gender-what-are-the-benefits-and-risks-251254

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: No chance to say goodbye – defeated MPs will rue not giving valedictory speeches

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amy Nethery, Associate professor of politics and policy, Deakin University

    Former Greens leader Adam Bandt’s 15-year career in federal parliament came to an end in a nondescript park in Melbourne, far from the seat of power in Canberra.

    He was there to concede defeat in the federal election. In one fell swoop, Bandt had lost his seat, his party’s leadership, his vocation and his living.

    As a defeated MP, he was denied the opportunity to deliver a valedictory speech in parliament, which is available to politicians who go out on their own terms.

    Instead, he stood in a garden, reflecting on his career highs and lows and thanking his family and supporters.

    Adam Bandt draws his 15-year parliamentary career to a close after conceding defeat in his seat of Melbourne.

    Bandt wasn’t the only high-profile politician whose career was cut short without the formal opportunity to say goodbye to parliament.

    At least 14 other MPs, including Peter Dutton, Bridget Archer, David Coleman, Michael Sukkar and Zoe Daniel, were sent on their way by voters without a valedictory to help draw a line under their parliamentary service.

    Rite of passage

    Valedictory speeches are vital for democratic renewal, because they help MPs navigate the complex changeover from the all-consuming role of a parliamentarian to life after politics.

    In this regard, they are similar to other rituals, such as graduations, weddings and even funerals, which help participants and observers make sense of major life transitions. This is why valedictory speeches are a cherished rite of passage for many departing members.

    Bill Shorten planned his retirement from politics and gave a valedictory speech in November 2024. He knew he was one of the fortunate ones:

    In 123 years of the storied history of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia, 1,244 individuals have been elected to the House of Representatives, each introduced themselves in their first speech […] But only 216 ever got the chance to say goodbye, to give a valedictory. Political life can be tough. Election defeat, scandal, illness, Section 44. So today, I stand here neither defeated nor disposed, lucky to have served, fortunate to be able to say goodbye and thank you.

    While first speeches have a long history in parliament, it was only in the 1980s that valedictory speeches became widely available to departing MPs and senators.

    Since then, valedictories have become one of the signature personal moments in a parliamentary career. They are often celebratory, friendly and funny in tone. Unsurprisingly, these speeches tend to be the most autobiographical – and frank – an MP will give in their career.

    On their way out, members speak with less constraint. Cross-party friendships are frequently noted. Some speak about the enormous sacrifices made by their spouses and children, and moments of personal loss.

    Life after politics

    We interviewed 39 former members of the Victorian parliament in 2020 about their experiences leaving parliament.

    Many spoke of valedictory speeches being important touchstones in their transition to life post-parliament.

    One former MP who gave a valedictory told us they “went out in the best way possible”:

    My valedictory speech was probably one of the best speeches I’ve ever made, and I still go back and watch it occasionally […] My kids were there, and family were there. It was just a really nice way to finish up with a funny speech. Then everyone lines up on both sides to shake your hand.

    No closure

    For some who missed out, the absence of the ritual contributed to ongoing negative feelings about parliament and their political career generally.

    Many former MPs experienced financial and emotional stress in their life on “civvy street”. Many found it difficult to establish an identity or career after politics.

    For involuntary leavers, the difficulties of electoral loss can be compounded by the sense of exclusion from one of the key transitional practices, leading to a sense of alienation. One former MP we interviewed recalled:

    One thing I did miss […] was I didn’t get to do a last speech. Very sad that I wasn’t able to round it off. There’s no closure and it’s almost like you’re just kicked out, here’s your basket of things from your desk and off you go.

    New rituals

    Given strangers are not permitted on the floor of the House or Senate, it is not possible for the vanquished to deliver conventional valedictories after an election.

    Parliament should consider giving these former members and senators a comparable transitional process to draw a line under their political careers.

    Some progress has been made. Since 2010, federal members who lost their seats can provide a written statement in lieu of a speech. A booklet of these statements is presented to the House early in the new parliament.

    We recommended to the Parliament of Victoria that a valedictory event be held in the Queen’s Hall or another formal location.

    Not all members want to go back to parliament – some may prefer to say goodbye in a local park.

    But for those who do, this can be an important observance to mark the end of their contribution to public life and their identity as a parliamentarian.

    Amy Nethery received funding from the Parliament of Victoria in 2020 to examine former MP’s experiences of the transition to life after parliament.

    Peter Ferguson received funding from the Parliament of Victoria in 2020 to examine former MP’s experiences of the transition to life after parliament.

    Zim Nwokora received funding from the Parliament of Victoria in 2020 to examine former MP’s experiences of the transition to life after parliament.

    – ref. No chance to say goodbye – defeated MPs will rue not giving valedictory speeches – https://theconversation.com/no-chance-to-say-goodbye-defeated-mps-will-rue-not-giving-valedictory-speeches-256569

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: This election, young people held the most political power. Here’s how they voted

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Intifar Chowdhury, Lecturer in Government, Flinders University

    This election, a lot of focus was directed at young voters. With Millennials and Gen Z now making up a larger share of the electorate than Baby Boomers, this was deserved.

    But for all the attempts to reach these cohorts, whether through TikTok, influencers or podcasts, how did they actually vote?

    Preliminary analysis of electorates with high shares of young people suggests the youth vote was complex and nuanced. The voting bloc continued its unpredictability, with support fragmented across parties, candidates and age groups.

    Analysing voting patterns

    On May 9, I analysed the Australian Electoral Commission’s (AEC) electoral division results alongside youth enrolment statistics, to explore how the youngest electorates voted.

    Rather than treating voters aged 18–44 as a single, homogeneous bloc, I separated them into Gen Z (aged 18–29) and Millennial (aged 30–44) categories. Evidence suggests that generation is more useful for analysis than age alone.

    Electorates with higher shares of young people tended to favour the left, particularly Labor. Even in Liberal-held seats that didn’t change hands, there were clear swings against the Coalition.

    Of course, electoral outcomes are shaped by more than age or generational factors. Seat-level voting reflects a complex mix of influences.

    But while we await individual-level public opinion data, the best available insights come from examining electoral division characteristics using Australian Bureau of Statistics 2021 Census data.

    What happened?

    Surprisingly, the Greens lost three of the country’s most youth-concentrated electorates: Melbourne, Brisbane and Griffith.

    In Melbourne – still the electorate with the highest share of Gen Z voters – the Greens retained the largest primary vote, but lost the seat on preferences.

    However, in Griffith, Labor had a higher primary vote, while in Brisbane, both major parties outpolled the Greens.

    These electorates also have high percentages of renters, public servants, and residents earning above $90,000 a year – demographics that did not necessarily advantage the Greens. In fact, higher-income areas showed a slight lean towards the Liberals.

    Other electorates with large youth shares also showed interesting dynamics. In La Trobe and Lindsay, both held by the Liberals but with growing shares of Millennials and renters, there were swings against the party.

    Labor experienced swings against them in seats such as Solomon, Wills and Pearce.

    Wills maintained a strong Greens primary vote, while Solomon recorded a significant independent vote. This is consistent with high shares of renters, public servants against the Coalition and tertiary-educated women, who are more likely to support minor parties and independents.

    These patterns suggest a quiet divergence between Millennial and Gen Z voters. Millennials, while more likely than older generations to support progressive parties like Labor and, to a lesser extent, the Greens, do not show the same enthusiasm for independents. This indicates Millennials remain more aligned with traditional party politics.

    In contrast, Gen Z voters appear more willing to abandon major parties altogether. This is a generational difference in values and political socialisation, but also a broader shift toward issue-based, campaign-sensitive, less predictable polling.

    A fragmented young electorate

    Even when we take into account the demographic makeup of seats, for a deeper analysis, disentangling the effects of overlapping factors is important. For example, as researcher Nicholas Biddle points out, age and renting are often correlated, so which variable is doing the explanatory work? Is it youth itself, housing tenure, or something else entirely? I dug deeper.

    This further exploration revealed housing and employment factors played a role, even when we account for generational differences.

    Electorates with high shares of renters were significantly more likely to support Labor and less likely to vote Liberal. Public-sector workers leaned clearly towards Labor and away from the Coalition.

    Meanwhile, higher-income electorates (earning more than $90,000 a year) showed a slight, but not statistically significant, movement toward the Liberals and independents, and away from Labor and the Greens.

    Electorates with a larger share of overseas-born residents also leaned modestly toward Labor, likely reflecting swings in areas with significant Chinese populations.

    It’s difficult to know much about gender yet as we don’t have access to the right data. But we can find the intersecting effect of gender with other variables, such as higher education.

    This revealed one of the most striking findings: the strongest positive predictor of a Greens or independent vote, removing all other variables, was the share of university-educated women. These voters consistently turned away from both major parties.

    By contrast, electorates with more tertiary-educated people overall, but not specifically women, were more likely to stick with the major parties.

    With younger generations containing more university-educated women than ever before, this is sobering news for both Labor and the Liberals.

    Big takeaways

    One mistake we keep making is treating the youth vote as a single bloc. This election reminds us there are two generations within the youth base.

    Gen Z are still in their political formative years and they’re showing signs of drifting further from the major parties.

    But Millennials, while still firmly left-leaning, seem to remain anchored to the two-party system.

    Perhaps it’s a sign of political “adulting” – a recognition that minor parties and independents can struggle to wield power in the lower house.

    Labor can still bank on Millennials, for now. But Gen Z, especially those who are highly educated, are the cohort to watch. They’re less loyal, and far less convinced that the traditional party structure speaks to them.

    There’s no way to sugarcoat it for the Liberals: there’s no good news here in their current form.

    But no party can get complacent.

    The modern Australian electorate may lean left overall, but it’s also increasingly disillusioned with the majors. Preferential voting may mask this shift, but it doesn’t halt it.

    The Greens, meanwhile, also have some soul-searching to do. Their campaign didn’t collapse, but their primary vote stalled.

    To become a serious third party in the House of Representatives, the Greens must grow their primary vote and find a way to hold onto their volatile, youthful base as it ages.

    Intifar Chowdhury does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. This election, young people held the most political power. Here’s how they voted – https://theconversation.com/this-election-young-people-held-the-most-political-power-heres-how-they-voted-255769

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Banning young people from social media sounds like a silver bullet. Global evidence suggests otherwise

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jasleen Chhabra, Research Fellow, Centre for Youth Mental Health, The University of Melbourne

    Monkey Business / Shutterstock

    Around 98% of Australian 15-year-olds use social media. Platforms such as TikTok, Snapchat and Instagram are where young people connect with friends and online communities, explore and express their identities, seek information, and find support for mental health struggles.

    However, the federal government, seeking to address concerns about young people’s mental health, has committed to ban under-16s from these platforms from later this year.

    There is no doubt social media presents risks to young people. These include cyberbullying, posts related to disordered eating or self-harm, hate speech, and the basic risk of spending long hours scrolling or “doomscrolling”.

    But is banning young people really the answer? We reviewed 70 reports from experts in Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States and Canada to understand what they recommend – and found broad agreement that a ban may not address the real problems.

    Humans preventing harm

    The overall verdict is that we need a much more thoughtful response than just a ban: only a coordinated approach between governments, regulators, tech companies and young people themselves will address youth mental health and online safety.

    We should be asking what we can do to make online spaces safer for young people, not jumping straight to removing them entirely.

    Content moderation is one area in need of urgent attention. Young people regularly report being exposed to harmful and age-inappropriate content on social media, while platforms replace moderation staff with cheaper AI systems.

    Automated processes have their place, but many recommendations in our review emphasised the importance of human moderators to keep up.

    Data and endless advertising

    A second issue exists around the collection and use of user data. Tech platforms have built their business model around user engagement and ad revenue.

    To keep users scrolling (and watching ads), companies collect large amounts of user data to deliver highly personalised feeds.

    Many experts advocate against the widespread collection and use of young people’s data, particularly for delivering advertising materials that promote dieting, unregulated supplements and cosmetic procedures. Posts like these often appear in an endless stream, interspersed between non-harmful and entertaining content.

    Starting with safety

    Alongside greater regulation of advertising material, many experts emphasised the need to consider “safety by design”.

    In other words, social media should be designed from the outset to prevent harming users. It may mean the end of “addictive” features such as infinite scrolling, frequent push notifications, and auto-play videos.

    Regulators also need the tools and power to hold platforms to account.

    That includes financial penalties, more transparent reporting from big tech companies, and taking proactive steps to keep harmful material off these platforms – not just taking down content after the fact.

    Age-checking tech troubles

    Our review did find a small number of reports that recommend barring young people from social media. However, experts questioned the feasibility of age verification technology and raised privacy concerns.

    The federal government has passed the buck to social media companies for actually implementing age verification of users.

    Platforms must take “reasonable steps” to restrict access by under-16s. It is unclear what these steps will be, but the prospect of facial recognition or digital ID checks raises serious privacy concerns.

    Others argue that banning under-16s from social media will drive them to less regulated online spaces, including online forums such as the notorious 4Chan, where some pages have an explicit “no rules” policy.

    It is also important to acknowledge that many young people find important support and communities on social media. Taking away social media may present risks to mental health in these circumstances.

    Listening to young people

    An age ban sounds decisive but comes with its own set of questions.

    In the absence of social media, where do young people questioning their sexual or gender identity go to find information and support? What would a ban mean for young people who engage with news on social media?

    There is little evidence about what impact a ban will have on young people, particularly those from diverse backgrounds.

    What’s more, young people have had minimal input into the policy. They have the insight to offer practical, real-world insights into what works and what does not.

    A blanket ban does nothing to make social media platforms safer for users. It might just delay problems and expose young people to an avalanche of harm when they log on at the age of 16.

    A ban brings its own risks

    The push to ban social media for under-16s is driven by genuine concerns. But unless it is a part of a broader, more thoughtful approach to online safety, it risks doing more harm than good.

    If we want a healthier digital environment, we can’t just lock out young people and hope for the best.

    Vita Pilkington receives funding from the Melbourne Research Scholarship and the Margaret Cohan Research Scholarship, both awarded by the University of Melbourne.

    Zac Seidler has been awarded an NHMRC Investigator Grant. He is also the Global Director of Research with the Movember Institute of Men’s Health. He advises government on men’s health, masculinities, violence prevention and social media policy.

    Jasleen Chhabra does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Banning young people from social media sounds like a silver bullet. Global evidence suggests otherwise – https://theconversation.com/banning-young-people-from-social-media-sounds-like-a-silver-bullet-global-evidence-suggests-otherwise-256587

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: A trial is testing ways to enforce Australia’s under-16s social media ban. But the tech is flawed

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexia Maddox, Senior Lecturer in Pedagogy and Education Futures, La Trobe University

    De Visu/Shutterstock

    Australia’s move to ban under-16s from social media is receiving widespread praise. Other countries, including the United Kingdom, Ireland, Singapore and Japan, are also now reportedly considering similar moves.

    The ban was legislated in November 2024 and is due to take effect in December 2025. The law says social media platforms can’t use official IDs such as passports to check Australian users’ ages, and shouldn’t track Australians. But it doesn’t specify the alternative.

    To test alternative methods, the federal government commissioned a trial of currently available technologies designed to “assure” people’s age online. Run by the Age Check Certification Scheme, a UK-based company specialising in testing and certifying identity verification systems, the trial is in its final stages. Results are expected at the end of June.

    So what are the technologies being trialled? Are they likely to work? And how might they – and the social media ban itself – alter the relationship all of us have with our dominant forms of digital communication?

    Dead ends for age verification

    Age verification confirms a person’s exact age using verified sources such as government-issued IDs. Age assurance is a broader term. It can include estimation techniques such as analysing faces or metadata to determine if users meet age requirements.

    In 2023 the federal government rejected mandating verification technologies for age-gating pornography sites. It found them “immature” with significant limitations. For example, database checks were costly and credit card verification could be easily worked around by minors.

    Nonprofit organisation Digital Rights Watch also pointed out that such systems were easily bypassed using virtual private networks – or VPNs. These are simple tools that hide a user’s location to make it seem like they are from a different country.

    Age assurance technologies bring different problems.

    For example, the latest US National Academies of Sciences report shows that facial recognition systems frequently misidentify children because their facial features are still developing.

    Improving these systems would require massive collections of children’s facial images. But international human rights law protects children’s privacy, making such data collection both legally and ethically problematic.

    Flawed testing of innovative tech?

    The age assurance technology trial currently includes 53 vendors hoping to win a contract for new innovative solutions.

    A range of technology is being trialled. It includes facial recognition offering “selfie-based age checks” and hand movement recognition technologies that claim to calculate age ranges. It also includes bespoke block chains to store sensitive data on.

    There are internal tensions about the trial’s design choices. These tensions centre on a lack of focus on ways to circumvent the technology, privacy implications, and verification of vendors’ efficacy claims.

    While testing innovation is good, the majority of companies and startups such as IDVerse, AgeCheck, and Yoti in the trial, will likely not hold clout over the major tech platforms in focus (Meta, Google and Snap).

    This divide reveals a fundamental problem: the companies building the checking tools aren’t the ones who must use them in the platforms targeted by the law. When tech giants don’t actively participate in developing solutions, they’re more likely to resist implementing them later.

    Google recently proposed storing ID documents in Google Wallet for age verification.
    nitpicker/Shutterstock

    Unresponsive tech companies

    Some major tech companies have shown little interest in engaging with the trial. For example, minutes from the trial’s March advisory board meeting reveal Apple “has been unresponsive, despite multiple outreach attempts”.

    Apple has recently outlined a tool to transmit a declared age range to developers on request. Apple suggests iOS will default the age assurance on Apple devices to under 13 for kids’ accounts. This makes it the responsibility of parents to modify age, the responsibility of developers to recognise age, and the responsibility of governments to legislate when and what to do with an assured age per market.

    Google’s recent Google Wallet proposal for age assurance also misses the mark on privacy concerns and usefulness.

    The proposal would require people over 16 to upload government-issued IDs and link them to a Google account. It would also require people trust Google not track where they go across the internet, via a privacy-preserving technology that remains a promise.

    Crucially, Meta’s social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram also do not let you login with Google credentials. After all, they are competitors. This raises questions about the usefulness of Google’s proposal to assure age across social media platforms as part of the government’s under-16s ban.

    Meanwhile, Google is also suggesting AI chatbots should be directly targeted and available to children under 13, creating something akin to a “social network of one”, which are out of scope of the ban.

    Rather than engage with Australian age verification systems, companies such as Apple and Google are promoting their own solutions which seem to prioritise keeping or adding users to their services, or passing responsibility elsewhere.

    For the targeted platforms that enable online social interactions, delay in engagement fits a broader pattern. For example, in January 2025, Mark Zuckerberg indicated Meta would push back more aggressively against international regulations that threaten its business model.

    A shift in internet regulation

    Australia’s approach to banning under-16s from using social media marks a significant shift in internet regulation. Rather than age-gating specific content such as porn or gambling, Australia is now targeting basic communication infrastructure – which is what social media have become.

    It centres the problem on children being children, rather than on social media business models.

    The result is limiting childrens’ digital rights with experimental technologies while doing little to address the source of perceived harm for all of us. It prioritises protection without considering children’s rights to access information and express themselves. This risks leaving the most vulnerable children being cut off from digital spaces essential to their success.

    Australia’s approach puts paternal politics ahead of technical and social reality. As we get closer to the ban taking effect, we’ll see how this approach to regulate social communication platforms offers young people respite from the platforms their parents fear – yet continue to use everyday for their own basic communication needs.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A trial is testing ways to enforce Australia’s under-16s social media ban. But the tech is flawed – https://theconversation.com/a-trial-is-testing-ways-to-enforce-australias-under-16s-social-media-ban-but-the-tech-is-flawed-256332

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Viral ‘Hongdae boy’ videos expose the fringe group of South Korean men trying to sleep with foreign women

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanna Elfving-Hwang, Associate Professor (Korean Society and Culture), Dean International (Korea), Curtin University

    Shutterstock

    If you’re on TikTok, you may have come across “Hongdae boys” or “Hongdae guys” recently. In a social media context, the term refers to a group of young South Korean men who prey on foreign women (particularly white women) visiting the Hongdae area in Seoul’s Mapo district.

    Largely made viral by popular South Korean TikToker Sean Solo (@itsseansolo) creating parodies of these men, Hongdae boys are depicted as men who make brazen (and slightly awkward) attempts at picking up unsuspecting tourists or foreign students.

    Some of these women, who are often viewed as sexually “available”, have sometimes been inspired by K-dramas or K-pop idols to visit Korea in search of the perfect South Korean boyfriend.

    So what’s behind the rise of Hongdae boy videos? And is Seoul turning into a place to avoid if you’re a young female traveller? Well, no. But Sean Solo’s parodies of this recognisable type of South Korean man shouldn’t be dismissed as purely comedy.

    A trend warranting further attention

    Much of the funny viral Hongdae boy content is aimed squarely at foreign audiences. In fact, your average South Korean is more likely to associate the phrase “Hongdae man” (Hongdae namja) with the “Hongdae look” that showcases carefully curated streetwear inspired by hip-hop, rap and vintage elements.

    Hongdae, a famous nightlife spot, is very popular with foreign visitors and South Korean students. In the 1990s it became the cradle of the underground and indie music scene, and remains a buzzing centre for arts and culture.

    Come nighttime, however, it has a reputation for becoming hookup central. There are even “hunting bars” (hunting pocha) where single men and women can go to try and find a match.

    While Hongdae guys are by no means representative of all Korean men (a point Sean Solo emphasises) the fact these men exist, and have become a recognisable part of Hongdae’s nightlife, speaks to serious broader issues of misogyny and gendered thinking.

    Ongoing issues for South Korean women

    South Korea has a reputation for being socially conservative, and K-dramas have emphasised this squeaky clean image. But in recent years, a growing number of South Korean women have spoken out about issues of sexual harassment and violence, including a crisis of digital sex crimes.



    Read more:
    AI is fuelling a deepfake porn crisis in South Korea. What’s behind it – and how can it be fixed?

    This has led to public demonstrations expanding on the global #MeToo movement.

    We’ve also seen the rise of the so-called 4B movement (also called the “Four Nos”). Described as more of an individual lifestyle choice rather than an organised movement, the aim of 4B is to push back against societal standards imposed on South Korean women regarding marriage, childbirth and relationships.

    As Asian studies expert Min Joo Lee notes, foreign women who are married to Korean men and living in Korea are often exoticised as dutiful housewives aspiring for “tradition”, while South Korean women are seen as troublesome and demanding.

    Gender equality issues have also been used as a political football by some politicians. For instance, recently impeached President Suk Yeol Yoon’s 2022 presidential campaign relied on a narrative of male disempowerment to mobilise the vote of young, disaffected men.

    Another setback came in late 2023, when the Supreme Court delivered a final verdict in a case deemed significant for the country’s #MeToo movement. It involved Seo Ji-hyun, a former prosecutor who, in 2018, filed a lawsuit seeking damages against a former male senior prosecutor who she accused of sexual harassment and abuse of power. The court dismissed her claims.

    Foreign fantasies and reality

    For foreign women unaware of South Korea’s gender inequality issues, and who expect the sugar-coated image of Korean men they’ve seen in K-pop or K-dramas, the reality of the hookup culture may come as a shock.

    The disjuncture between reality and the foreign fantasy of South Korea has increasingly been of interest to social commentators and researchers like myself. My own research on the topic has identified a kind of “global Koreanness” that has taken on a life of its own in the imaginations of non-Korean fans overseas.

    The Hongdae boy narrative is similar to the 4B movement in that it is fuelled by attention from outside South Korea. While the 4B movement was widely reported in Western media, it was driven by a relatively small group of courageous women who didn’t actually get mainstream attention in South Korea.

    Nonetheless, having a spotlight on these women still amplified their struggle to fight back against gendered ideas of what’s expected of them. These are ideologies that might treat them as objects to be looked at and “consumed” (such as with K-pop idols), or expect them to prioritise marriage and childbearing, over their own careers, to address a declining population.

    Hongdae boy videos, both comedic and otherwise, may have a similar effect. They’re drawing attention to the gendered expectations many South Korean women face, and the ways in which they are dismissed in their pursuit for equality.

    Joanna Elfving-Hwang receives funding from the Core University Program for Korean Studies through the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and Korean Studies Promotion Service of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS-2022-OLU-2250005).

    – ref. Viral ‘Hongdae boy’ videos expose the fringe group of South Korean men trying to sleep with foreign women – https://theconversation.com/viral-hongdae-boy-videos-expose-the-fringe-group-of-south-korean-men-trying-to-sleep-with-foreign-women-256475

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: So your primary school child has a ‘boyfriend’ or ‘girlfriend’. Should you be worried?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cher McGillivray, Assistant Professor in Psychology, Bond University

    Karhut/Shutterstock

    If you have a child in primary school you may not be expecting to help them manage romantic relationships. Surely this is an issue for the high school years?

    While young children do not experience romantic love in an adult sense, they can still express interest in having a “boyfriend” or “girlfriend”. Some children may talk about a “crush” or even say they are “dating” another child.

    Is this normal? Why do kids do this? And what are some healthy boundaries to talk about?

    Why do kids do this?

    It is quite normal for children in primary school to engage in playful relationships or express interest in having crushes or a “boyfriend” or “girlfriend”.

    This is a way for children to explore their world.

    At this stage of their development, different types of social interactions help children work out emotions and social norms in a safe and imaginative way. It also helps them practice social bonding (how we form close attachments to others) and understanding interpersonal dynamics.

    So, just as children might play games such as “mums and dads” or “sisters and brothers”, they might also play at having a boyfriend or girlfriend, or even stage a mock wedding ceremony.

    Are there other reasons?

    Children are of course also influenced by the movies, fairy tales, books and the TV they consume and by watching older siblings or students at school.

    Seeing Ariel and Prince Eric fall in love in The Little Mermaid may prompt children to act this out. Similarly they might act “spinjistu” moves in the playground after watching Ninjago.

    Psychologist Erik Erikson has also suggested children aged 5–12 are at a stage where they seek approval from adults and peers (approval from friends becomes even more important in high school). Having a “boyfriend” or “girlfriend” may be a way for children to feel socially competent and accepted.

    There could also be peer pressure involved. For example, “all the other Year 4 kids have a boyfriend at the moment, so I will have one too”.

    Children can be influenced by movies or stories they consume. And then act them out in play.
    Altrendo Images/ Shutterstock

    So what are some healthy boundaries to encourage?

    While playing at having boyfriends or girlfriends is quite normal during pre-puberty, it’s important to make sure children are staying within healthy boundaries.

    If they are expressing physical affection – such as hugging or holding hands – it’s important this is appropriate and everyone is consenting. The old playground game of “catch and kiss” is no longer OK, given kisses are effectively being forced on the player who is caught.

    Once children start puberty, childlike feelings of attachment can give way to romantic feelings and more intense relationships. This is when you might start to see children having “proper” relationships.

    At any stage of development, keep talking about what consent looks like, feels like and sounds like. This will vary depending on their age, but the basic principles remain the same.

    Throughout these conversations, emphasise no one ever has to do anything or be in a situation that makes them uncomfortable.

    Keep talking to your child about the importance of only touching friends or other people if they indicate it is OK.
    Monkey Business Images/ Shutterstock

    How can you talk to your child?

    When you are talking to your child, do not to make fun of their feelings or be angry with them.

    If they are exploring their feelings or being curious about relationships, it’s important they feel safe to do so without judgement. They should be able to talk about big or complex things without shame, embarrassment or fear of getting in trouble. Remember, a certain behaviour may not be appropriate, but the child themselves is not “weird” or “bad”.

    If a child feels as though they can’t talk about these feelings or issues, they may feel as thought they are the problem or they are “wrong”. This can lead to poor self-esteem.

    You could ask “what do you like about that friend?” to try and remove the label of boyfriend or girlfriend. It could help to talk about your own experiences, for example, “I had a few close friends in primary school and we did everything together rather than having a ‘boyfriend’ or ‘girlfriend’”.

    If you are worried something inappropriate is happening, you can talk to the parent of the other child or the school to get them to help encourage new boundaries for all the children involved.

    Cher McGillivray does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. So your primary school child has a ‘boyfriend’ or ‘girlfriend’. Should you be worried? – https://theconversation.com/so-your-primary-school-child-has-a-boyfriend-or-girlfriend-should-you-be-worried-256111

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: How accurate are my medical records? You might be surprised how often errors creep in

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sheree Lloyd, Senior Lecturer in Health Services Management, University of Tasmania

    DC Studio/Shutterstock

    Medical records of hundreds of patients at a Sydney hospital’s cancer genetics service have been reviewed following irregularities related to care by a single specialist.

    According to St Vincent’s Hospital, in about 520 records, there were matters such as poor documentation, incomplete correspondence and a lack of genetic counselling.

    In about 20 records, there were errors that carried potential risk – even if, ultimately, there had been no harm to patients – such as providing incorrect information and advice.

    Every now and again, cases like these make the headlines. Some examples of flawed medical records relate to individual human error. Some relate to issues in how electronic patient record systems are designed.

    These and other reasons mean errors can arise when records are created, accessed and shared.

    A huge potential for errors

    Health-care records describe the symptoms, conditions or problems being treated. They contain details about a patient’s medication, diet, mobility, social history, family concerns, observations, test results and language spoken. Health-care workers also document the plan to restore health, and progress. So entries must be correct, complete and timely.

    However, the scale of health-related communication and documentation is vast.

    Each day on average in Australia there are more than 33,000 hospitalisations, more than 112,000 out-patient services provided and more than 24,000 visits to emergency departments.

    Each month there are millions of specialist letters and discharge summaries shared to My Health Record

    Every interaction with a health-care professional requires notes to be made in a medical record.

    For example, a patient in a metropolitan public hospital is likely to be seen by at least three teams of nurses in a day, two or more junior doctors or registrars, as well as a specialist. Physiotherapists, speech therapists and other allied health workers may also be involved in someone’s care. Health-care teams record notes on paper, in electronic health records or a combination.

    There are also the millions of medical records updated in general practice, or by allied health workers outside hospitals.

    In hospital, multiple staff work in a team, each needing to consult and update a patient’s medical record.
    Rido/Shutterstock

    What type of errors are common?

    Accurate and timely medical records are supposed to allow staff to make safe clinical decisions, and to provide high-quality and continuous care. However, errors have been discovered in several audits and studies, including those related to medications.

    One review looked at how adverse drug reactions were recorded in electronic health records at one large Australian hospital. It found half of the reactions recorded lacked the minimum information required to inform clinicians about future treatment. One-third of records misclassified the type of reaction.

    A study of medication charts in Australia and New Zealand found at least one simple error on the medication charts of about 94% of the records reviewed. These included illegible drug names, missing information and inadequate documentation of allergies.

    One study from the United States found written errors, such as unclear documentation or not using plain language, were among the most common communication errors in the records analysed.

    What happens when there are errors?

    Errors in health-care records can spread, affecting how health-care professionals communicate with each other about the patient, potentially affecting care.

    Missing or inaccurate records can affect evidence collected as part of criminal, coronial or medical negligence investigations.

    As some hospital funding relies on the number and types of patients and interventions recorded, inaccurate records can affect health budgets.

    With inaccurate records, national and international collection of correct health-care information can be compromised.

    What causes errors?

    Errors in health-care records are caused by missing or incomplete information, including when health-care workers do not document changes.

    Difficulty in quickly finding important information, or delays in reporting new information, can contribute to errors, misdiagnosis and inappropriate treatment. This could be due to the ease of use of the electronic health record, the bulky or disorganised paper record or that health workers are busy.

    Health-care teams report using a mixed record systems (using both paper and electronic records) can cause problems.

    Then there’s “note bloat”, when staff copy and paste information from one place to another. This allows wrong information to perpetuate. This is a well-known hazard leading to errors, stress and wasted time.

    Abbreviations used in health-care records, particularly in medication charts, can be misunderstood or misinterpreted.

    An Australian study found one in three medication errors were technology-related and due to poor design or functionality.

    A Swedish study involved patients reviewing notes in their own medical records. It found almost 36% of patients found an error and more than 26% found an omission. About 18% of patients were offended by the content of the notes.

    Errors can arise when there are both paper and electronic records.
    val lawless/Shutterstock

    What can we do?

    Improving the accuracy of medical records is not just health workers’ responsibility, although clearly they have a major role to play. Their workplaces, the IT companies that design the electronic systems, even patients, can also play a role.

    Health workers can make sure medical records are complete, accessible, accurate, readable and long-lasting.

    Workplaces, such as hospitals, can highlight in training and education the importance of documentation and how poor practices can lead to errors, and contribute to safety and quality problems.

    IT companies can design electronic health records that support how health workers need to communicate with each other, and the way they work.

    Patients can ask their health provider to correct errors found in their records, including in My Health Record.

    Sheree Lloyd does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How accurate are my medical records? You might be surprised how often errors creep in – https://theconversation.com/how-accurate-are-my-medical-records-you-might-be-surprised-how-often-errors-creep-in-256233

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The rebrand that went full circle: HBO Max to New HBO Max

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Omar H. Fares, Lecturer of Marketing in the Lazaridis School of Business and Economics, Wilfrid Laurier University

    The HBO Max rebrand saga highlights how quickly brand equity can be undermined when recognition cues are disrupted. (Shutterstock)

    Warner Bros. Discovery (WBD) recently announced the streaming app Max will revert to the name HBO Max this summer. The move comes only two years after HBO was dropped from the brand name.

    The announcement has sparked a wave of commentary of social media, including self-aware humour. HBO’s social media team posted memes from shows like Friends and Euphoria, joking that the company had finally “come home.”

    HBO Max launched in 2020, promising big-budget series alongside the Warner film catalogue. In May 2023, the service’s name was shortened to “Max” after the US$43 billion merger that created Warner Bros. Discovery.

    Many viewers and analysts questioned the loss of a label long associated with award-winning television. When WBD CEO David Zaslav announced the return to HBO Max on May 14, he argued the original three letters still carry unique weight with audiences worldwide.

    The major U-turn offers a clear lesson for marketers: when a rename threatens familiarity, consistency and clear messaging, customers will push back.

    Brand familiarity: A memory shortcut

    The HBO Max rebrand saga highlights how quickly brand equity can be undermined when recognition cues are disrupted. Although the 2023 name change aimed to reflect a broader content mix, it unintentionally distanced the platform from its most recognizable asset.

    HBO, as both a name and a legacy, had become shorthand for a specific kind of quality — one that audiences weren’t ready to see stripped away.

    Brand familiarity may be described as the ease with which consumers recognize, recall and understand a name based on prior experience. In marketing, brand familiarity is a key factor in driving consumer confidence and supporting stronger emotional ties.

    In other words, when the existing memory structures are already in place, it reduces the cognitive effort that typically results in a more favourable action. Dropping “HBO,” a label linked to award-winning dramas for decades, removed a trusted shortcut and left viewers asking whether the service had changed its focus.

    Consistency as a pillar of trust

    One of the key drivers of brand engagement is brand consistency, which is the uniform application of brand elements such as colours, logo and tone. This consistency is typically associated with trust and loyalty.

    The shift from HBO Max to Max disrupted this consistency, leading to confusion about the platform’s identity and offerings. Consumers who associated HBO with certain types of content were unsure what to expect from Max.

    To make matters even more challenging, Max not only changed its name but shifted from the purple-and-black palette of HBO Max to blue, then to silver-on-black before finally circling back. Each redesign forced viewers to get used to a new look and tone, eroding the sense of continuity that subscription services rely on.

    Keeping the audience informed

    Missteps in messaging can sink even well-researched rebrands. Communications firm Edelman’s 2023 Trust Barometer points out that silence during change amplifies speculation and negative assumptions.

    The quick collapse of Gap’s 2010 logo makeover offers a classic example. The retailer unveiled a new mark without preparation, then reverted within a week after a backlash.

    A direct parallel can be drawn between that episode and the confusion that followed the Max launch, where any reasoned arguments for the shorter name never reached much of the audience.

    By contrast, the 2025 reversal was accompanied by plain statements from Warner Bros. Discovery, intensive press outreach and humour that admitted the misstep which is a communication style more likely to rebuild trust.

    Lessons for marketers

    Customer research should always precede radical changes to familiar signals, because the goodwill embedded in a long-running name is not easily replicated.

    Any shift in title or visual identity must be matched by consistent deployment across every touch point, from app icons to ad copy, otherwise confusion undercuts the strategy.

    Finally, customer perceptions cannot be an afterthought. Clear, timely messages that are supported by a tone that suits the brand’s personality will help audiences understand what is changing and why it benefits them, turning potential backlash into renewed engagement.

    Omar H. Fares does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The rebrand that went full circle: HBO Max to New HBO Max – https://theconversation.com/the-rebrand-that-went-full-circle-hbo-max-to-new-hbo-max-256777

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: India and Pakistan have agreed a precarious peace – but will it last?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alex Waterman, Lecturer in Peace Studies and International Development, University of Bradford

    India and Pakistan stepped back from the brink of catastrophe on May 10 after a US-brokered ceasefire brought rapidly escalating hostilities between the two countries to an end. But tensions are still running high.

    The Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi, said on May 12 that India has only “paused” its military action against Pakistan and would “retaliate on its own terms” to any attacks.

    The latest episode in the long-running conflict between these nuclear powers was triggered on April 22. Militants from a group known as the Resistance Front, which India says is a proxy for the Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorist group, killed 26 tourists in the picturesque resort town of Pahalgam in Indian-administered Kashmir. India alleges Pakistan’s involvement, which it denies.

    The fact that India and Pakistan were able to agree to a ceasefire as escalations spiralled is reason for optimism. It shows that internal calculations and international pressure can pull the two parties back from the brink. However, the ceasefire represents an incredibly precarious peace. Can it be sustained?

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Recent experience shows that sustained ceasefires are possible between the two states. In February 2021, India and Pakistan’s militaries signed a ceasefire to end four months of cross-border skirmishes. The agreement was a reaffirmation of an original ceasefire understanding from 2003.

    Only two violations were recorded across the line of control separating Indian- and Pakistani-administered Kashmir for the rest of the year, dropping to one in 2022. This compared to 4,645 such incidents in 2020.

    The reduction led to optimism that armed rebellion in Kashmir, which both India and Pakistan claim in full, was in persistent decline. In March 2025, just one month before the deadly Pahalgam attack, security sources in India estimated that there were only 77 active militants operating on the Indian side of the border.

    The drop in violence was a result of combined international and domestic pressure on Pakistan. The Financial Action Task Force, an organisation that monitors countries’ efforts to tackle terrorist financing and recommends financial sanctions against non-compliant states, added Pakistan to its “grey list” in 2018.

    This listing forced Pakistan to introduce a string of policy measures to curb terrorism financing. Pakistan was removed from the list in 2022 due to significant improvements in its counter-terrorism framework.

    But, as the Kashmir conundrum is at the heart of Pakistani national identity, it has often been employed as a political strategy to shore up domestic support. And in recent years, as Pakistan’s powerful army has grappled with overlapping economic and political crises, this strategy has been rolled out again.

    The popularity of Pakistan’s army, for example, diminished significantly following the arrest of Pakistan’s leader, Imran Khan, in 2023. This has prompted army chief Asim Munir to use tensions with India to deflect attention.

    Munir has called Kashmir “our jugular vein”, and has promised not to “leave our Kashmiri brothers in their historical struggle”. These comments followed an increase in the number and frequency of insurgent attempts to cross the border into India after India’s May 2024 general elections were held peacefully in Kashmir, a rare occurrence since the separatist insurgency began in 1987.

    These cross-border operations are allegedly carried out by Pakistan’s so-called Border Action Teams, comprised of Pakistani special forces and militants from insurgent groups. Pakistan has never acknowledged the existence of such teams.

    By April 1, tit-for-tat firing across the line of control had also already surpassed the total number of incidents in 2023 and 2024 combined.

    Fragile peace

    The latest ceasefire was agreed in the context of hostilities escalating beyond previous levels. Military strikes were launched outside Kashmir itself at military bases deep in Pakistani territory and in north-western India.

    Certain actions by Islamabad were also widely interpreted as attempts to signal the country’s nuclear capabilities. These included the decision to convene the National Command Authority, the body responsible for control and use of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal.

    The move may not have been a genuine alert. But the possible willingness to resort to nuclear threats is particularly concerning as, unlike India, Pakistan does not have a “no-first use” nuclear weapons policy.

    India, as an aspiring political and economic power, has clear interests in preserving the ceasefire. New Delhi wants to project itself as rational and responsible, worthy of a permanent seat on the UN Security Council.

    At the same time, some of the decisions taken by India after the Pahalgam attack may compel further support for the insurgency in Kashmir. This brings with it the risk of further escalation between India and Pakistan in the future.

    India has suspended the Indus Water Treaty, which governs the use of water from the Indus River. Pakistan lies downstream from India and is heavily dependent on the river for irrigation and public consumption.



    Read more:
    India-Pakistan conflict over water reflects a region increasingly vulnerable to climate change

    Intervention from global powers such as the US may again be able to prevent future hostility from spiralling out of control. However, substantive talks are unlikely.

    The US, which is in advanced negotiations with New Delhi over reducing tariffs on Indian imports, has offered to act as a mediator. This has been welcomed by Pakistan. But India maintains that, on the question of Kashmir, it would prefer bilateral talks rather than involving a third party.

    While the Trump administration initially signalled a hands-off approach to relations between India and Pakistan, deeming it “none of our business”, it is now clear how rapidly matters can escalate between them.

    The US and other interested parties like China will probably continue in their efforts to regulate and manage the conflict, openly or covertly, even if deeper resolution appears unlikely.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. India and Pakistan have agreed a precarious peace – but will it last? – https://theconversation.com/india-and-pakistan-have-agreed-a-precarious-peace-but-will-it-last-256618

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Birthright citizenship case at Supreme Court reveals deeper questions about judicial authority to halt unlawful policies

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Cassandra Burke Robertson, Professor of Law and Director of the Center for Professional Ethics, Case Western Reserve University

    The U.S. Supreme Court is considering whether a single federal judge should have the power to temporarily halt presidential policies across the entire country. Rudy Sulgan, The Image Bank/Getty Images

    When one judge blocks a president’s policies nationwide, alarm bells ring. Should a single judge wield this much power? Can they halt policies across the entire country after just a quick first look at whether they might be illegal? The Supreme Court now faces these critical questions.

    In a lively session on May 15, 2025, filled with justices’ questions that at times interrupted the attorneys appearing before them, the Supreme Court heard arguments in a case stemming from President Donald Trump’s executive order aimed at ending birthright citizenship, the provision in the Constitution’s 14th Amendment that says all children born in the United States are granted citizenship.

    While the underlying lawsuit involves birthright citizenship, the immediate question before the court was about a legal tool called a “nationwide preliminary injunction.” This allows a single federal judge to temporarily halt presidential policies across the entire country – even before fully considering whether those policies are constitutional.

    Three judges had stopped the president’s attempt to deny birthright citizenship to babies born to mothers who lack legal permanent residency in the United States. It was the Trump administration’s appeal of those injunctions that was argued before the justices on May 15, with the administration asserting that “universal injunctions compromise the Executive Branch’s ability to carry out its functions,” and that it’s unconstitutional for federal judges to issue them.

    The justices also grappled with a key question: How much should judges consider whether a policy is likely constitutional when deciding whether to issue these temporary blocks? The National Immigration Law Center, which supports the use of nationwide injunctions, wrote in its filing with the court that granting the administration’s request to bar such injunctions would “tie the hands of the judicial branch in the face of unlawful executive action.”

    What exactly are these injunctions, and why do they matter to everyday Americans?

    Immediate, irreparable harm

    When presidents try to make big changes through executive orders, they often hit a roadblock: A single federal judge, whether located in Seattle or Miami or anywhere in between, can stop these policies across the entire country.

    These court orders have increasingly become a political battleground, increasingly sought by both Republicans and Democrats to fight presidential policies they oppose.

    And while the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to limit judges’ power to issue nationwide preliminary injunctions, Congress has also held hearings on curtailing judges’ ability to issue the injunctions.

    When the government creates a policy that might violate the Constitution or federal law, affected people can sue in federal court to stop it. While these lawsuits work their way through the courts – a process that often takes years – judges can issue what are called “preliminary injunctions” to temporarily pause the policy if they determine it might cause immediate, irreparable harm.

    A “nationwide” injunction – sometimes called a “universal” injunction – goes further by stopping the policy for everyone across the country, not just for the people who filed the lawsuit.

    Importantly, these injunctions are designed to be temporary. They merely preserve the status quo until courts can fully examine the case’s merits. But in practice, litigation proceeds so slowly that executive actions blocked by the courts often expire when successor administrations abandon the policies.

    Legislation introduced by GOP Sen. Chuck Grassley would ban judges from issuing most nationwide injunctions.
    Sen. Chuck Grassley office

    More executive orders, more injunctions

    Nationwide injunctions aren’t new, but several things have made them more contentious recently.

    First, since a closely divided and polarized Congress rarely passes major legislation anymore, presidents rely more on executive orders to get substantive things done. This creates more opportunities to challenge presidential actions in court.

    Second, lawyers who want to challenge these orders have gotten better at “judge shopping” – filing cases in districts where they’re likely to get judges who agree with their client’s views.

    Third, with growing political division, both parties aim to use these injunctions more aggressively whenever the other party controls the White House.

    Affecting real people

    These legal fights have tangible consequences for millions of Americans.

    Take DACA, the common name for the program formally called Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, which protects about 500,000 young immigrants from deportation. For more than 10 years, these young immigrants, known as “Dreamers,” have faced constant uncertainty.

    That’s because, when President Barack Obama created DACA in 2012 and sought to expand it via executive order in 2015, a Texas judge blocked the expansion with a nationwide injunction. When Trump tried to end DACA, judges in California, New York and Washington, D.C. blocked that move. The program, and the legal challenges to it, continued under President Joe Biden. Now, the second Trump administration faces continued legal challenges over the constitutionality of the DACA program.

    More recently, judges have used nationwide injunctions to block several Donald Trump policies.

    While much of the current debate focuses on presidential policies, nationwide injunctions have also blocked congressional legislation.

    The Corporate Transparency Act, passed in 2021 and originally scheduled to go into effect in 2024, combats financial crimes by requiring businesses to disclose their true owners to the government. A Texas judge blocked this law in 2024 after gun stores challenged it.

    In early 2025, the Supreme Court allowed the law to take effect, but the Trump administration announced it simply wouldn’t enforce it – showing how these legal battles can become political power struggles.

    A polarized Congress rarely passes major legislation anymore, so presidents – including Donald Trump – have relied on executive orders to get things done.
    Christopher Furlong/Getty Images

    Too much power or necessary protection?

    Some critics say nationwide injunctions give too much power to a single judge. If lawyers can pick which judges hear their cases, this raises serious questions about fairness.

    Supporters argue that these injunctions protect important rights. For example, without nationwide injunctions in the citizenship cases, babies born to mothers without legal permanent residency would be American citizens in some states but not others – an impossible situation.

    Congress is considering legislation to limit judges’ ability to grant nationwide injunctions.

    The Trump administration has also tried to make it expensive and difficult to challenge its policies in court. In March 2025, Trump ordered government lawyers to demand large cash deposits – called “security bonds” – from anyone seeking an injunction. Though these bonds are already part of existing court rules, judges usually set them at just a few hundred dollars or waive them entirely when people raise constitutional concerns.

    Under the new policy, critics worry that “plaintiffs who sue the government could be forced to put up enormous sums of money in order to proceed with their cases.”

    Another way to address the concerns about a single judge blocking government action would be to require a three-judge panel to hear cases involving nationwide injunctions, requiring at least two of them to agree. This is similar to how courts handled major civil rights cases in the 1950s and 1960s.

    My research on this topic suggests that three judges working together would be less likely to make partisan decisions, while still being able to protect constitutional rights when necessary. Today’s technology also makes it easier for judges in different locations to work together than it was decades ago.

    As the Supreme Court weighs in on this debate, the outcome will affect how presidents can implement policies and how much power individual judges have to stop them. Though it might seem like a technical legal issue, it will shape how government works for years to come – as well as the lives of those who live in the U.S.

    This is an updated version of a story originally published on April 3, 2025.

    Cassandra Burke Robertson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Birthright citizenship case at Supreme Court reveals deeper questions about judicial authority to halt unlawful policies – https://theconversation.com/birthright-citizenship-case-at-supreme-court-reveals-deeper-questions-about-judicial-authority-to-halt-unlawful-policies-256726

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –