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Category: Academic Analysis

  • MIL-Evening Report: Iran and Israel agree to a fragile ceasefire. One factor could be crucial to it sticking

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University

    Amir Levy/Getty Images

    After 12 days of war, US President Donald Trump has announced a ceasefire between Israel and Iran that would bring to an end the most dramatic, direct conflict between the two nations in decades.

    Israel and Iran both agreed to adhere to the ceasefire, though they said they would respond with force to any breach.

    If the ceasefire holds – a big if – the key question will be whether this signals the start of lasting peace, or merely a brief pause before renewed conflict.

    As contemporary war studies show, peace tends to endure under one of two conditions: either the total defeat of one side, or the establishment of mutual deterrence. This means both parties refrain from aggression because the expected costs of retaliation far outweigh any potential gains.

    What did each side gain?

    The war marked a turning point for Israel in its decades-long confrontation with Iran. For the first time, Israel successfully brought a prolonged battle to Iranian soil, shifting the conflict from confrontations with Iranian-backed proxy militant groups to direct strikes on Iran itself.

    This was made possible largely due to Israel’s success over the past two years in weakening Iran’s regional proxy network, particularly Hezbollah in Lebanon and Shiite militias in Syria.

    Over the past two weeks, Israel has inflicted significant damage on Iran’s military and scientific elite, killing several high-ranking commanders and nuclear scientists. The civilian toll was also high.

    Additionally, Israel achieved a major strategic objective by pulling the United States directly into the conflict. In coordination with Israel, the US launched strikes on three of Iran’s primary nuclear facilities: Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan.

    Despite these gains, Israel did not accomplish all of its stated goals. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had voiced support for regime change, urging Iranians to rise up against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s government, but the senior leadership in Iran remains intact.

    Additionally, Israel did not fully eliminate Iran’s missile program, as Iran continued striking to the last minute before the ceasefire. And Tehran did not acquiesce to Trump’s pre-war demand to end uranium enrichment.

    Although Iran was caught off-guard by Israel’s attacks — particularly as it was engaged in nuclear negotiations with the US — it responded by launching hundreds of missiles towards Israel.

    While many were intercepted, a significant number penetrated Israeli air defences, causing widespread destruction in major cities, dozens of fatalities and hundreds of injuries.

    Iran demonstrated its capacity to strike back, though Israel succeeded in destroying many of its air defence systems, some ballistic missile assets (including missile launchers) and multiple energy facilities.

    Since the beginning of the assault, Iranian officials have repeatedly called for a halt to resume negotiations. Under intense pressure, Iran realised it would not benefit from a prolonged war of attrition with Israel — especially as both nations faced mounting costs and the risk of depleting their military stockpiles if the war continued.

    As theories of victory suggest, success in war is defined not only by the damage inflicted, but by achieving core strategic goals and weakening the enemy’s will and capacity to resist.

    While Israel claims to have achieved the bulk of its objectives, the extent of the damage to Iran’s nuclear program is not fully known, nor is its capacity to continue enriching uranium.

    Both sides could remain locked in a volatile standoff over Iran’s nuclear program, with the conflict potentially reigniting whenever either side perceives a strategic opportunity.

    Sticking point over Iran’s nuclear program

    Iran faces even greater challenges as it emerges from the war. With a heavy toll on its leadership and nuclear infrastructure, Tehran will likely prioritise rebuilding its deterrence capability.

    That includes acquiring new advanced air defence systems — potentially from China — and restoring key components of its missile and nuclear programs. (Some experts say Iran did not use some of its most powerful missiles to maintain this deterrence.)

    Iranian officials have claimed they safeguarded more than 400 kilograms of 60% enriched uranium before the attacks. This stockpile could theoretically be converted into nine to ten nuclear warheads if further enriched to 90%.

    Trump declared Iran’s nuclear capacity had been “totally obliterated”, whereas Rafael Grossi, the United Nations’ nuclear watchdog chief, said damage to Iran’s facilities was “very significant”.

    However, analysts have argued Iran will still have a depth of technical knowledge accumulated over decades. Depending on the extent of the damage to its underground facilities, Iran could be capable of restoring and even accelerating its program in a relatively short time frame.

    And the chances of reviving negotiations on Iran’s nuclear program appear slimmer than ever.

    What might future deterrence look like?

    The war has fundamentally reshaped how both Iran and Israel perceive deterrence — and how they plan to secure it going forward.

    For Iran, the conflict reinforced the belief that its survival is at stake. With regime change openly discussed during the war, Iran’s leaders appear more convinced than ever that true deterrence requires two key pillars: nuclear weapons capability, and deeper strategic alignment with China and Russia.

    As a result, Iran is expected to move rapidly to restore and advance its nuclear program, potentially moving towards actual weaponisation — a step it had long avoided, officially.

    At the same time, Tehran is likely to accelerate military and economic cooperation with Beijing and Moscow to hedge against isolation. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi emphasised this close engagement with Russia during a visit to Moscow this week, particularly on nuclear matters.

    Israel, meanwhile, sees deterrence as requiring constant vigilance and a credible threat of overwhelming retaliation. In the absence of diplomatic breakthroughs, Israel may adopt a policy of immediate preemptive strikes on Iranian facilities or leadership figures if it detects any new escalation — particularly related to Iran’s nuclear program.

    In this context, the current ceasefire appears fragile. Without comprehensive negotiations that address the core issues — namely, Iran’s nuclear capabilities — the pause in hostilities may prove temporary.

    Mutual deterrence may prevent a more protracted war for now, but the balance remains precarious and could collapse with little warning.

    Ali Mamouri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Iran and Israel agree to a fragile ceasefire. One factor could be crucial to it sticking – https://theconversation.com/iran-and-israel-agree-to-a-fragile-ceasefire-one-factor-could-be-crucial-to-it-sticking-259669

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Trouble getting out of bed? Signs the ‘winter blues’ may be something more serious

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kelvin (Shiu Fung) Wong, Senior Lecturer in Clinical Psychology, Swinburne University of Technology

    Justin Paget/Getty

    Winter is here. As the days grow shorter and the skies turn darker, you might start to feel a bit “off”. You may notice a dip in your mood or energy levels. Maybe you’re less motivated to do things you previously enjoyed in the warmer months.

    The “winter blues” can feel like an inevitable part of life. You might feel sluggish or less social, but you can still get on with your day.

    However, if your winter blues are making everyday life difficult and interfering with your work and relationships, it could be the sign of something more serious.

    Seasonal affective disorder is more than a seasonal slump – it’s a recognised psychiatric condition. Here’s what to look for and how to get help.

    What is seasonal affective disorder?

    The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders officially recognises seasonal affective disorder as a recurrent major depressive disorder “with seasonal pattern”.

    In other words, the condition shares many symptoms with major depressive disorder, but it also follows a seasonal rhythm. While this might be most common in winter, the disorder can also occur in summer.

    Symptoms include:

    • persistent low mood or feelings of sadness

    • loss of interest in activities you once enjoyed

    • low energy and fatigue, even after lots of sleep

    • changes in appetite

    • weight gain or weight loss

    • difficulty concentrating

    • sleeping more or less than usual

    • feelings of hopelessness or worthlessness

    • in some cases, thoughts of self-harm or suicide.

    Research suggests seasonal affective disorder affects up to 10% of the global population.

    Although it can affect anyone, it is more common in women, people aged between 18 and 30 years, and those living far from the equator, where winter daylight hours are especially limited.

    A review of the Australian research on seasonal affective disorder showed the highest proportion of Australians with seasonal affective disorder was found in the most southern state, Tasmania (9% of the population).

    What causes it?

    Unfortunately, the exact cause of seasonal affective disorder is still poorly understood.

    Some theories propose it is primarily caused by a lack of light in the environment, although we are not exactly sure how this leads to depression.

    As sunlight is responsible for the production of vitamin D, some have suggested a lack of vitamin D is what causes depression. However, the evidence for such a link is inconclusive.

    Others suggest a lack of light in winter delays the circadian rhythms which regulate our sleep/wake cycle. Poor sleep is related to many mental health difficulties, including depression.

    Seasonal affective disorder can be treated

    Fortunately, there are several evidence-based treatments for seasonal affective disorder. Relief may be found through a combination of approaches.

    Bright light therapy is usually the first treatment recommended for seasonal affective disorder. It involves sitting near a specially designed lightbox (with a strength of 10,000 lux) for about 20 to 30 minutes a day to mimic natural sunlight and help regulate the body’s internal clock.

    Cognitive behavioural therapy aims to help people develop some flexibility around the negative thoughts that might maintain seasonal affective disorder symptoms (for example, “I am worthless because I never get up to anything meaningful in winter”).

    Lifestyle changes such as regular exercise, time spent outdoors (even on gloomy days), a balanced diet, and good sleep hygiene can all support recovery.

    Antidepressants – especially selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) – may be prescribed when symptoms are moderate to severe, or when other treatments have not worked.

    What else helps?

    Even those without seasonal affective disorder might need to fight the winter blues. So, what works?

    Prioritise social connection

    Schedule regular, achievable and pleasant activities with friends, such as trivia at the pub or a brisk walk.

    Reframe winter

    Rather than dreading the cold, see if you can embrace what is special about this time of year. The mindset of “hygge” (a Danish and Norwegian term for cosiness and contentment) may help.

    Let winter be your excuse for snuggling on your couch with a thick blanket and hot chocolate while catching up on books and TV shows. Or see if there are any winter-specific activities (such as night markets) where you live.

    Maximise daylight

    Taking a walk during lunchtime when the sun is out, even briefly, can make a difference.

    The bottom line

    If your “winter blues” last more than two weeks, start interfering with your daily life or feel overwhelming, then it might be time to seek professional help.

    Speaking to your GP or mental health professional can help you get support early and prevent symptoms getting worse.

    Kelvin (Shiu Fung) Wong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trouble getting out of bed? Signs the ‘winter blues’ may be something more serious – https://theconversation.com/trouble-getting-out-of-bed-signs-the-winter-blues-may-be-something-more-serious-259375

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: eSafety boss wants YouTube included in the social media ban. But AI raises even more concerns for kids

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tama Leaver, Professor of Internet Studies, Curtin University

    Irina WS/Shutterstock

    Julie Inman Grant, Australia’s eSafety Commissioner, today addressed the National Press Club to outline how her office will be driving the Social Media Minimum Age Bill when it comes into effect in December this year.

    The bill, often referred to as a social media ban, prevents under-16s having social media accounts. But Inman Grant wants Australians to consider the bill a “social media delay” rather than a ban.

    When the ban was legislated in November 2024, the federal government carved out an exemption for YouTube, citing the platform’s educational purpose.

    Inman Grant has now advised the government to remove this exemption because of the harm young people can experience on YouTube. But as she has also pointed out, there are new risks for young people that the ban won’t address – especially from generative artificial intelligence (AI).

    Banning YouTube

    According to eSafety’s new research, 37% of young people have encountered harmful content on YouTube. This was the highest percentage of any platform.

    In her speech, Inman Grant argued YouTube had “mastered persuasive design”, being adept at using algorithms and recommendations to keep young people scrolling, and that exempting YouTube from the ban simply makes no sense in her eyes.

    Her advice to Communications Minister Anika Wells, which she delivered last week, is to not exempt YouTube, effectively including that platform in the ban’s remit.

    Unsurprisingly, YouTube Australia and New Zealand has responded with vigour. In a statement published today, the Google-owned company argues that

    eSafety’s advice goes against the government’s own commitment, its own research on community sentiment, independent research, and the view of key stakeholders in this debate.

    YouTube denies it is a social media platform and claims the advice it should be included in the ban is “inconsistent and contradictory”.

    But given YouTube’s Shorts looks and feels very similar to TikTok, with shorter vertical videos in an endlessly scrolling feed, exempting YouTube while banning TikTok and Instagram’s Reels never appeared logically consistent.

    It also remains the case that any public YouTube video can be viewed without a YouTube account. The argument that including YouTube in the ban would stop educational uses, then, doesn’t carry a lot of weight.

    How will the ban work?

    Inman Grant took great care to emphasise that the responsibility for making the ban work lies with the technology giants and platforms.

    Young people who get around the ban, or parents and carers who help them, will not be penalised.

    A raft of different tools and technologies to infer the age of users have been explored by the platforms and by other age verification and assurance vendors.

    Australia’s Age Assurance Technology Trial released preliminary findings last week. But these findings really amounted to no more than a press release.

    No technical details were shared, only high-level statements that the trial revealed age-assurance technologies could work.

    These early findings did reveal that the trial “did not find a single ubiquitous solution that would suit all use cases”. This suggests there isn’t a single age-assurance tool that’s completely reliable.

    If these tools are going to be one of the main gatekeepers that do or don’t allow Australians to access online platforms, complete reliability would be desirable.

    Concerns about AI

    Quite rightly, Inman Grant opened her speech by flagging the emerging harms that will not actually be addressed by new legislation. Generative AI was at the top of the list.

    Unregulated use of AI companions and bots was of particular concern, with young people forming deep attachments to these tools, sometimes in harmful ways.

    Generative AI has also made the creation of deepfake images and videos much easier, making it far too easy for young people to be harmed, and to cause real harm to each other.

    As a recent report I coauthored from the ARC Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child highlights, there are many pressing issues in terms of how children and young people use and experience generative AI in their everyday lives.

    For example, despite the tendency of these tools to glitch and fabricate information, they are increasingly being used in place of search engines for basic information gathering, life advice and even mental health support.

    There are larger challenges around protecting young people’s privacy when using these tools, even when compared to the already privacy-averse social media platforms.

    There are many new opportunities with AI, but also many new risks.

    With generative AI being relatively new, and changing rapidly, more research is urgently needed to find the safest and most appropriate ways for AI to be part of young people’s lives.

    What happens in December?

    Social media users under 16, and their parents and carers, need to prepare for changes in young people’s online experiences this December when the ban is due to begin.

    The exact platforms included in the ban, and the exact mechanisms to gauge the age of Australia users, are still being discussed.

    The eSafety Commissioner has made her case today to include more platforms, not fewer. Yet Wells has already acknowledged that

    social media age-restrictions will not be the end-all be-all solution for harms experienced by young people online but they will make a significant impact.

    Concerns remain about the ban cutting young people off from community and support, including mental health support. There is clearly work to be done on that front.

    Nor does the ban explicitly address concerns about cyberbullying, which Inman Grant said has recently “intensified”, with messaging applications at this stage still not likely to be included in the list of banned services.

    It’s also clear some young people will find ways to circumvent the ban. For parents and carers, keeping the door open so young people can discuss their online experiences will be vital to supporting young Australians and keeping them safe.

    Tama Leaver receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is a chief investigator in the ARC Centre of Excellence for the Digital Child.

    – ref. eSafety boss wants YouTube included in the social media ban. But AI raises even more concerns for kids – https://theconversation.com/esafety-boss-wants-youtube-included-in-the-social-media-ban-but-ai-raises-even-more-concerns-for-kids-259561

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The war won’t end Iran’s nuclear program – it will drive it underground, following North Korea’s model

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anthony Burke, Professor of Environmental Politics & International Relations, UNSW Sydney

    The United States’ and Israel’s strikes on Iran are concerning, and not just for the questionable legal justifications provided by both governments.

    Even if their attacks cause severe damage to Iran’s nuclear facilities, this will only harden Iran’s resolve to acquire a bomb.

    And if Iran follows through on its threat to pull out of the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), this will gravely damage the global nuclear nonproliferation regime.

    In a decade of international security crises, this could be the most serious. Is there still time to prevent this from happening?

    A successful but vulnerable treaty

    In May 2015, I attended the five-yearly review conference of the NPT. Delegates debated a draft outcome for weeks, and then, not for the first time, went home with nothing. Delegates from the US, United Kingdom and Canada blocked the final outcome to prevent words being added that would call for Israel to attend a disarmament conference.

    Russia did the same in 2022 in protest at language on its illegal occupation of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power station in Ukraine.

    Now, in the latest challenge to the NPT, Israel and the US have bombed Iran’s nuclear complexes to ostensibly enforce a treaty neither one respects.

    When the treaty was adopted in 1968, it allowed the five nuclear-armed states at the time – the US, Soviet Union, France, UK and China – to join if they committed not to pass weapons or material to other states, and to disarm themselves.

    All other members had to pledge never to acquire nuclear weapons. Newer nuclear powers were not permitted to join unless they gave up their weapons.

    Israel declined to join, as it had developed its own undeclared nuclear arsenal by the late 1960s. India, Pakistan and South Sudan have also never signed; North Korea was a member but withdrew in 2003. Only South Sudan does not have nuclear weapons today.

    To make the obligations enforceable and strengthen safeguards against the diversion of nuclear material to non-nuclear weapons states, members were later required to sign the IAEA Additional Protocol. This gave the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) wide powers to inspect a state’s nuclear facilities and detect violations.

    It was the IAEA that first blew the whistle on Iran’s concerning uranium enrichment activity in 2003. Just before Israel’s attacks this month, the organisation also reported Iran was in breach of its obligations under the NPT for the first time in two decades.

    The NPT is arguably the world’s most universal, important and successful security treaty, but it is also paradoxically vulnerable.

    The treaty’s underlying consensus has been damaged by the failure of the five nuclear-weapon states to disarm as required, and by the failure to prevent North Korea from developing a now formidable nuclear arsenal.

    North Korea withdrew from the treaty in 2003, tested a weapon in 2006, and now may have up to 50 warheads.

    Iran could be next.

    How things can deteriorate from here

    Iran argues Israel’s attacks have undermined the credibility of the IAEA, given Israel used the IAEA’s new report on Iran as a pretext for its strikes, taking the matter out of the hands of the UN Security Council.

    For its part, the IAEA has maintained a principled position and criticised both the US and Israeli strikes.

    Iran has retaliated with its own missile strikes against both Israel and a US base in Qatar. In addition, it wasted no time announcing it would withdraw from the NPT.

    On June 23, an Iranian parliament committee also approved a bill that would fully suspend Iran’s cooperation with the IAEA, including allowing inspections and submitting reports to the organisation.

    Iran’s envoy to the IAEA, Reza Najafi, said the US strikes:

    […] delivered a fundamental and irreparable blow to the international non-proliferation regime conclusively demonstrating that the existing NPT framework has been rendered ineffective.

    Even if Israel and the US consider their bombing campaign successful, it has almost certainly renewed the Iranians’ resolve to build a weapon. The strikes may only delay an Iranian bomb by a few years.

    Iran will have two paths to do so. The slower path would be to reconstitute its enrichment activity and obtain nuclear implosion designs, which create extremely devastating weapons, from Russia or North Korea.

    Alternatively, Russia could send Iran some of its weapons. This should be a real concern given Moscow’s cascade of withdrawals from critical arms control agreements over the last decade.

    An Iranian bomb could then trigger NPT withdrawals by other regional states, especially Saudi Arabia, who suddenly face a new threat to their security.

    Why Iran might now pursue a bomb

    Iran’s support for Hamas, Hezbollah and Syria’s Assad regime certainly shows it is a dangerous international actor. Iranian leaders have also long used alarming rhetoric about Israel’s destruction.

    However repugnant the words, Israeli and US conservatives have misjudged Iran’s motives in seeking nuclear weapons.

    Israel fears an Iranian bomb would be an existential threat to its survival, given Iran’s promises to destroy it. But this neglects the fact that Israel already possesses a potent (if undeclared) nuclear deterrent capability.

    Israeli anxieties about an Iranian bomb should not be dismissed. But other analysts (myself included) see Iran’s desire for nuclear weapons capability more as a way to establish deterrence to prevent future military attacks from Israel and the US to protect their regime.

    Iranians were shaken by Iraq’s invasion in 1980 and then again by the US-led removal of Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein in 2003. This war with Israel and the US will shake them even more.

    Last week, I felt that if the Israeli bombing ceased, a new diplomatic effort to bring Iran into compliance with the IAEA and persuade it to abandon its program might have a chance.

    However, the US strikes may have buried that possibility for decades. And by then, the damage to the nonproliferation regime could be irreversible.

    Anthony Burke received funding from the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council for a project on global nuclear governance (2014–17).

    – ref. The war won’t end Iran’s nuclear program – it will drive it underground, following North Korea’s model – https://theconversation.com/the-war-wont-end-irans-nuclear-program-it-will-drive-it-underground-following-north-koreas-model-259281

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: A carbon levy on global shipping promises to slash emissions. We calculated what that means for Australia’s biggest export

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Brear, Director, Melbourne Energy Institute, The University of Melbourne

    Costfoto/NurPhoto via Getty Images

    Moving people and things around the world by sea has a big climate impact. The shipping industry produces almost 3% of global greenhouse gas emissions – roughly the same as Germany – largely due to the movement of container ships, bulk carriers and tankers.

    Under international rules, these emissions are not included in any nation’s greenhouse gas reporting. That means they often escape scrutiny.

    Unlike cars, international shipping can’t shift to using low-emissions electricity – the batteries required are too big and heavy. So clean fuels must play a role.

    A proposed shake-up of the global shipping industry would encourage the use of clean fuels and penalise shipping companies that stick to cheaper, more polluting fuels. Should it proceed, emissions from global shipping would be regulated for the first time.

    Using our peer-reviewed modelling, we investigated how the changes might affect Australia’s largest export: iron ore.

    What is the proposed carbon levy all about?

    The International Maritime Organisation (IMO) is the United Nations body responsible for regulating international shipping. It recently approved a draft plan to tackle the shipping sector’s contribution to climate change through a type of “cap and trade” scheme.

    The plan would involve setting a limit, or cap, on how much each shipping company can emit. Companies must then either buy credits or be penalised if they go over their limit. Companies that stay under their limit – for example, by using cleaner fuels – would earn credits, which they could then sell.

    In this way, high-emitting shipping companies are penalised and low-emitting companies are rewarded.

    Under the plan, the total limit for emissions from global shipping would fall each year. This increases the incentive for companies to switch to lower emission fuels and makes higher-emission fuels progressively more expensive to use.

    The plan is scheduled to be adopted by the shipping industry in October this year and would begin in 2027.

    Not all fuels are the same

    The proposed change is particularly significant for Australia. As a remote island nation, our imports and exports are heavily reliant on massive ships. This is most important for our commodity exports – iron ore in particular.

    Our recently published modelling estimated the emissions and financial impacts of various low-emission shipping options for Australia’s exports.

    We estimated Australia’s commodity exports create about 34 million tonnes of greenhouse gases a year. This is about 8% of Australia’s domestic greenhouse gas emissions, but it’s not included in Australia’s national reporting.

    Using the same modelling, we then examined how the proposed new regulation would affect the cost of shipping Australia’s largest export, iron ore. We chose a common route from Port Hedland in Western Australia to Shanghai in China.

    First, we looked at current fuel costs, as well as overall shipping costs measured per tonne of delivered ore. Shipping costs include both the fuel costs and the cost of the ships designed to use it. Then we estimated how much fuels and shipping might cost from 2030, assuming the proposed regulation has come into force.

    We also examined three types of fuel.

    The first was heavy fuel oil (HFO), one of the main fuels used in international shipping. It’s traditionally the cheapest shipping fuel and also has the highest greenhouse gas emissions.

    The second was “blue” ammonia. This fuel is typically made from natural gas using a manufacturing process where the carbon in the natural gas is captured and stored. It has lower greenhouse gas emissions than heavy fuel oil, but it is not a “green” fuel.

    Thirdly, we looked at “green” ammonia, which is produced using renewable energy. We examined two types of green ammonia – that produced using current technology, and “advanced” green ammonia, made using new technologies in development.

    Is green ammonia an answer?

    From about 2030, the overall cost of shipping powered by heavy fuel oil will start to rise significantly under the proposed regulation. That’s because shipping companies using this fuel must purchase credits from those using cleaner options.

    Blue ammonia may then make it cheaper to ship iron ore from Australia to Asia. Users of this fuel could generate and sell credits that higher-emitting fuel users buy, offsetting some of the shipping costs associated with using blue ammonia.

    But if international shipping is to reach the IMO’s goal of net-zero emissions by about 2050, this is very likely to require a green fuel.

    However, green ammonia is more expensive than heavy fuel oil and blue ammonia with current technology. And our analysis found the proposed regulation – and associated subsidy – doesn’t make it the lowest cost shipping option from 2030 onwards either.

    This is why technological innovation is important. CSIRO projections of the future costs of renewable energy and green-fuel manufacture suggest that, should technologies improve, green ammonia may compete on cost with heavy-fuel oil in the 2030s, even without subsidies.

    If so, this zero-emission fuel could become the cheapest way to export Australian iron ore.

    Looking ahead to net-zero

    As our calculations show, a combination of regulation and innovation could help international shipping achieve its goal of net-zero emissions.

    These fuels could be made in Australia, and potentially used by other industries such as rail, mining, road freight and even aviation.

    Such an industry would therefore contribute significantly to the world’s emission-reduction goals, and could help Australia realise its ambition to become a major global exporter of green fuels and other green products.

    Michael Brear receives research funding from the Australian Renewable Energy Agency, the Australian Research Council, the Future Energy Exports CRC and the Clean Marine Fuel Institute. He also receives funding from other government and industry organisations for work on other aspects of energy and transport decarbonisation.

    Gerhard (Gerry) F. Swiegers is an ARC Industry Laureate Fellow and the Chief Technology Officer of Hysata. Hysata is a manufacturer of electrolysers which are used for green hydrogen manufacture. Green hydrogen is a key feedstock for the manufacture of green ammonia.

    Michael Leslie Johns receives funding from the ARC and Future Energy Exports CRC.

    Nguyen Cao receives funding from the Future Energy Exports CRC and the Clean Marine Fuel Institute.

    Rose Amal is the leader of the Particles and Catalysis Research Group, Co-Director of ARC Training Centre for the Global Hydrogen Economy and the Lead of the PowerFuels Network under NSW Decarbonisation Innovation Hub. Rose receives funding from Australian Research Council (ARC) and Department of Industry, Science, Energy and Resources, Department of Education (Trailblazer Recycling and Clean Energy program), ARENA and NSW Environmental Trust. She was an ARC Laureate Fellow.

    – ref. A carbon levy on global shipping promises to slash emissions. We calculated what that means for Australia’s biggest export – https://theconversation.com/a-carbon-levy-on-global-shipping-promises-to-slash-emissions-we-calculated-what-that-means-for-australias-biggest-export-258915

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Hauntingly familiar? Why comparing the US strikes on Iran to Iraq in 2003 is off target

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Benjamin Isakhan, Professor of International Politics, Deakin University

    HECTOR MATA/AFP via Getty Images

    On June 21, the United States launched airstrikes on three Iranian nuclear facilities – Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan – pounding deeply buried centrifuge sites with bunker-busting bombs.

    Conducted jointly with Israel, the operation took place without formal congressional authorisation, drawing sharp criticism from lawmakers that it was unconstitutional and “unlawful”.



    Read more:
    Why the US strikes on Iran are illegal and can set a troubling precedent

    Much of the political debate has centred on whether the US is being pulled into “another Middle East war”.

    The New York Times’ Nick Kristof weighed in on the uncertainties following the US’ surprise bombing of Iran and Tehran’s retaliation.

    Even US Vice President JD Vance understood the unease, stating:

    People are right to be worried about foreign entanglement after the last 25 years of idiotic foreign policy.

    These reactions have revived comparisons with George W. Bush’s 2003 invasion of Iraq: a Republican president launching military action on the basis of flimsy weapons of mass destruction (WMD) evidence.

    Hauntingly familiar?

    While the surface similarity is tempting, the comparison may in fact obscure more about President Donald Trump than it reveals.

    Comparisons to the Iraq War

    In 2003, Bush ordered a full-scale invasion of Iraq based on flawed intelligence, claiming Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein possessed WMDs. And while the war was extremely unpopular across the world, it did have bipartisan congressional support.

    The invasion toppled Iraq’s regime in just a few weeks.

    What followed was a brutal conflict and almost a decade of US occupation. The war triggered the rise of militant jihadism and a horrific sectarian conflict that reverberates today.

    So far, Trump’s one-off strikes on Iran bear little resemblance to the 2003 Iraq intervention.

    These were precision strikes within the context of a broader Iran-Israel war, designed to target Iran’s nuclear program.

    And, so far, there appears to be little appetite for a full-scale military invasion or “boots on the ground”, and regime change seems unlikely despite some rumblings from both Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

    Yet the comparison to Iraq persists, especially among audiences suspicious of repeated US military interventions in the Middle East. But poorly considered analogies carry costs.

    For one, the Iraq comparison sheds little light on Trump’s foreign policy.



    Read more:
    The US has entered the Israel-Iran war. Here are 3 scenarios for what might happen next

    Trump’s foreign policy

    To better understand the recent strikes on Iran, we need to look at Trump’s broader foreign policy.

    Much has been made of his “America first” mantra, a complex mix of prioritising domestic interests, questioning international agreements, and challenging traditional alliances.

    Others, including Trump himself, have often touted his “no war” approach, pointing to large-scale military withdrawals from Afghanistan, Syria and Iraq,and the fact he had not started a new war.

    But beyond this, Trump has increased US military spending and frequently used his office to conduct targeted strikes on adversaries – especially across the Middle East.

    For example, in 2017 and 2018, Trump ordered airstrikes on a Syrian airbase and chemical weapons facilities. In both instances, he bypassed Congress and used precision air power to target weapons infrastructure without pursuing regime change.

    Also, from 2017 to 2021, Trump authorised US support for the Saudi-led war in Yemen, enabling airstrikes that targeted militant cells but also led to mass civilian casualties.

    Trump’s policy was the subject of intense bipartisan opposition, culminating in the first successful congressional invocation of the War Powers Resolution – though it was ultimately vetoed by Trump.

    And in 2020, Trump launched a sequence of attacks on Iranian assets in Iraq. This included a drone strike that killed senior Iranian military commander Qassem Soleimani.

    Again, these attacks were conducted without congressional support. The decision triggered intense bipartisan backlash and concerns about escalation without oversight.

    While such attacks are not without precedent – think back to former US President Barack Obama’s intervention in Libya or Joe Biden’s targeting of terrorist assets – the scale and veracity of Trump’s attacks on the Middle East are much more useful as a framework to understanding the recent attacks on Iran than any reference to the 2003 Iraq war.

    What this reveals about Trump

    It is crucial to scrutinise any use of force. But while comparing the 2025 Iran strikes to Iraq in 2003 may be rhetorically powerful, it is analytically weak.

    A better path is to situate these events within Trump’s broader political style.

    He acts unilaterally and with near-complete impunity, disregarding traditional constraints and operating outside established norms and oversight.

    This is just as true for attacks on foreign adversaries as it is for the domestic policy arena.

    For example, Trump recently empowered agencies such as Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to operate with sweeping discretion in immigration enforcement, bypassing legal and judicial oversight.

    Trump also uses policy as spectacle, designed to send shockwaves through the domestic or foreign arenas and project dominance to both friend and foe.

    In this way, Trump’s dramatic attacks on Iran have some parallels to his unilateral imposition of tariffs on international trade. Both are abrupt, disruptive and framed as a demonstration of strength rather than a way to create a mutually beneficial solution.

    Finally, Trump is more than willing to use force as an instrument of power rather than as a last resort. This is just as true for Iran as it is for the US people.

    The recent deployment of US Marines to quell protests in Los Angeles reveals a similar impulse: military intervention as a first instinct in the absence of a broader strategy to foster peace.

    To truly understand and respond to Trump’s Iran strikes, we need to move beyond sensationalist analogies and recognise a more dangerous reality. This is not the start of another Iraq; it’s the continuation of a presidency defined by impulsive power, unchecked force and a growing disdain for democratic constraint.

    Benjamin Isakhan receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Australian Department of Defence. The views expressed in this article do not reflect those of Government policy.

    – ref. Hauntingly familiar? Why comparing the US strikes on Iran to Iraq in 2003 is off target – https://theconversation.com/hauntingly-familiar-why-comparing-the-us-strikes-on-iran-to-iraq-in-2003-is-off-target-259668

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Iran’s internet blackout left people in the dark. How does a country shut down the internet?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mohiuddin Ahmed, Senior Lecturer of Computing and Security, Edith Cowan University

    Dylan Carr/Unsplash

    In recent days, Iranians experienced a near-complete internet blackout, with local service providers – including mobile services – repeatedly going offline. Iran’s government has cited cyber security concerns for ordering the shutdown.

    Shutting off the internet within an entire country is a serious action. It severely limits people’s ability to freely communicate and to find reliable information during times of conflict.

    In countries that have privatised mobile and internet providers, control is often exercised through legislation or through government directives – such as age restrictions on adult content. By contrast, Iran has spent years developing the capacity to directly control its telecommunications infrastructure.

    So how can a country have broad control over internet access, and could this happen anywhere in the world?

    How does ‘blocking the internet’ work?

    The “internet” is a broad term. It covers many types of applications, services and, of course, the websites we’re familiar with.

    There’s a range of ways to control access to internet services, but broadly speaking, there are two “simple” methods a nation could use to block citizens’ internet access.

    Hardware

    A nation may opt to physically disconnect the incoming internet connectivity at the point of entry to the country (imagine pulling the plug on a telephone exchange).

    This allows for easy recovery of service when the government is ready, but the impact will be far-reaching. Nobody in the country, including the government itself, will be able to connect to the internet – unless the government has its own additional, covert connectivity to the rest of the world.



    Read more:
    Undersea cables are the unseen backbone of the global internet

    Software and configuration

    This is where it gets more technical. Every internet-connected endpoint – laptop, computer, mobile phone – has an IP (internet protocol) address. They’re strings of numbers; for example, 77.237.87.95 is an address assigned to one of the internet service providers in Iran.

    IP addresses identify the device on the public internet. However, since strings of numbers are not easy to remember, humans use domain names to connect to services – theconversation.com is an example of a domain name.

    That connection between the IP address and the domain is controlled by the domain name system or DNS. It’s possible for a government to control access to key internet services by modifying the DNS – this manipulates the connection between domain names and their underlying numeric addresses.

    An additional way to control the internet involves manipulating the traffic flow. IP addresses allow devices to send and receive data across networks controlled by internet service providers. In turn, they rely on the border gateway protocol (BGP) – think of it like a series of traffic signs which direct internet traffic flow, allowing data to move around the world.

    Governments could force local internet service providers to remove their BGP routes from the internet. As a result, the devices they service wouldn’t be able to connect to the internet. In the same manner, the rest of the world would no longer be able to “see” into the country.



    Read more:
    Internet shutdowns: here’s how governments do it

    How common is this?

    In dozens of countries around the world, the internet is either routinely controlled or has been shut down in response to major incidents.

    A recent example is a wide-scale internet blackout in Bangladesh in July 2024 during student-led protests against government job quotas.

    In 2023, Senegal limited internet access to handle violent protests that erupted over the sentencing of a political leader. In 2020, India imposed a lengthy internet blackout on the disputed Himalayan region of Kashmir. In 2011, the Egyptian government withdrew BGP routes to address civil unrest.

    These events clearly show that if a government anywhere in the world wants to turn off the internet, it really can. The democratic state of the country is the most significant influence on the willingness to undertake such action – not the technical capability.

    However, in today’s world, being disconnected from the internet will heavily impact people’s lives, jobs and the economy. It’s not an action to be taken lightly.

    How can people evade internet controls?

    Virtual private networks or VPNs have long been used to hide communications in countries with strict internet controls, and continue to be an effective internet access method for many people. (However, there are indications Iran has clamped down on VPN use in recent times.)

    However, VPNs won’t help when the internet is physically disconnected. Depending on configuration, if BGP routes are blocked, this may also prevent any VPN traffic from reaching the target.

    This is where independent satellite internet services open up the most reliable alternative. Satellite internet is great for remote and rural areas where traditional internet service providers have yet to establish their cabling infrastructure – or can’t do so.

    Even if traditional wired or wireless internet connections are unavailable, services such as Starlink, Viasat, Hughesnet and others can provide internet access through satellites orbiting Earth.

    To use satellite internet, users rely on antenna kits supplied by providers. In Iran, Elon Musk’s Starlink was activated during the blackout, and independent reports suggest there are thousands of Starlink receivers secretly operating in the country.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Iran’s internet blackout left people in the dark. How does a country shut down the internet? – https://theconversation.com/irans-internet-blackout-left-people-in-the-dark-how-does-a-country-shut-down-the-internet-259546

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Baths, wine, and sex make life worth living’: how ancient Romans used public baths to relax, work out and socialise

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Edwell, Associate Professor in Ancient History, Macquarie University

    iLongLoveKing/Shutterstock

    Standing in the vast ruins of the Baths of Caracalla in Rome, hundreds of gulls circle above. Their haunting cries echo voices from 1,800 years ago. Today, the bare shell of what was one of Rome’s largest bath complexes mostly sits empty, occasionally playing host to opera performances.

    But what were the baths of ancient Rome actually like back then? And why were the Romans so into public bathing?

    Public baths everywhere

    While living in Rome for almost a year, I noticed the remains of ancient baths (thermae in Latin) everywhere.

    Virtually every emperor built them, and by the middle of the fourth century there were 952 public baths in the city.

    The largest were the baths built by the emperor Diocletian (284–305). Around 3,000 people a day could bathe at this 13-hectare complex.

    These baths, like most, contained a room (the caldarium) heated by air ducts in the walls and floors. The floors were so hot special sandals were worn.

    Another room leading from it was milder (the tepidarium), before bathers entered the frigidarium, which contained a cold pool. A 4,000-square-metre outdoor swimming pool was the central feature.

    Public baths also often featured gymnasiums, libraries, restaurants and exercise yards.

    Today, the baths of Caracalla mostly sit empty.
    Wirestock/Getty

    ‘Baths, wine, and sex make life worth living’

    The philosopher Seneca, also an advisor to the emperor Nero, lived above a bath complex around 50 CE.

    He described the sounds of people “panting in wheezy and high-pitched tones” as they lifted weights. Others plunged into swimming tanks with a loud splash. Shop-owners selling food yelled out the prices of their wares. Some sang loudly for their own pleasure in the bathroom.

    One 4th-century CE account describes how aristocrats sometimes arrived at the baths with 50 servants attending them.

    Sections of the baths were reserved for these guests, who brought their finest clothes and expensive jewellery.

    While emperors built large public bath complexes, there were many smaller private ones. Entry fees were low and sometimes free during festivals and political campaigns. This allowed all social classes to use the baths.

    Women and men bathed separately and used the baths at different times of the day. Some bath complexes had areas designated for women only. The physician Soranus of Ephesus, who wrote a treatise on gynaecology in the second century CE, recommended women go to the baths in preparation for labour.

    In a crowded and polluted city like Rome, the baths were a haven. Warm water, smells of perfumed ointments, massages and a spa-like environment were pleasures all could indulge in.

    A first-century CE inscription declared that

    baths, wine, and sex make life worth living.

    Baths and the grim reality of slavery

    Baths were places of great social importance, and nudity allowed bathers to show off their physical prowess.

    Archaeological evidence suggests even dentistry was performed at the baths.

    Behind these images of indulgence, however, lay the grim reality of slavery. Slaves did the dirtiest work in the baths.

    They cleaned out cinders, emptied toilets and saw to the clearing of drains.

    Slaves came to the baths with their owners, whom they rubbed down with oil and cleaned their skin with strygils (a type of scraper). They entered the baths through a separate entrance.

    Baths across the empire

    Baths were popular in every city and town across the Roman Empire. A famous example is Aquae Sulis – the modern town of Bath – in England (which was under Roman rule for hundreds of years). At Aquae Sulis, a natural hot spring fed the baths. The goddess Minerva was honoured at the complex.

    The remains of similar bath complexes have been found in North Africa, Spain and Germany.

    Extensive remains of a Roman bath at Baden Baden in Germany are among the most impressive.

    Similarly, at Toledo in Spain, a public Roman bath complex measuring almost an acre has been found.

    Baths were often built in military camps to provide soldiers with comforts during their service. Remains of military baths have been found all over the empire. Researchers have found and excavated the baths for the army camp at Hadrian’s wall, a wall built to help defend the Roman Empire’s northern frontier in what is now modern Britain.

    The baths at Chester contain hot rooms (caldaria), cold rooms (frigidaria) and also a sweat room (sudatoria), which is similar to a sauna.

    A long history

    The Romans weren’t the first to use public baths. Their Greek forebears had them too. But the Romans took public bathing to a empire-wide level. It became a marker of Roman culture wherever they went.

    Public bathing would continue in the empire’s Islamic period and became famously popular under the Ottomans, who ruled the empire between 1299 and 1922. Turkish hammams (baths) remain an important public institution to this day and they descend directly from the Romans. Istanbul still contains 60 functioning hammams.

    Roman baths were not only technically ingenious and architecturally impressive, they connected people socially from all walks of life. As the gulls circle over the baths of Caracalla in Rome, their haunting cries connect us to that very world.

    Peter Edwell receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    – ref. ‘Baths, wine, and sex make life worth living’: how ancient Romans used public baths to relax, work out and socialise – https://theconversation.com/baths-wine-and-sex-make-life-worth-living-how-ancient-romans-used-public-baths-to-relax-work-out-and-socialise-257466

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Here’s why some people suffer from motion sickness – and which remedies actually work

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christian Moro, Associate Professor of Science & Medicine, Bond University

    EyeEm Mobile GmbH/Getty

    Cars may be a modern phenomenon, but motion sickness is not. More than 2,000 years ago, the physician Hippocrates wrote “sailing on the sea proves that motion disorders the body”. In fact, the word nausea derives from the Greek naus, meaning ship.

    Whether you’re in a ship, car, plane, or riding a rollercoaster, motion sickness (also called travel sickness or seasickness) can make you retch, vomit, sweat and become pale, and feel nauseated, dizzy and tired.

    For some people, watching dizzying scenes in a television show or simply thinking about moving can make us feel woozy. Playing video games or using virtual reality headsets can also lead to motion sickness (in this case, called “cybersickness”).

    But why does it happen? And why doesn’t it affect everyone?

    What is motion sickness?

    Motion sickness can happen in response to real or perceived motion.

    We don’t understand the exact mechanisms underlying motion sickness, although there are various hypotheses.

    The most accepted theory is that our brains like to know what’s going on around us. If our body is moving, but our brain can’t work out why, this creates some internal confusion.

    Within our brains, the “vestibular system”, which includes sensory organs in your inner ear, helps maintain balance.
    It has trouble doing this when you’re constantly being moved around (for example, inside a car) and sends the signals throughout our body which make us feel woozy.

    Supporting this theory, people who have damage to some parts of their inner ear systems can become completely immune to motion sickness.

    Why does motion sickness affect some people and not others?

    Very rough movement will make almost anyone
    motion sick. But some people are much more susceptible.

    Women tend to experience motion sickness more than men. There is evidence that hormonal fluctuations – for example during pregnancy or some stages of the menstrual cycle – may increase susceptibility.

    Some other conditions, such as vertigo and migraines, also make people more likely to experience motion sickness.

    In children, motion sickness tends to peak between ages six and nine, tapering off in the teens. It is much rarer in the elderly.

    In a car, the driver is normally in charge of the motion, and so their brain can anticipate movements (such as turning), leading to less motion sickness than for passengers.

    Are some modes of transport worse?

    Motion sickness is typically triggered by slow, up-and-down and left-to-right movements (low-frequency lateral and vertical motion). The more pronounced the motion, the more likely we are to get sick.

    This is why you might feel fine during some stages of an air flight, but become nauseous during times when there is turbulence. It’s the same at sea, where the larger and more undulating the waves, the more chance there is passengers will feel sick.

    Recent reports have suggested electric vehicles make motion sickness worse.

    This may be because electric vehicles tend to launch from a standstill with a fast acceleration. Sudden movements like this can make some occupants more nauseous.

    The silence of an electric vehicle is also unusual. Most of us are used to hearing the engine running and feeling the vehicle’s rumble as it moves. The silence in an electric vehicle removes these prompts, and likely further confuses our brain, making motion sickness worse.

    Interestingly, when an electric vehicle is put into autonomous (self-driving) mode, the driver becomes just as susceptible to motion sickness as the passengers.

    What helps motion sickness?

    For some people it never goes away, and they remain susceptible to motion sickness for life.

    But there are ways to manage symptoms, for example, avoiding travelling in bad weather, looking out the window and focusing on stable points (such as the aeroplane wing during a flight) or a distant stationary object (such as the horizon). This reduces conflicting signals in your brain.

    It may also help to:

    Medicines can help. Your doctor or pharmacist can recommend a variety of over-the-counter medications, such as antihistamines, which may help alleviate symptoms.

    Some people find alternative treatments helpful, including ginger, anti-nausea wrist bands (sea-bands or pressure bands). However we still don’t have enough consistent scientific evidence to endorse these remedies.

    There are longer-term options such as prescription medications and skin patches. However, many have potential side effects, so you should discuss these with a health professional.

    Not all of these medications will be suitable for children. However, there are some options which may help alleviate serious cases, and these can be talked through with your family GP.

    Does it ever go away?

    Sometimes, repeated exposure to the activity (called habituation) can help reduce motion sickness. The ancient Romans and Greeks reported the more experienced a sailor became, the less prone they were to sea sickness.

    While inconvenient, motion sickness may also have some evolutionary advantages. It’s thought species prone to motion sickness (including humans, fish, dogs, cats, mice and horses) avoid dangerous patches of rough water or high windy branches.

    We’re safest when firmly on land and not moving at all. Perhaps motion sickness is simply one way that our body works to keep us out of harm’s way.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Here’s why some people suffer from motion sickness – and which remedies actually work – https://theconversation.com/heres-why-some-people-suffer-from-motion-sickness-and-which-remedies-actually-work-258065

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Data gaps and demographic change: the end of the NZ census will create big blind spots

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Spoonley, Distinguished Professor, College of Humanities and Social Sciences, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University

    Getty Images

    Ending the New Zealand census as we’ve known it will save money – it was “no longer financially viable”, according to Statistics Minister Shane Reti – but the true cost of those savings could be considerable.

    Of course, it’s no secret the two previous censuses raised major questions about the quality of census data and the process. In 2018, an untested experiment with online returns, and a reduced workforce in the field, saw “an unacceptably low response rate”.

    In 2023, StatsNZ had to apologise again, this time for failing to keep the collected data safe and for another low response rate, especially for Māori. The problems were compounded by low trust in government and an unwillingness to share private information in the wake of COVID-related misinformation.

    It didn’t help that the 2023 census cost NZ$325 million, up from $104 million in 2013 – double the amount per capita, for reasons that remain unclear.

    That was enough. Cabinet papers between March and May last year signalled the government was going to move to an alternative system of data collection. The shift was characterised as “modernising the census” – except there will be no census.

    But the change has been made without any apparent consideration of how the census is used – specifically, that it is crucial to the management of a modern society and economy – and what will be lost in the process.

    Comparison across time

    One of the primary functions of a census is to allow comparison with previous censuses over time. And these go back a long way.

    The first census, in 1851, collected data on Europeans only, although the Native Secretary provided details of Māori from 1849 to 1850. The Census Act of 1858 required that a national census of all Europeans take place every three years. A new act in 1877 introduced the five-yearly census we’ve become used to.

    Data on Māori was collected separately until 1916 when a question on “race” appeared. The 1926 Census and Statistical Act then required all individuals, including Māori, to complete the census forms.

    Depression and war meant there were no censuses in 1931 and 1941, and the 2011 census was delayed because of the Christchurch earthquakes. Otherwise, we have had regular updates from nearly all the resident population on a whole range of aspects of life in New Zealand.

    This comprehensive picture of New Zealanders and the way we live underpins nearly every aspect of political decision-making and policy development. But no more.

    The new approach will use existing administrative data collected by government departments and agencies as part of their normal business. ACC, Inland Revenue, the Ministry of Social Development, Ministry of Education, and Department of Internal Affairs will be key data sources.

    The data gaps will be addressed by asking those departments and agencies to change some of what they collect. But the main change will involve surveys – as yet unspecified in terms of sample size or frame, or the questions and topics to be covered – which will “verify data quality and fill gaps”.

    As well as saving money, the statistics minister says, this approach will provide “more timely insights”. But this all leaves important questions unanswered.

    Inadequate administrative data

    Administrative data is collected for specific purposes and in different ways by government departments and agencies. The coverage is incomplete, there is often no consistency in what is collected, and there are issues about data quality and robustness.

    Moreover, information management is not a particular strength of most public sector agencies (Inland Revenue might be one of the few exceptions). It will be interesting to see whether the government is prepared to fund new technology options and methods to help improve this data collection.

    For example, the Understanding Policing Delivery research project has identified issues with data collection, especially in relation to ethnicity: national intelligence activities collect and hold data on ethnicity, iwi and hapū affiliations, but the process for issuing police infringement notices for offending does not.

    As a StatsNZ exercise which looked at ethnicity data collection across the government sector noted:

    The question asked for ethnicity differs widely across administrative data sources and often differs within each administrative source depending on the mode of collection or the form used.

    Such inconsistencies will need to be rectified if administrative data is to be anything like as comprehensive and consistent as the data provided by the census.

    Major demographic change

    New Zealand is also undergoing major demographic change, including the following trends:

    • fertility has declined and is at sub-replacement levels

    • the population is rapidly ageing

    • the proportion of population living in the top half of the North Island is increasing

    • and immigration has contributed significantly to population growth and diversity.

    I am not convinced the new administrative approach will capture these demographic changes, much less good data on the wellbeing of various communities or the nature of families and households.

    Administrative data, by definition, is partial and suited to the particular activities and concerns of the agency or department in question. But in a modern, complex society, data is key. We have just lost one of the most powerful tools available for understanding this country in the 21st century.

    The author acknowledges Len Cook, former Government Statistician of New Zealand, for his comments and suggestions.

    Paul Spoonley has received funding from MBIE and is associated with Koi Tu.

    – ref. Data gaps and demographic change: the end of the NZ census will create big blind spots – https://theconversation.com/data-gaps-and-demographic-change-the-end-of-the-nz-census-will-create-big-blind-spots-259663

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Here’s why some people suffer from motion sickness – and which remedies actually work

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Christian Moro, Associate Professor of Science & Medicine, Bond University

    EyeEm Mobile GmbH/Getty

    Cars may be a modern phenomenon, but motion sickness is not. More than 2,000 years ago, the physician Hippocrates wrote “sailing on the sea proves that motion disorders the body”. In fact, the word nausea derives from the Greek naus, meaning ship.

    Whether you’re in a ship, car, plane, or riding a rollercoaster, motion sickness (also called travel sickness or seasickness) can make you retch, vomit, sweat and become pale, and feel nauseated, dizzy and tired.

    For some people, watching dizzying scenes in a television show or simply thinking about moving can make us feel woozy. Playing video games or using virtual reality headsets can also lead to motion sickness (in this case, called “cybersickness”).

    But why does it happen? And why doesn’t it affect everyone?

    What is motion sickness?

    Motion sickness can happen in response to real or perceived motion.

    We don’t understand the exact mechanisms underlying motion sickness, although there are various hypotheses.

    The most accepted theory is that our brains like to know what’s going on around us. If our body is moving, but our brain can’t work out why, this creates some internal confusion.

    Within our brains, the “vestibular system”, which includes sensory organs in your inner ear, helps maintain balance.
    It has trouble doing this when you’re constantly being moved around (for example, inside a car) and sends the signals throughout our body which make us feel woozy.

    Supporting this theory, people who have damage to some parts of their inner ear systems can become completely immune to motion sickness.

    Why does motion sickness affect some people and not others?

    Very rough movement will make almost anyone
    motion sick. But some people are much more susceptible.

    Women tend to experience motion sickness more than men. There is evidence that hormonal fluctuations – for example during pregnancy or some stages of the menstrual cycle – may increase susceptibility.

    Some other conditions, such as vertigo and migraines, also make people more likely to experience motion sickness.

    In children, motion sickness tends to peak between ages six and nine, tapering off in the teens. It is much rarer in the elderly.

    In a car, the driver is normally in charge of the motion, and so their brain can anticipate movements (such as turning), leading to less motion sickness than for passengers.

    Are some modes of transport worse?

    Motion sickness is typically triggered by slow, up-and-down and left-to-right movements (low-frequency lateral and vertical motion). The more pronounced the motion, the more likely we are to get sick.

    This is why you might feel fine during some stages of an air flight, but become nauseous during times when there is turbulence. It’s the same at sea, where the larger and more undulating the waves, the more chance there is passengers will feel sick.

    Recent reports have suggested electric vehicles make motion sickness worse.

    This may be because electric vehicles tend to launch from a standstill with a fast acceleration. Sudden movements like this can make some occupants more nauseous.

    The silence of an electric vehicle is also unusual. Most of us are used to hearing the engine running and feeling the vehicle’s rumble as it moves. The silence in an electric vehicle removes these prompts, and likely further confuses our brain, making motion sickness worse.

    Interestingly, when an electric vehicle is put into autonomous (self-driving) mode, the driver becomes just as susceptible to motion sickness as the passengers.

    What helps motion sickness?

    For some people it never goes away, and they remain susceptible to motion sickness for life.

    But there are ways to manage symptoms, for example, avoiding travelling in bad weather, looking out the window and focusing on stable points (such as the aeroplane wing during a flight) or a distant stationary object (such as the horizon). This reduces conflicting signals in your brain.

    It may also help to:

    Medicines can help. Your doctor or pharmacist can recommend a variety of over-the-counter medications, such as antihistamines, which may help alleviate symptoms.

    Some people find alternative treatments helpful, including ginger, anti-nausea wrist bands (sea-bands or pressure bands). However we still don’t have enough consistent scientific evidence to endorse these remedies.

    There are longer-term options such as prescription medications and skin patches. However, many have potential side effects, so you should discuss these with a health professional.

    Not all of these medications will be suitable for children. However, there are some options which may help alleviate serious cases, and these can be talked through with your family GP.

    Does it ever go away?

    Sometimes, repeated exposure to the activity (called habituation) can help reduce motion sickness. The ancient Romans and Greeks reported the more experienced a sailor became, the less prone they were to sea sickness.

    While inconvenient, motion sickness may also have some evolutionary advantages. It’s thought species prone to motion sickness (including humans, fish, dogs, cats, mice and horses) avoid dangerous patches of rough water or high windy branches.

    We’re safest when firmly on land and not moving at all. Perhaps motion sickness is simply one way that our body works to keep us out of harm’s way.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Here’s why some people suffer from motion sickness – and which remedies actually work – https://theconversation.com/heres-why-some-people-suffer-from-motion-sickness-and-which-remedies-actually-work-258065

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Baths, wine, and sex make life worth living’: how ancient Romans used public baths to relax, work out and socialise

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Peter Edwell, Associate Professor in Ancient History, Macquarie University

    iLongLoveKing/Shutterstock

    Standing in the vast ruins of the Baths of Caracalla in Rome, hundreds of gulls circle above. Their haunting cries echo voices from 1,800 years ago. Today, the bare shell of what was one of Rome’s largest bath complexes mostly sits empty, occasionally playing host to opera performances.

    But what were the baths of ancient Rome actually like back then? And why were the Romans so into public bathing?

    Public baths everywhere

    While living in Rome for almost a year, I noticed the remains of ancient baths (thermae in Latin) everywhere.

    Virtually every emperor built them, and by the middle of the fourth century there were 952 public baths in the city.

    The largest were the baths built by the emperor Diocletian (284–305). Around 3,000 people a day could bathe at this 13-hectare complex.

    These baths, like most, contained a room (the caldarium) heated by air ducts in the walls and floors. The floors were so hot special sandals were worn.

    Another room leading from it was milder (the tepidarium), before bathers entered the frigidarium, which contained a cold pool. A 4,000-square-metre outdoor swimming pool was the central feature.

    Public baths also often featured gymnasiums, libraries, restaurants and exercise yards.

    Today, the baths of Caracalla mostly sit empty.
    Wirestock/Getty

    ‘Baths, wine, and sex make life worth living’

    The philosopher Seneca, also an advisor to the emperor Nero, lived above a bath complex around 50 CE.

    He described the sounds of people “panting in wheezy and high-pitched tones” as they lifted weights. Others plunged into swimming tanks with a loud splash. Shop-owners selling food yelled out the prices of their wares. Some sang loudly for their own pleasure in the bathroom.

    One 4th-century CE account describes how aristocrats sometimes arrived at the baths with 50 servants attending them.

    Sections of the baths were reserved for these guests, who brought their finest clothes and expensive jewellery.

    While emperors built large public bath complexes, there were many smaller private ones. Entry fees were low and sometimes free during festivals and political campaigns. This allowed all social classes to use the baths.

    Women and men bathed separately and used the baths at different times of the day. Some bath complexes had areas designated for women only. The physician Soranus of Ephesus, who wrote a treatise on gynaecology in the second century CE, recommended women go to the baths in preparation for labour.

    In a crowded and polluted city like Rome, the baths were a haven. Warm water, smells of perfumed ointments, massages and a spa-like environment were pleasures all could indulge in.

    A first-century CE inscription declared that

    baths, wine, and sex make life worth living.

    Baths and the grim reality of slavery

    Baths were places of great social importance, and nudity allowed bathers to show off their physical prowess.

    Archaeological evidence suggests even dentistry was performed at the baths.

    Behind these images of indulgence, however, lay the grim reality of slavery. Slaves did the dirtiest work in the baths.

    They cleaned out cinders, emptied toilets and saw to the clearing of drains.

    Slaves came to the baths with their owners, whom they rubbed down with oil and cleaned their skin with strygils (a type of scraper). They entered the baths through a separate entrance.

    Baths across the empire

    Baths were popular in every city and town across the Roman Empire. A famous example is Aquae Sulis – the modern town of Bath – in England (which was under Roman rule for hundreds of years). At Aquae Sulis, a natural hot spring fed the baths. The goddess Minerva was honoured at the complex.

    The remains of similar bath complexes have been found in North Africa, Spain and Germany.

    Extensive remains of a Roman bath at Baden Baden in Germany are among the most impressive.

    Similarly, at Toledo in Spain, a public Roman bath complex measuring almost an acre has been found.

    Baths were often built in military camps to provide soldiers with comforts during their service. Remains of military baths have been found all over the empire. Researchers have found and excavated the baths for the army camp at Hadrian’s wall, a wall built to help defend the Roman Empire’s northern frontier in what is now modern Britain.

    The baths at Chester contain hot rooms (caldaria), cold rooms (frigidaria) and also a sweat room (sudatoria), which is similar to a sauna.

    A long history

    The Romans weren’t the first to use public baths. Their Greek forebears had them too. But the Romans took public bathing to a empire-wide level. It became a marker of Roman culture wherever they went.

    Public bathing would continue in the empire’s Islamic period and became famously popular under the Ottomans, who ruled the empire between 1299 and 1922. Turkish hammams (baths) remain an important public institution to this day and they descend directly from the Romans. Istanbul still contains 60 functioning hammams.

    Roman baths were not only technically ingenious and architecturally impressive, they connected people socially from all walks of life. As the gulls circle over the baths of Caracalla in Rome, their haunting cries connect us to that very world.

    Peter Edwell receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    – ref. ‘Baths, wine, and sex make life worth living’: how ancient Romans used public baths to relax, work out and socialise – https://theconversation.com/baths-wine-and-sex-make-life-worth-living-how-ancient-romans-used-public-baths-to-relax-work-out-and-socialise-257466

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Warm-ups, layered clothes, recovery: 4 tips to exercise safely in the cold

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Harry Banyard, Senior Lecturer in Exercise and Sports Science, Swinburne University of Technology

    Maridav/Shutterstock

    Temperatures have dropped in many parts of Australia which means runners, cyclists, rowers, hikers, or anyone physically active outside need to take extra precautions to stay safe and exercise in relative comfort.

    Cold environments can also include high winds and water exposure, which present unique physiological, psychological and logistical challenges that can turn people off exercising.

    While exercising in the cold does not typically increase injury risk, certain conditions can lead to a drop in whole body temperature (hypothermia) and impaired exercise performance.

    One advantage to exercising in the cold is that it often feels easier, since the body perceives lower exertion levels compared to performing the same task in hot environments.

    While it’s sometimes tempting to rug up and stay indoors when temperatures plummet, here are some tips for exercising in cold conditions.

    1. Wear layers

    Start exercising in a slightly chilled state (if you’re warm when you begin, take a layer off).

    Strip down one layer as you warm up to avoid overheating and excessive sweating, which can lead to chilling later as you cool down.

    Clothing recommendations include:

    • inner (base) layer: wear a lightweight, moisture-wicking fabric (such as polyester) as a base layer to keep sweat away from your skin
    • middle (insulating) layer: add a fleece or thermal layer if temperatures are close to freezing
    • outer layer: a windproof, water-resistant jacket is essential in wet, windy or snowy conditions
    • additional considerations: for hands and feet, wear gloves and opt for polyester socks. A beanie or headband is great for the head and ears because you lose a significant amount of heat from your head.

    2. Warming up is crucial

    In cold conditions, your muscles may take longer to warm up and may be at a greater risk of injury due to reduced blood flow (vasoconstriction), reduced flexibility and slower reaction times.

    Spend about ten minutes (perhaps indoors) performing a structured warm-up. This should include dynamic stretches and exercises such as push-ups, leg swings, lunges, calf raises, squats and high knees before heading out.

    This will help enhance blood flow, increase tissue temperature and improve your joints’ range of motion.

    No matter what exercise type you choose, start slowly and gradually progress your intensity.

    3. Be aware of the risks

    Depending on the mode of activity, outdoor exercise can be riskier during winter due to slippery surfaces and reduced visibility.

    If you are walking or running, shorten your steps and stride length when it’s wet to maintain control and prevent slips and falls.

    If you are cycling, avoid sharp turns or sudden stops. Stick to well-lit areas and paths and try to exercise during daylight hours if possible.

    Also, consider wearing bright or reflective clothing at night or in foggy conditions.

    4. The importance of recovery

    Spend a few minutes at the end of your workout for active recovery (walking and stretching) which helps prevent blood pooling and inflammation in the feet, while bringing the body’s systems back to homeostasis (resting breathing and heart rate).

    When it’s extremely cold, get indoors immediately because your body temperature drops fast once you stop moving.

    Change out of any damp clothes and have a warm shower or bath as soon as possible to help regulate body temperature and prevent hypothermia. Be aware of signs of hypothermia, which include shivering, slurred speech, cold pale skin and poor coordination, among others.

    Other tips to consider

    If it’s nearing or below 0°C with wind chill or rain or snow, perhaps opt for an indoor mode of exercise such as treadmill running, stationary cycling or cross-training to avoid unnecessary risks such as hypothermia, non-freezing cold injuries (such as trenchfoot) or freezing cold injuries (frostbite).

    To ensure adequate hydration, it is recommended to consume about 500ml of fluid two hours before exercise and to continue to drink during and after exercising.

    If you do brave the cold to exercise outside, is still advisable to wear sunscreen (SPF 30 or higher) on exposed skin during the day, since ultra violet radiation can still pass through clouds and is not related to temperature.

    Overall, exercise in the cold can be safe and enjoyable with the right precautions and planning.

    Harry Banyard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Warm-ups, layered clothes, recovery: 4 tips to exercise safely in the cold – https://theconversation.com/warm-ups-layered-clothes-recovery-4-tips-to-exercise-safely-in-the-cold-255223

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Sharks freeze when you turn them upside down – and there’s no good reason why

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jodie L. Rummer, Professor of Marine Biology, James Cook University

    Rachel Moore

    Imagine watching your favourite nature documentary. The predator lunges rapidly from its hiding place, jaws wide open, and the prey … suddenly goes limp. It looks dead.

    For some animals, this freeze response – called “tonic immobility” – can be a lifesaver. Possums famously “play dead” to avoid predators. So do rabbits, lizards, snakes, and even some insects.

    But what happens when a shark does it?

    In our recent study, we explored this strange behaviour in sharks, rays and their relatives. In this group, tonic immobility is triggered when the animal is turned upside down – it stops moving, its muscles relax, and it enters a trance-like state. Some scientists even use tonic immobility as a technique to safely handle certain shark species.

    But why does it happen? And does it actually help these marine predators survive?

    The mystery of the ‘frozen shark’

    Despite being well documented across the animal kingdom, the reasons behind tonic immobility remain murky – especially in the ocean. It is generally thought of as an anti-predator defence. But there is no evidence to support this idea in sharks, and alternative hypotheses exist.

    We tested 13 species of sharks, rays, and a chimaera — a shark relative commonly referred to as a ghost shark — to see whether they entered tonic immobility when gently turned upside down underwater.

    Seven species did, but six did not. We then analysed these findings using evolutionary tools to map the behaviour across hundreds of million years of shark family history.

    So, why do some sharks freeze?

    Tonic immobility is triggered in sharks when they are turned upside down.
    Rachel Moore

    Three main hypotheses

    There are three main hypotheses to explain tonic immobility in sharks:

    1. Anti-predator strategy – “playing dead” to avoid being eaten
    2. Reproductive role – some male sharks invert females during mating, so perhaps tonic immobility helps reduce struggle
    3. Sensory overload response – a kind of shutdown during extreme stimulation.

    Our results don’t support any of these explanations.

    There’s no strong evidence sharks benefit from freezing when attacked. In fact, modern predators such as orcas can use this response against sharks by flipping them over to immobilise them and then remove their nutrient-rich livers – a deadly exploit.

    The reproductive hypothesis also falls short. Tonic immobility doesn’t differ between sexes, and remaining immobile could make females vulnerable to harmful or forced mating events.

    And the sensory overload idea? Untested and unverified. So, we offer a simpler explanation. Tonic immobility in sharks is likely an evolutionary relic.

    A case of evolutionary baggage

    Our evolutionary analysis suggests tonic immobility is “plesiomorphic” – an ancestral trait that was likely present in ancient sharks, rays and chimaeras. But as species evolved, many lost the behaviour.

    In fact, we found that tonic immobility was lost independently at least five times across different groups. Which raises the question: why?

    In some environments, freezing might actually be a bad idea. Small reef sharks and bottom-dwelling rays often squeeze through tight crevices in complex coral habitats when feeding or resting. Going limp in such settings could get them stuck – or worse. That means losing this behaviour might have actually been advantageous in these lineages.

    So, what does this all mean?

    Rather than a clever survival tactic, tonic immobility might just be “evolutionary baggage” – a behaviour that once served a purpose, but now persists in some species simply because it doesn’t do enough harm to be selected against.

    It’s a good reminder that not every trait in nature is adaptive. Some are just historical quirks.

    Our work helps challenge long-held assumptions about shark behaviour, and sheds light on the hidden evolutionary stories still unfolding in the ocean’s depths. Next time you hear about a shark “playing dead”, remember – it might just be muscle memory from a very, very long time ago.

    Jodie L. Rummer receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is affiliated with the Australian Coral Reef Society, as President.

    Joel Gayford receives funding from the Northcote Trust.

    – ref. Sharks freeze when you turn them upside down – and there’s no good reason why – https://theconversation.com/sharks-freeze-when-you-turn-them-upside-down-and-theres-no-good-reason-why-259448

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Drone footage captured orcas crafting tools out of kelp – and using them for grooming

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vanessa Pirotta, Postdoctoral Researcher and Wildlife Scientist, Macquarie University

    Sara Jenkins/500px/Getty

    The more we learn about orcas, the more remarkable they are. These giant dolphins are the ocean’s true apex predator, preying on great white sharks and other lesser predators.

    They’re very intelligent and highly social. Their clans are matrilineal, centred around a older matriarch who teaches her clan her own vocalisations. Not only this, but the species is one of only six known to experience menopause, pointing to the social importance of older females after their reproductive years. Different orca groups have fashion trends, such as one pod who returned to wearing salmon as a hat, decades after it went out of vogue.

    But for all their intelligence, one thing has been less clear. Can orcas actually make tools, as humans, chimps and other primates do? In research out today by United States and British researchers, we have an answer: yes.

    Using drones, researchers watched as resident pods in the Salish Sea broke off the ends of bull kelp stalks and rolled them between their bodies. This, the researchers say, is likely to be a grooming practice – the first tool-assisted grooming seen in marine animals.

    This video shows whales using kelp tools in what appears to be social grooming behaviour. Credit: Center for Whale Research.

    Self kelp: why would orcas make tools?

    Tool use and tool making have been well documented in land-based species. But it’s less common among marine species. This could be partly due to the challenge of observing them.

    This field of research expands what we know these animals are capable of. Not only are orcas spending time making kelp into a grooming tool, but they’re doing it socially – two orcas have to work together to rub the kelp against their bodies.

    To make the tool, the orcas use their teeth to grab a stalk of kelp by its “stipe” – the long, narrow part near the seaweed’s holdfast, where it tethers to the rock. They use their teeth, motion of their body and the drag of the kelp to break off a piece of this narrow stipe.

    Next, they approach a social partner, flip the length of the kelp onto their rostrum (their snout-like projection) and press their head and the kelp against their partner’s flank. The two orcas use their fins and flukes to trap the kelp while rolling it between their bodies. During this contact, the orcas would roll and twist their bodies – often in an exaggerated S-shaped posture. A similar posture has been seen among orcas in other groups, who adopt it when rubbing themselves on sand or pebbles.

    Why do it? The researchers suggest this practise may be social skin-maintenance. Bottlenose dolphin mothers are known to remove dead skin from their calves using flippers, while tool-assisted grooming of a partner has been seen in primates, but infrequently and usually in captivity.

    Orcas across different social groups, ages and genders were seen doing this. But they were more likely to groom close relatives or those of similar age. There was some evidence suggesting whales with skin conditions were more likely to do the kelp-based grooming.

    Humpback whales are known to wear kelp in a practice known as “kelping”. But this study covers a different behaviour, which the authors dub “allokelping” (kelping others).

    A surprise from well-studied pods

    Interestingly, this new discovery comes from some of the most well-studied and famous orcas in the world – a group known as the southern resident killer whales. If you were a child of the 90s, you would have seen them in the opening scene of Free Willy, the movie which set me on my path to study cetaceans.

    These orcas consist of three pods known as J, K and L pods. Each live in the Salish Sea in the Pacific Northwest on the border of Canada and the US.

    Researchers fly drones over these resident pods most days and have access to almost 50 years of observations. But this is the first time the tool-making behaviour has been seen.

    Unfortunately, these pods are critically endangered. They’re threatened by sound pollution from shipping, polluted water, vessel strike and loss of their main food source – Chinook salmon.

    A pod of killer whales off Vancouver, Canada.
    Vanessa Pirotta, CC BY-NC-ND

    Orcas are smart

    In one sense, the findings are not a surprise, given the intelligence of these animals.

    In the Arctic, orcas catch seals by making waves to wash them off ice floes. Before European colonisation, orcas and First Nations groups near Eden hunted whales together.

    They can mimic human speech, while different groups have their own dialects. These animals are awe-inspiring – and sometimes baffling, as when a pod began biting or attacking boats off the Iberian peninsula.

    While orcas are often called “killer whales”, they’re not whales. They’re the biggest species of dolphin, growing up to nine metres long. They’re found across all the world’s oceans.

    Within the species, there’s a surprising amount of diversity. Scientists group orcas into different ecotypes – populations adapted to local conditions. Different orca groups can differ substantially, from size to prey to habits. For instance, transient orcas cover huge distances seeking larger prey, while resident orcas stick close to areas with lots of fish.

    Not just a fluke

    Because orcas differ so much, we don’t know whether other pods have discovered or taught these behaviours.

    But what this research does point to is that tool making may be more common among marine mammals than we expected. No hands – no problem.

    Vanessa Pirotta does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Drone footage captured orcas crafting tools out of kelp – and using them for grooming – https://theconversation.com/drone-footage-captured-orcas-crafting-tools-out-of-kelp-and-using-them-for-grooming-259372

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canadian community foundations rally to support local news, calling it essential to democracy

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Magda Konieczna, Associate Professor of Journalism, Concordia University

    A couple of weeks ago, a neighbour mentioned our son’s school might be moving. I couldn’t find anything about this online.

    But I did find plenty of news from down south. While the erosion of democracy in the United States is something to pay attention to, some news outlets appear to be capitalizing on its sensational aspects.

    When Donald Trump and Elon Musk get into an online fistfight, local news can seem like the less glamorous cousin.

    But there’s really not much we can do about American democracy.

    A poster on a lamp post that says ‘Good News is Coming.’
    Jon Tyson/Unsplash, CC BY

    Still, U.S. media reports have contributed to news burnout. Many Canadians are tuning out from their regular news sources. Forty per cent of Canadians responding to a survey from the 2025 Reuters Digital News Report said they were sometimes or often avoiding the news, as compared to 28 per cent eight years earlier.

    Hearing about problems we can’t do much about is disempowering, according to a study on solutions journalism. Researchers found that readers who were treated as active civic participants rather than passive consumers felt more empowered.

    The news about my kid’s school is something that profoundly impacts my family. And I can do something about it, at least in theory. I can attend public meetings and organize my neighbours to take a stand, in hopes of affecting the outcome of the discussions.

    Local news can help me do that. It’s the very stuff that can help rebuild frayed community ties and mis- and disinformation. Without access to quality local news, malicious entities can more easily step into communities with misinformation designed to sway or mislead.

    Voter turnout is higher in places with more newspapers. Local journalists act as news brokers, ensuring the flow of information, which is essential to fulfilling the information needs of communities. We know that when less local news is present, communities become more polarized, and that polarization leads to increased sharing of misinformation.

    But local news is increasingly in trouble. Local news outlets are closing — 566 across Canada, to be precise, between 2008 and April 2025. That’s compared to the 283 that opened and remain in operation in that same period, according to the Local News Research Project.

    Rallying to support local news

    My recent report for The Canadian Philanthropy Partnership Research Network, “In Defense of the Local: How Community Foundations Across Canada are Supporting Local News” describes an increasingly popular way to support these local news outlets.

    Through case studies, I documented — along with my research assistant, Jessica Botelho-Urbanski, and supported by our research team at OCADU — the early signs of a growing movement of Canadian community foundations supporting local journalism.

    Community foundations across Canada are becoming ever more aware that many of the issues they care about, like building just and sustainable communities, are connected to the availability of local journalism.

    And some communities are starting to fund their local news outlets.

    For example, the Toronto Foundation made a rare, 10-year commitment to support The Local, a non-profit news outlet founded in 2019 that describes itself as “unabashedly Toronto, reporting from corners of the city that are too often ignored or misunderstood.”

    Screenshot of a story on ‘Moss Park’ from the digital news outlet The Local.
    The Local

    Sharon Avery, Toronto Foundation’s president and CEO, says the organization hadn’t spent much time prioritizing journalism because “the dots have not been connected …that a healthy local journalism equals a healthy community.” But she grew convinced of the essential links between local news and democracy, and realized local news is a powerful tool.

    The Winnipeg Foundation has been interested in local news for a while. Most recently, it funded the salary for one reporter, shared between Winnipeg’s The Free Press, a major local newspaper, and The Narwhal, an environmentally focused digital news startup that had been looking to expand its coverage in the Prairies.

    This kind of collaboration can improve the quality of work produced while also increasing the attention garnered by the resulting journalism in a way that is truly a win-win for all partners.

    How to support local journalism

    All of this is happening alongside government support, delivered through solutions like the Local Journalism Initiative, which funds journalists to report on under-covered topics, and the Canadian Journalism Labour Tax Credit, which covers a portion of salaries of eligible journalists.

    Our report also includes recommendations on how place-based foundations can turn these initiatives into a movement to support local journalism. Community foundations could start by getting to know their local news ecosystems. What news organizations exist? What audiences do they serve?

    They should also consider policies to direct some of their ad spending to local media, following the lead of the provincial government in Ontario, which has its four largest agencies allocate at least one-quarter of their annual advertising budgets to Ontario publishers.

    Perhaps the most powerful — and most challenging — of our recommendations includes working with other local players to set up a community news fund.

    This would enable funders to pay into a pool allocated to local news. This approach has generated millions for local news ecosystems in the U.S., Europe and South America.

    Community foundations have the power to promote journalistic collaboration, which can help to combat mis- and disinformation.

    To improve the quality of life and information for Canadians from coast to coast to coast, supporting local journalism is a must.

    The contribution of the research assistant on the report described here was funded by a SSHRC grant obtained by the Canadian philanthropy partnership research network (PhiLab). The work was also supported by the Cultural Policy Hub at OCADU.

    – ref. Canadian community foundations rally to support local news, calling it essential to democracy – https://theconversation.com/canadian-community-foundations-rally-to-support-local-news-calling-it-essential-to-democracy-257873

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Presidents of both parties have launched military action without Congress declaring war − Trump’s bombing of Iran is just the latest

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Sarah Burns, Associate Professor of Political Science, Rochester Institute of Technology

    President Donald Trump is seen on a monitor in the White House press briefing room on June 21, 2025, after the U.S. military strike on three sites in Iran. AP Photo/Alex Brandon

    In the wake of the U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities on June 22, 2025, many congressional Democrats and a few Republicans have objected to President Donald Trump’s failure to seek congressional approval before conducting military operations.

    They note that Article 1 of the U.S. Constitution gives Congress the power to declare war and say that section required Trump to seek prior authorization for military action.

    The Trump administration disagrees. “This is not a war against Iran,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio told Fox News host Maria Bartiromo, implying that the action did not require approval by Congress. That’s the same view held by most modern presidents and their lawyers in the Office of Legal Counsel: Article 2 of the Constitution allows the president to use the military in certain situations without prior approval from Congress.

    By this reading of the text, presidents, as commander in chief, claim the power to unilaterally order the military to initiate small-scale operations for a short duration. Members of Congress may object to that claim, but they have done little to limit presidents’ unilateralism. What little they have done has not been effective.

    As I’ve demonstrated in my research, even though the 1973 War Powers Resolution attempted to constrain presidential power after the disasters of the Vietnam War, it contains many loopholes that presidents have exploited to act unilaterally. For example, it allows presidents to engage in military operations without congressional approval for up to 90 days. And more recent congressional resolutions have broadened executive control even further.

    President Franklin D. Roosevelt signs the U.S. declaration of war against Japan on Dec. 8, 1941.
    U.S. National Archives

    A long tradition of executive authority

    Presidents can even overcome the loopholes in the War Powers Resolution if the operation lasts longer than 90 days. In 2011, a State Department lawyer argued that airstrikes in Libya could continue beyond the War Powers Resolution’s 90-day time limit because there were no ground troops involved. By that logic, any future president could carry out an indefinite bombing campaign with no congressional oversight.

    While every president has bristled at congressional restraints on their actions, presidents since Franklin D. Roosevelt have successfully circumvented them by citing vague concerns like “national security,” “regional security” or the need to “prevent a humanitarian disaster” when launching military operations. While members of Congress always take issue with these actions, they never hold presidents accountable by passing legislation restraining him.

    President Trump’s decision to bomb Iranian nuclear sites without consulting Congress falls in line with precedent from both Democratic and Republican leaders for decades.

    Much like his predecessors, Trump did not, and likely will not, provide Congress with more concrete information about the legality of his actions. Nor are congressional lawmakers effectively holding him accountable.

    The push-and-pull between Congress and the president over military operations dates back to the 1941 Pearl Harbor attack, which led Congress to declare war on Japan. Before then, Congress had prevented the U.S. from joining World War II by enforcing an arms embargo and refusing to help the Allies prior to the attack on Hawaii. But afterward, Congress began allowing the president to take more control over the military.

    During the Cold War, rather than returning to a balanced debate between the branches, Congress continued to relinquish those powers.

    Congress never authorized the war in Korea; Harry Truman used a U.N. Security Council resolution as legal justification. Congress’ vote explicitly opposing the invasion of Cambodia didn’t stop Richard Nixon from doing it anyway. Even after the Cold War, Bill Clinton regularly acted unilaterally to address humanitarian crises or the continued threat from leaders like Saddam Hussein. He sent the military to Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia and Kosovo, among other places.

    After 9/11, Congress quickly gave up more of its power. A week after those attacks, Congress passed a sweeping Authorization for Use of Military Force, giving the president permission to “use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001.”

    In a follow-up 2002 authorization, Congress went even further, allowing the president to “use the Armed Forces … as he determines to be necessary and appropriate in order to defend national security … against the continuing threat posed by Iraq.” This approach provides few, if any, congressional checks on the control of military affairs exercised by the president.

    In the two decades since those authorizations, four presidents have used them to justify all manner of military action, from targeted killings of terrorists to the years long fight against the Islamic State group.

    Congress regularly discusses terminating those authorizations, but has yet to do so. If Congress did, the loopholes in the original War Powers Resolution would still exist.

    While President Biden claimed he supported the repeal of the authorizations, and supported more congressional oversight of military actions, Trump has made no such claims. Instead, he has claimed even more sweeping authority to act without any permission from Congress.

    As recently as 2024, Biden used the 2002 authorization as a legal rationale for the targeted killing of Iranian-backed militiamen in Iraq, a strike condemned by Iraqi leaders.

    Those actions may have ruffled congressional feathers, but they were in keeping with a long U.S. tradition of targeting members of terrorist groups and protecting members of the military serving in a conflict zone.

    Demonstrators outside the U.S. Capitol in January 2020 call on Congress to limit the president’s powers to use the military.
    AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    Threats of war

    During his first presidential term in 2020, Trump ordered a lethal drone strike against a respected member of the Iranian government, Major General Qassim Soleimani, the head of Iran’s equivalent of the CIA, without consulting Congress or publicly providing proof of why the attack was necessary, even to this day.

    Tensions – and fears of war – spiked but then slowly faded when Iran responded with missile attacks on two U.S. bases in Iraq.

    Now, the U.S. attacks on Iranian nuclear sites have revived both fears of war and renewed questions about the president’s authority to unilaterally engage in military action. Presidents since the 1970s, however, have effectively managed to dodge definitive answers to those questions – demonstrating both the power inherent in their position and the unwillingness among members of the legislative branch to reclaim their coequal status.

    This article is an updated version of a story published on Jan. 24, 2024.

    Sarah Burns does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Presidents of both parties have launched military action without Congress declaring war − Trump’s bombing of Iran is just the latest – https://theconversation.com/presidents-of-both-parties-have-launched-military-action-without-congress-declaring-war-trumps-bombing-of-iran-is-just-the-latest-259636

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Work, wages and apprenticeships: sifting for clues about the lives of girls in ancient Egypt

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julia Hamilton, Lecturer in History and Archaeology, Macquarie University

    Weavers in the Tomb of Khnumhotep II, Beni Hassan, Egypt. Painted by Norman de Garis Davies (MMA 33.8.16)

    We know surprisingly little about the lives of children in ancient Egypt.

    And what records we do have about them often concern the lives of the elite – the young king or the children of senior officials. They are more prominent in surviving material evidence, especially funerary art. Infant mortality rates were high in ancient Egypt.

    As a result, much of the work in Egyptology on representations of childhood in ancient Egypt is dominated by evidence for the lives of boys and young adult men.

    But what were the lives of ordinary girls like in ancient Egypt? And how did they make their way in a deeply patriarchal culture?

    Finding hieroglyphic words for girls

    An initial problem in studying girls’ lives in ancient Egypt is answering the question: who was a girl in ancient Egypt?

    Chronological age was not always recorded by ancient Egyptians in their letters or inscriptions.

    Instead, more general words and hieroglyphic signs tended to accompany images of men, women and children to indicate their social roles.

    A woman is shown nursing a child while another woman is dressing her hair.
    Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (22.2.35)

    These words and signs were only loosely associated with biological development.

    Hieroglyphic words for infants and small children, for instance, could be marked with an image of a small, seated child – sometimes with a finger held to its mouth.

    Among the words used to describe young girls – talking, walking, and participating alongside adults in their work – was sheriyt.

    This is the word often found in ancient accounting documents recording payments of wages, indicating a girl-child worker. They are distinguished from older women in these documents, although it is difficult to know precisely how young they might have been.

    In this way, written administrative records and archaeological evidence reveals girls of many social classes were integrated into economic production from an early age.

    Payment for work

    Elephantine, a town at Egypt’s southern frontier near modern-day Aswan, provides a unique window into the urban life of some girls who worked in textile workshops during the ancient Egyptian Middle Kingdom, which dates approximately 2030–1650 BCE.

    First published in 1996, archaeologists found a ceramic bowl repurposed as a writing surface in a house in the densely packed urban settlement.

    The excavators initially dated the bowl to the reign of King Amenemhat III, who ruled almost 3,800 years ago. However, based on the style of writing and the types of names listed, some scholars have also dated it earlier. It contains lists of payments of provisions of grain for textile workers over the course of a month.

    What makes this document so important is that it names at least 18 child workers. Of these, 11 are girls, clearly marked with the Egyptian word sheriyt, working alongside 28 adult women.

    The list shows adult women in this workshop received between 50–57 heqat (around 240–274 litres) of grain – although it’s not entirely clear if this was a one-off payment, a payment per month, or something else. The girls earned smaller but still significant wages of 3–7 heqat (around 14–34 litres).

    Some other adult women seem to have also received comparable provisions to the girls, although without further information it is difficult know their social status or age.

    This document not only confirms that girls received payment for their labour. It also suggests a structured apprenticeship system where young girls (and boys) worked alongside experienced craftswomen.

    This corroborates evidence from visual art of textile workshops from the same period.

    Weavers in the Tomb of Khnumhotep II, Beni Hassan, Egypt. Painted at the tomb in 1931 by Norman de Garis Davies.
    Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (33.8.16)

    Work life, home life

    Archaeological evidence suggests textile production occurred both within homes and in dedicated workshops.

    Evidence from the excavations at Elephantine suggests homes had several rooms with multiple purposes, including courtyards, entrance vestibules, kitchens with ovens (recognisable by blackened walls and ash deposits), and possible stairs leading to roof spaces.

    Privacy would have been limited. Daily life would have included close interaction with animals, as evidenced by attached animal pens.

    More recently, close to the house where the provision list was discovered, archaeologists found needles, spindles, shuttles, and remains of pegs for a large loom.

    These were found both inside houses and in the courtyards attached to them.

    It’s hard to know what exactly these buildings were for; they probably served multiple purposes.

    Lives shaped by class and legal status

    Not all girls at Elephantine had the same experience of life. The town’s position at Egypt’s southern frontier in this period meant it was home to diverse populations, which included migrants, enslaved people and transitory workers.

    A letter dating to the reign of King Amenemhat III documents some families, including women and children, arriving at Elephantine seeking work during a famine in their home region.

    This ancient letter mentions families, including women and children, looking for work.
    © The Trustees of the British Museum. Shared under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0) licence, CC BY-NC-SA

    This evidence can be compared to a legal document from the same time period but from another Egyptian town, El Lahun. This document mentions the purchase and transfer of enslaved women and infants who are called Aamut, referring to a region in West Asia. The document shows they have been given new Egyptian names.

    These documents remind us factors such as class and legal status have always profoundly shaped girls’ lives.

    Valuing the work of girls

    Accessing the everyday thoughts, feelings, and perspectives of many ancient people, especially children, is challenging for historians. We don’t, for instance, have a wealth of personal diaries from ancient Egypt to learn about girls’ interior lives.

    But what’s clear is that girls were not merely passive participants in society. They were active economic contributors, who often received formal compensation for their work.

    Historians must always look beyond elite contexts to incorporate diverse evidence types – administrative documents, archaeological remains, and artistic representations – to construct a more complete picture of ancient lives.

    Julia Hamilton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Work, wages and apprenticeships: sifting for clues about the lives of girls in ancient Egypt – https://theconversation.com/work-wages-and-apprenticeships-sifting-for-clues-about-the-lives-of-girls-in-ancient-egypt-249581

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: It’s time to face an uncomfortable truth: maybe our pampered pets would be better off without us

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nancy Cushing, Associate professor, University of Newcastle

    ROSLAN RAHMAN/AFP via Getty Images

    Pet-keeping is often promoted for the benefits it brings humans. A close association with another animal can provide us with a sense of purpose and a daily dose of joy. It can aid our health, make us more conscientious and even help us form relationships with other humans.

    But the situation is perhaps not as rosy for the animal itself. Domesticated animals often live longer than their free-living counterparts, but the quality of those lives can be compromised. Pets can be fed processed foods that can lead to obesity. Many are denied a sexual life and experience of parenthood. Exercise can be limited, isolation is common and boredom must be endured.

    In the worst cases, pets suffer due to selective breeding practices, physical abuse and unethical commercial breeding.

    Is this the best life for the species we feel closest to? This question was raised for me when I heard the story of Valerie, the dachshund recaptured in April this year after almost 18 months living on her own on South Australia’s Karta Pintingga/Kangaroo Island.

    Is being a pet the best life for the species we feel closest to?
    Oleksandr Rupeta/NurPhoto via Getty Images

    Valerie: the story that captivated a nation

    Valerie, a miniature dachshund, escaped into the bush during a camping trip on Kangaroo Island in November 2023. After several days of searching, her bereft humans returned to their home in New South Wales. They assumed the tiny dog, who had lived her life as a “little princess”, was gone forever.

    Fast-forward a year, and sightings were reported on the island of a small dog wearing a pink collar. Word spread and volunteers renewed the search. A wildlife rescue group designed a purpose-built trap, fitting it out with items from Valerie’s former home.

    After several weeks, a remotely controlled gate clattered shut behind Valerie and she was caught.

    Cue great celebrations. The searchers were triumphant and the family was delighted. Social media lit up. It was a canine reenactment of one of settler Australia’s enduring narratives: the lost child rescued from the hostile bush.

    A dog’s-eye view

    But imagine if Valerie’s story was told from a more dog-centred perspective. Valerie found herself alone in a strange place and took the opportunity to run away. She embarked on a new life in which she was responsible for herself and could exercise the intelligence inherited from her boar-hunting ancestors.

    No longer required to be a good girl, Valerie applied her own judgement – that notorious dachshund “stubbornness” – to evade predators, fill her stomach and pass her days.

    Some commentators assumed Valerie must have been fed by anonymous benefactors – reflecting a widely held view that pets have limited abilities.

    Veterinary experts, however, said her diet likely consisted of small birds, mammals and reptiles she killed herself – as well as roadkill, other carrion and faeces.

    Valerie was clearly good at life on the lam. Unlike the human competitors in the series Alone Australia, she did not waste away when left in an island wilderness. Instead, she gained 1.8 kg of muscle – and was so stocky she no longer fit the old harness her humans brought to collect her. She had literally outgrown her former bonds.

    Valerie could have sought shelter with the island’s humans at any time, but chose not to. She had to be actively trapped. Once returned to her humans, she needed time to reacclimatise to life as a pet.

    Not all missing pets thrive in the wild. But all this raises the question of whether Valerie’s rescue would be better understood as a forced return from a full life of freedom, to a diminished existence in captivity?

    A long history of pets thriving in the wild

    Other examples exist which suggest an animal’s best life can take place outside the constraints of being a pet.

    Exotic parrots have fled lives in cages to form urban flocks. In the United States, 25 species initially imported as pets have set up set up self-sustaining, free-living populations across 23 states.

    Or take the red-eared slider turtle, which is native to parts of the US and Mexico. It’s illegal to keep the turtles as pets in Australia, but some of those smuggled in have later been released into urban wetlands where they have established large and widespread populations.

    Cats are perhaps the most notorious example of escaped pets thriving on their own in Australia. They numbers in the millions, in habitats from cities to the Simpson Desert to the Snowy Mountains, showing how little they need human assistance.

    One mark of their success is their prodigious size. At up to 7kg, free-living cats can be more than twice the weight of the average domestic cat.

    Around the world, exotic former companion mammals, birds, fish, reptiles, amphibians and insects have all established populations large enough to pose problems for other species.

    Rethinking animals as pets

    Of course, I am not advocating that pets be released to the wild, creating new problems. But I do believe current pet-keeping practices are due for reconsideration.

    A dramatic solution would be to take the animal out of the pet relationship. Social robots that look like seals and teddy bears are already available to welcome you home, mirror your emotions and offer up cuddles without the cost to other animals.

    A less radical option is to rethink the idea of animals as “pets” and instead see them as equals.

    Some people already enjoy these unforced bonds. Magpies, for example, are known to have strong allegiances with each other and are sometimes willing to extend those connections to humans in multi-species friendships.

    As for Valerie, she did make “her little happy sounds” when reunited with her humans. But she might look back with nostalgia to her 529 days of freedom on Kangaroo Island.

    Nancy Cushing receives funding from the State Library of New South Wales as the Coral Thomas Fellow. She is a member of the executive committee of the Australian Historical Association.

    – ref. It’s time to face an uncomfortable truth: maybe our pampered pets would be better off without us – https://theconversation.com/its-time-to-face-an-uncomfortable-truth-maybe-our-pampered-pets-would-be-better-off-without-us-256903

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: More women are using medical cannabis – but new research shows barriers push some into illegal markets

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Vinuli Withanarachchie, PhD candidate, College of Health, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University

    Getty Images

    The number of women using medicinal cannabis is growing in New Zealand and overseas. They use cannabis treatment for general conditions such as pain, anxiety, inflammation and nausea, as well as gynaecological conditions, including endometriosis, pelvic floor conditions, and menopause.

    However, their experiences with medicinal cannabis remain under-explored in research and overlooked in policy and regulation. As our work shows, they face several gender-specific barriers to accessing medicinal cannabis. Some of these hurdles lead women to seeking cannabis from illegal markets.

    New Zealand introduced the medicinal cannabis scheme five years ago to enable access to legal, safe and quality-controlled cannabis products for any condition a doctor would deem suitable for a prescription.

    A recent analysis found the number of medicinal cannabis products dispensed has increased more than 14-fold since 2020, with more than 160,000 prescriptions administered during 2023/2024.

    In the first two years of the scheme, women were the primary recipients of medicinal cannabis prescriptions. Between 2022 and 2023, the number of prescriptions issued to female patients doubled to 47,633.

    Our findings from a large-scale national survey show that although women perceive physicians as supportive of prescribing medicinal cannabis, they were less likely to have prescriptions than men. This is similar to findings from Australia.

    Potential reasons include the cost of visiting health professionals, unpaid care-giving duties, lower workforce participation and a pay disparity – all creating barriers to accessing health services.

    Women were also more likely not to disclose their medicinal cannabis use to others, citing it would be less accepted by society because of their gender.

    Gendered risks in illegal cannabis markets

    Our latest study aligned with Australia in finding that women often seek cannabis from illegal sources because of perceived lower prices. Many could not financially sustain accessing legal prescriptions because medicinal cannabis is not funded by New Zealand’s drug-buying agency Pharmac.

    Study participants discussed the health risks of accessing illegal cannabis such as consuming products without knowing how strong they are or whether they have been contaminated with harmful substances.

    They also characterised illegal cannabis markets as unsafe and intimidating for women, with little legal protection and the presence of predatory male sellers. Some even described gender-specific experiences of physical assault, intimidation and sexual harassment, particularly when cannabis buying occurred in drug houses or locations controlled by the seller.

    Women accessing medicinal cannabis in illegal markets increasingly relied on female suppliers, viewing them as safer and more reliable. Some also helped connect others to these suppliers and used social media to warn other women of unsafe male suppliers. This created informal women-led support networks for access.

    Accessing legal prescriptions

    Women increasingly use cannabis clinics to access pain treatments.
    Getty Images

    One of our recent studies found many women begin their journeys with medicinal cannabis online via social media, often leading them to cannabis clinics with a strong digital presence. Women are now a growing demographic for specialised medicinal cannabis clinics in New Zealand and in other countries.

    Cannabis clinics have a reputation among medicinal cannabis consumers for being more knowledgeable and positive about treatments than general practitioners and other health providers. Women have been encouraged by positive online testimonies from other women using cannabis treatments for gynaecological and other conditions.

    Female medicinal cannabis patients also described the financial burden of accessing a prescription, including consultation fees and the costs of products as barriers to access.

    Their relationships with their GPs strongly influenced their decision to seek a prescription. Those with prior experiences of having their pain underestimated or misdiagnosed in mainstream care were more likely to source legal medicinal cannabis from cannabis clinics.

    Policy and practice

    The current scientific evidence for using medicinal cannabis for gynaecological conditions is still emerging. Clinical trials are under way in Australia to evaluate cannabis treatment for endometriosis and period pain.

    Women’s reliance on online sources and personal recommendations to learn about medicinal cannabis highlights a gap in public awareness and government education about the legal prescription scheme. Hesitance to discuss and recommend cannabis treatment among GPs also persists as a barrier to access.

    Online peer networks on social media platforms are promoting women’s agency and informing their decision making around medicinal cannabis, but also raise the risks of misinformation.

    Although marketing of medicinal cannabis to women may improve their engagement with the prescription scheme, it may also put them in a vulnerable position where they are encouraged to pursue expensive treatment options which may not be effective.

    The collective findings from our studies indicate complex financial, social and systemic factors affecting safe and equitable access to medicinal cannabis for women. To improve women’s engagement with New Zealand’s medicinal cannabis scheme, we suggest GPs should have informed and non-stigmatising discussions with female patients to explore when medicinal cannabis might be an appropriate treatment option.

    Better access to good official consumer information about medicinal cannabis and greater investment in clinical trials for gynaecological conditions would also improve and support women’s decision making about their health.

    Vinuli Withanarachchie receives funding from the Health Research Council for research on cannabis policy reform.

    Chris Wilkins receives funding from the Health Research Council for studies on cannabis policy and vaping.

    Marta Rychert receives funding for cannabis research from the Royal Society of NZ and the Health Research Council.

    – ref. More women are using medical cannabis – but new research shows barriers push some into illegal markets – https://theconversation.com/more-women-are-using-medical-cannabis-but-new-research-shows-barriers-push-some-into-illegal-markets-258797

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Inaccurate and misogynistic: why we need to make the term ‘hysterectomy’ history

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Theresa Larkin, Associate Professor of Medical Sciences, University of Wollongong

    Panuwat Dangsungnoen/Getty Images

    Have you had a tonsillectomy (your tonsils taken out), appendectomy (your appendix removed) or lumpectomy (removal of a lump from your breast)? The suffix “ectomy” denotes surgical removal of the named body part, so these terms give us a clear idea of what the procedure entails.

    So why is the removal of the uterus called a hysterectomy and not a uterectomy?

    The name hysterectomy is rooted in a mental health condition – “hysteria” – that was once believed to affect women. But we now know this condition doesn’t exist.

    Continuing to call this significant operation a hysterectomy both perpetuates misogyny and hampers people’s understanding of what it is.

    From the defunct condition ‘hysteria’

    Hysteria was a psychiatric condition first formally defined in the 5th century BCE. It had many symptoms, including excessive emotion, irritability, anxiety, breathlessness and fainting.

    But hysteria was only diagnosed in women. Male physicians at the time claimed these symptoms were caused by a “wandering womb”. They believed the womb (uterus) moved around the body looking for sperm and disrupted other organs.

    Because the uterus was blamed for hysteria, the treatment was to remove it. This procedure was called a hysterectomy. Sadly, many women had their healthy uterus unnecessarily removed and most died.

    The word “hysteria” did originally came from the ancient Greek word for uterus, “hystera”. But the modern Greek word for uterus is “mitra”, which is where words such as “endometrium” come from.

    Hysteria was only removed as an official medical diagnosis in 1980. It was finally recognised it does not exist and is sexist.

    “Hysterectomy” should also be removed from medical terminology because it continues to link the uterus to hysteria.

    Common but confusing

    About one in three Australian women will have their uterus removed. A hysterectomy is one of the most common surgeries worldwide. It’s used to treat conditions including:

    • abnormal uterine bleeding (heavy bleeding)
    • uterine fibroids (benign tumours)
    • uterine prolapse (when the uterus protrudes down into the vagina)
    • adenomyosis (when the inner layer of the uterus grows into the muscle layer)
    • cancer.

    However, in a survey colleagues and I did of almost 500 Australian adults, which is yet to be published in a peer-reviewed journal, one in five people thought hysterectomy meant removal of the ovaries, not the uterus.

    It’s true some hysterectomies for cancer do also remove the ovaries. A hysterectomy or partial hysterectomy is the removal of only the uterus, a total hysterectomy removes the uterus and cervix, while a radical hysterectomy usually removes the uterus, cervix, uterine tubes and ovaries.

    There are important differences between these hysterectomies, so they should be named to clearly indicate the nature of the surgery.

    Research has shown ambiguous terminology such as “hysterectomy” is associated with low patient understanding of the procedure and the female anatomy involved.

    There are different types of hysterectomies, and the label can be confusing.
    Olena Yakobchuk/Shutterstock

    Uterectomy should be used for removal of the uterus, in combination with the medical terms for removal of the cervix, uterine tubes and ovaries as needed. For example, a uterectomy plus cervicectomy would refer to the removal of the uterus and the cervix.

    This could help patients understand what is (and isn’t) being removed from their bodies and increase clarity for the wider public.

    Other female body parts and procedures have male names

    There are many eponyms (something named after a person) in anatomy and medicine, such as the Achilles tendon and Parkinson’s disease. They are almost exclusively the names of white men.

    Eponyms for female anatomy and procedures include the Fallopian tubes, Pouch of Douglas, and Pap smear.

    The anatomical term for Fallopian tubes is uterine tubes. “Uterine” indicates these are attached to the uterus, which reinforces their important role in fertility.

    The Pouch of Douglas is the space between the rectum and uterus. Using the anatomical name (rectouterine pouch) is important, because this a common site for endometriosis and can explain any associated bowel symptoms.

    Pap smear gives no indication of its location or function. The new cervical screening test is named exactly that, which clarifies it samples cells of the cervix. This helps people understand this tests for risk of cervical cancer.

    Language matters in medicine and health care

    Language in medicine impacts patient care and health. It needs to be accurate and clear, not include words associated with bias or discrimination, and not disempower a person.

    For these reasons, the International Federation of Associations of Anatomists recommends removing eponyms from scientific and medical communication.

    Meanwhile, experts have rightly argued it’s time to rename the hysterectomy to uterectomy.

    A hysterectomy is an emotional procedure with not only physical but also psychological effects. Not directly referring to the uterus perpetuates the historical disregard of female reproductive anatomy and functions. Removing the link to hysteria and renaming hysterectomy to uterectomy would be a simple but symbolic change.

    Educators, medical doctors and science communicators will play an important role in using the term uterectomy instead of hysterectomy. Ultimately, the World Health Organization should make official changes in the International Classification of Health Interventions.

    In line with increasing awareness and discussions around female reproductive health and medical misogyny, now is the time to improve terminology. We must ensure the names of body parts and medical procedures reflect the relevant anatomy.

    Theresa Larkin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Inaccurate and misogynistic: why we need to make the term ‘hysterectomy’ history – https://theconversation.com/inaccurate-and-misogynistic-why-we-need-to-make-the-term-hysterectomy-history-257972

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘It feels like I am being forced to harm a child’: research shows how teachers are suffering moral injury

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Glenys Oberg, PhD candidate in education and trauma, The University of Queensland

    SolStock/Getty Images

    Australia is in the grip of a teacher shortage. Teachers are burning out, warning the job is no longer sustainable and leaving the profession.

    We know this is due to excessive workloads, stress and abuse. But research suggests there is another element at play: some teachers are also experiencing moral injury.

    Moral injury occurs when teachers are forced to act against their values – leaving them feeling disillusioned and complicit in harm. In my study of 57 Australian teachers, many shared emotionally-charged accounts of being put in impossible situations at work.

    What is moral injury?

    Moral injury is when professionals cannot act in line with their values due to external demands.

    It differs from burnout or compassion fatigue: burnout stems from chronic stress and compassion fatigue comes from emotional overload.

    Moral injury was initially developed in military psychology but has since been applied to healthcare and education – professions where high-stakes ethical decision-making and institutional failures often collide.

    Previous studies on moral injury in schools have shown how rigid disciplinary policies, high-stakes testing regimes and chronic underfunding often force teachers to act in ways that contradict their professional judgement. This can lead to frustration, guilt and professional disillusionment.

    Recent studies have reframed moral injury as a systemic issue rather than an individual psychological condition. This is because institutional constraints – such as inflexible accountability measures and bureaucratic inefficiencies – prevent teachers from fulfilling their ethical responsibilities.

    My new study

    This research stems from an initial study, which looked at burnout in Australian teachers.

    The initial study included a national sample of 2,000 educators. This new study is a subset of 57 teachers who participated in follow-up surveys and focus groups. The teachers were a mix of primary and secondary teachers and some also held leadership positions within their schools.

    While the original study focused on compassion fatigue and burnout, a striking pattern emerged: teachers repeatedly described moral conflicts in their work.

    ‘It feels like I’m being forced to harm a child’

    A key theme of the new research was teachers having to enforce school or departmental policies they believed were harmful. This was particularly the case when it came to discipline. As one teacher described:

    The policy says I should suspend a student for attendance issues, but their home life is falling apart. How does that help? It feels like I’m being forced to harm a child instead of helping them.

    Others talked about having to focus on standardised tests (for example, NAPLAN), rather than using their professional judgement to meet children’s individual needs. This is a contentious issue for teachers.

    As one high school teacher told us:

    We’re asked to push students through the curriculum even when we know they haven’t grasped the basics […] but we’re the ones who carry the guilt.

    A primary teacher similarly noted:

    Teaching to the test means leaving so many kids behind. It’s not what education should be.

    ‘It’s heartbreaking’

    Teachers also spoke about teaching in environments that were not adequately resourced. In some schools, teacher shortages were so severe that unqualified staff were delivering classes:

    We’ve got classes being taught by teacher aides […] but that’s because we don’t have enough staff.

    Or in other classes, students were not getting the help they needed.

    Larger class sizes and fewer staff mean that the kids who need the most attention are getting the least. It’s heartbreaking.

    The emotional impact was profound, as one high school teacher told us:

    At some point, you stop fighting. You realise that no matter how many times you raise concerns, nothing changes. It’s like the system is designed to wear you down until you just comply.

    What can schools do to prevent moral injury?

    While these findings are confronting, teachers also gave positive examples of what can buffer against moral injury in the workplace. This involved listening to teachers and including them in policies and decisions.

    One primary teacher told us how their school had changed their disciplinary approach:

    Our school’s push for restorative justice instead of punitive measures has been a game changer. It lets us address the root causes of issues instead of just punishing kids.

    Others talked about being asked to collaborate with school leadership to address discipline issues. As one primary teacher said:

    We helped create a new behaviour management framework. Having a say in the process made all the difference.

    What now?

    My research indicates when teachers are consistently asked to compromise their ethics, they don’t just burn out, they question the integrity of the entire system.

    This suggests if we want to keep teachers in classrooms, we need to do more than lighten their workloads. We need to make sure they are no longer placed in positions where doing their job means going against their professional values.

    This means teachers need to feel heard, respected and empowered in classrooms and schools.

    Glenys Oberg does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘It feels like I am being forced to harm a child’: research shows how teachers are suffering moral injury – https://theconversation.com/it-feels-like-i-am-being-forced-to-harm-a-child-research-shows-how-teachers-are-suffering-moral-injury-258821

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: How do sleep trackers work, and are they worth it? A sleep scientist breaks it down

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Dean J. Miller, Senior Lecturer, Appleton Institute, HealthWise Research Group, CQUniversity Australia

    Many smartwatches, fitness and wellness trackers now offer sleep tracking among their many functions.

    Wear your watch or ring to bed, and you’ll wake up to a detailed sleep report telling you not just how long you slept, but when each phase happened and whether you had a good night’s rest overall.

    Surfing is done in the ocean, planes fly in the sky, and sleep occurs in the brain. So how can we measure sleep from the wrist or finger?

    The gold standard of sleep measurement

    If you’ve ever had a sleep study or seen someone with dozens of wires attached to their head, body and face, you’ve encountered polysomnography or PSG.

    Eye movements, muscle tone, heart rate and brain activity are measured and assessed by experts to detect which stage of sleep or wakefulness a person is in.

    When we sleep, we cycle through different stages, generally classified as light sleep, slow-wave sleep (also known as deep sleep), and rapid eye movement or REM sleep.

    Each stage has an effect on brain activity, muscle tone and heart rate – which is why sleep scientists need so many wires.

    Accurate? Absolutely. Convenient? Like two left shoes.

    This is where the convenience of wearable at-home sleep trackers comes in.

    What sensors are in sleep trackers?

    Since the 1990s, sleep researchers have been using actigraphy to measure people’s sleep outside the laboratory.

    An actigraphy device is similar to a wristwatch and uses accelerometers to measure the person’s movement. Coupled with sleep diaries, actigraphy assumes a person is awake when they’re moving and asleep when still. Simple.

    While this is a scientifically accepted method of estimating sleep, it’s prone to mislabelling being awake but at rest (such as when reading a book) as sleep.

    There’s one key addition that makes wrist-worn sleep trackers more accurate – PPG or photoplethysmography.

    It’s hard to pronounce, but photoplethysmography is a key driver in the explosion of wearable health tracking.

    It uses those little green lights on the skin-side of the wearable to track the amount of blood passing through your wrist at any given time. Clip-on pulse oximeters used by doctors are the same type of tech.

    The addition of PPG to a wrist tracker allows for the measurement of raw data like heart rate and breathing rate. From this data, the wearable can estimate a number of physiological metrics, including sleep stages.

    Since fitness wearables already have accelerometers and PPG to track your physical activity and heart rate, it makes sense to use these sensors to track sleep too. But how accurate are they?

    Many fitness trackers leverage the sensors used to measure your fitness activities and heart rate for sleep tracking.
    The Conversation

    How do scientists test sleep trackers?

    Two main factors determine the accuracy of sleep trackers. How well does the device detect whether you’re asleep or awake? And how well can it distinguish the sleep stages?

    To answer these questions, sleep scientists conduct validation studies. Participants sleep overnight in a laboratory while wearing both a sleep tracker and undergoing PSG.

    Then, scientists compare the data from both methods in 30-second blocks called “epochs”. That means for a nine-hour sleep there will be 1,080 epochs to compare.

    If both the device and PSG indicate “sleep” for the same epoch, they’re in agreement. If the device indicates “wake” and PSG indicates “sleep” for the same epoch, that’s considered an error. The same is done for sleep stages.

    How accurate are sleep trackers?

    In a 2022 study of several popular trackers, most correctly identified more than 90% of sleep epochs. But because light sleep and restful wake are so similar, wearables struggle more to estimate wakefulness, correctly identifying between 26% and 73% of wake epochs.

    When it comes to sleep stages, wearables are less precise, correctly identifying between 53% and 60% of sleep stage epochs. However, for some devices and some sleep stages the precision can be greater. A recent validation study showed that a latest generation ring-shaped wearable didn’t differ from PSG for estimating light sleep and slow wave sleep.

    In short, most modern sleep trackers do a decent job of estimating your total sleep each night. Some are more accurate for sleep staging, but this level of detail isn’t essential for improving the basics of your sleep.

    Do I need a sleep tracker?

    If you’re struggling with sleep, you should speak to your doctor. A sleep tracker can be a useful tool to help track your sleep goals, but ultimately your behaviour is what will improve sleep.

    Keeping regular bedtimes and wake-up times, having a distraction-free sleep space, and keeping home lighting low in the evenings can all help to improve your sleep.

    If you love tracking your sleep, make sure your device has been independently validated. While sleep stage data may not be essential, devices that perform well in estimating sleep stage also tend to be more accurate at detecting when you’re asleep or awake. When reviewing your data, look at long term trends in sleep rather than day-to-day variability.

    If you don’t love your sleep tracker, you can take it off or ignore it. For some people, access to sleep data can negatively impact sleep by creating stress and anxiety for getting a perfect night’s sleep. Instead, focus on improving your healthy sleep strategies and pay attention to how you feel during the day.

    Dr Dean J. Miller is a member of a research group at Central Queensland University that receives support for research (i.e., funding, equipment) from WHOOP Inc, a smart device maker.

    – ref. How do sleep trackers work, and are they worth it? A sleep scientist breaks it down – https://theconversation.com/how-do-sleep-trackers-work-and-are-they-worth-it-a-sleep-scientist-breaks-it-down-258304

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Archetyp was one of the dark web’s biggest drug markets. A global sting has shut it down

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Elena Morgenthaler, PhD Candidate, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Griffith University

    Operation Deep Sentinel

    Last week, one of the dark web’s most prominent drug marketplaces – Archetyp – was shut down in an international, multi-agency law enforcement operation following years of investigations. It was touted as a major policing win and was accompanied by a slick cyberpunk-themed video.

    But those of us who have studied this space for years weren’t surprised. Archetyp may have been the most secure dark web market. But shutdowns like this have become a recurring feature of the dark web. And they are usually not a significant turning point.

    The durability of these markets tells us that if policing responses keep following the same playbook, they will keep getting the same results. And by focusing so heavily on these hidden platforms, authorities are neglecting the growing digital harms in the spaces we all use.

    One of the most popular dark web markets

    Dark web markets mirror mainstream e-commerce platforms – think Amazon meets cybercrime. These are encrypted marketplaces accessed via the Tor Browser, a privacy-focused browser that hides users’ IP addresses. Buyers use cryptocurrency and escrow systems (third-party payment systems which hold funds until the transaction is complete) to anonymously purchase illicit drugs.

    Usually these products are sent to the buyer by post and money transferred to the seller through the escrow system.

    Archetyp launched in May 2020 and quickly grew to become one of the most popular dark web markets with an estimated total transaction volume of €250 million (A$446 million). It had more than 600,000 users worldwide and 17,000 listings consisting mainly of illicit drugs including MDMA, cocaine and methamphetamine.

    Compared to its predecessors, Archetyp enforced enhanced security expectations from its users. These included an advanced encryption program known as “Pretty Good Privacy” and a cryptocurrency called Monero. Unlike Bitcoin, which records every payment on a public ledger, Monero conceals all transaction details by default which makes them nearly impossible to trace.

    Despite the fact Archetyp had clearly raised the bar on security on the dark web, Operation Deep Sentinel – a collaborative effort between law enforcement agencies in six countries supported by Europol and Eurojust – took down the market. The front page has now been replaced by a banner.

    While these publicised take-downs feel effective, evidence has shown such interventions only have short-term impacts and the dark web ecosystem will quickly adapt.

    A persistent trade

    These shutdowns aren’t new. Silk Road, AlphaBay, WallStreet and Monopoly Market are all familiar names in the digital graveyard of the dark web. Before these dark web marketplaces were shutdown, they sold a range of illegal products, from drugs to firearms.

    Yet still, the trade persists. New markets emerge and old users return. In some cases, established sellers on closed-down markets are welcomed onto new markets as digital “refugees” and have joining fees waived.

    What current policing strategies neglect is that dark web markets are not isolated to the storefronts that are the popular target of crackdowns. These are communities stretched across dark and surface web forums which develop shared tutorials and help one another adapt to any new changes. These closures bind users together and foster a shared resilience and collective experience in navigating these environments.

    Law enforcement shutdowns are also only one type of disruption that dark web communities face. Dark web market users routinely face voluntary closures (the gradual retirement of a market), exit scams (sudden closures of markets where any money in escrow is taken), or even scheduled maintenance of these markets.

    Ultimately, this disruption to accessibility is not a unique event. In fact, it is routine for individual’s participating in these dark web communities, par for the course of engaging in the markets.

    This ability of dark web communities to thrive in disruptions reflects how dark web market users have become experts at adapting to risks, managing disruptions and rebuilding quickly.

    Dark web markets are accessed via the highly private and secure Tor Browser.
    Daniel Constante/Shutterstock

    Missing the wider landscape of digital harms

    The other emerging issue is that current policing efforts treat dark web markets as the core threat, which might miss the wider landscape of digital harms. Illicit drug sales, for example, are promoted on social media, where platform features such as recommendation systems are affording new means of illicit drug supply.

    Beyond drugs, there are now ever-growing examples of generative AI being used for sexual deepfakes across schools and even of public figures, including the recent case of NRL presenter Tiffany Salmond.

    This is all alongside the countless cases of celebrities and social media influencers caught up in crypto pump-and-dump schemes, where hype is used to artificially inflate the price of a token before the creators sell off their holdings and leave investors with worthless tokens.

    This shows that while the dark web gets all the attention, it’s far from the internet’s biggest problem.

    Archetyp’s takedown might make headlines, but it won’t stop the trade of illicit drugs on the dark web. It should force us to think about where harm is really happening online and whether current strategies are looking in the wrong direction.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Archetyp was one of the dark web’s biggest drug markets. A global sting has shut it down – https://theconversation.com/archetyp-was-one-of-the-dark-webs-biggest-drug-markets-a-global-sting-has-shut-it-down-259441

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Gulf States want no winner in the conflict between Israel and Iran

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mira Al Hussein, Research Fellow at the Alwaleed Centre for the Study of Islam in the Contemporary World, University of Edinburgh

    When Israel assassinated a number of senior Iranian military officials and nuclear scientists on June 13, there was an initial euphoria among some ruling elites in the Gulf. They saw it as a sign of Iran’s diminishing regional threat.

    Relations between Gulf states and Iran have been fraught since 1979 when Iran’s former supreme leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, vowed to export the revolution that had brought him to power that same year. This set off decades of ideologically charged proxy conflicts, with Gulf states viewing Iran as the principal destabilising force in the Middle East.

    But the recent euphoria has given way to unease as the push by Israel – and now the US – for regime change in Tehran has become clear. Following US strikes against Iranian nuclear sites over the weekend, US president Donald Trump has floated the idea of overthrowing the government to “make Iran great again”.

    Retaliatory attacks by Iran on American forces at bases in Qatar and Iraq have now brought the conflict closer to home. The strikes have prompted Gulf states to close their airspaces, while Qatar has warned of its right to respond directly “in a manner equivalent with the nature and scale” of Iran’s attack. What effect the attacks will have on the involvement of Gulf countries in the conflict will soon become clear.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    The Gulf states have long worked to keep Iran’s influence in check without attempting to topple its leadership. They have sought rapprochement, with Saudi Arabia and Iran reestablishing diplomatic ties in 2023 and reopening embassies in each other’s countries.

    Gulf leaders view the alternative to warmer relations – be it a chaotic regime change or a globally interconnected or expansionist Iran – as possibly even more destabilising for the Gulf region and its economic ambitions.

    Iran, for all its regional adventurism, is still regarded in the Gulf as an organic part of the Middle East. It is a civilisation with deep, ancient roots and an uninterrupted history of co-existence and cultural co-creation within the Islamic world.

    This stands in contrast to how Israel is perceived. Some Gulf states have established diplomatic relations with Israel since 2020, under the framework of the Abraham Accords. But there remains a wider perception – particularly among citizens of these countries – that Israel is an imposed colonial presence whose threat to regional stability is growing.

    Iran has hardly been a benign actor. Its government has played a destabilising role across the Arab world, from propping up the ruthless regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria to supporting armed groups in Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen. And now it has attacked the sovereign territory of two Gulf countries.

    It also continues to occupy three islands that are claimed by the United Arab Emirates: Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa. Iran’s interventions have left behind a trail of sectarianism, militarisation and humanitarian crises.

    Yet Gulf leaders separate the actions of the Iranian regime from the people of Iran. Repeated waves of protests within Iran, particularly the women-led uprisings of recent years, have reinforced the sense that ordinary Iranians are themselves victims of a repressive regime.

    There’s empathy within the Gulf for Iranian society, coupled with recognition of the historic and cultural ties that bind the region and its people. Saudi Arabia’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, described Iran as a “neighbour forever” in 2022, and with this neighbourliness comes a preference for stability over collapse.

    Gulf states would rather not see Iran plunge into chaos. This could unleash humanitarian crises and refugee flows that would be morally troubling and economically disastrous for the region.

    No decisive winner

    While there is no appetite within the Gulf for regime change in Tehran, views expressed in government-controlled media suggest there is interest in seeing a political transformation in Israel. It seems to me that the Gulf states would prefer neither Iran nor Israel to emerge as a decisive winner in this military confrontation. A prolonged war of attrition weakens both, reducing the threats they pose to Arab sovereignty and regional stability.

    Such a conflict could result in political change in Israel that sees the end of oppressive policies against Palestinians and curbs to regional aggression. This would ease the political cost of normalising relations with Israel. Current efforts to integrate Israel into the regional order place Gulf leaders in an awkward position, appearing to side with a state that routinely violates Arab rights.

    A regime change in Iran, particularly one that produces a nationalist, pro-western government, would present new complications for the Gulf. A more internationally connected and economically ambitious Iran could overshadow Gulf economies and revive old territorial disputes.

    A prolonged conflict would, of course, raise the prospect of the Strait of Hormuz emerging as a flashpoint. A closure, which Iran is reportedly discussing as a possibility, would disrupt one-fifth of the world’s oil supply and plunge global markets into turmoil.

    Neither side may actively seek this, but the risk of miscalculation is high. For Gulf economies, whose futures are tied to global energy markets and diversification projects, such an outcome would be catastrophic.

    However, at least for now, Gulf countries seem relatively calm about the prospects of a closure. They issued a series of statements on June 22, expressing concern over the US strikes on Iran and calling for restraint. But the tone of their statements was rather measured.

    The mood in the Middle East appears to be shifting. As one Emirati analyst, Mohammed Baharoon, recently warned: “Israel risks seeing itself as Thor, the mythical deity whose real status as a god is related to his hammer. This is dangerous for Israel’s future in the region and the world.”

    Baharoon added on social media: “Hammer-wielding Israel will have very limited space in a region that seeks economic partnerships over security alliances.” In other words, the region’s priorities are shifting, and Israel’s overreliance on military power is increasingly at odds with the future that the Gulf leaders are trying to shape.

    They wish to make the region an economic magnet for investment, not a cinematic backdrop for perpetual conflict.

    Mira Al Hussein is a non-resident fellow with DAWN MENA and Gulf International Forum.

    – ref. Gulf States want no winner in the conflict between Israel and Iran – https://theconversation.com/gulf-states-want-no-winner-in-the-conflict-between-israel-and-iran-259471

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Learning Refuge: How women-led community efforts help refugees resettle in Cyprus

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Suzan Ilcan, Professor of Sociology & University Research Chair, University of Waterloo

    A grassroots organization in Paphos, Cyprus, is bringing women together to address the needs of refugees in the city. (Shutterstock)

    Since 2015, the Republic of Cyprus (ROC) has seen a steady rise in migrant arrivals and asylum applications, primarily from people from Middle Eastern and African countries like Syria, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Cameroon.

    But many asylum-seekers face significant challenges. Refugees formally in the asylum system are often denied residency permits, which means they face persistent insecurity, poverty and isolation

    These conditions are compounded by restrictive and limited services for asylum-seekers. This deepens the precarity and exclusion refugees face within a political and economic system that treats them more like economic burdens than as human beings with rights who need help.

    In response to these institutional failures, citizens, volunteers and refugees themselves have begun to build grassroots networks of care and solidarity in the ROC and beyond to support refugee communities.

    In 2022 and 2023, we conducted interviews with women volunteers and refugees affiliated with The Learning Refuge, a civil society organization in the city of Paphos in southwest Cyprus that cultivates dialogue and collaboration among these two diverse groups.

    Women-led initiatives

    Many displaced people first arrive on the island of Cyprus through the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). However, the absence of a functioning asylum system or international legal protections leaves them in limbo.

    With no viable path to status in the TRNC, most cross the Green Line that bifurcates Cyprus into the ROC, where European Union asylum frameworks exist but remain limited in practice.

    Women-led community-building is often a response to the negative effects of inadequate state support and humanitarian aid for refugees. In Cyprus, this situation leaves many refugees without access to sufficient food, satisfactory health care, accommodation, employment, clothing and language training. In this current environment, refugees are increasingly experiencing insecure and fragile situations, especially women.

    In Cyprus, ss in many other countries, a variety of community-building efforts are important responses to limited or restricted state support and humanitarian aid for refugees.

    Women-led efforts offer opportunities to deliver educational activities and establish networks, and to help improve the welfare and social protection of refugee women, however imperfectly.

    These and other similar efforts highlight how women refugees and volunteers can mobilize to foster dialogue and collaboration.

    The Learning Refuge

    Founded in 2015, The Learning Refuge began as community meetings in a city park. The organization then used space from a nearby music venue to conduct support activities, and later, established itself in a dedicated building.

    Organizations like The Learning Refuge emerged to address the limited state support and humanitarian assistance services available to refugees.

    The Learning Refuge cultivates dialogue and collaboration among a diverse group of community volunteers.
    (Suzan Ilcan)

    As Syrian families began arriving in Paphos in 2015, local mothers started working with Syrian children, assisting them with homework, providing skills-training opportunities and language classes.

    The Learning Refuge cultivates dialogue and collaboration among a diverse group of community volunteers, including schoolteachers, artists, musicians, local residents, refugees and other migrants.

    With the aid of 20 volunteers, the loosely organized groups provide women refugees with material support and resources to enhance collective activities, including art and music projects, while also engaging in educational and friendship activities.

    While modest in scale, the organization has formed partnerships with local and international organizations, including Caritas Cyprus, UNHCR-Cyprus and the Cyprus Refugee Council to extend its outreach to various refugee groups.

    The organization has also launched creative initiatives aimed at cultivating additional inclusive civic spaces. One such effort, “Moms and Babies Day,” was developed in response to the rising number of single mothers from Africa arriving on the island. These women often face poverty and isolation, and struggle with language barriers.

    These efforts highlight how grassroots responses — especially those led by women — can offer partial but vital educational and emotional support to refugees struggling to find their footing in a new country.

    Negotiated belonging

    Through participation in The Learning Refuge, refugee women in Paphos engage in a dynamic process of negotiated belonging, navigating challenges like language barriers, gendered isolation, domestic violence and poverty while contributing to broader community-building efforts.

    For example, Maryam, a Syrian woman and mother of three, told us how The Learning Refuge helped her children establish friendships and learn Greek. She also highlighted that it helped her form close ties with volunteers and other Syrian women living in Cyprus, and find paid work in the city.

    The volunteers and women refugees participating in The Learning Refuge’s activities emphasized not only their capacity to develop new forms of belonging and solidarity; they also help reshape communal knowledge and generate supportive spaces for women from various backgrounds.

    Our research shows that women-led community-building is an effective, though short-term, response to insufficient state support and humanitarian aid systems that leave many refugees in precarious situations.

    In varying degrees, these efforts offer women and their families spaces to learn and cultivate new relationships, and foster collective projects and better visions of resettlement and refuge.

    Suzan Ilcan receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Council of Canada.

    Seçil Daǧtaș receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    – ref. The Learning Refuge: How women-led community efforts help refugees resettle in Cyprus – https://theconversation.com/the-learning-refuge-how-women-led-community-efforts-help-refugees-resettle-in-cyprus-252682

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Alberta youth have the right to school library books that reflect their lives, including sexuality

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jamie Anderson, PhD Candidate, Werklund School of Education, University of Calgary

    Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has expressed fondness for Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, most recently wagering a a friendly public bet on the NHL hockey playoffs. In 2023, she said she wanted Albertans to enjoy some of the same freedoms available to citizens in certain American states, including Florida.

    Her government’s latest proposal aims to take more than a page from DeSantis’s playbook, setting its sights on how Florida has targeted school library books, effectively purging and banning many.

    Alberta Education Minister Demetrios Nicolaides recently announced the province will move ahead to develop provincial standards “to ensure the age-appropriateness of materials available to students in school libraries.” This followed a public engagement survey related to what he said were concerns about “sexually explicit” books in Edmonton and Calgary schools.

    The province says the survey results show “strong support” for a school library policy, even while the majority of respondents don’t want the government setting standards for school library books.

    This marks the Alberta government’s latest effort to restrict the rights of 2SLGBTQIA+ children and youth.

    New proposed school library standards

    Like Florida’s statute on K-12 instructional materials, Alberta’s proposal centres on age-appropriateness and increasing parental choice in learning materials.

    Despite claiming a need for new standards, Nicolaides has acknowledged there are already mechanisms in place in Alberta’s school jurisdictions for parents to challenge materials. Many school boards already have policies governing school library materials.

    Additionally, librarians are trained professionals who follow established practices around organizing materials that reflect developmental appropriateness.

    Florida school book purges

    Florida’s statute, framed by DeSantis as empowering parents to object to obscene material, has targeted 2,700 books. More than 700 were removed from libraries in 2023-24.



    Read more:
    Ron DeSantis shows how ‘ugly freedoms’ are being used to fuel authoritarianism

    Confusion and a climate of fear caused by the bill has led Florida teachers and librarians to self-censor. Florida’s Department of Education urged districts to “err on the side of caution” to avoid potential felony charges.

    Such fear and surveillance lead to unnecessary restrictions on students’ rights.

    Targeting 2SLGBTQIA+ books

    Nicolaides has emphasized that developing the new standards in Alberta is not a question of “banning certain books,” and has acknowledged he does not have that authority.

    However, as PEN Canada notes, the implications of the proposed policies raise alarm bells, with the government’s actions “paving the way to a new era of government-sponsored book banning.” Singling out books has the same effect as a ban, according to the CEO of the St. Albert Public Library.

    By labelling four books as inappropriate — three of which include 2SLGBTQIA+ authors and themes — Nicolaides suggests these books don’t belong in K-12 schools. One of the books, the graphic novel Flamer, has won several awards, including the Lambda Literary Award for LGBTQ Young Adult Literature in 2021.

    PEN America interview with Mike Curato, author of ‘Flamer.’

    The education minister refuted the idea that singling out the books is anti-queer or anti-trans, and did so in an inflammatory manner, characterizing concern as being about protecting children from seeing porn, child molestation and other sexual content.

    Nicolaides also said the proposed policy is focused on sexual content, so themes and depictions of graphic violence are “probably not” an issue.

    Rolling back trans, queer rights

    Alberta has already rolled back the rights of trans and non-binary children and youth to use different pronouns, access gender-affirming care and participate in sports.

    Queer and trans identities are also absent from all subjects in the K-12 program of studies, including recently updated K-6 curriculum. New sexual health resource guidelines prohibit the use of learning materials that primarily and explicitly address sexual orientation or gender identity unless they have been vetted and approved by Alberta Education (except for use in religion classes).

    Survey amplifies moral panic

    Through specific communication tactics, the minister’s public engagement works to exacerbate moral panics about sexuality as a threat to childhood innocence. This influences broader messages about 2SLGBTQIA+ inclusion.

    The government-created survey shared illustrations and text excerpts on their own, without context or consideration of their narrative purpose in each book. Although the excerpts flagged by the minister make up between 0.1 to two per cent of the total page count in each book, the books as a whole are labelled “extremely graphic.”

    In a media appearance, Nicolaides stated the books in question were available to “elementary-aged” students. This is misleading because K-9 schools include junior high students.

    In a social media post, the minister’s press secretary said “these problematic books were found in and around books like Goldilocks,” suggesting targeted books are alongside children’s storybooks. But the image he shared showed Flamer near the graphic novel Goldilocks: Wanted Dead or Alive, aimed at middle-grade readers aged nine to 12 years old.

    Survey respondents

    The survey reported 77,395 responses by demographics, including parents, teachers, school administrators, librarians and other interested Albertans.

    Forty-nine per cent of parents of school-aged children were not at all or not very supportive of the creation of government guidelines, compared to 44 per cent of the same demographic who were somewhat or very supportive (eight per cent were unsure). Across each other demographic, most respondents expressed that they didn’t support the creation of new government standards. But the ministry plans to move ahead anyway.

    Socially conservative lobby

    The Investigative Journalism Foundation reports two conservative activist groups have taken credit for giving the Alberta government names of books believed to be inappropriate.

    Parental rights groups and far-right activists have long asserted that 2SLGBTQIA+ inclusion in schools “indoctrinates” and sexualizes children.

    We’re concerned the Alberta government may be reinforcing this message to manufacture a greater public consensus in support of wider policies against 2SLGBTQIA+ rights.

    Since at least 2023, United Conservative Party (UCP) members have embraced socially conservative “parental rights” rhetoric and supported motions for purging school libraries and mandating parent approval of changes to kids’ names and pronouns.

    Traditionalist ‘parental rights’

    Far-right activist groups like Take Back Alberta have shaped the UCP government’s policies alongside special interest groups like Action4Canada and Parents for Choice in Education.

    A common thread among such groups is parental authority over one’s own children framed in traditionalist or hetero-normative terms. Significant mobilizing has happened against the inclusion of sexual orientations and gender identities in school curricula, trans-inclusive health care, drag shows, conversion therapy bans and more.



    Read more:
    Pride, pages and performance: Why drag story time matters more than ever

    Queer and trans identities are viewed as a social contagion threatening to change anyone exposed to them, and efforts for inclusion are labelled “gender ideology.”

    These misconceptions, combined with political and religious biases, frame queerness and transness as “adult topics” that will confuse or harm children. However, research confirms ignoring these topics is of far greater concern when children may already experience discrimination about their gender expression by the age of five.

    Earlier learning about diverse forms of gender expression and relationships can reduce victimization, and prevent young children from becoming perpetrators of, or bystanders to, anti-2SLGBTQIA+ harassment and violence.



    Read more:
    ‘Parental rights’ lobby puts trans and queer kids at risk

    The United Nations recognizes that governments need to resist political pressure “based on child protection arguments to block access to information on [2SLGBTQIA+] issues, or to provide negatively biased information.”

    Access to self-selected literature is important for all students, and can be a lifeline for 2SLGBTQIA+ students who don’t see themselves in the curriculum.

    If Alberta Education will not prepare students for the world they live in — where we queer and trans people exist, flourish and are loved — then students should be able to seek out stories that reflect that world. It’s a matter of protecting their freedom of expression.

    Jamie Anderson has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the University of Calgary.

    Tonya D. Callaghan receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Killam Trusts.

    Caitlin Campbell and Nicole Richard do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Alberta youth have the right to school library books that reflect their lives, including sexuality – https://theconversation.com/alberta-youth-have-the-right-to-school-library-books-that-reflect-their-lives-including-sexuality-258265

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: At June’s Nato summit, just keeping Donald Trump in the room will be seen as a victory

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stefan Wolff, Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham

    Gints Ivuskans/Shutterstock

    When Nato leaders meet for their annual summit in The Hague on Wednesday June 25, all eyes will be on Donald Trump. Not only is the 47th president of the United States less committed to the alliance than any of his predecessors in Nato’s 76-year history. But he has also just joined Israel’s war with Iran and seems to have given up his efforts to end the war in Ukraine.

    Leaders of Nato’s 32 member states should therefore have had a packed agenda. Although there are several meetings and a dinner planned for June 24, the actual summit – which has tended usually to stretch out over several days – has been reduced to a single session and a single agenda item. All of this has been done to accommodate the US president.

    A single session reduces the risk of Trump walking away from the summit early, as he did at the G7 leaders meeting in Kananaskis, Canada, on June 16.

    The single item remaining on the agenda is Nato members’ new commitment to increase defence spending to 5% of GDP by 2035. This is meant to placate Trump who demanded such an increase even before his inauguration in January 2025.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Trump has frequently complained, and not without justification, that European members of the alliance invested too little in their defence and were over-reliant on the US. A draft summit declaration confirming the new spending target has now been approved after Spain secured an opt-out.

    Even accounting for Trump’s notorious unpredictability, this should ensure that Nato will survive the Hague summit intact. What is less clear is whether Nato’s members can rise to the unprecedented challenges that the alliance is facing.

    These challenges look different from each of the member states’ 32 capitals. But, for 31 of them, the continued survival of the alliance as an effective security provider is an existential question. Put simply, they need the US, while the US doesn’t necessarily need to be part of the alliance.

    The capability deficit that Canada and European member states have compared to the US was thrown into stark relief by Washington’s airstrikes against Iran over the weekend. This is not simply a question of increasing manpower and to equip troops to fight. European states also lack most of the so-called critical enablers, the military hardware and technology required to prevail in a potential war with Russia.

    This includes, among other things, intelligence capabilities, heavy-lift aircraft to quickly move troops and equipment and command and control structures that have traditionally been provided by US forces. These will take significant time and resources to replace.

    For now, Russia is tied down in Ukraine, which will buy time. And the 5%-commitment – even if not all member states will get there quickly or at all – is likely to go some way towards to mobilise the necessary resources for beefing up Europe’s defences. But time and resources are not limitless. And is not yet clear what the American commitment to Europe will be in the future and when and how it will be reduced.

    A new type of war

    Nor is it completely obvious what kind of war Europe should prepare for. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine is both a very traditional war of attrition and a very modern technological showdown.

    A future confrontation with the Kremlin is initially likely to take the form of a “grey-zone” conflict, a state of affairs between war and peace in which acts of aggression happen but are difficult to attribute unambiguously and to respond to proportionately.

    This has arguably already started with Russian attacks on critical infrastructure. And as the example of Ukraine illustrates, grey-zone conflicts have the potential to escalate to conventional war.

    In February 2022, Russia saw an opportunity to pull Ukraine back into its zone of influence by brute force after and launched a full-scale invasion, hoping to capture Kyiv in a matter of a few days. This turned out to be a gross misjudgement on the Kremlin’s part. And three years on from that, if frequent Russian threats are to be believed, the possibility of a nuclear escalation can no longer be ruled out either.

    Key members of the alliance are unequivocal in their assessment of Russia as an existential threat to Europe. This much has been made clear in both the UK’s strategic defence review and the recent strategy paper for the German armed forces.

    Nato secretary-general Mark Rutte, the former prime minister of The Netherlands, gives a press conference before the Nato summit.

    Yet, this is not a view unanimously shared. Trump’s pro-Putin leanings date back to their now infamous meeting in Helsinki when he sided with the Russian president against his own intelligence services.

    In Europe, long-term Putin supporters Victor OrbanOrbán and Robert Fico, the prime ministers of EU and Nato members Hungary and Slovakia, have just announced that they will not support additional EU sanctions against Russia.

    Hungary and Slovakia are hardly defence heavyweights, but they wield outsized institutional power. Their ability to veto decisions can disrupt nascent European efforts both within the EU and Nato to rise to dual challenge of an increasingly existential threat to Europe from Russia and American retrenchment from its 80-year commitment to securing Europe against just that threat.

    What will, and more importantly what will not, happen at the Nato summit in The Hague will probably be looked back on as another chapter in the remaking of the international order and the European security architecture. A Nato agreement on increased defence spending should be enough to give the organisation another lease of life. But the implicit inability to agree on what is the main threat the alliance needs to defend itself against is likely to put a short expiration date on that.



    Read more:
    US joins Israel in attack on Iran and ushers in a new era of impunity

    Stefan Wolff is a past recipient of grant funding from the Natural Environment Research Council of the UK, the United States Institute of Peace, the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK, the British Academy, the NATO Science for Peace Programme, the EU Framework Programmes 6 and 7 and Horizon 2020, as well as the EU’s Jean Monnet Programme. He is a Trustee and Honorary Treasurer of the Political Studies Association of the UK and a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Centre in London.

    – ref. At June’s Nato summit, just keeping Donald Trump in the room will be seen as a victory – https://theconversation.com/at-junes-nato-summit-just-keeping-donald-trump-in-the-room-will-be-seen-as-a-victory-259585

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Mounjaro becomes available on the NHS: what to know and what to do if you’re not eligible

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dan Baumgardt, Senior Lecturer, School of Physiology, Pharmacology and Neuroscience, University of Bristol

    bigshot01/Shutterstock

    Obesity remains one of the most pressing, and preventable, health challenges of our time. The UK is one of a number of countries undoubtedly struggling with it.

    It affects nearly every organ system in the body, contributing to cardiovascular conditions like coronary heart disease; musculoskeletal issues such as osteoarthritis and gout; and even the development of certain cancers, including of the breast, uterus and colon. Its impact on mental health is also significant.

    A few years ago, injectable weight-loss drugs entered clinical use and quickly captured public attention for their ability to promote rapid fat loss. Ozempic is available on the NHS, but only for managing type 2 diabetes. Wegovy is authorised for weight loss and cardiovascular risk reduction and is also available on the NHS, though access is currently limited to specialist weight management services.

    Now, a new option has emerged: Mounjaro, which is approved for both type 2 diabetes and weight loss. This dual-purpose drug is now available on the NHS, offering another potential tool in the fight against obesity.

    Demand is expected to be high. However, access will be limited at first, with strict eligibility criteria for NHS prescriptions.

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    What is Mounjaro?

    Mounjaro (tirzepatide) is a once weekly injectable medication designed to help control blood-sugar levels. It works by boosting the secretion and effects of insulin, improving glycaemic control in people with Type 2 diabetes. It also slows gastric emptying — the process by which food leaves the stomach — and enhances feelings of fullness by acting on the brain. This combined effect reduces appetite and helps support weight loss.

    Compared to similar medications like Ozempic and Wegovy (both brand names for semaglutide), clinical trials found Mounjaro more effective, with some participants losing up to 20% of their body weight over a 72-week period.



    Read more:
    The best exercises to do while taking weight loss drugs

    Who is eligible for Mounjaro on the NHS?

    The NHS has introduced specific criteria to prioritise patients most in need.

    First, patients need a BMI of 40 or more (classified as morbid obesity). People from certain ethnic backgrounds, such as South Asian communities, may be eligible at a lower BMI due to higher clinical risk of health conditions.

    Second, at least four obesity-related health conditions must be diagnosed, including type 2 diabetes, hypertension (high blood pressure), dyslipidaemia (abnormal cholesterol or triglyceride levels), cardiovascular disease and obstructive sleep apnoea. (Some of these conditions often occur together; for example, high blood pressure and cholesterol.)

    Patients are encouraged to check their BMI and confirm their diagnoses before contacting a GP. This helps ensure appointments are used effectively and discussions remain focused.

    While the current criteria are strict, there is optimism that eligibility will broaden in the coming years to include people with lower BMIs and fewer co-morbidities.

    Not eligible? Don’t despair

    The NHS continues to offer a comprehensive weight-loss programme, tiered according to BMI and previous attempts at weight loss. Don’t underestimate the value of group-based programmes or community referrals – when a healthcare professional refers a patient to a community-based health service for further care or support – many of which can be accessed via your GP.

    These services, such as the NHS digital weight management programme, support both individuals and families and can be highly effective for sustainable fat loss.

    GPs may also refer patients to online courses and structured exercise programmes. Lifestyle interventions, including increased physical activity and healthier eating, remain cornerstones of obesity treatment and are critical for long-term success, even when medications are used.



    Read more:
    From diet to drugs: what really works for long-term weight loss

    Higher tier interventions may be considered if lifestyle changes fail or if the patient has significant co-morbidities. This is where medications like Mounjaro, or private prescriptions, may become relevant – albeit that the cost of the latter may be a limiting factor for some.

    Other treatments include Orlistat, a medication that reduces fat absorption in the gut. This can be effective for some but often causes unpleasant side effects, such as oily stools and gastrointestinal upset

    Gastric banding or surgery may also result in significant, sustained weight loss, but they come with risks, can lead to surgical complications, and recovery can be demanding

    It’s also important to recognise that drugs like Mounjaro aren’t suitable for everyone. They can cause side effects significant enough for people to stop using them, and in some cases, they may not work at all.

    In this new era of faster, medication-assisted weight loss, we must remember that long-term change is about more than quick fixes. Sustainable success comes from consistent effort, willingness to change and methods that are both practical and lasting.

    Medications can help, sometimes dramatically, but they’re not the only answer. A return to basics, with tailored support and realistic goals, remains as relevant as ever.

    So whether you qualify for Mounjaro, are trying lifestyle changes, or are exploring other options, remember this: the journey to better health is personal, gradual and worth it.

    Dan Baumgardt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Mounjaro becomes available on the NHS: what to know and what to do if you’re not eligible – https://theconversation.com/mounjaro-becomes-available-on-the-nhs-what-to-know-and-what-to-do-if-youre-not-eligible-259582

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Assisted dying: 56 MPs switched their vote between rounds – here’s how religion affected their choices

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Jeffery, Senior Lecturer in British Politics, University of Liverpool

    MPs voted to legalise assisted dying in England and Wales on June 20 after the third reading of the terminally ill adults (end of life) bill. The bill has been heavily contentious, both in terms of ethics and the technical aspects of the parliamentary process, with many feeling the legislation was rushed.

    This was the final vote in the House of Commons on the bill, which now moves to the House of Lords before becoming legislation.

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    The bill passed with 314 votes to 291 – a majority of 23. This was a smaller margin of victory than the previous occasion MPs voted on the legislation in October 2024, when a majority of 55 supported its passage. The question, therefore, is: “who switched?”

    Excluding the speaker, the SNP MPs, who typically do not vote on issues specific to England and Wales, Sinn Fein MPs, who cannot vote because they do not take their seats, and the new Reform MP for Runcorn and Helsby, Sarah Pochin, who replaced former Labour MP Mike Amesbury between the second and third reading of this bill, we are left with 632 MPs to study.

    Characteristic Overall (N = 632) Yes (N = 313) No (N = 292) Abstain (N = 27)
    Female 260 (100%) 136 (52%) 110 (42%) 14 (5.4%)
    Ethnic MP 90 (100%) 26 (29%) 59 (66%) 5 (5.6%)
    LGBT 70 (100%) 50 (71%) 19 (27%) 1 (1.4%)
    Elected As
    Labour 410 (100%) 229 (56%) 165 (40%) 16 (3.9%)
    Conservative 121 (100%) 20 (17%) 94 (78%) 7 (5.8%)
    Liberal Democrat 72 (100%) 55 (76%) 14 (19%) 3 (4.2%)
    Independent 6 (100%) 0 (0%) 6 (100%) 0 (0%)
    Democratic Unionist Party 5 (100%) 0 (0%) 5 (100%) 0 (0%)
    Reform UK 5 (100%) 1 (20%) 4 (80%) 0 (0%)
    Green Party 4 (100%) 4 (100%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%)
    Plaid Cymru 4 (100%) 3 (75%) 1 (25%) 0 (0%)
    Social Democratic & Labour Party 2 (100%) 1 (50%) 0 (0%) 1 (50%)
    Alliance 1 (100%) 0 (0%) 1 (100%) 0 (0%)
    Traditional Unionist Voice 1 (100%) 0 (0%) 1 (100%) 0 (0%)
    Ulster Unionist Party 1 (100%) 0 (0%) 1 (100%) 0 (0%)
    MP Religious
    Not Religious 228 (100%) 173 (76%) 48 (21%) 7 (3.1%)
    Religious 404 (100%) 140 (35%) 244 (60%) 20 (5.0%)
    MP Religion
    None 228 (100%) 173 (76%) 48 (21%) 7 (3.1%)
    Christian 313 (100%) 117 (37%) 181 (58%) 15 (4.8%)
    Catholic 34 (100%) 7 (21%) 27 (79%) 0 (0%)
    Muslim 25 (100%) 2 (8.0%) 22 (88%) 1 (4.0%)
    Jewish 13 (100%) 7 (54%) 4 (31%) 2 (15%)
    Sikh 12 (100%) 6 (50%) 4 (33%) 2 (17%)
    Hindu 6 (100%) 1 (17%) 5 (83%) 0 (0%)
    Buddhist 1 (100%) 0 (0%) 1 (100%) 0 (0%)

    In total, 56 MPs changed position between the second and third reading. The no vote was stickier than the yes vote. Of those who voted no for the second reading, 97% did so in the third reading, and just one MP went from the no to the yes camp (Jack Abbott, the Labour MP for Ipswich).

    On the other hand, 14 MPs went from yes to no, and a further 15 went from yes to abstaining. Of the MPs who abstained for the second reading, ten later voted yes and ten voted no. This was not, however, enough for the bill to be blocked.

    How religion affected the vote

    It was [already clear](https://theconversation.com/assisted-dying-bill-religious-mps-were-more-likely-to-oppose-law-change-in-first-round-of-voting-256503](https://theconversation.com/assisted-dying-bill-religious-mps-were-more-likely-to-oppose-law-change-in-first-round-of-voting-256503) that support and opposition to the bill was linked to not only political party but religious outlook. And there is some evidence that religion played a role in motivating switchers.

    Apart from Labour, which broke 56% to 40% in favour of assisted dying, most other parties leant heavily in one direction or the other. This mirrors the divide along religion, where non-religious MPs were more likely to back the bill (76% to 21%) compared to religious MPs, who were half as likely to support it (35% to 60%).

    Religious Liberal Democrat and Labour MPs were more likely to support assisted suicide than religious MPs as a whole, whereas non-religious Conservatives were less likely to support it than non-religious MPs a whole.

    If we compare religious MPs to non-religious MPs, the former were more likely to switch to no (45% of religious MPs who switched did so to no, compared to 38% of non-religious MPs) than yes (18% against 25%). In both groups, 38% abstained in the third round.

    This pattern continues across parties too – all the Conservative MPs who changed position were religious (although more than 90% of the Conservative Party are religious, so we shouldn’t read too much into this).

    Among Labour MPs, who obviously make up the bulk of any parliamentary vote, there was a striking similarity in switching between religious and non-religious MPs. Of the switchers, 29% of Labour’s religious and non-religious MPs switched to yes, whilst 38% of religious and 36% of non-religious MPs switched to no.

    The effects of religion also play out within parties. Of the 11 MPs who switched to yes, seven were Labour Christian MPs, and the other four were non-religious Labour MPs.

    Two MPs elected under Reform’s banner – Lee Anderson and the now-independent Rupert Lowe – switched from yes to no, the former being non-religious and the latter a Christian. No Liberal Democrat MP switched to a yes vote, but the four who switched to no were religious – the one non-religious switcher abstained.

    Overall, it is clear that while religion is still important in structuring how MPs voted on assisted suicide, the role of party cannot be ignored – even in a free vote like on assisted dying.

    David Jeffery does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Assisted dying: 56 MPs switched their vote between rounds – here’s how religion affected their choices – https://theconversation.com/assisted-dying-56-mps-switched-their-vote-between-rounds-heres-how-religion-affected-their-choices-259589

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –