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Category: Academic Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Global: One year on: South Africa’s coalition government boosted optimism, but will it last?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Matthias Krönke, Lecturer, University of Reading

    For the first time since the end of apartheid in 1994, the ruling African National Congress lost its parliamentary majority in 2024. After 30 years in power, it had to form a coalition with 10 other political parties to govern the country. The creation of the “government of national unity” marked a turning point in the country’s democracy.

    This development appears to have rekindled hope and positive sentiment among South Africans about the country’s future and its democratic processes.

    The period leading up to the 2024 elections was characterised by widespread pessimism. Years of economic stagnation, high unemployment, severe electricity shortages, and high-level corruption cases had taken their toll on public trust and satisfaction with the ANC’s governance. Previous analyses by Afrobarometer (a research network that conducts public attitude surveys) had consistently shown declining satisfaction with the country’s direction and the functioning of democracy.

    We are political scientists who have worked with public opinion data in South Africa for almost a decade. We analysed data from a special Afrobarometer survey just before and after the country’s 2024 election. The results show a sharp turnaround in attitudes on three issues: the direction of the country, government performance, and views on democracy.

    One of the most significant findings is the shift in citizens’ perceptions about the general direction of the country. Before the election, a mere 14% of South Africans believed the country was heading in the right direction. Post-election, this figure surged to 39%.

    South Africans’ renewed optimism after the formation of the unity government underscores the importance of electoral processes in shaping citizen perceptions of democracy and governance. Whether these sentiments are sustained will depend on a few things, including the coalition government’s ability to meet citizen expectations and address their most pressing concerns.

    The post-election optimism boost

    Afrobarometer interviewed the same group of adult South Africans before (April/May 2024) and after (August/September 2024) the election. This allowed us to track which respondents changed their views and in which direction. Here, we focus on citizens’ views of the overall direction of the country (optimism), government performance, and views on democracy.

    A surge in optimism: The data show that 35% of the population became more positive in their outlook after the election. This was consistent across gender, age, and education levels. At the same time, 4% of the population maintained their positive outlook on the country’s trajectory.

    About half (48%) continued to say that South Africa was going in the wrong direction after the election. A further 10% moved towards a negative outlook.

    Renewed faith in democratic processes: Beyond general optimism, there was a resurgence in pro-democratic attitudes. The proportion of South Africans who believe democracy is preferable to any other form of government increased from 45% before the election to 55% after. Satisfaction with the way democracy works in South Africa jumped from 36% to 59%. These levels of support for and satisfaction with democracy were the highest recorded by Afrobarometer in South Africa since 2018 and 2011, respectively.

    We found that three in 10 (29%) respondents were newly in favour of democracy after the elections. About four in 10 (39%) shifted from dissatisfaction or a neutral opinion before the election to stating they were “fairly” or “very” satisfied with the country’s democracy afterwards.

    Where are the sore losers?: In both the case of support for and satisfaction with democracy, we found that a greater proportion of poorer citizens shifted their opinions, compared to their wealthier counterparts. In contrast, there were no clear patterns of opinion change by respondents’ gender, age, level of education, or race.

    When examining the same question by party affiliation, the outcome was interesting. The share of partisans who preferred democracy increased among supporters of the ANC, the Economic Freedom Fighters and the MK Party after the election. A majority of supporters from the four major parties were satisfied with how democracy worked in the country.

    Even ANC supporters remained largely satisfied with democracy despite the party’s electoral losses. Collectively, these findings suggest a post-electoral vote of confidence in multiparty competition.

    Expectations of the new government: Citizens also appeared more hopeful about the new coalition government’s ability to tackle some of the nation’s most pressing issues. Pre-election evaluations of government performance on key services were overwhelmingly negative. The post-election wave showed some modest increases in optimism.

    Two-thirds (67%) of South Africans felt the government of national unity would be more effective in the critical area of electricity provision. There was also hope for progress in other areas; 42% expected the new government to be more effective in creating jobs. Another 41% believed it would be more successful in fighting corruption.

    Over the past year, the government seems to have met citizens’ expectations. South Africa has not experienced prolonged periods of power cuts over the past 12 months. However, the unemployment rate has remained unchanged, at 32.9%.

    Looking ahead

    The 2024 elections in South Africa seem to have served as an inflection point. It is contributing to a revival of optimism and pro-democratic sentiment. The shift from pre-election pessimism to post-election hope was palpable. Maintaining renewed public confidence, however, relies on a government’s ability to meet citizens’ expectations and deliver tangible improvements on their concerns.

    The ongoing skirmishes between the ANC and the Democratic Alliance illustrate the coalition government’s difficulty in translating agreement on a broad agenda into specific outcomes.

    The coming months and years will tell whether the unity government’s infighting ultimately squanders citizens’ goodwill.

    Matthias Krönke works for the University of Reading and consults for Afrobarometer.

    Rorisang Lekalake is affiliated with Afrobarometer.

    – ref. One year on: South Africa’s coalition government boosted optimism, but will it last? – https://theconversation.com/one-year-on-south-africas-coalition-government-boosted-optimism-but-will-it-last-258497

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: One year on: South Africa’s coalition government boosted optimism, but will it last?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Matthias Krönke, Lecturer, University of Reading

    For the first time since the end of apartheid in 1994, the ruling African National Congress lost its parliamentary majority in 2024. After 30 years in power, it had to form a coalition with 10 other political parties to govern the country. The creation of the “government of national unity” marked a turning point in the country’s democracy.

    This development appears to have rekindled hope and positive sentiment among South Africans about the country’s future and its democratic processes.

    The period leading up to the 2024 elections was characterised by widespread pessimism. Years of economic stagnation, high unemployment, severe electricity shortages, and high-level corruption cases had taken their toll on public trust and satisfaction with the ANC’s governance. Previous analyses by Afrobarometer (a research network that conducts public attitude surveys) had consistently shown declining satisfaction with the country’s direction and the functioning of democracy.

    We are political scientists who have worked with public opinion data in South Africa for almost a decade. We analysed data from a special Afrobarometer survey just before and after the country’s 2024 election. The results show a sharp turnaround in attitudes on three issues: the direction of the country, government performance, and views on democracy.

    One of the most significant findings is the shift in citizens’ perceptions about the general direction of the country. Before the election, a mere 14% of South Africans believed the country was heading in the right direction. Post-election, this figure surged to 39%.

    South Africans’ renewed optimism after the formation of the unity government underscores the importance of electoral processes in shaping citizen perceptions of democracy and governance. Whether these sentiments are sustained will depend on a few things, including the coalition government’s ability to meet citizen expectations and address their most pressing concerns.

    The post-election optimism boost

    Afrobarometer interviewed the same group of adult South Africans before (April/May 2024) and after (August/September 2024) the election. This allowed us to track which respondents changed their views and in which direction. Here, we focus on citizens’ views of the overall direction of the country (optimism), government performance, and views on democracy.

    A surge in optimism: The data show that 35% of the population became more positive in their outlook after the election. This was consistent across gender, age, and education levels. At the same time, 4% of the population maintained their positive outlook on the country’s trajectory.

    About half (48%) continued to say that South Africa was going in the wrong direction after the election. A further 10% moved towards a negative outlook.

    Renewed faith in democratic processes: Beyond general optimism, there was a resurgence in pro-democratic attitudes. The proportion of South Africans who believe democracy is preferable to any other form of government increased from 45% before the election to 55% after. Satisfaction with the way democracy works in South Africa jumped from 36% to 59%. These levels of support for and satisfaction with democracy were the highest recorded by Afrobarometer in South Africa since 2018 and 2011, respectively.

    We found that three in 10 (29%) respondents were newly in favour of democracy after the elections. About four in 10 (39%) shifted from dissatisfaction or a neutral opinion before the election to stating they were “fairly” or “very” satisfied with the country’s democracy afterwards.

    Where are the sore losers?: In both the case of support for and satisfaction with democracy, we found that a greater proportion of poorer citizens shifted their opinions, compared to their wealthier counterparts. In contrast, there were no clear patterns of opinion change by respondents’ gender, age, level of education, or race.

    When examining the same question by party affiliation, the outcome was interesting. The share of partisans who preferred democracy increased among supporters of the ANC, the Economic Freedom Fighters and the MK Party after the election. A majority of supporters from the four major parties were satisfied with how democracy worked in the country.

    Even ANC supporters remained largely satisfied with democracy despite the party’s electoral losses. Collectively, these findings suggest a post-electoral vote of confidence in multiparty competition.

    Expectations of the new government: Citizens also appeared more hopeful about the new coalition government’s ability to tackle some of the nation’s most pressing issues. Pre-election evaluations of government performance on key services were overwhelmingly negative. The post-election wave showed some modest increases in optimism.

    Two-thirds (67%) of South Africans felt the government of national unity would be more effective in the critical area of electricity provision. There was also hope for progress in other areas; 42% expected the new government to be more effective in creating jobs. Another 41% believed it would be more successful in fighting corruption.

    Over the past year, the government seems to have met citizens’ expectations. South Africa has not experienced prolonged periods of power cuts over the past 12 months. However, the unemployment rate has remained unchanged, at 32.9%.

    Looking ahead

    The 2024 elections in South Africa seem to have served as an inflection point. It is contributing to a revival of optimism and pro-democratic sentiment. The shift from pre-election pessimism to post-election hope was palpable. Maintaining renewed public confidence, however, relies on a government’s ability to meet citizens’ expectations and deliver tangible improvements on their concerns.

    The ongoing skirmishes between the ANC and the Democratic Alliance illustrate the coalition government’s difficulty in translating agreement on a broad agenda into specific outcomes.

    The coming months and years will tell whether the unity government’s infighting ultimately squanders citizens’ goodwill.

    Matthias Krönke works for the University of Reading and consults for Afrobarometer.

    Rorisang Lekalake is affiliated with Afrobarometer.

    – ref. One year on: South Africa’s coalition government boosted optimism, but will it last? – https://theconversation.com/one-year-on-south-africas-coalition-government-boosted-optimism-but-will-it-last-258497

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Kenya’s police still kill with impunity – what needs to be done to stop them

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Kamau Wairuri, Lecturer in criminology, Edinburgh Napier University

    Weeks ahead of the first anniversary in Kenya of the Gen Z-led anti-government protests that resulted in at least 60 deaths and displays of police brutality, news broke that Albert Ojwang, a young Kenyan blogger, had died in police detention. Kamau Wairuri who has studied the politics of policing in Kenya, sets out why these events aren’t outliers, what efforts have been made to reform Kenya’s security forces, and what still needs to be done.

    When did this all begin?

    Recent events are part of a long history of police brutality in Kenya that can be traced back to colonial times.

    Historians (colonial and post-colonial Kenya) such as David Anderson and Caroline Elkins present gruesome details of how state authorities brutalised indigenous Africans during colonial times.

    The colonial origins of the police – largely modelled along the approaches of the Royal Ulster Constabulary known for its brutality in Ireland – partly explains why Kenya’s policing is the way it is. The police force was never designed for service. It was designed to safeguard the interests of the white minority ruling elite.

    While there have been important changes in the architecture of policing since independence, subsequent post-colonial Kenyan regimes have adopted the same brutal approaches to stay in power. My previous work demonstrates this use of state security apparatuses to enhance the capacity of incumbents to crack down on opposition protests.

    The brutal policing experienced under the current Kenya Kwanza regime falls within this broader historical trajectory.

    The ruling elite see and use the police as their last line of defence against challenges to their misrule.

    But police brutality goes beyond the policing of politics to everyday crime control. Police violence is a common occurrence, especially against poor young men.

    What’s changed

    Kenya’s history has been marked by strong agitation for justice and reform. Again, this goes back to colonial times.

    There have been important legal and institutional changes since independence. The most important was the disbandment of the Special Branch in 1998, an intelligence unit of the police responsible for political repression. It was replaced by the National Security Intelligence Service. This then became the National Intelligence Service.

    The most important changes came about through the constitutional reform of 2010. This saw a change in the architecture of the police, including:

    Internal Affairs, a unit within the police service, is supposed to investigate police misconduct. The policing oversight agency is a civilian-led institutions with a similar mandate. Ideally, the two institutions should work together in executing crucial investigations. Internal affairs should provide access to information from within the police service that would be difficult for outsiders to access.

    The National Police Service Commission was set up to handle the management of personnel. It’s mandated to address the challenges of corruption, nepotism and negative ethnicity that have characterised recruitment into the police service.

    But it’s clear from the continued police brutality that these institutions aren’t achieving the intended effect. This means that police officers can expect to continue acting with relative impunity despite the control measures in place.

    What still needs to be done

    Policing is often imagined as the investigation of crimes, arresting suspects, and presenting them to court for prosecution and punishment if guilty. In Kenya, the actions of the police often appear to substitute for the entire criminal justice system.

    In many cases, officers go beyond the metaphor of judge, jury and executioner to also become the complainant, mortician and undertaker. For instance, Mbaraka Karanja died in police custody in 1987 and officers proceeded to incinerate his body.

    In my view, the brutality won’t end until the following steps have been taken.

    First, the National Police Service Commission needs to reclaim its mandate. It seems to have completely abdicated duty, transferring crucial responsibilities back to the inspector general of the police service. As the human resource unit of the police, the commission has an important role of professionalising the service and maintaining discipline. It’s presently not doing so.

    Second, the Internal Affairs Unit needs to be strengthened and given more autonomy. So far, it has been difficult to assess the effectiveness the unit given the secrecy that characterises the police service. A better-resourced unit will enhance investigations of police misconduct. It would unearth obscure squads within the police service and reveal evidence to help identify perpetrators.

    Third, the Independent Policing Oversight Authority needs to defend its independence and develop popular legitimacy. With its limited success in prosecuting police officers – despite the prevalence of police abuse – many Kenyans have lost confidence in it. Crucially, the authority has failed in it’s deterrence role.

    Fourth, the independence of the National Police Service needs to be safeguarded. The police service leadership continues to serve at the pleasure of the prevailing regime. This in turn shapes the priorities of the service. Inspectors-general have been forced to resign. President William Ruto confessed to having fired the director of criminal investigations when he took power. Ruto had initially claimed that the director had resigned.

    Crucially, and in fifth place, there needs to be a change in policing culture alongside broader governance culture in Kenya. Impunity is rampant across the public service. Kenya won’t have a highly accountable police force while other agencies and senior officials are operating with significant impunity.

    Identifying the levers of cultural change isn’t easy. There are many proposals to alter policing culture. These include a complete redesign of Kenya’s Penal Code to dislodge its colonial roots, transforming the training of police officers, and strengthening the policing oversight authority’s capacity to investigate cases.

    But, in my mind, a crucial starting point is citizen agitation and demand for accountability. The light that Gen Z protesters, the media and civil society organisations are shining on police abuses should be encouraged. A clear signal that Kenyans will no longer tolerate police abuse is crucial for culture change within the service and among the political elite.

    However, this needs to be understood within the reality that many Kenyans support police violence, believing it to be the most effective way of dealing with crime as my earlier research demonstrates. In another study, I note how police abuse is endorsed by politicians and religious leaders as a way of responding to crime and punishing groups of people they don’t like.

    Combined with ineffective accountability mechanisms, this popular support for police violence, both tacit and explicit, gives the police the belief that they are the thin blue line between order and chaos. That they have the popular mandate to use any means they consider necessary – often brutal violence – to keep society safe.

    In other words, the conversation on police reform requires a fundamental reframing to kick start the journey towards democratic policing. At present, we’re not only way off the mark, we seem to be heading in the wrong direction.

    Kamau Wairuri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Kenya’s police still kill with impunity – what needs to be done to stop them – https://theconversation.com/kenyas-police-still-kill-with-impunity-what-needs-to-be-done-to-stop-them-259326

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Muted response from Albanese government on US attack on Iran

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    The Albanese government has given a tepid response to the United States’ bombing of Iran’s nuclear facilities.

    The Prime Minister’s Office issued a statement from a government spokesperson, but there were no plans on Sunday afternoon for Anthony Albanese or any minister to front the media.

    This contrasted with the full support given by the opposition, which said, “the Coalition stands with the United States of America today. We can never allow the Iranian regime the capacity to enact its objectives of the destruction of the United States and Israel.”

    The government has constantly urged deescalation of the Middle East conflict.

    The government spokesperson’s statement recognised the threat posed by Iran’s nuclear program but did not specifically refer to the American military action.

    It said: “we have been clear that Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile program has been a threat to international peace and security.”

    “We note the US President’s statement that now is the time for peace.

    “The security situation in the region is highly volatile.

    “We continue to call for de-escalation, dialogue and diplomacy.

    “Australians in Israel and Iran and the region should continue to monitor public safety information provided by local authorities, including to shelter in place when required.

    “The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade will be communicating directly with registered Australians about preparations for assisted departures.”

    Earlier, Defence Minister Richard Marles, interviewed before news of the US bombing, said the Australian government was making it clear it saw the Iranian program as a threat to the peace and stability of the region and the world.

    “What we’re saying in relation to this specific conflict is that we are worried about its prospect for escalation,” he said.

    Marles, who will attend this week NATO summit at The Hague, declined to say whether he had conversations or communication with US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth in the last week or so to discuss the American position.

    But he told Sky: “America is considering its position. So, exactly where America stands is a matter which is under consideration right now”.

    He said the US had been holding a defensive posture in support of their assets and people in the region.

    “We obviously understand that. And they too have been making arguments in relation to there being greater dialogue around this question and in this moment.”

    Opposition Leader Sussan Ley and acting Shadow Foreign Affairs Minister Andrew Hastie released a statement saying,

    “The world can never accept a nuclear-armed Iranian regime and today the United States military has taken proactive action to ensure that we never need to.

    “A nuclear armed Iranian regime would be a serious and direct threat to world peace and stability, especially as it continues to engage in terrorism including by supporting its proxies: Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in southern Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen.”

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Muted response from Albanese government on US attack on Iran – https://theconversation.com/muted-response-from-albanese-government-on-us-attack-on-iran-259510

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: What is a ‘bunker buster’? An expert explains what the US dropped on Iran – and what might happen now

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James Dwyer, Lecturer, School of Social Sciences, University of Tasmania

    The jagged silhouette of a B2 stealth bomber seen during a 2015 flyover in the US. Jonathan Daniel / Getty Images

    Late on Saturday night, local time, the United States carried out strikes against Iranian nuclear enrichment sites at Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan, marking its open participation in the conflict between Iran and Israel.

    The US says it fired 30 submarine-launched missiles at the sites in Natanz and Isfahan, as well as dropping more than a dozen “bunker buster” bombs at Fordow and Natanz.

    The kind of bomb in question is the extremely destructive GBU-57 Massive Ordance Penetrator, or MOP, which weighs around 13.5 tonnes.

    The attacks raise a lot of questions. What are these enormous bombs? Why did the US feel it had to get involved in the conflict? And, going forward, what does it mean for Iran’s nuclear ambitions?

    What are ‘bunker busters’, and why are they used?

    Bunker busters are weapons designed to destroy heavily protected facilities such as bunkers deep underground, beyond the reach of normal bombs.

    Bunker busters are designed to bury themselves into the ground before detonating. This allows more of the explosive force to penetrate into the ground, rather than travelling through the air or across the surface.

    Iran’s nuclear enrichment sites at Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan are built deep underground. Estimates suggest that Fordow for example could be 80m beneath the surface, and capped with layers of reinforced concrete and soil.

    What is the MOP?

    The bunker buster used in this particular operation is the largest in the US arsenal. Leaving aside nuclear weapons, the MOP is the largest known buster buster in the world.

    Weighing some 13.5 tonnes, the MOP is believed to be able to penetrate up to 60 metres below ground in the right conditions. It is not known how many the US possesses, but the numbers are thought to be small (perhaps 20 or so in total).

    We also don’t know exactly how many were used in Iran, though some reports say it was 14. However, it is likely to be a significant portion of the US MOP arsenal.

    Why does only the US possess this capability?

    The US is not the only state with bunker-busting weaponry. However, the size of MOP means it requires very specialised bombers to carry and drop it.

    Only the B2 stealth bomber is currently able to deploy the MOP. Each B2 can carry at most two MOPs at a time. Around seven of America’s 19 operational B2s were used in the Iran operation.

    There has been some consideration whether large transport aircraft such as the C-130 Hercules could be modified to carry and drop the MOP from its rear cargo doors. While this would allow other countries (including Israel) to deploy the MOP, it is for now purely hypothetical.

    Why has the US (apparently) used them in Iran

    The Trump administration claims Iran may be only a few weeks from possessing a nuclear weapon, and that it needed to act now to destroy Iranian nuclear enrichment sites. This claim is notably at odds with published assessments from the US intelligence community.

    However, Israel lacks bunker busting weaponry sufficient to damage the deeply buried and fortified enrichment sites at Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan.

    An F-15E Strike Eagle releases a GBU-28 ‘bunker buster’ laser-guided bomb, a smaller equivalewnt of the 13,600 kg GBU-57 ‘Massive Ordnance Penetrator’ believed to have been used in Iran.
    Michael Ammons / US Air Force

    Only the MOP could do the job (short of using nuclear weapons). Even then, multiple MOPs would have been required to ensure sufficient damage to the underground facilities.

    The US has claimed that these sites have been utterly destroyed. We cannot conclusively say whether this is true.

    Iran may also have other, undeclared nuclear sites elsewhere in the country.

    Iran’s reaction

    The US has reportedly reached out to Iran via diplomatic channels to emphasise that this attack was a one-off, not part of a larger project of regime change. It is hard to say what will happen in the next few weeks.

    Iran may retaliate with large strikes against Israel or against US forces in the region. It could also interrupt shipping in the Strait of Hormuz, which would affect a large portion of global oil shipments, with profound economic implications.

    Alternatively, Iran could capitulate and take steps to demonstrate it is ending its nuclear program. However, capitulation would not necessarily mean the end of Iran’s nuclear ambitions.

    The value of nuclear weapons

    Perhaps a greater concern is that the attack will reinforce Iran’s desire to go nuclear. Without nuclear weapons, Iran was unable to threaten the US enough to deter today’s attack.

    Iran may take lessons from the fate of other states. Ukraine (in)famously surrendered its stockpile of former Soviet nuclear weapons in the early 1990s. Russia has since felt emboldened to annex Crimea in 2014 and launch an ongoing invasion in 2022. Other potential nuclear states, such as Iraq and Gadaffi’s regime in Libya, also suffered from military intervention.

    By contrast, North Korea successfully tested its first nuclear weapon in 2006. Since then there has been no serious consideration of military intervention in North Korea.

    Iran may yet have the ability to produce useful amounts of weapons-grade uranium. It may now aim to buy itself time to assemble a relatively small nuclear device, similar in scale to the bombs used in Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

    Depending on what facilities and resources have survive the US strikes, the attack has likely reinforced that the only way the Iranian regime can guarantee its survival is to possess nuclear weapons.

    James Dwyer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What is a ‘bunker buster’? An expert explains what the US dropped on Iran – and what might happen now – https://theconversation.com/what-is-a-bunker-buster-an-expert-explains-what-the-us-dropped-on-iran-and-what-might-happen-now-259508

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Assisted dying – medical anthropolgist on the complex practical and ethical road ahead

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Erica Borgstrom, Professor of Medical Anthropology, The Open University

    Steve Travelguide/Shutterstock

    The House of Commons narrowly passed the terminally ill adults (end of life) bill on June 20, a significant step toward legalising assisted dying in England and Wales. The bill must still pass through the House of Lords before it can become law. So far, the debate has centred on a key question: should people already facing a terminal prognosis have the legal right to choose when to end their lives?

    The discussions, both in Parliament and among the wider public, have often focused on personal stories of dying – some shared as examples of a “good” death, others as cautionary tales of suffering. When speaking to the BBC after the bill passed, MP Kim Leadbeater, who introduced the legislation, described the current situation as a “failing status quo.” She argued that the law must change to offer more control and compassion at the end of life.

    More than 530,000 people die in England each year, and it’s estimated that around 90% of them could benefit from palliative care. Yet many are still dying in pain, with thousands experiencing unmet needs in their final months. Some supporters of the bill argue that access to assisted dying could offer an escape from anticipated suffering and loss of dignity, especially when palliative care falls short.

    What is a “good” death?

    The concept of a “good” death already shapes the country’s end-of-life care policy. Current practice encourages patient choice, comfort and dignity usually guided by the question: what matters most to you?

    Through advance care planning, patients can express preferences for their care, such as refusing resuscitation or declining further treatment. But these choices are usually framed in terms of what not to do. Assisted dying, by contrast, introduces a new ethical dimension: it’s not about withholding treatment, but about actively intervening to end life.

    View from the clinic – and bedside

    Over the past 15 years of conducting ethnographic research on end-of-life care in England, I’ve seen just how deeply people are affected when asked to contemplate their future – or the future of someone they love.



    Read more:
    Is the UK really the best place in the world to die?

    Some patients are decisive: they know what they don’t want, and they say so clearly. Others apologise for being a burden. Some find it too difficult to plan at all. In fact, fewer than 3% of UK adults have documented advance care plans.

    Clinicians, too, face challenges. I’ve seen doctors wish patients would recognise when treatment has become futile – and patients, in turn, hope doctors will take the decision to “just stop”. There can be deep mistrust, with some fearing they’ll be “given up on”. These tensions are unlikely to disappear if assisted dying is legalised; in fact, they may become more pronounced.

    Who would be eligible?

    In England, the legal definition of “terminal illness” is a life expectancy of six months or less, and that’s the threshold used in this bill. It excludes people with incurable but long-term conditions who may be suffering, but aren’t likely to die within half a year.

    This six-month cut-off also assumes that doctors can accurately predict how long someone has left. But Marie Curie, the end of life charity, called that definition “outdated” and “arbitrary,” highlighting how it fails to reflect clinical reality.



    Read more:
    The assisted dying debate has been about safety not sanctity – here’s why I think the bill passed the test

    More recently, research examining nearly 100,000 patient records from London found that prognosis is least reliable when predicting survival over the “weeks to months” time-frame – exactly the bracket covered by the bill. Doctors are more confident estimating if someone has less than two weeks or more than a year. Anything in between is often described, quite literally, as “the length of a piece of string”.

    A step forward – with complexities ahead

    The bill’s passage in the Commons reflects a growing desire to give people more choice, control and clarity at the end of life. For many, it marks a long-overdue recognition of both suffering and the right to self-determination.

    Yet while the vote signals strong support for greater autonomy in dying, the everyday realities of predicting prognosis and navigating complex end-of-life decisions remain uncertain. The practical and ethical challenges are far from resolved.

    Erica Borgstrom receives/has received funding for her research from the National Institute of Health Research, the UKRI Economic and Social Research Council, Marie Curie, the Foundation for the Sociology of Health and Illness, NHS England & NHS Innovation, and End of Life Doula UK.

    – ref. Assisted dying – medical anthropolgist on the complex practical and ethical road ahead – https://theconversation.com/assisted-dying-medical-anthropolgist-on-the-complex-practical-and-ethical-road-ahead-259478

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Assisted dying – medical anthropolgist on the complex practical and ethical road ahead

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Erica Borgstrom, Professor of Medical Anthropology, The Open University

    Steve Travelguide/Shutterstock

    The House of Commons narrowly passed the terminally ill adults (end of life) bill on June 20, a significant step toward legalising assisted dying in England and Wales. The bill must still pass through the House of Lords before it can become law. So far, the debate has centred on a key question: should people already facing a terminal prognosis have the legal right to choose when to end their lives?

    The discussions, both in Parliament and among the wider public, have often focused on personal stories of dying – some shared as examples of a “good” death, others as cautionary tales of suffering. When speaking to the BBC after the bill passed, MP Kim Leadbeater, who introduced the legislation, described the current situation as a “failing status quo.” She argued that the law must change to offer more control and compassion at the end of life.

    More than 530,000 people die in England each year, and it’s estimated that around 90% of them could benefit from palliative care. Yet many are still dying in pain, with thousands experiencing unmet needs in their final months. Some supporters of the bill argue that access to assisted dying could offer an escape from anticipated suffering and loss of dignity, especially when palliative care falls short.

    What is a “good” death?

    The concept of a “good” death already shapes the country’s end-of-life care policy. Current practice encourages patient choice, comfort and dignity usually guided by the question: what matters most to you?

    Through advance care planning, patients can express preferences for their care, such as refusing resuscitation or declining further treatment. But these choices are usually framed in terms of what not to do. Assisted dying, by contrast, introduces a new ethical dimension: it’s not about withholding treatment, but about actively intervening to end life.

    View from the clinic – and bedside

    Over the past 15 years of conducting ethnographic research on end-of-life care in England, I’ve seen just how deeply people are affected when asked to contemplate their future – or the future of someone they love.



    Read more:
    Is the UK really the best place in the world to die?

    Some patients are decisive: they know what they don’t want, and they say so clearly. Others apologise for being a burden. Some find it too difficult to plan at all. In fact, fewer than 3% of UK adults have documented advance care plans.

    Clinicians, too, face challenges. I’ve seen doctors wish patients would recognise when treatment has become futile – and patients, in turn, hope doctors will take the decision to “just stop”. There can be deep mistrust, with some fearing they’ll be “given up on”. These tensions are unlikely to disappear if assisted dying is legalised; in fact, they may become more pronounced.

    Who would be eligible?

    In England, the legal definition of “terminal illness” is a life expectancy of six months or less, and that’s the threshold used in this bill. It excludes people with incurable but long-term conditions who may be suffering, but aren’t likely to die within half a year.

    This six-month cut-off also assumes that doctors can accurately predict how long someone has left. But Marie Curie, the end of life charity, called that definition “outdated” and “arbitrary,” highlighting how it fails to reflect clinical reality.



    Read more:
    The assisted dying debate has been about safety not sanctity – here’s why I think the bill passed the test

    More recently, research examining nearly 100,000 patient records from London found that prognosis is least reliable when predicting survival over the “weeks to months” time-frame – exactly the bracket covered by the bill. Doctors are more confident estimating if someone has less than two weeks or more than a year. Anything in between is often described, quite literally, as “the length of a piece of string”.

    A step forward – with complexities ahead

    The bill’s passage in the Commons reflects a growing desire to give people more choice, control and clarity at the end of life. For many, it marks a long-overdue recognition of both suffering and the right to self-determination.

    Yet while the vote signals strong support for greater autonomy in dying, the everyday realities of predicting prognosis and navigating complex end-of-life decisions remain uncertain. The practical and ethical challenges are far from resolved.

    Erica Borgstrom receives/has received funding for her research from the National Institute of Health Research, the UKRI Economic and Social Research Council, Marie Curie, the Foundation for the Sociology of Health and Illness, NHS England & NHS Innovation, and End of Life Doula UK.

    – ref. Assisted dying – medical anthropolgist on the complex practical and ethical road ahead – https://theconversation.com/assisted-dying-medical-anthropolgist-on-the-complex-practical-and-ethical-road-ahead-259478

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The assisted dying debate has been about safety not sanctity – here’s why I think the bill passed the test

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Colin Gavaghan, Professor of Digital Futures, University of Bristol Law School, University of Bristol

    KieferPix/Shutterstock

    British MPs’ approval of the assisted dying bill made history – and revealed a rare kind of parliamentary debate. While the bill must still pass through the House of Lords, it is now widely expected to become law in England and Wales.

    What stood out even more than the result was the tone of the debate. Despite passionate disagreement, MPs conducted themselves with respect and thoughtfulness – a striking contrast to today’s often polarised political climate. That, in itself, felt like a moment of democratic maturity.

    Unsurprisingly, MPs in favour of the bill made familiar arguments, focusing on choice, dignity and the desire to avoid unbearable suffering at the end of life. What stood out, though, was how little opposition there was to the principle of assisted dying.

    Gone were the sweeping religious or philosophical arguments that once dominated such debates. Very few MPs spoke about the sanctity of life or raised moral objections to the idea of assisted dying itself.

    Instead, many of those who voiced concerns focused on this particular bill, especially its safeguards. Their worry wasn’t whether we should allow assisted dying, but whether the law goes far enough to protect the vulnerable. It’s a valid concern, and one likely to shape scrutiny as the bill heads to the Lords.

    So, how safe is the bill as currently drafted? Does it protect against the risks of coercion, misdiagnosis, or vulnerable people being pushed toward ending their lives? As a researcher of end-of-life issues and an expert witness in Seales v Attorney General, the leading New Zealand case on assisted dying, I believe the choice that the bill will introduce in England and Wales seems a lot less vulnerable to pressure and coercion than the sorts of life-ending choices the law has long allowed.

    As Kim Leadbeater pointed out in her speech, no decision involving people near the end of life is ever entirely without risk. Diagnoses can be wrong. External influences, both subtle and overt, are impossible to eliminate completely.

    But what’s important is that the safeguards around assisted dying, as proposed, are stricter than those in many other medical decisions that the law already permits.

    For instance, adults in the UK currently have the legal right to refuse life-saving treatment. That includes cases where the treatment could restore them to full health.

    The classic example is a Jehovah’s Witness refusing a blood transfusion. Courts have consistently upheld the right of mentally competent people to make that choice, even when the outcome is death.

    This remains true even if the person’s situation arises from a previous suicide attempt. The central legal question is not why they want to die, but whether they are mentally capable of understanding and weighing their options.

    The assisted dying bill sets a far narrower scope. It only applies to people with an “inevitably progressive illness or disease which cannot be reversed by treatment” and which is likely to lead to death within six months. In other words, people who are already extremely ill.

    Yes, doctors might occasionally misjudge a prognosis. But the law will still only apply to those facing certain death in the near future, a very different group from those currently allowed to refuse care.

    Pressure or coercion

    No major life decision happens in a vacuum. We are all influenced by people around us: family, friends, culture, religion. But legally, coercion only becomes a problem when someone’s ability to choose freely is overwhelmed.

    In medical law, that’s not always easy to determine. Is a devout patient refusing treatment out of genuine belief or pressure from their religious community? Is someone declining chemotherapy being subtly manipulated by family members with ulterior motives?

    These grey areas are familiar – and they already exist. But the safeguards proposed in the assisted dying bill are arguably stronger than those surrounding many current end-of-life choices.

    Two doctors will be required to independently assess whether the person is making the request voluntarily and without coercion. A multi-disciplinary panel will also need to confirm this.

    On top of that, the bill introduces serious new criminal offences: up to 14 years in prison for anyone who pressures someone into requesting assisted dying, and a life sentence for those who unlawfully administer the drugs.

    Self-coercion

    Some MPs raised concerns about “self-coercion”: the idea that someone might choose assisted dying not because they genuinely want it, but because they feel like a burden to others.

    It’s a deeply human worry. Most of us would be horrified to think an elderly parent or terminally ill partner felt they had to die to make life easier for us.

    One proposed amendment tried to address this, suggesting that people should only be allowed access to assisted dying if their motivation was “for their own sake rather than for the benefit of others.”

    It’s easy to understand the intent behind that. But ultimately, I would argue it’s probably right that the amendment was rejected.

    UK courts have long upheld the principle that patients don’t need to justify their values. The test is whether they are mentally competent: whether they understand the information and can weigh it up to make a decision.

    Judges and doctors don’t need to agree with the beliefs behind that decision. They don’t need to endorse a Jehovah’s Witness’s refusal of a transfusion. Nor must they accept that a life without “sparkle” is not worth living, as one woman once described her own situation before legally refusing treatment.

    The assisted dying bill won’t remove all risk. No law could. But in many ways, it introduces a choice that is less open to abuse and pressure than decisions we’ve already accepted as legal for decades.

    The debate isn’t over, and the House of Lords will no doubt return to these issues. But today’s vote was more than a political milestone. It was a moment of thoughtful, measured debate – and perhaps, a sign that we can tackle the hardest moral questions without descending into division.

    Colin Gavaghan is a member of ‘Lawyers for End of Life Choice’ and a board member of ‘Yes for Compassion’. He was an expert witness for the plaintiff in Seales v Attorney General.

    – ref. The assisted dying debate has been about safety not sanctity – here’s why I think the bill passed the test – https://theconversation.com/the-assisted-dying-debate-has-been-about-safety-not-sanctity-heres-why-i-think-the-bill-passed-the-test-259476

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: MPs may have passed the assisted dying bill, but the debate is just beginning

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Suzanne Ost, Professor of Law, Lancaster University

    Now that the assisted dying bill has passed its momentous third reading in the House of Commons, it may seem like legalisation in England and Wales is a done deal. But despite this significant milestone, the bill is not yet law and its journey through the House of Lords is far from a formality.

    While the terminally ill adults (end of life) bill is now closer than ever to becoming law, both the Commons and the Lords must agree on its final wording. And just like in the Commons, there are passionate supporters and vocal opponents in the Lords. Peers are expected to focus their attention on a number of outstanding, and controversial, issues.

    One of the biggest concerns that surfaced during both the report stage and today’s third reading relates to the speed and process of drafting the legislation.

    Because this is a private member’s bill, introduced by Labour MP Kim Leadbeater, it was subject to strict timelines. Leadbeater had just 85 days to work with legal drafters and set out a policy framework before the bill was published ahead of its second reading in November 2024.

    Despite this, the democracy-supporting charity the Hansard Society has noted that the bill is “among the most heavily scrutinised in recent times”, and it could ultimately receive up to 200 hours of parliamentary debate, especially now that it has moved to the Lords.

    Still, the fast turnaround meant that many important decisions, such as what medications will be approved for use in assisted dying, have been left for the secretary of state to determine later through what’s known as delegated legislation (secondary laws made without a full parliamentary vote).

    One area likely to receive particular scrutiny is the bill’s inclusion of so-called “Henry VIII clauses”. These are controversial powers that allow ministers to make changes to existing primary legislation, effectively altering acts of parliament without needing a new law. A key example is clause 38 that would let ministers revise the NHS Act 2006 to formally include assisted dying within NHS services.

    Stronger safeguards but concerns persist

    Several amendments aimed at strengthening the bill’s safeguards were supported during the Commons stages. These included the introduction of independent advocates, a new disability advisory board, and additional protections for people with learning disabilities, mental health conditions, or autism.

    An amendment from Labour MP Naz Shah was also supported at the third reading, ensuring that a person who chooses to stop eating and drinking will not automatically be considered terminally ill. This is a protection designed to prevent the system being used inappropriately.

    Yet despite these measures, concerns remain. Critics worry about the risk of coercion, both from others and self imposed. There is particular unease about people feeling pressured to choose assisted dying because they consider themselves a burden.

    Questions have also been raised about whether those with conditions like anorexia might qualify for assisted dying under the current wording of the bill.

    Even with the new safeguards, including mandatory training for doctors to detect coercion and assess mental capacity, many feel the bill needs tighter definitions and clearer criteria to protect the most vulnerable.

    The role of palliative care

    The impact on palliative and end-of-life care continues to be a major point of debate. Today, MPs backed an amendment from Liberal Democrat MP Munira Wilson that would require the government to assess the state of palliative care services within one year of the law being enacted.

    Peers in the House of Lords may push further on this issue. Some may argue that before a person can request assisted dying, they should first be referred to a palliative care specialist to fully understand their options. Others may want the law to spell out more clearly who is qualified to assess these requests.

    Another key question is who should provide assisted dying services. The British Medical Association has previously suggested a model where assisted dying operates outside the core NHS system. This would be a kind of parallel service overseen by the health secretary but delivered by independent providers. This would be similar to how early medical abortions are offered in some parts of the UK.

    Time is tight in the Lords, so peers will probably focus on a few high priority areas. Any amendments will need to be proposed, debated and approved quickly if the bill is to continue progressing this session.

    Even if the bill passes, it includes a four year implementation period to allow for the development of more detailed policies, including training for professionals, protocols for medication and clearer guidance on safeguarding.

    The passing of the bill in the Commons is historic. But the national conversation on assisted dying is not over. And the next phase will determine how this sensitive and deeply personal issue is handled in practice.

    Suzanne Ost has previously received funding from the AHRC for her assisted dying research.

    Nancy Preston receives funding from Horizon Europe, Horizon 2020 and the NIHR

    – ref. MPs may have passed the assisted dying bill, but the debate is just beginning – https://theconversation.com/mps-may-have-passed-the-assisted-dying-bill-but-the-debate-is-just-beginning-259460

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: MPs may have passed the assisted dying bill, but the debate is just beginning

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Suzanne Ost, Professor of Law, Lancaster University

    Now that the assisted dying bill has passed its momentous third reading in the House of Commons, it may seem like legalisation in England and Wales is a done deal. But despite this significant milestone, the bill is not yet law and its journey through the House of Lords is far from a formality.

    While the terminally ill adults (end of life) bill is now closer than ever to becoming law, both the Commons and the Lords must agree on its final wording. And just like in the Commons, there are passionate supporters and vocal opponents in the Lords. Peers are expected to focus their attention on a number of outstanding, and controversial, issues.

    One of the biggest concerns that surfaced during both the report stage and today’s third reading relates to the speed and process of drafting the legislation.

    Because this is a private member’s bill, introduced by Labour MP Kim Leadbeater, it was subject to strict timelines. Leadbeater had just 85 days to work with legal drafters and set out a policy framework before the bill was published ahead of its second reading in November 2024.

    Despite this, the democracy-supporting charity the Hansard Society has noted that the bill is “among the most heavily scrutinised in recent times”, and it could ultimately receive up to 200 hours of parliamentary debate, especially now that it has moved to the Lords.

    Still, the fast turnaround meant that many important decisions, such as what medications will be approved for use in assisted dying, have been left for the secretary of state to determine later through what’s known as delegated legislation (secondary laws made without a full parliamentary vote).

    One area likely to receive particular scrutiny is the bill’s inclusion of so-called “Henry VIII clauses”. These are controversial powers that allow ministers to make changes to existing primary legislation, effectively altering acts of parliament without needing a new law. A key example is clause 38 that would let ministers revise the NHS Act 2006 to formally include assisted dying within NHS services.

    Stronger safeguards but concerns persist

    Several amendments aimed at strengthening the bill’s safeguards were supported during the Commons stages. These included the introduction of independent advocates, a new disability advisory board, and additional protections for people with learning disabilities, mental health conditions, or autism.

    An amendment from Labour MP Naz Shah was also supported at the third reading, ensuring that a person who chooses to stop eating and drinking will not automatically be considered terminally ill. This is a protection designed to prevent the system being used inappropriately.

    Yet despite these measures, concerns remain. Critics worry about the risk of coercion, both from others and self imposed. There is particular unease about people feeling pressured to choose assisted dying because they consider themselves a burden.

    Questions have also been raised about whether those with conditions like anorexia might qualify for assisted dying under the current wording of the bill.

    Even with the new safeguards, including mandatory training for doctors to detect coercion and assess mental capacity, many feel the bill needs tighter definitions and clearer criteria to protect the most vulnerable.

    The role of palliative care

    The impact on palliative and end-of-life care continues to be a major point of debate. Today, MPs backed an amendment from Liberal Democrat MP Munira Wilson that would require the government to assess the state of palliative care services within one year of the law being enacted.

    Peers in the House of Lords may push further on this issue. Some may argue that before a person can request assisted dying, they should first be referred to a palliative care specialist to fully understand their options. Others may want the law to spell out more clearly who is qualified to assess these requests.

    Another key question is who should provide assisted dying services. The British Medical Association has previously suggested a model where assisted dying operates outside the core NHS system. This would be a kind of parallel service overseen by the health secretary but delivered by independent providers. This would be similar to how early medical abortions are offered in some parts of the UK.

    Time is tight in the Lords, so peers will probably focus on a few high priority areas. Any amendments will need to be proposed, debated and approved quickly if the bill is to continue progressing this session.

    Even if the bill passes, it includes a four year implementation period to allow for the development of more detailed policies, including training for professionals, protocols for medication and clearer guidance on safeguarding.

    The passing of the bill in the Commons is historic. But the national conversation on assisted dying is not over. And the next phase will determine how this sensitive and deeply personal issue is handled in practice.

    Suzanne Ost has previously received funding from the AHRC for her assisted dying research.

    Nancy Preston receives funding from Horizon Europe, Horizon 2020 and the NIHR

    – ref. MPs may have passed the assisted dying bill, but the debate is just beginning – https://theconversation.com/mps-may-have-passed-the-assisted-dying-bill-but-the-debate-is-just-beginning-259460

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: WhatsApp introducing advertising is a potentially lucrative but risky move

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Yusuf Oc, Associate Professor of Digital Marketing and AI, City St George’s, University of London

    shutterstock metamorworks/Shutterstock

    The decision to start advertising on WhatsApp marks a major shift for a private messaging service that has long positioned itself as being different from other social media platforms.

    Back when Meta (then known simply as Facebook) bought it in 2014 for US$19 billion, WhatsApp had an unusual and simple business model. Users were required to pay a very small annual fee (US$1 (£0.69)) in return for a minimalist, ad-free experience.

    That fee was scrapped in 2016, and WhatsApp became fully free. But it always had the potential to eventually align with Meta’s wider operation of offering free services for users to connect to others – while making money from targeted advertising.

    Since then, WhatsApp has taken slow, deliberate steps toward making money. These strategies relied on income from businesses, which paid to use WhatsApp as a way of communicating with their customers.

    By 2024, over 700 million businesses were using a separate version of the app called WhatsApp Business for customer service replies or promotional updates. Brands including Zara and Adidas use WhatsApp to send order updates, respond to queries and offer personalised shopping assistance.

    But this is still a limited revenue stream compared to the massive ad-based profits Meta generates elsewhere. Estimates suggest that WhatsApp brings in only a tiny fraction of Meta’s US$160 billion annual revenue, most of which comes from Facebook and Instagram.

    So perhaps it’s no surprise that the company is now turning to WhatsApp’s nearly 3 billion users across the world. After all, the decision mirrors a broader industry trend, with other apps like Snapchat and Telegram exploring monetisation more actively.

    Yet WhatsApp’s move still feels different.

    The platform’s identity is deeply tied to privacy, simplicity and intimacy. It is not a social media feed, it’s a communication tool. And a tool which many people use to share personal or sensitive information.

    And even if adverts are not based on message content, they may still end up being quite personal to users because of all the other data Meta has access to through Facebook and Instagram. Information about who you talk to, and how often, is still accessible – and can be used for targeted advertising.

    So if Meta already knows your favourite sports team or holiday destination for example, it may show ads related to this information. If you’ve been chatting with friends on Whatsapp about a recent fixture or planned trip, it may feel strange if you then start seeing ads on those themes.

    Business message

    WhatsApp faced a backlash in 2021 over a privacy policy update that suggested more data sharing with Facebook. The company proceeded with the update, but millions of users downloaded alternatives like Signal and Telegram in protest.

    And even if research suggests that younger generations are more comfortable with personalised content, trust is still a fragile thing – which can quickly erode. If users perceive that WhatsApp no longer protects their privacy or becomes too commercial, many might switch to rivals, at no cost, especially if their social circles are already active on rival platforms.

    WhatsAd.
    BigTunaOnline/Shutterstock

    A separate concern is that as ads appear more frequently in private communication spaces, there’s a greater risk of users, especially young people, encountering inappropriate or manipulative content.

    This is especially risky in spaces where people feel psychologically safe. Whereas users are typically wary of TV advertising, their guards might be down on platforms where they exchange intimate messages with loved ones.

    When it comes to children, parents and schools have a role to play. Rather than advocating for bans or strict age controls, which are difficult to enforce and often ignored, digital literacy needs to be embedded into education.

    Teenagers should learn how social media and messaging apps work, how data is used, how to identify manipulative content and how to manage screen time and exposure.

    Too often, adults assume that younger users are “digital natives” and tech savvy – but in reality, many are vulnerable to psychological nudges and online targeting. Research suggests that empowering them with the tools to recognise these tactics is far more sustainable than trying to shield them completely.

    Those tactics will soon be visible on what has been, for a long time, a simple messaging service. WhatsApp’s introduction of ads is not just a business decision, it’s a cultural shift. It reflects some economic logic, but also challenges the assumptions many users have about their private digital spaces.

    If done carefully, WhatsApp could strike that fine balance between making a profit and maintaining trust. But if users sense their private sphere is being commodified, the backlash may be swift.

    Because for platforms like WhatsApp, success hinges not just on what they do, but how they are perceived to do it.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. WhatsApp introducing advertising is a potentially lucrative but risky move – https://theconversation.com/whatsapp-introducing-advertising-is-a-potentially-lucrative-but-risky-move-259317

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: WhatsApp introducing advertising is a potentially lucrative but risky move

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Yusuf Oc, Associate Professor of Digital Marketing and AI, City St George’s, University of London

    shutterstock metamorworks/Shutterstock

    The decision to start advertising on WhatsApp marks a major shift for a private messaging service that has long positioned itself as being different from other social media platforms.

    Back when Meta (then known simply as Facebook) bought it in 2014 for US$19 billion, WhatsApp had an unusual and simple business model. Users were required to pay a very small annual fee (US$1 (£0.69)) in return for a minimalist, ad-free experience.

    That fee was scrapped in 2016, and WhatsApp became fully free. But it always had the potential to eventually align with Meta’s wider operation of offering free services for users to connect to others – while making money from targeted advertising.

    Since then, WhatsApp has taken slow, deliberate steps toward making money. These strategies relied on income from businesses, which paid to use WhatsApp as a way of communicating with their customers.

    By 2024, over 700 million businesses were using a separate version of the app called WhatsApp Business for customer service replies or promotional updates. Brands including Zara and Adidas use WhatsApp to send order updates, respond to queries and offer personalised shopping assistance.

    But this is still a limited revenue stream compared to the massive ad-based profits Meta generates elsewhere. Estimates suggest that WhatsApp brings in only a tiny fraction of Meta’s US$160 billion annual revenue, most of which comes from Facebook and Instagram.

    So perhaps it’s no surprise that the company is now turning to WhatsApp’s nearly 3 billion users across the world. After all, the decision mirrors a broader industry trend, with other apps like Snapchat and Telegram exploring monetisation more actively.

    Yet WhatsApp’s move still feels different.

    The platform’s identity is deeply tied to privacy, simplicity and intimacy. It is not a social media feed, it’s a communication tool. And a tool which many people use to share personal or sensitive information.

    And even if adverts are not based on message content, they may still end up being quite personal to users because of all the other data Meta has access to through Facebook and Instagram. Information about who you talk to, and how often, is still accessible – and can be used for targeted advertising.

    So if Meta already knows your favourite sports team or holiday destination for example, it may show ads related to this information. If you’ve been chatting with friends on Whatsapp about a recent fixture or planned trip, it may feel strange if you then start seeing ads on those themes.

    Business message

    WhatsApp faced a backlash in 2021 over a privacy policy update that suggested more data sharing with Facebook. The company proceeded with the update, but millions of users downloaded alternatives like Signal and Telegram in protest.

    And even if research suggests that younger generations are more comfortable with personalised content, trust is still a fragile thing – which can quickly erode. If users perceive that WhatsApp no longer protects their privacy or becomes too commercial, many might switch to rivals, at no cost, especially if their social circles are already active on rival platforms.

    WhatsAd.
    BigTunaOnline/Shutterstock

    A separate concern is that as ads appear more frequently in private communication spaces, there’s a greater risk of users, especially young people, encountering inappropriate or manipulative content.

    This is especially risky in spaces where people feel psychologically safe. Whereas users are typically wary of TV advertising, their guards might be down on platforms where they exchange intimate messages with loved ones.

    When it comes to children, parents and schools have a role to play. Rather than advocating for bans or strict age controls, which are difficult to enforce and often ignored, digital literacy needs to be embedded into education.

    Teenagers should learn how social media and messaging apps work, how data is used, how to identify manipulative content and how to manage screen time and exposure.

    Too often, adults assume that younger users are “digital natives” and tech savvy – but in reality, many are vulnerable to psychological nudges and online targeting. Research suggests that empowering them with the tools to recognise these tactics is far more sustainable than trying to shield them completely.

    Those tactics will soon be visible on what has been, for a long time, a simple messaging service. WhatsApp’s introduction of ads is not just a business decision, it’s a cultural shift. It reflects some economic logic, but also challenges the assumptions many users have about their private digital spaces.

    If done carefully, WhatsApp could strike that fine balance between making a profit and maintaining trust. But if users sense their private sphere is being commodified, the backlash may be swift.

    Because for platforms like WhatsApp, success hinges not just on what they do, but how they are perceived to do it.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. WhatsApp introducing advertising is a potentially lucrative but risky move – https://theconversation.com/whatsapp-introducing-advertising-is-a-potentially-lucrative-but-risky-move-259317

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why some elite athletes face a higher risk of developing motor neurone disease – and what we’re doing about it

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Johnathan Cooper-Knock, Senior Lecturer in Neurology, School of Medicine and Population Health, University of Sheffield

    Mural of Rob Burrow, former Leeds Rhinos rugby league star by Jonathan Long, CC BY-SA 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    Motor neuron disease (MND) is a devastating condition that causes progressive muscle weakness by damaging the motor neurons, the nerve cells that connect the brain to muscles. These neurons allow us to move, breathe, eat and ultimately, stay alive.

    Unlike many chronic conditions linked to lifestyle, where being “unhealthy” increases risk, MND doesn’t follow the usual rules. In fact, some of the highest profile cases of MND in recent years have involved elite athletes: rugby legends Doddie Weir and Rob Burrow are two well known examples. Previous research from Italy also found an increased incidence of MND in former professional footballers.

    But wait – these are elite sportsmen. The healthiest of the healthy. We’re always told that exercise protects against heart disease, stroke, diabetes, and many forms of cancer. So why would it be associated with something as devastating as MND?

    That’s the question we’re investigating at the Sheffield Institute for Translational Neuroscience (SITraN), part of the University of Sheffield, where we’re exploring how strenuous physical activity might play a role in triggering MND.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    One of the first questions we asked was whether this link could simply be down to survivorship bias. In other words, do people who exercise more develop MND only because they’re protected from more common causes of death?

    To explore this, we turned to genetics. Specifically, we looked at the connection between MND, exercise, and genetic mutations – changes in DNA that are fixed from birth and unaffected by lifestyle or survival.

    We found that a small proportion of people who are genetically predisposed to engage in high levels of physical activity also carry a genetic risk for MND, but only when it comes to very intense anaerobic exercise. Other forms of exercise, like weightlifting, had no effect. Crucially, this link appeared to be independent of head injury, which has also been suggested as a potential cause of exercise-associated MND.

    How much is too much?

    It’s important to emphasise that most athletes never develop MND. There is no simple one-to-one relationship between intense exercise and the disease.

    What we observed in our genetic study was a dose effect; risk was only apparent in people performing extreme levels of activity, such as more than 12 hours of intense exercise per week. Even then, most did not go on to develop MND. But in this group, the risk of MND was higher than in the general population.

    This echoes findings from a Swedish study involving cross-country skiers who took part in the Vasaloppet, a gruelling 90km race. The fastest skiers, those at the very top of the performance spectrum, were four times more likely to develop MND than the general population. However, skiers who finished in the middle of the pack had a 50% lower risk than average.

    Why? We believe that extreme levels of physical activity may switch off protective mechanisms within motor neurons. These mechanisms act like safety switches, preventing neurons from becoming overexcited and wearing out. Turn them off, and you may improve performance – but at a potential long-term cost. We’re now exploring whether we can reactivate these safety mechanisms to prevent or delay the onset of MND.

    To develop treatments, we first need a reliable model of the disease – and that’s where fruit flies come in. We’ve engineered flies that carry a known genetic risk factor for MND.

    In healthy flies, exercise improves strength and extends lifespan – just like in humans. But in MND-prone flies, exercise does the opposite: it makes them weaker and accelerates motor neuron loss. We’ve seen similar patterns in human studies.

    Now we’re testing interventions that could protect against this damage. Early results suggest the key may lie in tweaking the electrical signals between motor neurons and muscles; potentially allowing us to retain the benefits of exercise while eliminating the risks.

    Should athletes be worried?

    There’s no need for alarm, just awareness. Exercise is overwhelmingly beneficial and should be encouraged for almost everyone. Most professional athletes remain in exceptional health throughout their lives.

    But for a small proportion of people, extreme anaerobic training may carry a hidden risk. By identifying those individuals early and better understanding the underlying biology, we aim to develop targeted strategies for prevention and treatment – without discouraging the countless benefits of an active life.

    The science is still evolving. But the goal is clear: to make sport safer and motor neuron disease rarer.

    Johnathan Cooper-Knock receives funding from TargetALS, the ALS Association, the MND Association and the Lister Institute of Preventive Medicine.

    Pamela J. Shaw has received funding from The Motor Neurone Disease Association, The Medical Research Council, LifeArc, NIHR, My Name’5 Doddie Foundation, European Union and Pharmaceutical partners

    – ref. Why some elite athletes face a higher risk of developing motor neurone disease – and what we’re doing about it – https://theconversation.com/why-some-elite-athletes-face-a-higher-risk-of-developing-motor-neurone-disease-and-what-were-doing-about-it-258452

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What ancient ice sheets can tell us about future sea level rise

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ed Gasson, Royal Society University Research Fellow and Senior Lecturer, Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Exeter

    When visiting Godrevy beach on the north Cornish coast, most people look out to sea at the lighthouse, surfers and seals rather than the cliffs behind. But these cliffs hold a history of past climate and sea level that is incredibly valuable to scientists like me who are trying to determine how quickly sea level is going to rise in the future.

    Scramble up the slate rocks a few metres and you’ll reach a flat platform cut by waves breaking over 100,000 years ago. On top, there’s a cliff of sand and pebbles, an incredibly clear indicator of where the shoreline used to be, several metres higher than it is today.

    Beaches like this exist all around the Cornish coastline, near Falmouth at Bream Cove and at the furthest western point near Lands End at Porth Nanven.

    Searching for the source of these higher sea levels takes us to the poles. In a climate similar to today, the Antarctic and Greenland ice sheets retreated, raising global sea level. Although exactly where this ice was lost from remains a mystery that continues to frustrate scientists.

    Godrevy lighthouse, Cornwall, UK.
    Vivi_784/Shutterstock

    Local science, global stories.

    This article is part of a series, Secrets of the Sea, exploring how marine scientists are developing climate solutions.

    In collaboration with the BBC, Anna Turns travels around the West Country coastline to meet ocean experts making exciting discoveries beneath the waves.

    When ice gets trapped on land as giant ice sheets, it causes the sea level to change, but it doesn’t change by the same amount all around the planet. Like the moon, the gravity of the ice sheets pulls the ocean towards them, causing sea levels to rise near to the ice sheets.

    The opposite happens when they melt. As the ice on Greenland retreats today, it’s causing the sea level nearby to fall, rather than rise. Only as far as Scotland, some 1,500 miles from Greenland, does this sea level fall switch to a sea level rise.

    The cliffs at Godrevy reveal historic sea level rise.
    Ed Gasson, CC BY-NC-ND

    This gravity effect leaves behind a distinctive fingerprint in past sea level markers, such as raised beaches and fossil coral reefs. By piecing together data from around the world we can work out the source of past high sea levels.

    The raised beaches such as those in north Cornwall are likely caused by the retreat of ice from Antarctica, rather than the ice from Greenland. But direct evidence for ice loss from Antarctica has proven very hard to come by.

    I’m involved with an international drilling project that aims to solve this mystery. Following two challenging seasons of drilling, our team of scientists and engineers will return to Antarctica in late 2025 and attempt to recover sediments from deep underneath the ice, to analyse for signals of past ice retreat.

    If we’re lucky, we’ll recover records from warm climates millions of years ago. This will help us understand how the west Antarctic ice sheet may change in the future as our climate continues to warm.

    Drilling down

    Next winter, this international team is travelling to Scott Base, a New Zealand research station at the edge of the Ross ice shelf in west Antarctica. From there, the journey continues over 500 miles to the other end of the ice shelf, an extremely remote corner of an already remote continent.

    Everything we need is taken across the ice in a convoy of tracked snow vehicles. A hot water drill is used to make a small hole through the 500m ice shelf, providing access to the sediment below. Up to 200m of valuable sediment core will be retrieved with a custom-designed drilling system.

    The geological data contained in these sediments will help us to improve models and refine our predictions of how sea level will rise in the future. As the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere increases, it is as if we are rapidly moving backwards through geological time.

    Today, there is as much CO₂ in the atmosphere as during a geological epoch known as the mid-Pliocene, more than 3 million years ago. The average estimate for the mid-Pliocene is a concentration of around 400 parts per million (ppm), a value we reached only 12 years ago.

    We’ll exceed the highest concentrations of the Pliocene this year. The next warmest interval is probably the mid-Miocene, 12 million years earlier.

    Back in Cornwall, some communities are already planning for the effects of sea level rise. In Bude, local people have come together to form a “climate jury”, a panel chosen to give local people a voice as to how to best manage and reduce the impacts of a rising sea.

    This approach could be adopted by other communities at risk from sea level rise, alongside other adaptations. Hopefully, the world can avoid a return to the very high sea levels that formed the raised beaches at Godrevy.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Ed Gasson receives funding from The Royal Society and the Natural Environment Research Council.

    – ref. What ancient ice sheets can tell us about future sea level rise – https://theconversation.com/what-ancient-ice-sheets-can-tell-us-about-future-sea-level-rise-251185

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why taking a cold shower on a hot day might be a bad idea

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Taylor, Professor of Anatomy, Lancaster University

    A cold shower might not be the best strategy to cool down. Ollyy/ Shutterstock

    When the weather warms up, many of us use a nice cold shower to help us cool down. But while this might feel like relief, it might actually not be helping the body cool off at all.

    Our body’s optimal temperature is around 37°C. This temperatures ensures our body systems can function properly. But when the core gets too hot the temperature regulating centre of the brain starts sending nervous signals out to the blood vessels and muscles in or near the skin – telling them to start activating their cooling mechanisms.

    If our core stays at high temperature for too long (around 39-40°C), this can lead to organ damage. So to ensure our temperature stays optimal, the body uses multiple techniques to cool itself down.

    For instance, the body radiates heat into the surrounding environment by electromagnetic (thermal) radiation. Approximately 60% of our body heat is lost this way.

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    Sweating is another mechanism the body uses. Around 22% of our body heat is lost this way. But when the air temperature around us exceeds our body temperature, sweating becomes the dominant mechanism for reducing core temperature. Any remaining body heat is then lost through a mixture of convection into the air or liquid the body may be in contact with and conduction into solid objects that the body may be in contact with.

    To support these mechanisms, our blood vessels change diameter. The ones closest to the skin dilate (widen) to allow more blood into them so they can get close to the relatively cooler surface of the skin.

    The body then works to circulate the blood so that heat from inside the body can be moved to the periphery to cool off. Similarly on our skin, the hairs remain flat to allow air next to the body to cool and be replaced, helping to dissipate heat.

    Cold shower?

    Of course, when the weather gets really hot outside, these mechanisms just don’t feel like they cut it.

    Although diving into a cold bath or shower straight after being out in the heat might feel nice on your skin, it isn’t doing what is needed to reduce the core temperature of the body. It might also be risky for some people.

    A cold shower might not actually cool the body down.
    LarsZ/ Shutterstock

    When exposed to cold, the blood vessels near to the skin constrict – reducing the blood flow into these areas.

    So in the context of cooling the body down, jumping into a cold shower does the opposite of what needs to happen, as less blood is now flowing to the surface of the skin. This will hold the heat in and around your organs instead of getting rid of it. Basically, you’re tricking your body that it doesn’t need to cool down, but actually needs to conserve heat.

    And, depending on how cold your water is, sudden exposure could even trigger dangerous consequences for some people.

    Exposure to water that is 15°C can trigger the cold shock response. This causes the blood vessels in the skin (those in contact with the cold water) to constrict rapidly. This increases blood pressure as the heart is now pumping against increased resistance.

    This response can be particularly dangerous in people with underlying heart conditions, such as coronary artery disease. The cold shock response can also lead to an irregular heartbeat and even death when going from very hot to cold.

    Thankfully, these events are rare – and probably won’t happen if you’re just taking a cold shower or bath in your home. But you might want to skip the cold plunge or avoid taking an ice bath on a hot day for this reason.

    Hot showers are also a bad idea on a warm day. Although it’s sometimes said that a hot shower helps the body cool down faster, this unfortunately isn’t true. Water that is warmer than the body is going to transfer energy in the form of heat into the body. This again prevents the body getting rid of heat – potentially increasing its core temperature.

    On a hot day, a tepid or lukewarm bath or shower is the way to go, evidence suggests 26-27°C is most effective. This helps bring blood to the surface to cool, without being cold enough to cause the body to think it needs to conserve its heat.

    Another reason to skip a cold shower on a hot day is that it might not help you get clean.

    When we get hot, we sweat – and this sweat mixes with sebum, another skin product and the bacteria on our skin, which produces body odour. Cold water has been shown to be less effective at removing and breaking down sebum and other detritus on the skin, compared to warmer water, which means body odour will persist.

    Cold water also causes the skin to tighten. This might potentially trap sebum and dirt within the pores. This can lead to blackheads, whiteheads and acne. But warm or lukewarm water can help dissolve and loosen material in the pores.

    As you plan your escape and recovery from the heat this week, a lukewarm or cool shower or bath, rather than a cold shower, is a safer and more effective choice. This will allow your body to dissipate heat away from your core without harm.

    Equally, if you do feel the need to go cooler, do it gradually so you aren’t shocking the body’s automatic temperature regulation system into action. Turning the temperature down gradually if you want to go cold, or slowly placing a limb in at a time can help with this process.

    Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why taking a cold shower on a hot day might be a bad idea – https://theconversation.com/why-taking-a-cold-shower-on-a-hot-day-might-be-a-bad-idea-259074

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What the new grooming gangs inquiry must do to put victims before politics

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By William Tantam, Senior Lecturer, Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, University of Bristol

    Kemi Badenoch, Conservative party leader, responds to Home Secretary Yvette Cooper’s statement announcing the new inquiry. House of Commons/Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND

    The independent inquiry into child sexual abuse was the largest inquiry in UK history, running from 2015 to 2022 and investigating institutional failures in preventing child sexual abuse. The inquiry’s final report included 20 recommendations for change. So far, zero have been fully implemented.

    We both worked on the inquiry and know the pervasive harm of this violence, as well as the consequences it leaves with survivors, families and communities. We are also well aware of the importance of clear language to reflect victims’ experiences and of capturing reliable data.

    Louise Casey’s audit of group-based child sexual exploitation and abuse echoes these issues. In particular, it highlights the huge gaps around ethnicity data.

    The report addresses decades of failure to protect vulnerable girls from group-based child sexual abuse (“grooming gangs”). The ethnicity of perpetrators and victims has been a flashpoint in the discussion for years.

    The national narrative has been that gangs of predominantly Asian men have groomed and exploited young white girls, and that this is why victims’ cases were ignored, dismissed or covered up. Political rows around it have been a factor in the government announcing another inquiry. Over 200 pages, Lady Casey’s audit endeavours to lay out the facts.

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    What does the report say about ethnicity?

    Casey’s audit repeatedly emphasises the lack of ethnicity data on a national level. She notes that ethnicity is not recorded for two-thirds of perpetrators, and that the data collected for both victims and perpetrators is “not sufficient to allow any conclusions to be drawn at the national level.”

    But she does note: “There is enough evidence available in local police data in three police force areas … which show disproportionate numbers of men from Asian ethnic backgrounds.” And, “There have been enough convictions across the country of groups of men from Asian ethnic backgrounds to have warranted closer examination. Instead of examination, we have seen obfuscation.”

    Why might this be? Casey notes that the issue of ethnicity was “shied away from” by local services, due to anxieties about being perceived as racist by endorsing an “Asian grooming gang” narrative.

    Her audit points to numerous reviews at different levels, all of which reflect inconsistency in data collection. While some, such as a 2020 Home Office research, found that most offenders of organised exploitation nationwide are white, Casey again notes that the data is not sufficient to conclude this.

    When analysing the testimonies of victims of child sexual abuse in other contexts, such as the 2015 inquiry’s Truth Project, often the ethnicity of the perpetrator remains vague. One reason is that whiteness goes unremarked upon in many areas of life in a majority-white country such as the UK. Another serious issue is the poor levels of reporting of child sexual abuse in general in ethnic minority communities. Overall, we lack a good understanding of both victim and perpetrator characteristics.

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    Casey also raises important questions about perpetrator profiles that go beyond their ethnicity, such as what drives them to commit these crimes. We would add another key question – why are young, working class girls from all backgrounds consistently treated as culpable for the crimes committed against them?

    If coming from a particular community is a risk factor for perpetration of a certain form of child sexual abuse, more accurate data is needed to say this confidently and in a way that can engage communities rather than alienating them. It is our hope that this new inquiry can do that. In the meantime, Casey has asked for the public to “keep calm” over the data.


    House of Commons/Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND

    Putting victims over politics

    The lack of accurate data has allowed politicians and the far right to take control of the narrative, without strong evidence to back up their claims. Elon Musk’s interventions earlier this year made the implications of this clear.

    People can lay claim to “the truth” of child grooming gangs without clear data in support or in opposition. What we can say with conviction – and what Musk was correct in pointing out – was the horrific nature of the crimes perpetrated against victims of sexual violence.

    Politicisation of abuse does a serious disservice to victims. As we found through the 2015 inquiry’s extensive work with diverse communities, narratives about the ethnicity of child sexual abuse perpetrators can lead to defensiveness and secrecy among victims from those communities, who fear betraying their own, risking further abuse.

    This new inquiry is a much needed opportunity to improve the data. The government has accepted all 12 recommendations, including mandatory collection of ethnicity and nationality data for all suspects in child sexual abuse and criminal exploitation cases.

    This is a statutory inquiry, so it has greater powers than past inquiries to compel witnesses to provide evidence. It also means that the inquiry holds some independence from government, hopefully insulating it from some of the politicised rhetoric.

    But the current moment still risks loud political voices talking over the expertise of survivors. While it is encouraging to read that survivors’ voices were included in Casey’s investigation, the audit does not say how many nor in what capacity.

    We hope that the inquiry takes a lesson from the pioneering approach of the 2015 inquiry. Its victims and survivors consultative panel gave a level of “testimonial justice” to those whose voices are often silenced and ignored.

    The new inquiry is a chance to really listen to victims, who have been let down for decades.
    Katty Elizarova/Shutterstock

    Foremost in everyone’s minds is the need to prevent and deter such abuse from happening in the future. This requires fully understanding the reasons behind inaccurate or incomplete data collection, the motivations of perpetrators and institutional contexts that might facilitate them, and barriers to implementing meaningful responses. This inquiry promises to listen to survivors, without filtering the parts that are uncomfortable to hear.

    Amid this, there is another scandal hidden in plain sight. For all the talk about acting on Casey’s findings, there is a huge funding crisis in services that support survivors of child sexual abuse. Our colleagues in the sector report increasing pressure to reduce the amount of care survivors are offered, despite commitments to offer lifelong care for those affected by this deeply damaging crime.

    How can we claim to care about prevention when we do not do enough to support those already affected?

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What the new grooming gangs inquiry must do to put victims before politics – https://theconversation.com/what-the-new-grooming-gangs-inquiry-must-do-to-put-victims-before-politics-259410

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How might Israel attack Iran’s underground nuclear plant? A 2024 raid in Syria could be a template

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Clive Jones, Professor of Regional Security, Durham University

    Operation rising lion has been a concerted effort by the Israel Defense Forces to degrade Iran’s nuclear programme. Launched on June 13, the operation has targeted key nuclear installations, logistical hubs and Iranian nuclear scientists, key intelligence and military personal.

    Israel has justified the attack by claiming that Iran was on a verge of a “breakout” in its nuclear programme. This means it would be able to break out of its commitments under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, which it ratified in 1970.

    This contradicts the threat assessment briefing delivered by the director of US national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, on March 25 when she said: “Iran is not building a nuclear weapon and Supreme Leader Khamenei has not authorised the nuclear weapons program that he suspended in 2003.”

    But whatever the veracity of claim and counter claim, Israel has been able to combine precise intelligence with the effective suppression of Iran’s air defence network. This has enabled the Israeli air force to inflict extensive damage on the uranium enrichment facility at Natanz and the heavy water plant at Arak, as well as associated research facilities in Tehran.

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    The attacks have also destroyed two-thirds of Iran’s ballistic missile launchers, according to the latest Israeli estimates. In response, Iran has fired salvoes of ballistic missiles at Israel, some of which have penetrated the much-vaunted Iron Dome missile defence system, due to the sheer number of missiles launched.

    But despite causing between 20 and 30 civilian casualties in Israel (compared to more than 600 in Iran), and despite the fear of attack among much of Israel’s population, little strategic damage appears to have been inflicted.

    Within three days of launching operation rising lion, Israel claimed complete aerial supremacy over Iran. But despite this, the key enrichment facility at Fordow, close to the ancient religious city of Qom has proved impervious to Israel’s existing military capabilities.

    The facility is buried hundreds of metres inside a mountain and designed to survive a full scale aerial bombardment. All reports are that besides some limited damage to the ground-level entrance and ventilation shafts, Israeli attacks on the site have failed to affects its operational capacity.

    Another enrichment facility near Natanz at Kuh-e Kolang Gaz La, or “Pickaxe Mountain,” is thought to be even deeper inside a mountain.

    Only the US, with 30,000lb GBU-57 massive ordnance penetrator bomb caried by the B-2 stealth bomber is reckoned to have the capability to inflict lasting damage on these underground nuclear facilities. Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyhu, has appealed to the US president, Donald Trump, for help in destroying these nuclear assets. Trump has said he is still considering his decision.

    Operation many ways

    US help is clearly Netanyahu’s main option for neutralising these underground plants. But don’t rule out a ground attack by Israeli special forces. A template for how Israel might deal with Fordow was revealed last year.

    Launched on September 8 2024, operation many ways destroyed an underground missile facility that the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps had built into a mountainside in the Masyaf area of Syria, just west of Hama and around 125 miles north of the disputed Golan Heights. This facility was responsible for producing sophisticated surface-to-surface missiles for use by Hezbollah as well as by the regime of Bashar al-Asad, Iran’s ally.

    After months of surveillance, 200 soldiers from the Shaldag (Kingfisher) special forces unit of the Israeli Air Force were helicoptered to the site under the cover of a series of diversionary airstrikes. The surprise attack quickly overwhelmed defensive forces and used around 600kg of explosives to destroy the underground facility. The unit also collected a considerable amount of intelligence documents which they transferred back to Israel. There were no Israeli casualties.

    Greater risk

    Would Israel risk a similar operation against Fordow? The risks undoubtedly are far greater. The operation would have to be carried out at a much longer range – the enrichment facility is more than 1,000kms from Israel.

    Such an operation would need to involve far more troops than operation many ways. And the operational requirement to ensure sufficient air-to-air refuelling capacity for the air force’s heavy lift “Yasur” helicopters would add a layer of logistical complexity.

    But the IDF’s ability to innovate around the use of longer-range C130 transport aircraft that can land in rough areas should not be underestimated. They showed this as long ago as 1976 when mounting the famous hostage rescue mission at Entebbe in Uganda.

    Also on the plus side for Israel is its air superiority. The country is also a leader in electronic counter warfare measures which would allow it to blind or jam Iranian communications.

    But while the Iranian armed forces have suffered heavy blows, the ground defences around Fordow will still be formidable. To gain access to and destroy the centrifuges widely believed to be at Fordow with sufficient explosives runs the risks of heavy casualties on all sides. So the calculation Israel’s military planners would have to make is the strategic gain relative to the cost in blood.

    Yet given Fordow has long been recognised by Israel as the jewel in Iran’s nuclear crown this too might be another gamble Netanyahu is willing to take in a war that, whatever its outcome, is already reshaping much of the Middle East.

    Clive Jones does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How might Israel attack Iran’s underground nuclear plant? A 2024 raid in Syria could be a template – https://theconversation.com/how-might-israel-attack-irans-underground-nuclear-plant-a-2024-raid-in-syria-could-be-a-template-259456

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A pink diamond just sold for over US$ 14 million – no wonder, when you look at the mysteries behind their chemistry

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Elton Santos, Reader in Theoretical and Computational Condensed Matter Physics, University of Edinburgh

    Diamonds might be forever but that doesn’t stop them being bought and sold. One stone thought to have once belonged to Marie Antoinette, the last queen of France, has just sold for US$14 million (£10 million) at an auction in New York – about three times the asking price. Set into a platinum ring and weighing a total of 15.5 grams, the clue to the diamond’s uniqueness is in its name: the Marie-Thérèse pink.

    This 10.38 carat pink diamond has been changing hands for generations, and previously sold at an auction in Geneva for an unknown amount. Pink diamonds are very rare and there are many things that scientists still don’t know about them.

    Diamonds are generally formed under intense heat and pressure deep within the Earth’s mantle, roughly 150–200 kilometres below the surface. Most natural diamonds crystallise over billions of years, composed almost entirely of carbon atoms arranged in a tightly packed, cube-like structure.

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    Coloured diamonds are geological anomalies. Variations include pink, blue, orange, yellow, red, green, brown and black, most of which can be explained by impurities in their crystal lattice. Yellow diamonds contain nitrogen, for example, while blue ones contain boron.

    Pink diamonds are not caused by such impurities. Scientists believe that the pink hue arises from a distortion in the diamond’s atomic lattice structure. Intense pressure deep underground creates forces (known as shear forces) that twist and compress atomic layers, which alter how the stone reflects light.

    It’s this “plastic deformation” which results in the pink coloration, reducing the green light in the visible spectrum so that it shifts the overall colour that we see towards pink.

    Only a small fraction of diamonds undergo such extreme and precise pressure and temperature conditions during their formation. These factors make them very difficult to be created and even harder to predict where they will be formed. As a result, pink diamonds are the rarest of all coloured diamonds apart from red ones, which are formed by an even more intense version of the same process.

    Aussie rules

    For decades, the Argyle mine in western Australia was the world’s primary source of pink diamonds (and also red ones), producing over 90% of the global supply. The mine is located at a unique geological area by a so-called lamproite volcanic pipe, as opposed to the more common kimberlite pipes found at most other diamond mines. Without getting too much into the technicalities, lamproite pipes tend to be less explosive and have more unusual minerals like leucite and rich potassium.

    The Argyle mine is located in the Kimberley region, which experienced intense tectonic activity during the Paleoproterozoic era, over 1.6 billion years ago. This meant that the lamproite pipe was formed under extreme pressures and temperatures.

    This is believed to have caused the lattice defects in the diamonds that were pushed to the Earth’s surface, which are responsible for their pink and red colours. The deep mantle depths in the mine were also crucial, since this translates into higher internal pressures and temperatures.

    Even so, less than 0.1% of the diamonds extracted from Argyle were classified as pink (and only 0.00000002% were red, if you calculate the proportion of red carats found). The mine then closed in 2020 after 37 years of production because its reserves were exhausted, making pink diamonds even more scarce and valuable.

    Other known sources include Brazil, India, Russia and South Africa, but these mines yield pink diamonds far less frequently. The rarity of high-quality pink diamonds has made them highly sought-after by collectors and investors alike, as demonstrated by the high sale price of the Marie-Thérèse pink. That diamond was actually pink-purple, with the purple hue caused by hydrogen being absorbed into the atomic structure during the stone’s formation, making it rarer still.

    Advanced techniques involving shining infrared light and X-rays into the stones – respectively known as infrared spectroscopy and high-resolution X-ray diffraction – have provided scientists with insights into the structural changes that cause pink and red diamonds.

    Yet many questions remain unanswered, and the study of pink diamonds continues to be an active area of scientific investigations in mineral physics and crystallography. This has included creating pink diamonds (and other colours such as blues) in the laboratory by replicating the natural processes that form them, but in a more controlled, accelerated way.

    These lab-grown pink diamonds look nearly identical to their natural versions to the human eye, but can yet be differentiated through optical techniques. One method is infrared absorption, which detects how the diamond absorbs light and vibrates at specific frequencies.

    Another clue is the presence of sharp peaks in the visible light spectrum that indicate certain impurities, like hydrogen or nitrogen, which are often found in natural stones. In the same style as a CSI investigation, these techniques provide the last word in whether a pink diamond is from a mine such as Argyle, a lab-grown pink, or a clear natural diamond that has been treated pink artificially.

    Even after years of improving the process for making pink diamonds synthetically, the mechanical distortions responsible for their exotic colour still can’t be replicated precisely under laboratory conditions. Scientists
    don’t understand all the atomic processes involved in their colouring becoming permanent to be able to recreate them perfectly.

    The same is actually also true for other synthetic diamonds, though they are becoming harder and harder to detect as the technology improves. In short, pink diamonds (and red ones) remain among the most remarkable precious stones in the world. Unless and until that changes, we can keep expecting them to change hands for ridiculous amounts of money.

    Elton Santos receives funding from EPSRC, Royal Society, and is affiliated with the Donostia International Physics Center, San Sebastián, Spain.

    – ref. A pink diamond just sold for over US$ 14 million – no wonder, when you look at the mysteries behind their chemistry – https://theconversation.com/a-pink-diamond-just-sold-for-over-us-14-million-no-wonder-when-you-look-at-the-mysteries-behind-their-chemistry-259392

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Five ways to keep teenagers safe by the water

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jill Nash, Senior Lecturer in Advertising and Marketing Communications, Bournemouth University

    frederikloewer/Shutterstock

    As temperatures soar around the UK and Ireland due to climate change, warnings about the dangers of drowning are being issued and one Labour MP is calling for water safety lessons to be made compulsory in schools.

    Teaching children to swim is essential, but it’s not enough to save them from drowning. Water safety is about judgement, impulse control, peer influence and understanding your limits. Peer pressure, social situations and a false sense of confidence can all put young people in danger.

    My research highlights how we’re not talking enough to young people, especially teenage boys, about the emotional and cognitive risks of making decisions around water. The National Water Safety Forum reports that young males aged between 10-19 are one of the highest groups at risk from drowning, as they assert their independence and test personal boundaries.

    Drowning happens quickly, often without adults watching, when kids are hanging out by rivers and lakes, tombstoning off bridges, or misjudging their abilities when trying to impress friends.

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    Leading water safety organisations like the Royal National Lifeboat Institution (RNLI) and HM Coastguard run education campaigns about the dangers of the ocean. The Canal & River Trust, the UK’s largest canal charity, recently developed a school education pack for teenagers highlighting water safety.

    Parents can also shape how teens interact with water. In Nottingham, the charity called Open Water Education Network was founded in memory of Owen Jenkins, a 12-year-old boy who drowned while trying to save two girls in difficulty. As well as teaching young people about the dangers of open water and the importance of self rescue, this charity empowers parents to talk to teens even if they seem to ignore parental advice.

    Talking to teenagers about safety isn’t easy. Here’s how to do it in a way that’s honest, effective and grounded in care.

    1. Talk just before they go

    Rules work best when they’re short, consistent and repeated. Before a trip to the beach or river, take five minutes to remind your teen of your family’s water safety rules. Repetition builds habits. Remind them not to swim after dark or alone and explain what to do if someone’s in trouble (call for help, don’t jump in).

    2. Share real-life stories

    Stories help bring home the reality of water risk, especially for teens who can feel invincible in an all-male group without any supervision. While on a lads holiday on the Northumberland coast, 16-year-old called Evan saved himself from drowning in a rip tide by laying on his back to stay afloat. Eventually, a surfer managed to paddle out and reach him, and an rescue lifeboat also came to the scene. Evan recovered after treatment in hospital for hypothermia.

    Teenager Evan explains how he escaped drowning in a rip tide.

    Another heartbreaking story of Liam Hall, a teenager who drowned while out in a dinghy with friends in Sunderland, demonstrates how quickly things can escalate in the sea.

    Not all stories end in tragedy. A group of teenagers from East Sussex made the life-saving decision to stay out of the water, using a life ring to help two swimmers in trouble, proving that staying on shore can save lives.

    Some teens might not want to listen to advice about water safety.
    oneinchpunch/Shutterstock

    3. Discuss group dynamics

    Female teens can play a powerful role in promoting water safety, especially in mixed-gender peer groups where social dynamics can significantly influence behaviour. Research shows that all-boy groups are more likely to engage in risk-taking activities. When girls are present, especially those who feel confident speaking up, risky behaviour often decreases.

    Parents can empower girls to speak up if someone suggests swimming in dangerous conditions or places and promote safety strategies like the RNLI’s “call, tell and throw” approach. By reinforcing these behaviours, teen girls can become leaders in lifesaving culture, not only keeping themselves safe but influencing their peers to make smarter choices too.

    4. Deflate false sense of confidence

    Stick to the facts and be honest about the dangers. Drowning can happen within seconds, even when someone is a strong swimmer. Most drownings occur in open water, not swimming pools. Teenagers need to understand how the effects of cold water shock, fast currents and submerged objects can quickly turn a fun day into a fatal one.

    5. Make brave choices

    Teens don’t drown because they’re bad swimmers. They drown because they made a poor decision in a high-risk moment. Teaching safety early (before they start taking unsupervised risks) helps shape smarter thinking later.

    Parents can model care, calmness and emotional awareness. Show them that bravery isn’t about bravado. It’s about looking out for your mates and making good choices. Fathers can play a powerful role in framing what strength looks like. Research shows that fathers who show empathy and emotional intelligence teach children how to be resilient during high-pressure moments. Emphasise that calm decision-making when in danger or choosing not to jump into the water under peer pressure doesn’t make a boy weak. It makes him wise. Talk to your sons about how real masculinity means thinking clearly, not reacting emotionally.

    Teenagers can feel invincible. Be honest. Tell them you love them and that you trust them to make good decisions. Talking about safety is one of the most powerful things a family can do. Water safety begins at home with all of us.

    Swimming, sailing, even just building a sandcastle – the ocean benefits our physical and mental wellbeing. Curious about how a strong coastal connection helps drive marine conservation, scientists are diving in to investigate the power of blue health.

    This article is part of a series, Vitamin Sea, exploring how the ocean can be enhanced by our interaction with it.

    Jill Nash does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Five ways to keep teenagers safe by the water – https://theconversation.com/five-ways-to-keep-teenagers-safe-by-the-water-256837

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Who represents Britain on screen? UK film and TV culture still has a worrying class problem

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nick Lee, Senior Lecturer in Film History and Critical Theory, Royal Holloway University of London

    The British media has a class problem, according to recent research by The Sutton Trust. In short, the privately educated are over-represented in the creative industries, especially in film and television. The trust’s report, A Class Act (2024), demonstrates that this area of British culture is disproportionately produced by the most privileged segment of the population.

    The Great British Class Survey (2011) indicated that the “top” 6% of the population has privileged access to three types of capital – economic, social and cultural. Its children are more likely to go to fee-paying schools and Oxbridge.

    The Sutton Trust report informs us that, “school attendance is a useful proxy measure for the socio-economic circumstances someone grew up in, with private school attendance in particular strongly related to family income”. Accordingly, the 7% of the UK population which attends private schools roughly correlates with the “elite” 6% identified in the Great British Class Survey.

    This article is part of our State of the Arts series. These articles tackle the challenges of the arts and heritage industry – and celebrate the wins too.

    This “elite” is the group over-represented in the British media. According to media watchdog Ofcom, in 2019 only 52% of the workforce in the British television industry had gone to non-selective state schools – attended by 88% of the British population – and the privately educated accounted for 14%. A further 22% went to selective schools and 10% went to overseas schools.

    The privately educated proportion rises to 38% when we look at the wealthiest individuals in film, television and music. The Guardian also reported recently that nearly half of all UK arts and media award nominees are privately educated.

    These statistics make clear the extent to which the top class of British society is able to monopolise opportunities when it comes to jobs in the British media.

    When we look at actors, this problem is especially pronounced. Of the all-time top-ten grossing British actors, 50% are privately educated, with Idris Elba the only working-class, state-educated actor in the top five.

    For actresses, the problem is even more pronounced. In a recent snapshot of Ranker’s top 20 British actresses working today, 80% are privately educated or aristocratic, and all of them are white. Only Keira Knightley and Jodie Comer are state educated (and neither attended drama school).

    Obviously, this is a problem in terms of social mobility, but also in terms of British culture more broadly. It begs the question: who represents Britain to a domestic audience, but also on the international stage? If we look at two major British hits from the last 25 years, again we see that attendees of private schools and Oxbridge are over-represented.

    In 1999, Notting Hill was the highest-grossing British film of all time. Its star (Hugh Grant), writer (Richard Curtis), director (Roger Michell) and producer (Duncan Kenworthy) were all privately educated, and all attended Oxbridge. Of the main cast, only Gina McKee and Rhys Ifans were state educated and non-Oxbridge; both have regional accents. McKee’s character has a condition that confines her to a wheelchair, and Ifan’s character is barely civilised.

    Paddington (2014-2025), the hugely successful British film franchise displays similar tendencies. Of the central recurring cast, only Paddington, the uncivilised foundling bear, is played by state-educated Ben Whishaw.

    The rest of the Brown family, residing in a fantastical pseudo middle-class Primrose Hill, are all played by privately educated actors. State-educated Julie Walters plays housekeeper Mrs Bird with a strong Scottish accent. And as with the UK’s most successful film franchise, Harry Potter (which similarly has a handful of state-educated actors), the privately educated David Heyman produces.

    The British “middle-class” shown in these films is actually drawn from the most affluent segment of British society. Yet these actors are able to unproblematically “play down” in terms of class and upbringing. Ewan McGregor, who went to the private Morrison’s Academy, became famous playing a heroin addict in Trainspotting.

    This contrasts sharply with the paucity of working-class or middle-class actors who “play-up”: Kenneth Branagh is one notable example, having achieved it through an association with Shakespeare — the zenith of British dramatic art. Branagh’s Belfast – an account of his own upbringing – is remarkable in its stark contrast to the work by which he made his name.

    My own research on the working-class author and broadcaster Archie Hill has shown how class also dictates which contributions to British culture are preserved, and how a narrow establishment determines this. Even when working-class people make significant cultural contributions, they are more likely to be overlooked in posterity.

    Working-class actors used to be encouraged and celebrated, as the careers of Tom Courtenay, Richard Burton, Michael Caine, Albert Finney, Rita Tushingham, Eileen Atkins and Imelda Staunton demonstrate. The Atlee government’s post-war settlement in Britain concentrated resources on working-class communities and emphasised social mobility, allowing young working-class people to thrive and access cultural resources previously reserved for a wealthy elite.

    The “angry young men” of kitchen sink realism and the rise of roles for working-class actors have to be seen in this context. However, as the consensus of the post-war settlement declined from the late 1970s, so did numbers of working-class actors on our screens. As Julie Walters lamented in 2015: “People like me wouldn’t get a chance today”.

    As social inequality in Britain deepens, the problem gets worse: since the 1970s the proportion of working-class actors, musicians and writers has halved. Social media has enabled a new “nepo-baby” aristocracy to emerge – the children of celebrities now becoming celebrities simply by virtue of their birth.

    Why does this matter? Because the narrowness of this field is bad news for diversity. We need greater breadth and depth when it comes to British culture and those who produce it.

    Michaela Coel and Stephen Graham – as recent successes I May Destroy You and Adolescence have shown – are two considerable forces in this respect, but more needs to be done if this structural imbalance is to be corrected.

    Sadly, British film and television frequently offers us a misrepresentative and inverted Britain, one where the majority has been marginalised, and the elite masquerade as the class norm. No wonder so many Americans think Hugh Grant is a “typical Brit”.

    Nick Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Who represents Britain on screen? UK film and TV culture still has a worrying class problem – https://theconversation.com/who-represents-britain-on-screen-uk-film-and-tv-culture-still-has-a-worrying-class-problem-255741

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Elon Musk’s US$34 billion loss wasn’t really that – and what it tells us about the philanthropy of the ultra-wealthy

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tobias Jung, Professor of Management, University of St Andrews

    Photo Agency/Shutterstock

    Following a sharp drop in Tesla’s share price, outlets reported that the world’s richest person, Elon Musk, had “lost” US$34 billion (£25 billion) in a single day. That figure exceeds the annual GDP of countries like Iceland, Jamaica or Mauritius. Gaining or losing even 0.001% of that wealth would be life-changing for most people.

    But, this “loss” is entirely nominal. A decline in share prices means Musk is technically worth less. If prices rebound, so does his net worth.

    While such volatility can devastate smaller investors reliant on their portfolios, it is a recurring feature of ultra-wealth. Consider the US$100 billion decline in Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg’s fortune during his Metaverse pivot, or the US$18 billion drop Microsoft founder Bill Gates experienced during the 2008 financial crisis.

    These share price shifts may reduce billionaires’ net worth on paper, but they rarely affect their lifestyle. Where they do matter however is in philanthropy. Here, timing is everything. The higher the share price at the point of donation, the greater the tax benefit, and the more reputational capital to be locked in.

    This raises deeper questions about how philanthropic incentives are structured, and who ultimately benefits.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Although philanthropy is often associated with generosity, legacy or moral responsibility, these are only part of the picture. This is particularly true when it comes to major giving by the ultra-wealthy.

    Instead, from a wealth advisory perspective, one of the most strategically valuable (yet less publicly discussed) motivations is tax management. And, while many assume that philanthropy means donating money, tax systems often encourage the donation of appreciated assets, particularly shares, instead.

    As a worked example by the Bank of America illustrates, a US$50,000 donation in appreciated stock might easily present a tax benefit of almost US$10,000 over and above the tax benefits of donating the same amount in cash.

    Why is that? First of all, there is the potential of a tax deduction equal to the fair market value at the point of donation. The value of the asset at the point of donation is important for your tax deduction, not what you actually paid for it or whether its value is going to plunge in future.

    On top of that, there are opportunities to reduce other taxes too. This includes capital gains or inheritance taxes, the latter illustrated in the establishment of one of the world’s largest foundations, the Ford Foundation and its use as a vehicle to manage both inheritance tax and maintain corporate control.

    But the benefits of donating shares and other appreciated assets are not just financial. For high-profile donors, philanthropy also serves as a powerful tool for shaping public perceptions, projecting images of civic virtue, moral leadership, and social responsibility. It allows them to convert one form of capital, such as financial wealth, into others – social status, cultural influence or symbolic legitimacy.

    Converting capital into cultural influence: Carnegie Hall in New York was funded by industrialist Andrew Carnegie.
    Victoria Lipov/Shutterstock

    Volatile, appreciated and often bound-up assets can be unlocked and transformed into something far more enduring – a philanthropic legacy. Even if share prices plunge after the donation, the donor has already secured both a substantial tax benefit and a lasting philanthropic image.

    Tax management is a longstanding concern in philanthropy, particularly in relation to philanthropic foundations. But it really is donor advised funds (DAFs) that now warrant closer scrutiny as the real “warehouses of wealth”. Constituting one of the fastest-growing vehicles for philanthropy, DAFs act as “giving accounts”. They allow donors to claim charitable contributions and receive immediate tax deductions but without actually making an immediate charitable contribution to society.

    While donors technically give up ownership of these assets, they retain advisory privileges over whether and when resources are granted, to whom, and in what amounts. DAFs have no legal requirement to disburse funds within a specific timeframe. That means that any charitable spending can be delayed, potentially indefinitely, despite the upfront public subsidy via tax relief.

    Time for reform?

    All of these issues raise serious questions as to whether philanthropic architecture is ripe for reform. When donors can receive substantial tax and social benefits by donating volatile assets, regardless of whether or when they benefit the public, it seems that both society and the philanthropy field are shortchanged.

    First, significant resources are diverted from the public purse into privately controlled channels, often with limited oversight. Second, charitable giving is decoupled from charitable action or impact. Third, influence is consolidated – decisions about how public-subsidised funds are used are made not through democratic processes, but through private choice.

    The most corrosive effect, however, may be on philanthropy itself. As financial incentives and personal benefits are recast and presented as altruistic, the perception, purposes and potential of philanthropy for the public good risk being eroded and replaced by cynicism.

    This brings us back to Musk’s US$34 billion “loss”. While headlines framed it as a dramatic reversal of fortune, the real story lies not in the number but in the system behind it. For those whose wealth is held in stock, market volatility presents a tool for tax planning, image-making, strategic giving and long-term influence. What looks like loss may in fact be leverage.

    Tobias Jung does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why Elon Musk’s US$34 billion loss wasn’t really that – and what it tells us about the philanthropy of the ultra-wealthy – https://theconversation.com/why-elon-musks-us-34-billion-loss-wasnt-really-that-and-what-it-tells-us-about-the-philanthropy-of-the-ultra-wealthy-259176

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: At Antarctica’s midwinter, a look back at the frozen continent’s long history of dark behavior

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniella McCahey, Assistant Professor of History, Texas Tech University

    Is this visitor to Antarctica going crazy or having a good time? Tim Bieber/Photodisc via Getty Images

    As Midwinter Day approaches in Antarctica – the longest and darkest day of the year – those spending the winter on the frozen continent will follow a tradition dating back more than a century to the earliest days of Antarctic exploration: They will celebrate having made it through the growing darkness and into a time when they know the Sun is on its way back.

    The experience of spending a winter in Antarctica can be harrowing, even when living with modern conveniences such as hot running water and heated buildings. At the beginning of the current winter season, in March 2025, global news outlets reported that workers at the South African research station, SANAE IV, were “rocked” when one worker allegedly threatened and assaulted other members of the station’s nine-person winter crew. Psychologists intervened – remotely – and order was apparently restored.

    The desolate and isolated environment of Antarctica can be hard on its inhabitants. As a historian of Antarctica, the events at SANAE IV represent a continuation of perceptions – and realities – that Antarctic environments can trigger deeply disturbing behavior and even drive people to madness.

    Long hours of constant near-darkness take their toll in the Antarctic winter.
    Andrew Smith, via Antarctic Sun, CC BY-ND

    Early views

    The very earliest examples of Antarctic literature depict the continent affecting both mind and body. In 1797, for instance, more than two decades before the continent was first sighted by Europeans, the English poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge wrote “The Rime of the Ancient Mariner.” It tells a tale of a ship blown by storms into an endless maze of Antarctic ice, which they escape by following an albatross. For unexplained reasons, one man killed the albatross and faced a lifetime’s torment for doing so.

    In 1838, Edgar Allan Poe published the story of “Arthur Gordon Pym of Nantucket,” who journeyed into the Southern Ocean. Even before arriving in Antarctica, the tale involves mutiny, cannibalism and a ship crewed by dead men. As the story ends, Pym and two others drift southward, encountering an enormous, apparently endless cataract of mist that parts before their boat, revealing a large ghostly figure.

    H.P. Lovecraft’s 1936 story “At the Mountains of Madness” was almost certainly based on real stories of polar exploration. In it, the men of a fictitious Antarctic expedition encounter circumstances that “made us wish only to escape from this austral world of desolation and brooding madness as swiftly as we could.” One man even experiences an unnamed “final horror” that causes a severe mental breakdown.

    The 1982 John Carpenter film “The Thing” also involves these themes, when men trapped at an Antarctic research station are being hunted by an alien that perfectly impersonates the base members it has killed. Paranoia and anxiety abound, with team members frantically radioing for help, and men imprisoned, left outside or even killed for the sake of the others.

    Whether to gird themselves for what may come or just as a fun tradition, the winter-over crew at the United States’ South Pole Station watches this film every year after the last flight leaves before winter sets in.

    A trailer for the 1982 film ‘The Thing,’ set at an Antarctic research station.

    Real tales

    These stories of Antarctic “madness” have some basis in history. A long-told anecdote in modern Antarctic circles is of a man who stabbed, perhaps fatally, a colleague over a game of chess at Russia’s Vostok station in 1959.

    More certain were reports in 2018, when Sergey Savitsky stabbed Oleg Beloguzov at the Russian Bellingshausen research station over multiple grievances, including the one most seized upon by the media: Beloguzov’s tendency to reveal the endings of books that Savitsky was reading. A criminal charge against him was dropped.

    In 2017, staff at South Africa’s sub-Antarctic Marion Island station reported that a team member smashed up a colleague’s room with an ax over a romantic relationship.

    Mental health

    Concerns over mental health in Antarctica go much further back. In the so-called “Heroic Age” of Antarctic exploration, from about 1897 to about 1922, expedition leaders prioritized the mental health of the men on their expeditions. They knew their crews would be trapped inside with the same small group for months on end, in darkness and extreme cold.

    American physician Frederick Cook, who accompanied the 1898-1899 Belgica expedition, the first group known to spend the winter within the Antarctic Circle, wrote in helpless terms of being “doomed” to the “mercy” of natural forces, and of his worries about the “unknowable cold and its soul-depressing effects” in the winter darkness. In his 2021 book about that expedition, writer Julian Sancton called the ship the “Madhouse at the End of the Earth.”

    Cook’s fears became real. Most men complained of “general enfeeblement of strength, of insufficient heart action, of a mental lethargy, and of a universal feeling of discomfort.”

    “When at all seriously afflicted,” Cook wrote, “the men felt that they would surely die” and exhibited a “spirit of abject hopelessness.”

    And in the words of Australian physicist Louis Bernacchi, a member of the 1898-1900 Southern Cross expedition, “There is something particularly mystical and uncanny in the effect of the grey atmosphere of an Antarctic night, through whose uncertain medium the cold white landscape looms as impalpable as the frontiers of a demon world.”

    Footage from 1913 shows the force of the wind at Cape Denison, which has been called ‘the home of the blizzard.’

    A traumatic trip

    A few years later, the Australasian Antarctic Expedition, which ran from 1911 to 1914, experienced several major tragedies, including two deaths during an exploring trip that left expedition leader Douglas Mawson starving and alone amid deeply crevassed terrain. The 100-mile walk to relative safety took him a month.

    A lesser-known set of events on that same expedition involved wireless-telegraph operator Sidney Jeffryes, who arrived in Antarctica in 1913 on a resupply ship. Cape Denison, the expedition’s base, had some of the most severe environmental conditions anyone had encountered on the continent, including winds estimated at over 160 miles an hour.

    Jeffryes, the only man in the crew who could operate the radio telegraph, began exhibiting signs of paranoia. He transmitted messages back to Australia saying that he was the only sane man in the group and claiming the others were plotting to kill him.

    In Mawson’s account of the expedition, he blamed the conditions, writing:

    “(T)here is no doubt that the continual and acute strain of sending and receiving messages under unprecedented conditions was such that he eventually had a ‘nervous breakdown.’”

    Mawson hoped that the coming of spring and the possibility of outdoor exercise would help, but it did not. Shortly after his return to Australia in February 1914, Jeffryes was found wandering in the Australian bush and institutionalized. For many years, his role in Antarctic exploration was ignored, seeming a blot or embarrassment on the masculine ideal of Antarctic explorers.

    After five months of isolation in trying conditions on a remote Antarctic island, 22 men rejoice at their rescue in August 1916.
    Frank Hurley, Underwood & Underwood, via Library of Congress

    Wider problems

    Unfortunately, the general widespread focus on Antarctica as a place that causes disturbing behavior makes it easy to gloss over larger and more systemic problems.

    In 2022, the United States Antarctic Program as well as the Australian Antarctic Division released reports that sexual assault and harassment are common at Antarctic bases and in more remote field camps. Scholars have generally not linked those events to the specifics of the cold, darkness and isolation, but rather to a continental culture of heroic masculinity.

    As humans look to live in other extreme environments, such as space, Antarctica represents not only a cooperative international scientific community but also a place where, cut off from society as a whole, human behavior changes. The celebrations of Midwinter Day honor survival in a place of wonder that is also a place of horror, where the greatest threat is not what is outside, but what is inside your mind.

    Daniella McCahey does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. At Antarctica’s midwinter, a look back at the frozen continent’s long history of dark behavior – https://theconversation.com/at-antarcticas-midwinter-a-look-back-at-the-frozen-continents-long-history-of-dark-behavior-253906

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: At Antarctica’s midwinter, a look back at the frozen continent’s long history of dark behavior

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniella McCahey, Assistant Professor of History, Texas Tech University

    Is this visitor to Antarctica going crazy or having a good time? Tim Bieber/Photodisc via Getty Images

    As Midwinter Day approaches in Antarctica – the longest and darkest day of the year – those spending the winter on the frozen continent will follow a tradition dating back more than a century to the earliest days of Antarctic exploration: They will celebrate having made it through the growing darkness and into a time when they know the Sun is on its way back.

    The experience of spending a winter in Antarctica can be harrowing, even when living with modern conveniences such as hot running water and heated buildings. At the beginning of the current winter season, in March 2025, global news outlets reported that workers at the South African research station, SANAE IV, were “rocked” when one worker allegedly threatened and assaulted other members of the station’s nine-person winter crew. Psychologists intervened – remotely – and order was apparently restored.

    The desolate and isolated environment of Antarctica can be hard on its inhabitants. As a historian of Antarctica, the events at SANAE IV represent a continuation of perceptions – and realities – that Antarctic environments can trigger deeply disturbing behavior and even drive people to madness.

    Long hours of constant near-darkness take their toll in the Antarctic winter.
    Andrew Smith, via Antarctic Sun, CC BY-ND

    Early views

    The very earliest examples of Antarctic literature depict the continent affecting both mind and body. In 1797, for instance, more than two decades before the continent was first sighted by Europeans, the English poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge wrote “The Rime of the Ancient Mariner.” It tells a tale of a ship blown by storms into an endless maze of Antarctic ice, which they escape by following an albatross. For unexplained reasons, one man killed the albatross and faced a lifetime’s torment for doing so.

    In 1838, Edgar Allan Poe published the story of “Arthur Gordon Pym of Nantucket,” who journeyed into the Southern Ocean. Even before arriving in Antarctica, the tale involves mutiny, cannibalism and a ship crewed by dead men. As the story ends, Pym and two others drift southward, encountering an enormous, apparently endless cataract of mist that parts before their boat, revealing a large ghostly figure.

    H.P. Lovecraft’s 1936 story “At the Mountains of Madness” was almost certainly based on real stories of polar exploration. In it, the men of a fictitious Antarctic expedition encounter circumstances that “made us wish only to escape from this austral world of desolation and brooding madness as swiftly as we could.” One man even experiences an unnamed “final horror” that causes a severe mental breakdown.

    The 1982 John Carpenter film “The Thing” also involves these themes, when men trapped at an Antarctic research station are being hunted by an alien that perfectly impersonates the base members it has killed. Paranoia and anxiety abound, with team members frantically radioing for help, and men imprisoned, left outside or even killed for the sake of the others.

    Whether to gird themselves for what may come or just as a fun tradition, the winter-over crew at the United States’ South Pole Station watches this film every year after the last flight leaves before winter sets in.

    A trailer for the 1982 film ‘The Thing,’ set at an Antarctic research station.

    Real tales

    These stories of Antarctic “madness” have some basis in history. A long-told anecdote in modern Antarctic circles is of a man who stabbed, perhaps fatally, a colleague over a game of chess at Russia’s Vostok station in 1959.

    More certain were reports in 2018, when Sergey Savitsky stabbed Oleg Beloguzov at the Russian Bellingshausen research station over multiple grievances, including the one most seized upon by the media: Beloguzov’s tendency to reveal the endings of books that Savitsky was reading. A criminal charge against him was dropped.

    In 2017, staff at South Africa’s sub-Antarctic Marion Island station reported that a team member smashed up a colleague’s room with an ax over a romantic relationship.

    Mental health

    Concerns over mental health in Antarctica go much further back. In the so-called “Heroic Age” of Antarctic exploration, from about 1897 to about 1922, expedition leaders prioritized the mental health of the men on their expeditions. They knew their crews would be trapped inside with the same small group for months on end, in darkness and extreme cold.

    American physician Frederick Cook, who accompanied the 1898-1899 Belgica expedition, the first group known to spend the winter within the Antarctic Circle, wrote in helpless terms of being “doomed” to the “mercy” of natural forces, and of his worries about the “unknowable cold and its soul-depressing effects” in the winter darkness. In his 2021 book about that expedition, writer Julian Sancton called the ship the “Madhouse at the End of the Earth.”

    Cook’s fears became real. Most men complained of “general enfeeblement of strength, of insufficient heart action, of a mental lethargy, and of a universal feeling of discomfort.”

    “When at all seriously afflicted,” Cook wrote, “the men felt that they would surely die” and exhibited a “spirit of abject hopelessness.”

    And in the words of Australian physicist Louis Bernacchi, a member of the 1898-1900 Southern Cross expedition, “There is something particularly mystical and uncanny in the effect of the grey atmosphere of an Antarctic night, through whose uncertain medium the cold white landscape looms as impalpable as the frontiers of a demon world.”

    Footage from 1913 shows the force of the wind at Cape Denison, which has been called ‘the home of the blizzard.’

    A traumatic trip

    A few years later, the Australasian Antarctic Expedition, which ran from 1911 to 1914, experienced several major tragedies, including two deaths during an exploring trip that left expedition leader Douglas Mawson starving and alone amid deeply crevassed terrain. The 100-mile walk to relative safety took him a month.

    A lesser-known set of events on that same expedition involved wireless-telegraph operator Sidney Jeffryes, who arrived in Antarctica in 1913 on a resupply ship. Cape Denison, the expedition’s base, had some of the most severe environmental conditions anyone had encountered on the continent, including winds estimated at over 160 miles an hour.

    Jeffryes, the only man in the crew who could operate the radio telegraph, began exhibiting signs of paranoia. He transmitted messages back to Australia saying that he was the only sane man in the group and claiming the others were plotting to kill him.

    In Mawson’s account of the expedition, he blamed the conditions, writing:

    “(T)here is no doubt that the continual and acute strain of sending and receiving messages under unprecedented conditions was such that he eventually had a ‘nervous breakdown.’”

    Mawson hoped that the coming of spring and the possibility of outdoor exercise would help, but it did not. Shortly after his return to Australia in February 1914, Jeffryes was found wandering in the Australian bush and institutionalized. For many years, his role in Antarctic exploration was ignored, seeming a blot or embarrassment on the masculine ideal of Antarctic explorers.

    After five months of isolation in trying conditions on a remote Antarctic island, 22 men rejoice at their rescue in August 1916.
    Frank Hurley, Underwood & Underwood, via Library of Congress

    Wider problems

    Unfortunately, the general widespread focus on Antarctica as a place that causes disturbing behavior makes it easy to gloss over larger and more systemic problems.

    In 2022, the United States Antarctic Program as well as the Australian Antarctic Division released reports that sexual assault and harassment are common at Antarctic bases and in more remote field camps. Scholars have generally not linked those events to the specifics of the cold, darkness and isolation, but rather to a continental culture of heroic masculinity.

    As humans look to live in other extreme environments, such as space, Antarctica represents not only a cooperative international scientific community but also a place where, cut off from society as a whole, human behavior changes. The celebrations of Midwinter Day honor survival in a place of wonder that is also a place of horror, where the greatest threat is not what is outside, but what is inside your mind.

    Daniella McCahey does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. At Antarctica’s midwinter, a look back at the frozen continent’s long history of dark behavior – https://theconversation.com/at-antarcticas-midwinter-a-look-back-at-the-frozen-continents-long-history-of-dark-behavior-253906

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What is CREC? The Christian nationalist group has a vision for America − and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s support

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Samuel Perry, Associate Professor, Baylor University

    U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, right, at a prayer during a Cabinet meeting at the White House on Feb. 26, 2025, in Washington, D.C. Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

    Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s affiliation with the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches – commonly called the CREC – drew attention even before his confirmation hearings in January 2025. More recently, media reports highlighted a Pentagon prayer led by Hegseth and his pastor, Brooks Potteiger, in which they praised President Donald Trump, who they said was divinely appointed.

    As a scholar of the Christian right, I have studied the CREC. Hegseth’s membership in a church that belongs to the CREC drew attention because prominent members of the church identify as Christian nationalists, and because of its positions on issues concerning gender, sexuality and the separation of church and state.

    The CREC is most easily understood through three main parts: churches, schools and media.

    What is the CREC?

    The CREC church is a network of churches. It is associated with the congregation of Doug Wilson, the pastor who founded Christ Church in Moscow, Idaho. Wilson grew up in the town, where his father was an evangelical minister.

    Wilson co-founded the CREC in 1993 and is the public figure most associated with the network of churches. Christ Church operates as the hub for Logos Schools, Canon Press and New Saint Andrews College, all located in Moscow. Logos is a set of private schools and homeschooling curriculum, Canon Press is a publishing house and media company, and New Saint Andrews College is a university, all of which were founded by Wilson and associated with Christ Church. All espouse the view that Christians are at odds with – or at war with – secular society.

    While he is not Hegseth’s pastor, Wilson is the most influential voice in the CREC, and the two men have spoken approvingly of one another.

    Pastor Douglas Wilson leads others at a protest in Moscow, Idaho.
    Geoff Crimmins/The Moscow-Pullman Daily News, CC BY-SA

    As Wilson steadily grew Christ Church in Moscow, he and its members sought to spread their message by making Moscow a conservative town and establishing churches beyond it. Of his hometown, Wilson plainly states, “Our desire is to make Moscow a Christian town.”

    The CREC doctrine is opposed to religious pluralism or political points of view that diverge from CREC theology. On its website, the CREC says that it is “committed to maintaining its Reformed faith, avoiding the pitfalls of cultural relevance and political compromise that destroys our doctrinal integrity.”

    CREC churches adhere to a highly patriarchal and conservative interpretation of Scripture. Wilson has said that in a sexual relationship, “A woman receives, surrenders, accepts.”

    In a broader political sense, CREC theology includes the belief that the establishment clause of the Constitution does not require a separation of church and state. The most common reading of the establishment clause is that freedom of religion precludes the installation of a state religion or religious tests to hold state office.

    The CREC broadly asserts that the government and anyone serving in it should be Christian. For Wilson and members of CREC churches, this means Christians and only Christians are qualified to hold political office in the United States.

    Researcher Matthew Taylor explained in an interview with the Nashville Tennessean, “They believe the church is supposed to be militant in the world, is supposed to be reforming the world, and in some ways conquering the world.”

    While the CREC may not have the name recognition of some large evangelical denominations or the visibility of some megachurches, it boasts churches across the United States and internationally. The CREC website claims to have over 130 churches and parishes spread across North America, Europe, Asia and South America.

    Like some other evangelical denominations, the CREC uses “church planting” to grow its network. Plant churches do not require a centralized governing body to ordain their founding. Instead, those interested in starting a CREC congregation contact the CREC. The CREC then provides materials and literature for people to use in their church.

    CREC schools, home schools and colleges

    The CREC’s expansion also owes a debt to Wilson’s entrepreneurship. As the church expanded, Wilson founded an associated K-12 school called “Logos” in September 1981, which since then has grown into a network of many schools.

    In conjunction with its growth, Logos develops and sells “classical Christian” curriculum to private schools and home-school families through Logos Press. Classical Christian Schools aim to develop what they consider a biblical worldview. In addition to religious studies, they focus on classic texts from Greece and Rome. They have grown in popularity in recent years, especially among conservatives.

    Logos’ classical Christian curriculum is designed to help parents “raise faithful, dangerous Christian kids who impact the world for Christ and leave craters in the world of secularism.” Logos press regularly asserts, “education is warfare.”

    According to the website, Logos schools enroll more than 2,000 students across 16 countries. Logos also has its own press that supplies the curriculum to all of these schools. On the heels of Logos’ success, Wilson founded the Association of Classical Christian Schools in 1993 as an accrediting body for like-minded schools. The ACCS now boast 500 schools and more than 50,000 students across the United States and around the world.

    Additionally, Wilson founded New Saint Andrews College in Moscow, Idaho. New Saint Andrews is a Christian university that takes the classical Christian approach to education championed by Wilson into higher education.

    The New Saint Andrews College is consistent with other CREC institutions. It considers secularism a weakness of other universities and society more generally. Its website explains: “New Saint Andrews has long held a principled and clear voice, championing the truth of God’s word and ways, while so many other colleges veer into softness and secularism.” The school is governed by the elders of Christ Church and does not accept federal funding.

    CREC media

    In addition to the Logos Press, which produces the CREC school curriculum, Wilson founded Canon Press. Canon Press produces books, podcasts, a YouTube channel and assorted merchandise including apparel and weapons, such as a flamethrower. The YouTube channel has over 100,000 followers.

    Books published by Canon include children’s picture books to manuals on masculinity. A number of books continue the theme of warfare.

    The politics page of the press contains many books on Christian nationalism. Christian political theorist Stephen Wolfe’s book “The Case for Christian Nationalism” is one of the most popular among books on Christian nationalism. The website has dozens of books on Christian nationalism and media dedicated to the construction of a Christian government.

    Author Joe Rigney, a fellow of theology at New Saint Andrews College and an associate pastor at Christ Church, warns of the “Sin of Empathy.” Rigney claims that empathizing with others is sinful because it requires compromise and makes one vulnerable in the fight against evil.

    CREC controversies

    Pete Hegseth at his confirmation hearing in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 14, 2025.
    AP Photo/Alex Brandon

    As the church network has grown, it has drawn attention and scrutiny. Wilson’s 1996 publication of a book positively depicting slavery and claiming slavery cultivated “affection among the races” drew national attention.

    Accusations of sexual abuse and the church’s handling of it have also brought national news coverage. Vice’s Sarah Stankorb interviewed many women who talked about a culture, especially in marriage, where sexual abuse and assault is common. The Vice reporting led to a podcast that details the accounts of survivors. In interviews, Wilson has denied any wrongdoing and said that claims of sexual abuse will be directed to the proper authorities.

    Hegseth’s actions as secretary of defense concerning gender identity and banning trans people from serving in the military, in addition to stripping gay activist and politician Harvey Milk’s name from a Navy ship, have brought more attention to the CREC. I believe that given Hegseth’s role as secretary of defense, his affiliation with the CREC will likely remain a topic of conversation throughout the Trump presidency.

    Samuel Perry does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What is CREC? The Christian nationalist group has a vision for America − and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s support – https://theconversation.com/what-is-crec-the-christian-nationalist-group-has-a-vision-for-america-and-defense-secretary-pete-hegseths-support-258273

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What is CREC? The Christian nationalist group has a vision for America − and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s support

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Samuel Perry, Associate Professor, Baylor University

    U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, right, at a prayer during a Cabinet meeting at the White House on Feb. 26, 2025, in Washington, D.C. Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

    Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s affiliation with the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches – commonly called the CREC – drew attention even before his confirmation hearings in January 2025. More recently, media reports highlighted a Pentagon prayer led by Hegseth and his pastor, Brooks Potteiger, in which they praised President Donald Trump, who they said was divinely appointed.

    As a scholar of the Christian right, I have studied the CREC. Hegseth’s membership in a church that belongs to the CREC drew attention because prominent members of the church identify as Christian nationalists, and because of its positions on issues concerning gender, sexuality and the separation of church and state.

    The CREC is most easily understood through three main parts: churches, schools and media.

    What is the CREC?

    The CREC church is a network of churches. It is associated with the congregation of Doug Wilson, the pastor who founded Christ Church in Moscow, Idaho. Wilson grew up in the town, where his father was an evangelical minister.

    Wilson co-founded the CREC in 1993 and is the public figure most associated with the network of churches. Christ Church operates as the hub for Logos Schools, Canon Press and New Saint Andrews College, all located in Moscow. Logos is a set of private schools and homeschooling curriculum, Canon Press is a publishing house and media company, and New Saint Andrews College is a university, all of which were founded by Wilson and associated with Christ Church. All espouse the view that Christians are at odds with – or at war with – secular society.

    While he is not Hegseth’s pastor, Wilson is the most influential voice in the CREC, and the two men have spoken approvingly of one another.

    Pastor Douglas Wilson leads others at a protest in Moscow, Idaho.
    Geoff Crimmins/The Moscow-Pullman Daily News, CC BY-SA

    As Wilson steadily grew Christ Church in Moscow, he and its members sought to spread their message by making Moscow a conservative town and establishing churches beyond it. Of his hometown, Wilson plainly states, “Our desire is to make Moscow a Christian town.”

    The CREC doctrine is opposed to religious pluralism or political points of view that diverge from CREC theology. On its website, the CREC says that it is “committed to maintaining its Reformed faith, avoiding the pitfalls of cultural relevance and political compromise that destroys our doctrinal integrity.”

    CREC churches adhere to a highly patriarchal and conservative interpretation of Scripture. Wilson has said that in a sexual relationship, “A woman receives, surrenders, accepts.”

    In a broader political sense, CREC theology includes the belief that the establishment clause of the Constitution does not require a separation of church and state. The most common reading of the establishment clause is that freedom of religion precludes the installation of a state religion or religious tests to hold state office.

    The CREC broadly asserts that the government and anyone serving in it should be Christian. For Wilson and members of CREC churches, this means Christians and only Christians are qualified to hold political office in the United States.

    Researcher Matthew Taylor explained in an interview with the Nashville Tennessean, “They believe the church is supposed to be militant in the world, is supposed to be reforming the world, and in some ways conquering the world.”

    While the CREC may not have the name recognition of some large evangelical denominations or the visibility of some megachurches, it boasts churches across the United States and internationally. The CREC website claims to have over 130 churches and parishes spread across North America, Europe, Asia and South America.

    Like some other evangelical denominations, the CREC uses “church planting” to grow its network. Plant churches do not require a centralized governing body to ordain their founding. Instead, those interested in starting a CREC congregation contact the CREC. The CREC then provides materials and literature for people to use in their church.

    CREC schools, home schools and colleges

    The CREC’s expansion also owes a debt to Wilson’s entrepreneurship. As the church expanded, Wilson founded an associated K-12 school called “Logos” in September 1981, which since then has grown into a network of many schools.

    In conjunction with its growth, Logos develops and sells “classical Christian” curriculum to private schools and home-school families through Logos Press. Classical Christian Schools aim to develop what they consider a biblical worldview. In addition to religious studies, they focus on classic texts from Greece and Rome. They have grown in popularity in recent years, especially among conservatives.

    Logos’ classical Christian curriculum is designed to help parents “raise faithful, dangerous Christian kids who impact the world for Christ and leave craters in the world of secularism.” Logos press regularly asserts, “education is warfare.”

    According to the website, Logos schools enroll more than 2,000 students across 16 countries. Logos also has its own press that supplies the curriculum to all of these schools. On the heels of Logos’ success, Wilson founded the Association of Classical Christian Schools in 1993 as an accrediting body for like-minded schools. The ACCS now boast 500 schools and more than 50,000 students across the United States and around the world.

    Additionally, Wilson founded New Saint Andrews College in Moscow, Idaho. New Saint Andrews is a Christian university that takes the classical Christian approach to education championed by Wilson into higher education.

    The New Saint Andrews College is consistent with other CREC institutions. It considers secularism a weakness of other universities and society more generally. Its website explains: “New Saint Andrews has long held a principled and clear voice, championing the truth of God’s word and ways, while so many other colleges veer into softness and secularism.” The school is governed by the elders of Christ Church and does not accept federal funding.

    CREC media

    In addition to the Logos Press, which produces the CREC school curriculum, Wilson founded Canon Press. Canon Press produces books, podcasts, a YouTube channel and assorted merchandise including apparel and weapons, such as a flamethrower. The YouTube channel has over 100,000 followers.

    Books published by Canon include children’s picture books to manuals on masculinity. A number of books continue the theme of warfare.

    The politics page of the press contains many books on Christian nationalism. Christian political theorist Stephen Wolfe’s book “The Case for Christian Nationalism” is one of the most popular among books on Christian nationalism. The website has dozens of books on Christian nationalism and media dedicated to the construction of a Christian government.

    Author Joe Rigney, a fellow of theology at New Saint Andrews College and an associate pastor at Christ Church, warns of the “Sin of Empathy.” Rigney claims that empathizing with others is sinful because it requires compromise and makes one vulnerable in the fight against evil.

    CREC controversies

    Pete Hegseth at his confirmation hearing in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 14, 2025.
    AP Photo/Alex Brandon

    As the church network has grown, it has drawn attention and scrutiny. Wilson’s 1996 publication of a book positively depicting slavery and claiming slavery cultivated “affection among the races” drew national attention.

    Accusations of sexual abuse and the church’s handling of it have also brought national news coverage. Vice’s Sarah Stankorb interviewed many women who talked about a culture, especially in marriage, where sexual abuse and assault is common. The Vice reporting led to a podcast that details the accounts of survivors. In interviews, Wilson has denied any wrongdoing and said that claims of sexual abuse will be directed to the proper authorities.

    Hegseth’s actions as secretary of defense concerning gender identity and banning trans people from serving in the military, in addition to stripping gay activist and politician Harvey Milk’s name from a Navy ship, have brought more attention to the CREC. I believe that given Hegseth’s role as secretary of defense, his affiliation with the CREC will likely remain a topic of conversation throughout the Trump presidency.

    Samuel Perry does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What is CREC? The Christian nationalist group has a vision for America − and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s support – https://theconversation.com/what-is-crec-the-christian-nationalist-group-has-a-vision-for-america-and-defense-secretary-pete-hegseths-support-258273

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How artificial intelligence controls your health insurance coverage

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jennifer D. Oliva, Professor of Law, Indiana University

    Evidence suggests that insurance companies use AI to delay or limit health care that patients need. FatCameraE+ via Getty Images

    Over the past decade, health insurance companies have increasingly embraced the use of artificial intelligence algorithms. Unlike doctors and hospitals, which use AI to help diagnose and treat patients, health insurers use these algorithms to decide whether to pay for health care treatments and services that are recommended by a given patient’s physicians.

    One of the most common examples is prior authorization, which is when your doctor needs to
    receive payment approval from your insurance company before providing you care. Many insurers use an algorithm to decide whether the requested care is “medically necessary” and should be covered.

    These AI systems also help insurers decide how much care a patient is entitled to — for example, how many days of hospital care a patient can receive after surgery.

    If an insurer declines to pay for a treatment your doctor recommends, you usually have three options. You can try to appeal the decision, but that process can take a lot of time, money and expert help. Only 1 in 500 claim denials are appealed. You can agree to a different treatment that your insurer will cover. Or you can pay for the recommended treatment yourself, which is often not realistic because of high health care costs.

    As a legal scholar who studies health law and policy, I’m concerned about how insurance algorithms affect people’s health. Like with AI algorithms used by doctors and hospitals, these tools can potentially improve care and reduce costs. Insurers say that AI helps them make quick, safe decisions about what care is necessary and avoids wasteful or harmful treatments.

    But there’s strong evidence that the opposite can be true. These systems are sometimes used to delay or deny care that should be covered, all in the name of saving money.

    A pattern of withholding care

    Presumably, companies feed a patient’s health care records and other relevant information into health care coverage algorithms and compare that information with current medical standards of care to decide whether to cover the patient’s claim. However, insurers have refused to disclose how these algorithms work in making such decisions, so it is impossible to say exactly how they operate in practice.

    Using AI to review coverage saves insurers time and resources, especially because it means fewer medical professionals are needed to review each case. But the financial benefit to insurers doesn’t stop there. If an AI system quickly denies a valid claim, and the patient appeals, that appeal process can take years. If the patient is seriously ill and expected to die soon, the insurance company might save money simply by dragging out the process in the hope that the patient dies before the case is resolved.

    Insurers say that if they decline to cover a medical intervention, patients can pay for it out of pocket.

    This creates the disturbing possibility that insurers might use algorithms to withhold care for expensive, long-term or terminal health problems , such as chronic or other debilitating disabilities. One reporter put it bluntly: “Many older adults who spent their lives paying into Medicare now face amputation or cancer and are forced to either pay for care themselves or go without.”

    Research supports this concern – patients with chronic illnesses are more likely to be denied coverage and suffer as a result. In addition, Black and Hispanic people and those of other nonwhite ethnicities, as well as people who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender, are more likely to experience claims denials. Some evidence also suggests that prior authorization may increase rather than decrease health care system costs.

    Insurers argue that patients can always pay for any treatment themselves, so they’re not really being denied care. But this argument ignores reality. These decisions have serious health consequences, especially when people can’t afford the care they need.

    Moving toward regulation

    Unlike medical algorithms, insurance AI tools are largely unregulated. They don’t have to go through Food and Drug Administration review, and insurance companies often say their algorithms are trade secrets.

    That means there’s no public information about how these tools make decisions, and there’s no outside testing to see whether they’re safe, fair or effective. No peer-reviewed studies exist to show how well they actually work in the real world.

    There does seem to be some momentum for change. The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, or CMS, which is the federal agency in charge of Medicare and Medicaid, recently announced that insurers in Medicare Advantage plans must base decisions on the needs of individual patients – not just on generic criteria. But these rules still let insurers create their own decision-making standards, and they still don’t require any outside testing to prove their systems work before using them. Plus, federal rules can only regulate federal public health programs like Medicare. They do not apply to private insurers who do not provide federal health program coverage.

    Some states, including Colorado, Georgia, Florida, Maine and Texas, have proposed laws to rein in insurance AI. A few have passed new laws, including a 2024 California statute that requires a licensed physician to supervise the use of insurance coverage algorithms.

    But most state laws suffer from the same weaknesses as the new CMS rule. They leave too much control in the hands of insurers to decide how to define “medical necessity” and in what contexts to use algorithms for coverage decisions. They also don’t require those algorithms to be reviewed by neutral experts before use. And even strong state laws wouldn’t be enough, because states generally can’t regulate Medicare or insurers that operate outside their borders.

    A role for the FDA

    In the view of many health law experts, the gap between insurers’ actions and patient needs has become so wide that regulating health care coverage algorithms is now imperative. As I argue in an essay to be published in the Indiana Law Journal, the FDA is well positioned to do so.

    The FDA is staffed with medical experts who have the capability to evaluate insurance algorithms before they are used to make coverage decisions. The agency already reviews many medical AI tools for safety and effectiveness. FDA oversight would also provide a uniform, national regulatory scheme instead of a patchwork of rules across the country.

    Some people argue that the FDA’s power here is limited. For the purposes of FDA regulation, a medical device is defined as an instrument “intended for use in the diagnosis of disease or other conditions, or in the cure, mitigation, treatment, or prevention of disease.” Because health insurance algorithms are not used to diagnose, treat or prevent disease, Congress may need to amend the definition of a medical device before the FDA can regulate those algorithms.

    If the FDA’s current authority isn’t enough to cover insurance algorithms, Congress could change the law to give it that power. Meanwhile, CMS and state governments could require independent testing of these algorithms for safety, accuracy and fairness. That might also push insurers to support a single national standard – like FDA regulation – instead of facing a patchwork of rules across the country.

    The move toward regulating how health insurers use AI in determining coverage has clearly begun, but it is still awaiting a robust push. Patients’ lives are literally on the line.

    Jennifer D. Oliva currently receives funding from NIDA to research the impact of pharmaceutical industry messaging on the opioid crisis among U.S. Military Veterans. She is affiliated with the UCSF/University of California College of the Law, San Francisco Consortium on Law, Science & Health Policy and Georgetown University Law Center O’Neill Institute for National & Global Health Law.

    – ref. How artificial intelligence controls your health insurance coverage – https://theconversation.com/how-artificial-intelligence-controls-your-health-insurance-coverage-253602

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How artificial intelligence controls your health insurance coverage

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jennifer D. Oliva, Professor of Law, Indiana University

    Evidence suggests that insurance companies use AI to delay or limit health care that patients need. FatCameraE+ via Getty Images

    Over the past decade, health insurance companies have increasingly embraced the use of artificial intelligence algorithms. Unlike doctors and hospitals, which use AI to help diagnose and treat patients, health insurers use these algorithms to decide whether to pay for health care treatments and services that are recommended by a given patient’s physicians.

    One of the most common examples is prior authorization, which is when your doctor needs to
    receive payment approval from your insurance company before providing you care. Many insurers use an algorithm to decide whether the requested care is “medically necessary” and should be covered.

    These AI systems also help insurers decide how much care a patient is entitled to — for example, how many days of hospital care a patient can receive after surgery.

    If an insurer declines to pay for a treatment your doctor recommends, you usually have three options. You can try to appeal the decision, but that process can take a lot of time, money and expert help. Only 1 in 500 claim denials are appealed. You can agree to a different treatment that your insurer will cover. Or you can pay for the recommended treatment yourself, which is often not realistic because of high health care costs.

    As a legal scholar who studies health law and policy, I’m concerned about how insurance algorithms affect people’s health. Like with AI algorithms used by doctors and hospitals, these tools can potentially improve care and reduce costs. Insurers say that AI helps them make quick, safe decisions about what care is necessary and avoids wasteful or harmful treatments.

    But there’s strong evidence that the opposite can be true. These systems are sometimes used to delay or deny care that should be covered, all in the name of saving money.

    A pattern of withholding care

    Presumably, companies feed a patient’s health care records and other relevant information into health care coverage algorithms and compare that information with current medical standards of care to decide whether to cover the patient’s claim. However, insurers have refused to disclose how these algorithms work in making such decisions, so it is impossible to say exactly how they operate in practice.

    Using AI to review coverage saves insurers time and resources, especially because it means fewer medical professionals are needed to review each case. But the financial benefit to insurers doesn’t stop there. If an AI system quickly denies a valid claim, and the patient appeals, that appeal process can take years. If the patient is seriously ill and expected to die soon, the insurance company might save money simply by dragging out the process in the hope that the patient dies before the case is resolved.

    Insurers say that if they decline to cover a medical intervention, patients can pay for it out of pocket.

    This creates the disturbing possibility that insurers might use algorithms to withhold care for expensive, long-term or terminal health problems , such as chronic or other debilitating disabilities. One reporter put it bluntly: “Many older adults who spent their lives paying into Medicare now face amputation or cancer and are forced to either pay for care themselves or go without.”

    Research supports this concern – patients with chronic illnesses are more likely to be denied coverage and suffer as a result. In addition, Black and Hispanic people and those of other nonwhite ethnicities, as well as people who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender, are more likely to experience claims denials. Some evidence also suggests that prior authorization may increase rather than decrease health care system costs.

    Insurers argue that patients can always pay for any treatment themselves, so they’re not really being denied care. But this argument ignores reality. These decisions have serious health consequences, especially when people can’t afford the care they need.

    Moving toward regulation

    Unlike medical algorithms, insurance AI tools are largely unregulated. They don’t have to go through Food and Drug Administration review, and insurance companies often say their algorithms are trade secrets.

    That means there’s no public information about how these tools make decisions, and there’s no outside testing to see whether they’re safe, fair or effective. No peer-reviewed studies exist to show how well they actually work in the real world.

    There does seem to be some momentum for change. The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, or CMS, which is the federal agency in charge of Medicare and Medicaid, recently announced that insurers in Medicare Advantage plans must base decisions on the needs of individual patients – not just on generic criteria. But these rules still let insurers create their own decision-making standards, and they still don’t require any outside testing to prove their systems work before using them. Plus, federal rules can only regulate federal public health programs like Medicare. They do not apply to private insurers who do not provide federal health program coverage.

    Some states, including Colorado, Georgia, Florida, Maine and Texas, have proposed laws to rein in insurance AI. A few have passed new laws, including a 2024 California statute that requires a licensed physician to supervise the use of insurance coverage algorithms.

    But most state laws suffer from the same weaknesses as the new CMS rule. They leave too much control in the hands of insurers to decide how to define “medical necessity” and in what contexts to use algorithms for coverage decisions. They also don’t require those algorithms to be reviewed by neutral experts before use. And even strong state laws wouldn’t be enough, because states generally can’t regulate Medicare or insurers that operate outside their borders.

    A role for the FDA

    In the view of many health law experts, the gap between insurers’ actions and patient needs has become so wide that regulating health care coverage algorithms is now imperative. As I argue in an essay to be published in the Indiana Law Journal, the FDA is well positioned to do so.

    The FDA is staffed with medical experts who have the capability to evaluate insurance algorithms before they are used to make coverage decisions. The agency already reviews many medical AI tools for safety and effectiveness. FDA oversight would also provide a uniform, national regulatory scheme instead of a patchwork of rules across the country.

    Some people argue that the FDA’s power here is limited. For the purposes of FDA regulation, a medical device is defined as an instrument “intended for use in the diagnosis of disease or other conditions, or in the cure, mitigation, treatment, or prevention of disease.” Because health insurance algorithms are not used to diagnose, treat or prevent disease, Congress may need to amend the definition of a medical device before the FDA can regulate those algorithms.

    If the FDA’s current authority isn’t enough to cover insurance algorithms, Congress could change the law to give it that power. Meanwhile, CMS and state governments could require independent testing of these algorithms for safety, accuracy and fairness. That might also push insurers to support a single national standard – like FDA regulation – instead of facing a patchwork of rules across the country.

    The move toward regulating how health insurers use AI in determining coverage has clearly begun, but it is still awaiting a robust push. Patients’ lives are literally on the line.

    Jennifer D. Oliva currently receives funding from NIDA to research the impact of pharmaceutical industry messaging on the opioid crisis among U.S. Military Veterans. She is affiliated with the UCSF/University of California College of the Law, San Francisco Consortium on Law, Science & Health Policy and Georgetown University Law Center O’Neill Institute for National & Global Health Law.

    – ref. How artificial intelligence controls your health insurance coverage – https://theconversation.com/how-artificial-intelligence-controls-your-health-insurance-coverage-253602

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Low-income homeowners hit by disasters may get less help from the government, as Trump administration nixes rules on fairness, community input and resilience

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ivis García, Associate Professor of Landscape Architecture and Urban Planning, Texas A&M University

    Hurricane Helene caused extensive damage to homes in North Carolina in 2024. AP Photo/Kathy Kmonicek

    Imagine that a hurricane has destroyed your home.

    The roof is gone. The floors are flooded. Your family’s belongings are ruined.

    When this happens, you can apply for federal disaster aid, hoping for a lifeline. For many low-income families and other people of modest means, funding for that aid is often channeled to the states through the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s Community Development Block Grant Disaster Recovery program.

    Known as CDBG-DR, this program mainly provides funding to repair and rebuild homes belonging to people of low-to-moderate income who either have no insurance at all or whose coverage falls short of what is needed to making housing safe again.

    When homes are damaged beyond repair or located in areas where it’s too dangerous to rebuild because of the likelihood of future bouts of flooding in the same place, the CDBG-DR program can help pay for residents to move somewhere else that is less prone to disasters. In both cases, it covers costs that the Federal Emergency Management Agency does not pay for.

    But in 2025, with hurricane season underway, the rules for who gets help and how it’s distributed have changed significantly.

    As an urban planner who has researched disaster recovery efforts, I’m alarmed by Memorandum 2025-02, which HUD published on its website in March 2025.

    The memo changes the rules for nearly US$12 billion in disaster recovery funding approved by Congress for disasters occurring in 2023 and 2024. And HUD is implementing these changes early in the process, before any of this money has been distributed.

    This home in Puerto Rico was destroyed when Hurricane Fiona struck the island in September 2022.
    Ivis Garcia

    What has changed

    The memo does away with the civil rights certifications, fair housing assessments, environmental standards and citizen advisory groups
    that have long been mandatory for the recipients of disaster recovery funds.

    Civil rights certification means that CDBG-DR grantees must verify that disaster aid will be distributed without discrimination based on race, ethnicity, age, disability status, or other characteristics known as “protected classes.” Without this certification, there’s no formal process to ensure disaster aid is distributed fairly.

    Fair housing obligations are assessments of whether middle- and lower-income families, people of color or people with disabilities can find safe, affordable housing without facing any discrimination.

    In addition, HUD no longer requires detailed demographic reporting on who is applying for or receiving aid. This includes information such as gender, race, age, disability status and the language someone speaks.

    Another change is that HUD’s updated disaster recovery guidelines no longer require economic development funds to emphasize people of modest incomes or their communities. Under the new rules, any business hit by a disaster can get recovery funds. It doesn’t matter how much money the owners make, as long as they can show that the disaster affected them.

    And several important environmental protections have been rolled back. HUD previously mandated that disaster recovery projects comply with federal building standards.

    Those codes are tougher than the local housing codes. These included rules for building homes higher off the ground to avoid future flooding and using stronger construction methods to withstand extreme weather events. Without them, new construction may be less durable and less safe – especially in areas hit hard by hurricanes or other natural disasters.

    Strong energy efficiency standards help keep long-term utility costs low and reduce pressure on power grids during extreme weather events. They also make rebuilt homes more sustainable by reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

    Tina Brotherton, 88, right, gets help from 9-year-old neighbor Lainey Hamelink as she surveys the wreckage of her business, Tina’s Dockside Inn. It was completely destroyed in Hurricane Idalia, as was Brotherton’s nearby home, in Horseshoe Beach, Fla., in 2023.
    AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell

    Less coordination and communication

    HUD has also removed a requirement for the nonprofits, local governments and other recipients of CDBG-DR grants to create and convene citizen advisory groups. That change took effect on March 24, 2025.

    These groups, which have long made it easier for local communities to have a say regarding federally funded disaster recovery efforts, have played an important role in making sure those efforts reflect the needs and priorities of local residents – especially those most affected.

    While eliminating this step may make it easier and faster for local governments to spend the recovery funds allocated for their communities, it also means there’s less opportunity for their own communities to influence how those funds are spent. Without that input, recovery efforts fail to resolve the real challenges people are facing.

    Staffing and funding cuts

    The White House’s 2026 budget proposal retains the HUD program that distributes disaster recovery grants while eliminating the related Community Development Block Grant program, which helps people experiencing homelessness and also funds everything from child care to services for older people.

    I’m concerned about how CDBG-DR grants will be distributed, apart from the program’s changes. HUD’s Office of Community Planning and Development, which administers the CDBG-DR program, is slated to lose 84% of its staff, according to widespread media reports published earlier this year.

    The Trump administration is also calling for cutting HUD’s staff, and President Donald Trump’s proposed 2026 budget would cut the agency’s entire budget in half.

    In its March 25 HUD memo, the Trump administration framed these policy changes as a way to streamline recovery efforts and provide greater flexibility in the use of federal disaster funds. The memo also asserted that the changes were needed for compliance with executive orders that banned the use of diversity, equity and inclusion criteria and hiring practices that the administration considers to be discrimintory.

    But critics of the policy rollbacks, including the National Low Income Housing Coalition, which advocates affordable housing, worry that removing long-standing safeguards could weaken the CDBG-DR program’s core mission of equitably distributing aid and building resilient communities. The standards and community input systems HUD has abandoned, the coalition says, have historically helped ensure that disaster recovery funds reach the people who need them most.

    Ivis García does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Low-income homeowners hit by disasters may get less help from the government, as Trump administration nixes rules on fairness, community input and resilience – https://theconversation.com/low-income-homeowners-hit-by-disasters-may-get-less-help-from-the-government-as-trump-administration-nixes-rules-on-fairness-community-input-and-resilience-257439

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: View from The Hill: Albanese decides against pursuing Donald Trump to NATO

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Anthony Albanese, just back from the G7 and his cancelled meeting with Donald Trump, has abandoned the idea of going to next week’s NATO meeting in pursuit of face time with the elusive president.

    The word was that the prime minister would only go if he could be confident of a bilateral.

    The NATO thought bubble was always a long shot. Even if a meeting could have been arranged, there would have been risk of another no-show by Trump. Given the dramatic escalation and unpredictability of the Middle East crisis, Trump would be even more unreliable, quite apart from having his attention elsewhere.

    Albanese’s mistake was letting the NATO option be publicly known. It led to denigratory jokes about his “stalking” Trump. It also
    sounded as if the prime minister was insulting NATO, only willing to attend if he could secure the Trump one-on-one.

    So Albanese is back where he started, with all diplomatic efforts bent towards trying to secure a meeting, if possible reasonably soon. That might mean facing the scrum in the Oval Office, which Albanese has been anxious to avoid.

    Australia closes embassy in Tehran

    Meanwhile, the government has announced it has closed the Australian embassy in Tehran. The embassy’s 13 staff have left Iran.

    Foreign Minister Penny Wong said on Friday, “This is not a decision taken lightly. It is a decision based on the deteriorating security environment in Iran”.

    “At this stage, our ability to provide consular services is extremely limited due to the situation on the ground. The airspace remains closed.”

    Asked how much more difficult it would be for Australians to leave Iran now there was no consular assistance in the country, Wong said: “We are really conscious it is extremely difficult. I wish it were not so. I wish that we had more capacity to assist but the difficult reality is the situation on the ground is extremely unstable.”

    Wong said Australia’s ambassador to Iran, Ian McConville, would “remain in the region to support the Australian government’s response to the crisis”. The Department of Foreign Affairs is sending consular staff to Azerbaijan, including its border crossing, to help Australians who are leaving Iran.

    Australian Defence Force personnel and aircraft are being sent to the Middle East as part of planning for when airspace is re-opened. Wong stressed “they are not there for combat”.

    Other countries to close their embassies include New Zealand and Switzerland. The United States does not have an embassy there.

    Wong urged Australians able to leave “to do so now, if it is safe. Those who are unable to, or do not wish to leave, are advised to shelter in place”.

    About 2000 Australian citizens, permanent residents and family members are registered as wanting to depart. There are about 1200 registered in Israel seeking to depart.

    Australians in Iran seeking consular assistance should call the Australian government’s 24-hour Consular Emergency Centre on +61 2 6261 3305 outside Australia and 1300 555 135 (in Australia).

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. View from The Hill: Albanese decides against pursuing Donald Trump to NATO – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-albanese-decides-against-pursuing-donald-trump-to-nato-258972

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: View from The Hill: Albanese decides against pursuing Donald Trump to NATO

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Anthony Albanese, just back from the G7 and his cancelled meeting with Donald Trump, has abandoned the idea of going to next week’s NATO meeting in pursuit of face time with the elusive president.

    The word was that the prime minister would only go if he could be confident of a bilateral.

    The NATO thought bubble was always a long shot. Even if a meeting could have been arranged, there would have been risk of another no-show by Trump. Given the dramatic escalation and unpredictability of the Middle East crisis, Trump would be even more unreliable, quite apart from having his attention elsewhere.

    Albanese’s mistake was letting the NATO option be publicly known. It led to denigratory jokes about his “stalking” Trump. It also
    sounded as if the prime minister was insulting NATO, only willing to attend if he could secure the Trump one-on-one.

    So Albanese is back where he started, with all diplomatic efforts bent towards trying to secure a meeting, if possible reasonably soon. That might mean facing the scrum in the Oval Office, which Albanese has been anxious to avoid.

    Australia closes embassy in Tehran

    Meanwhile, the government has announced it has closed the Australian embassy in Tehran. The embassy’s 13 staff have left Iran.

    Foreign Minister Penny Wong said on Friday, “This is not a decision taken lightly. It is a decision based on the deteriorating security environment in Iran”.

    “At this stage, our ability to provide consular services is extremely limited due to the situation on the ground. The airspace remains closed.”

    Asked how much more difficult it would be for Australians to leave Iran now there was no consular assistance in the country, Wong said: “We are really conscious it is extremely difficult. I wish it were not so. I wish that we had more capacity to assist but the difficult reality is the situation on the ground is extremely unstable.”

    Wong said Australia’s ambassador to Iran, Ian McConville, would “remain in the region to support the Australian government’s response to the crisis”. The Department of Foreign Affairs is sending consular staff to Azerbaijan, including its border crossing, to help Australians who are leaving Iran.

    Australian Defence Force personnel and aircraft are being sent to the Middle East as part of planning for when airspace is re-opened. Wong stressed “they are not there for combat”.

    Other countries to close their embassies include New Zealand and Switzerland. The United States does not have an embassy there.

    Wong urged Australians able to leave “to do so now, if it is safe. Those who are unable to, or do not wish to leave, are advised to shelter in place”.

    About 2000 Australian citizens, permanent residents and family members are registered as wanting to depart. There are about 1200 registered in Israel seeking to depart.

    Australians in Iran seeking consular assistance should call the Australian government’s 24-hour Consular Emergency Centre on +61 2 6261 3305 outside Australia and 1300 555 135 (in Australia).

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. View from The Hill: Albanese decides against pursuing Donald Trump to NATO – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-albanese-decides-against-pursuing-donald-trump-to-nato-258972

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –