Category: Africa

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Transcript of COM Regular Press Briefing, March 6, 2025

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    March 6, 2025

    SPEAKER:  Ms. Julie Kozack, Director of the Communications Department, IMF

     *  *  *  *  *

    MS. KOZACK: Good morning, everyone, and welcome to this IMF press briefing. It is very good to see you all, both those of you who are here in person and, of course, our colleagues online as well.

    I am Julie Kozak, Director of the Communications Department. As usual, this briefing is embargoed until 11 a.m. Eastern Time in the U.S. I will start with a short announcement and then take your questions in person on Webex and via the Press Center. 

    The 2025 Spring Meetings of the IMF and World Bank Group will take place from Monday, April 21 through Saturday, April 26. Press registration to attend the spring meetings in person in Washington D.C. is now open and you can register through www.IMFconnect.org. 

    And with that, I will now open the floor for your questions. For those connecting virtually, please turn on both your camera and microphone when speaking. And with that, over to you. 

    QUESTIONER: If the Congress does not approve the future agreement, as it is established by the local law, does the IMF give the money to Argentina? 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, so that is a question on Argentina. Any other questions on Argentina? I do not see any hands up in the room. Let us go online. QUESTIONER: Do you think we are already in the final stage? And what remains to announce the Staff Agreement with the IMF?

    QUESTIONER: Good morning. I was wondering about also there have been versions of a new loan up to $20 billion and the first deployment of $8 billion this year. Can you confirm that, or can you give us an insight into the fresh funds that could be coming in the new agreement? And also, when can we expect a signing of the letter of intent? 

    QUESTIONER: So, my question is about the Congress. President Milei confirmed that the staff-level agreement must be approved by the Parliament as indicated by the Argentine law. So, is that also a requirement from the IMF itself or could the President sign a decree avoiding the current law that requires the staff-level agreement to be approved by Parliament. 

    QUESTIONER: I want to ask about the scope of the potential agreement with Argentina. There are reports out saying it could be as high, or there is an expectation it could be as high as $20 billion.

    QUESTIONER: I think a few people have already asked, but when [do] you expect to reach a staff-level agreement, whether, as the Argentine government has said, it is only the final numbers that need to be agreed and not other technical aspects? And whether the IMF requires that the entirety of the SLA be reviewed by Congress for approval or if whether a general outline produced by the government will be enough? 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, very good. So, with that, let me go ahead and talk about Argentina. So, first, I just want to start by saying, as I think many of you know, both the Managing Director and the First Deputy Managing Director recently met with the Argentine authorities. And as they recently emphasized, we are continuing to make good progress toward a program, and we are working constructively with the Argentine authorities in this regard. The authorities’ stabilization and growth plan is delivering significant results.

    It has made notable strides in reducing inflation, stabilizing the economy, and fostering a return to growth in the country, and poverty is finally beginning to decline in Argentina. To sustain these early gains, there is a shared understanding about the need to continue to adopt a consistent set of fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies, while very importantly, advancing growth enhancing reforms. And the new program would build on the progress achieved so far while also addressing Argentina’s remaining challenges. 

    Now, with respect to some of the questions regarding Congressional approval, we do take note of President Milei’s commitment to seek congressional support for a new IMF supported program. As we have often said in the past, strong ownership and broad support are key to the program’s success, 

    Here, I want to emphasize, though, that securing congressional support is a decision of the authorities as legislated in Argentine domestic law. And at the same time, of course, as I just noted, broad political and social support can enhance program implementation. Questions regarding the specific process on achieving or seeking congressional support should be addressed really to the Argentine authorities because it is a matter of domestic law. 

    From our side, as I noted, the negotiations are continuing in a constructive manner. In terms of the process from the IMF side. Once the negotiations are completed, as with any IMF program or proposed program, the final arrangement, the documents, will require approval of the IMF’s Executive Board. And we will provide further updates as we have them. 

    With respect to some of the questions about the details of the negotiations, the potential size of the program. All I can say right now is this is still under discussion as part of the ongoing and constructive dialogue that we are having with the authorities. And we will provide an update when we have more information that we can share with you. 

    QUESTIONER: On Lebanon, so following recent reports that the Lebanese government is in discussions with IMF over a potential deal on its financial default in public debt. I just want to see if the IMF can confirm these reports. If so, what does it look like? Are there any contingencies to this? And will there be an IMF mission visiting Lebanon? Thank you. 

    MS. KOZACK: So, what I can share on Lebanon is that an IMF team will visit Lebanon very soon, March 10th to 14th. This mission is aimed at, of course, meeting the new authorities, discussing Lebanon’s recent economic developments, its reconstruction needs, and the authorities’ economic priorities in the near-term. This is a fact-finding mission that will take place. But beyond this fact-finding mission, as we look ahead, future next steps could include helping the authorities to formulate a comprehensive economic reform program.

    Our staff continues to be closely engaged with the authorities. We are providing policy advice and capacity development to help the authorities’ efforts to rebuild Lebanon’s economy and institutions in coordination with other international partners. And that is what I have for now on Lebanon. 

    QUESTIONER: I wanted to ask you about what is happening in the United States. The trade wars have begun, and we are seeing some impact already, both in terms of market reaction and a lot of volatility in the markets, ups, and downs. We are also seeing some interesting developments in terms of bond markets and yields; it is going to increase the cost of borrowing. So, I wanted to ask you if you, at this point, I know we’ve asked this question before, but I wonder if you’ve got an additional assessment, as we’re now seeing some of these policies that had been promised taking effect, and whether you can say now whether you’re expecting an impact on the global economy and also on the U.S. economy and the affected economies that have been targeted thus far — China, Canada, Mexico. 

    QUESTIONER: As a follow up to [that] question, does the IMF consider that the ongoing developments of the U.S. tariffs and trade wars would push other nations to seek more trade relations and more alliances with other economic organizations and trade organizations such as BRICS, for example, or others? And broadly speaking, what is the IMF assessment of the global fragmentation that is going on right now? Do you see that it is slowing down or opposite it is moving faster, taking into account the latest developments in the United States?

    QUESTIONER: I would like to focus on the development of 10 years of U.S. bond yield movement. The 10-year bond yield now decreased, dropping substantially. And what does it mean? What is the implication of the movement? Does it represent some U.S. recession or U.S. economy? 

    QUESTIONER: With the tariffs actually now in place, has the IMF undertook a study to determine the potential impact on small island states that are heavily dependent on flows and goods and commodities coming out of the United States, more specifically, those countries within the Caribbean region who are very much dependent and could face significant inflationary pressures based on these tariffs?

    MS. KOZACK: So, first I want to just step back a little bit to recognize that we have seen now several new and significant developments over the past few days. The U.S. has imposed tariffs on Canada and Mexico as well as additional tariffs on China. Canada and China have, in response, announced tariffs on some U.S. goods and other measures. And Mexico has indicated that it will provide more details in the coming days.

    And as we have said before, you know, while assessing the full impact of tariffs on economic activity and inflation will depend on many factors, we do expect to provide an analysis of this, certainly at the global level and for the most affected countries at the time of our World Economic Outlook update in April. And of course we will also cover this issue, I imagine, in some of the regional updates where relevant. And I want to also emphasize that as part of our bilateral surveillance with countries, the individual Article IV reports this topic will also be covered to the extent that the countries are affected. 

    What I can say today is that if sustained the impact of the U.S. tariffs on Canada and Mexico can be expected to have a significant adverse economic impact on those countries given their very strong integration and exposure to the U.S. market. 

    Now, more broadly, there were some questions about financial market movements. So let me also just step back for a moment on some of these, and here I want to refer to some remarks that our Managing Director has been making recently. As she’s been saying, we are now in the midst of significant transformations, and these include the rapid advance of AI to changing patterns of capital flows and trade. She has also been mentioning that trade is no longer the engine of global growth that it used to be. 

    For example, during the period of 2000 to 2019, global trade growth reached nearly 6 percent on an annual basis, whereas over the more recent period of 2022 to 2024, global trade is growing closer to 3 percent. So global trade growth has been on a downward — has declined. And of course, it is in this more global context that governments are recalibrating their approaches and adjusting policies. 

    I also want to recognize, of course, that we have seen increased volatility in financial markets. We see that in indicators such as the VIX. We also have seen indicators of global uncertainty showing an increase. And what will be critical to assess what the economic impact of this will be — will be whether these trends are short-lived or whether they are sustained. Generally speaking, our research shows that both historically and across countries, sustained periods of elevated uncertainty can be associated with both households and firms holding back on consumption and investment decisions. And as I said, we will be providing a comprehensive analysis of our views on the global economy and individual economies as part of the World Economic Outlook that will be released in April. 

    On the specific question on U.S. bond yields, we do recognize of course, that U.S. bond yields have moved lower since the beginning of the year. And it does seem that on that basis markets may be reappraising or reassessing their views, particularly on the outlook for monetary policy. I will stop there and move on.

    QUESTIONER: When is the IMF Board expected to review and approve the next disbursement for Ukraine? Are there any remaining conditions or procedural steps that Ukraine must fulfill before approval? And the Ukrainian government is engaging in debt restructuring efforts with its creditors. How does the IMF assess Ukraine’s debt sustainability and what role does this play in bord’s decision making process regarding future disbursement announcements?

    QUESTIONER: So, to follow up on previous question. In February, you stated, that Ukraine would have access to about U.S. $900 million for the next review. Now we are speaking about $400 million. So, why the IMF has made a decision to adjust to the total sum of disbursement that will be provided to Ukraine?

    QUESTIONER: And do you think that it can impact financial stability of Ukrainian economy or there is no risk for them? 

    QUESTIONER: How do you expect the freezing of the U.S. aid for Ukraine might impact the program you have already on course right now? And how does this affect the global plan that had been made like a year ago or two years ago now? 

    QUESTIONER: I just want to follow up the last question about the impact — what the impact Trump administration is doing. Does this impact the IMF projections on Ukraine this and next year? 

    QUESTIONER: An adjacent question, maybe related to the prospect for ending the war. And, you know, we have seen economic developments in Russia continue to percolate along even though the war has been going on and there have been sanctions. Have you started to look at what the end of the war could mean for both the Russian and Ukrainian economies in terms of, you know, perhaps, you know, assuming that there would be an end of sanctions once there was a cessation of hostilities, whether that would give a boost to the Russian economy, maybe the European economy in general could lower costs, things like that? So just kind of walk us through what you are seeing there. 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, let me go ahead on Ukraine. So, just to bring everyone up to speed. So, on February 28th, the IMF staff, and the Ukrainian authorities reached a staff-level agreement on the Seventh Review of the four-year EFF arrangement. This is subject to approval of the IMF’s Executive Board. Ukraine is expected to draw, as noted, about U.S. $400 million, and that would bring total disbursements under the program to U.S. $10.1 billion.

    I just want to note that program performance in Ukraine remains strong. All of the end December quantitative performance criteria were met, and understandings were reached between the Ukrainian authorities and IMF staff on a set of policies and reforms to sustain macroeconomic stability. The structural reform agenda in Ukraine is continuing to make good progress, and there are strong commitments from the Ukrainian authorities in a number of other areas. 

    Now on some of the specific questions, first on the matter of the disbursement, what I can say there is that it is not unusual over the life of a program for the pattern of disbursements to shift based on evolving balance of payments needs. And that is what has happened in this case. It is also important to emphasize that the overall size of the program, which is $15.6 billion, remains unchanged. And so that shift in disbursement pattern reflects the shifting balance of payments pattern for Ukraine. 

    So, on the issue the debt restructuring and debt process, what I can say there is that restoring debt sustainability in Ukraine hinges on continued implementation of the authority’s debt restructuring strategy, where completing the treatment of the GDP warrants remains important. And it also hinges very much on continuation of the revenue-based fiscal adjustment strategy, which is supported under the program. And as you know, Ukraine’s debt has been assessed in the last review to be sustainable on a forward-looking basis contingent on these two areas that I just mentioned. And of course, there will be a revised debt sustainability assessment as part of the ongoing review. 

    With respect to the other question, what I can say here is that the Ukrainian economy, you know, has shown continued resilience despite the challenges arising from the war. At the time of the Seventh Review, the last review, we estimated GDP growth to be 3.5 percent in 2024. But we did expect it at that time to moderate to 2 to 3 percent in 2025. And that was reflecting some headwinds from labor constraints and damage to energy infrastructure, given the ongoing war. It is the case in general for Ukraine, and we have been saying this throughout the life of the program, that the outlook remains exceptionally uncertain, especially as the war continues and it is taking a heavy toll on Ukraine’s people, economy, and infrastructure. 

    On the more recent developments that you were referring to, we are following these developments very closely. It is premature at the moment to comment on them, but we are following them, and we will make an assessment in due course.

    And on your question, the answer is essentially the same. We are following the developments very closely, and we will, as developments evolve, be undertaking obviously an assessment of what a peace deal could potentially look like and what would be the implications for all of the involved parties. 

    QUESTIONER: Julie, can you on the basis of having studied previous conflicts ending, can you just give us divorced from Ukraine and Russia, but just can you give us an indication of what generally happens when a conflict ends, what that means? And is there anything that we can draw on, at least just from history? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, I do not have, you know, off the top of my head a piece of research that I can kind of point to in terms of the interest analysis. What I certainly can say is that we always, for all of our member countries, hope for peace and stability in all of our member countries. And I think at that moment this is really what I can say. But I take note of the importance of your point, and we will, I have no doubt, in due course be conducting all of the necessary analysis as events unfold.

    QUESTIONER: I have two questions mainly on Egypt. as Egypt is scheduled for 10th of March for the discussion of the Fourth Review of the EFF for the country, what are we expecting from this meeting? And if you please, could you update us on the RSF facility worth $1.2 billion for the country? Thank you so much. 

    QUESTIONER: I would second exactly those questions. And just to add to that, I know it says on the IMF Executive Board calendar that the Board will be discussing waivers of non-observance for some of the performance criteria related to Egypt’s loan program and modifications for others. Are you able to tell us any more about exactly which criteria the Board will be looking at? And on the RSF, if you are able to give us any more detail about the prospective value of that. I know it has been put at $1 billion before. A related question, not on Egypt but on Gaza. I would be interested to know if the IMF has begun to think, whether internally or with partners in the region, about what its potential role would be in funding a reconstruction plan for Gaza given the $50 billion, upwards of $50 billion, cost of any reconstruction. 

    QUESTIONER: I may repeat questions about the value of current tranche to be given to Egypt and the timing of when the central bank of Egypt to receive it. And also, I have another question about the program of state assets selling. Will we witness some steps, new steps in that program? Could it be connected with the decision to be taken in March?

    MS. KOZACK: And any other questions on Egypt? All right. And then I have a question that came in through the Press Center. I am going to read it out loud – ’Does the IMF’s approval of the fourth tranche to Egypt require Egypt to implement some reforms? And when will the Fifth Review of the loan be held? What is the estimated size of the loan allocated to Egypt, and here will it be dispersed in installments or in one lump sum?’

    On Egypt – on March 10th, our Executive Board will be discussing Egypt’s Article IV consultation and the fourth review under the EFF. It will also be discussing at the same time Egypt’s request for an RSF, the Resilience and Sustainability Facility. Subject to completion by the Executive Board, the authorities, would have access to $1.2 billion under the EFF. So, under the EFF program. And then in addition, subject again to approval by our Executive Board, the size of the RSF would be about U.S. $1.3 billion. Regarding the RSF, like all of the IMF programs, the RSF is also delivered in tranches. So, it is not one lump sum up front. It is a phased program where tranches are dispersed on the basis of conditions being met. 

    And with respect to some of the other questions, what I can say today is just that we will provide, of course, more details following the Board meeting and on the question of waivers and modifications and also the questions on the state-owned enterprises. And again, the board meeting will be on March 10th. 

    QUESTIONER: I have two questions related to Japan. Firstly, amid rising uncertainty due to President Trump’s tariff policy, I would like to ask you — ask your thoughts on whether the Bank of Japan, currently in a rate hike phase, should continue raising rate or take more cautious approach in assessing the impact. And secondly, President Trump recently made remarks suggesting that Japan and China are engaging in currency devaluation. I would appreciate it if you share your views on Japan’s foreign exchange policy. Thank you. 

    MS. KOZACK: So, maybe just stepping back to give a bit of context on Japan. What I can say on Japan is that on the growth side, growth this year is expected to strengthen, and we also expect inflation to converge to the Bank of Japan’s 2 percent target by the end of 2025. 

    In 2024, growth in Japan slowed due to some temporary supply disruptions. But since then, we have seen a strengthening in growth driven by domestic demand, particular — particularly private consumption in Japan and rising wages. And we expect this to continue into 2025, where we project growth, at the time of the January WEO, we projected growth at 1.1 percent for Japan in 2025. And of course, just to say that we will be updating this projection as part of the April forecast. 

    Looking at inflation — headline and core inflation, as I said, are expected to decline gradually toward the 2 percent target. We have been supportive of the Bank of Japan’s recent monetary policy decisions. We believe that these decisions will help anchor inflation expectations at the 2 percent target but also given balance risks around inflation, our assessment has been that further hikes in the policy interest rate should continue to be data dependent, and they should proceed at a gradual pace over time. 

     With respect to the question on the exchange rate, what I can say there is that the Japanese authorities have affirmed their commitment to a flexible exchange rate regime. Japan’s flexible exchange rate regime has helped the country or has helped the economy absorb the impact of shocks. And it also supports the focus of monetary policy on price stability. And at the same time, what I can say is that that flexible exchange rate regime is helping maintain an external position that is in line with fundamentals. 

    QUESTIONER: Could you give us an update on the negotiations for Ethiopia, please? And on El Salvador, the deal that you agreed on in December and was approved a couple of weeks ago involves the government not increasing its exposure to Bitcoin. Government has continued to buy through the Office of Bitcoin, which is linked to the presidential palace. But yesterday the Fund said that these purchases do not increase the government’s exposure to Bitcoin. Could you please explain that? 

    QUESTIONER: Also on El Salvador, obviously he was saying to not to not buy it as a government reserve. I just wanted to, I guess, contrast to the U.S. I mean, President Trump has very much announced a digital assets reserve, including Ethereum and other coins, as well as Bitcoin. And I wondered if the IMF could – can you comment on the U.S. program or how would you distinguish the two countries and why the IMF might be taking a different approach?

    MS. KOZACK: All right, let me go ahead and take the El Salvador question in Ethiopia and then we will go back. I see many hands up online. 

    So, on El Salvador, as you know, last week our Executive Board approved a 40-month Extended Fund Facility, EFF, for U.S. $1.4 billion and with an immediate disbursement of $113 million. The program is expected to catalyze financial and technical support from other IFIs. And this will lead to a combined total over the program period of about U.S. $3.5 billion of support for El Salvador. The goals of the program are to restore fiscal sustainability, rebuild external and financial buffers, strengthen governance and transparency, and ultimately create the conditions for stronger and more resilient growth. 

    Regarding Bitcoin, in particular, the program aims to address the risks associated with the Bitcoin project to protect consumers and investors, as well as to limit potential fiscal costs. So, to start, there were recent legal reforms that have made the acceptance of Bitcoin voluntary, and taxes can be paid only in U.S. dollars. Under the program, the government has committed to not accumulate for their Bitcoins at the level of the overall public sector. 

    Regarding the recent increase in Bitcoin holding by the Strategic Bitcoin Reserve Fund, the authorities have confirmed that these are consistent with the agreed program conditionality, and we do remain engaged with the authorities on this important issue. 

    And then, to your question. We are obviously closely monitoring President Trump’s announcement in this area. The Presidential Working Group on Digital Asset Markets has not yet completed its work. So, we do not yet have details on the implementation of this proposal, but we will come back in due course. 

    And then turning to the question on Ethiopia. So just an update on Ethiopia. On January 17th, the IMF Executive Board completed the Second Review of the arrangement, the ECF arrangement for Ethiopia, and that allowed for a drawdown of about U.S. $245 million. The ECF arrangement supports the authorities’ reforms to address macroeconomic imbalances, restore external debt sustainability, and lay the foundation for strong private sector-led growth. 

    I can also just remind you that the Managing Director recently traveled to Ethiopia. She was there February 8th and 9th. She met with Prime Minister Abiy and his team to take stock of the economic reforms and the progress that is being made in the country. And she also took the opportunity to meet with other stakeholders, including representatives of the private sector. 

    QUESTIONER: My question is on USAID. USAID has now totally stopped its business. And to what extent do you see the impact, especially on lower income countries at the global level? And should you consider using your facility to support them just in case? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, on this issue, we are obviously again paying close attention to developments, and we are working with our country authorities. But it is, at the same time, it is too early to really say what the precise impact may be. And so, we will come back in due course. For now, we are monitoring.

    QUESTIONER: I have a question on Senegal. Following a recent audit of the country’s debt, it was found to be 99.7 percent of GDP. That was in 2023. And I know that IMF has said before that Senegal debt was stable even though it was high. I am wondering if that is the figure that you still consider sustainable. And then also with regards on talks of a new IMF program, I am wondering if Senegal could be asked to reimburse previous dispersion under this reporting period. 

    QUESTIONER: Still on Senegal, as soon as the report from the Audit Supreme Court was released, we saw rating agency downgrading Senegal sovereign notes. So, the country is now stuck. It cannot raise funds from the internal market, and it cannot go in a very comfortable position in international markets while they still face a lot of challenges. So, I am wondering why the IMF is working fast and bold to find a solution for Senegal in the midterm or even long-term. Is there any situation where IMF can provide a short-term, I mean, short-term relief to the country so they can go through these hard moments in a very soft way? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, on Senegal, what I can say is that we are actively engaged in discussions with the authorities with respect to the Court of Auditors Report and the associated misreporting under the IMF program. The Court of Auditors Report was released on February 12th. The Court confirmed that the fiscal deficit and debt were under reported during the period of 2019 to 2023.

    So, what we are doing is working closely with the authorities in their efforts to preserve fiscal and debt sustainability. We are working actively to advance on our discussions following the publication of the report, and we are also working with the authorities on measures to correct and remedy the misreporting that took place. What I can add is that the resolution of the misreporting in line with IMF policy is a precondition for discussions of any future financial assistance by the IMF.

    And with respect to potential consequences, I can say that the IMF does not impose any sanctions for misreporting cases. It is up to our Executive Board to decide on the next steps. And those next steps, you know, could include a waiver. And that waiver could — it could also include; it could be a waiver without a request for reimbursement. So, all of those discussions on Senegal are now underway. We are actively, very much working with the authorities, supporting as much as possible their efforts on fiscal and debt sustainability, as I said. And we will come back and report back when we have more information on Senegal. 

    I have a question here online that I am going to read. It came from the Press Center on Thailand. And the question is – ‘The upcoming World Bank IMF Annual Meetings in Thailand will bring significant attention to Southeast Asia’s economic outlook. From the from IMF’s perspective, how can Thailand best leverage this opportunity to address regional challenges such as digital transformation, climate change adaptation, and income inequality? And what collaborative initiatives between the IMF and Thailand are being planned to ensure lasting economic benefits for the country beyond the meetings themselves?’ 

    So, on this very important question, a very nice question, actually, what I can say is that we are very much looking forward to having Thailand host the annual meetings in 2026. So, this will be in October of 2026. Every three years, we do our Annual Meetings abroad. 2026, October will be Thailand. So, mark your calendar. I can also add that preparations are underway. The Fund, the IMF staff are working hand in hand with the Thai authorities to make this a highly successful event and showcasing the significant strides that Thailand has made since it last hosted our annual meetings in 1991. So, it will be 25 years when we get to 2026. 

    The Managing Director recently met with Bank of Thailand’s Governor Sethaput at the AlUla Conference in Saudi Arabia. They discussed the preparations for the annual meetings and agreed that it would be a very good opportunity to showcase on the global stage the region’s dynamism and economic activities. And of course, the meetings will also allow Thailand to position itself as a key contributor to the international economic dialogue and to gather views and experiences from countries throughout the membership of the IMF and the World Bank. 

    This ongoing close relationship leading up to and beyond, we hope, the Annual Meetings will focus on prioritizing reform reforms that are necessary to ensure the lasting benefits for Thailand and building the relationships and the shared policy, dialogue and experiences we hope will deepen our engagement, our excellent engagement and relationship with Thailand and will be sustained even past the Annual Meetings in 2026.

    QUESTIONER: My question is, what are the IMF growth projections for Jordan amid the ongoing impact of the Gaza war? And when will the Third Review under the EFF begin? And are any adjustments expected to the war’s region effect on Jordan’s economy? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, what I can share on Jordan is that the Executive Board on December 12th completed the Article IV Consultation with Jordan and the Second Review under the EFF arrangement. The mission for the next review, which will be the Third Review, is expected to take place in April.

    What I can also say is that Jordan has demonstrated resilience and maintained macroeconomic stability throughout the prolonged regional conflict. This resilience reflects the authority’s continued implementation of sound macroeconomic policies and progress with reforms. While recent developments in the region, particularly the ceasefire agreements, give rise to some cautious optimism, uncertainty, of course, in Jordan does remain high. And with respect to the growth projections, what I can say is that growth in 2024 was 2.3 percent. We are projecting growth at 2.5 percent in 2025 and a further increase in growth in 2026 to 3 percent. But like in all countries, we will be updating these projections as both part of our April World Economic Outlook Global Forecast, and also, of course, the team will be doing a full assessment of the Jordanian economy as part of their mission in April 

    And so, with this, I’m going to bring this press briefing to a close. Thank you all very much. Thank you very much for participating today. As a reminder, the briefing is embargoed until 11 a.m. Eastern Time in the U.S. The transcript, as always, will be made available later today on IMF.org. And in case of clarifications or additional questions, please reach out to my colleagues at media@IMF.org. And I wish everyone a wonderful day, and I look forward to seeing you next time. Thank you very much. 

     

    * * * * *

     

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Boris Balabanov

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    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/03/06/tr030625-transcript-of-com-regular-press-briefing

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  • MIL-OSI Global: Bridget Jones’s husband must die – how the women of our rom coms must lose love to find it again

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Charlotte Ireland, Associate Researcher, Department of English, University of Birmingham

    In the first three Bridget Jones films, the eponymous chaotic heroine has been on a seemingly endless quest to not be single. We have watched her secure, lose and secure again the heart of buttoned-up human rights lawyer Mark Darcy. Sadly, the cycle must continue and in the newest and last instalment, Mad About the Boy, she loses him all over again.

    The brand of romantic comedy Bridget Jones belongs to, which came about in the late 90s and early 2000s, thrives on the chaos of single life, not “smug married” life. Bridget works best when she is self-deprecating, single and searching.

    Helen Fielding’s Bridget Jones’s Diary (1996) has been, and continues to be, described as the “urtext” of chick lit — a defining novel from which others in the genre descend.

    In chick lit, characters are often navigating the ebbs and flows of contemporary female experience, negotiating the challenges of juggling personal autonomy, career, family, friendship and love.

    The new film cleaves closely to these tried and tested tropes of the genre. And, in a twist, the film’s writers have killed off Mark Darcy. Fielding’s novel Mad About the Boy (2013) is set several years after Darcy’s death, which occurs when he’s on a humanitarian mission in Sudan.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.


    Bridget isn’t the first 2000s romantic lead to lose her great love. Fans of Sex and the City watched Carrie Bradshaw lose Big, the man she had pursued with equally wavering success across the show’s six seasons, in its reboot And Just Like That.

    While it may be frustrating that the writers felt that they couldn’t tell a story about Bridget or Carrie without making them single, the exploration of dating, friendships and careers has matured in these new instalments. Age, widowhood and a changing dating landscape have introduced alternative narratives – grief, dating with children, across ages and online.

    Totally new romantic prospects

    Divorce is a familiar theme in chick lit. It can be seen in Jojo Moyes’ Someone Else’s Shoes (2023), Marian Keyes’ Again, Rachel (2022) and even Candace Bushnell’s Is There Still Sex in the City? (2019). Given how frequently divorce appears in chick lit, it’s worth asking: why did Darcy and Big have to die?

    Studies show that 60% of people going through a divorce may be open to reconciliation. For Bridget and Carrie, divorce would have left the romantic door open.

    Also, as the path of reconciliation has been tread so many times with these men, there are only so many stories left to tell. New romantic interests would bring new dynamics, new issues to explore and more uncertainty for fans.

    Bridget Jones and Sex in the City were pioneering. They featured honest and open discussion of being single in your 30s. They depicted candid portrayals of female sexuality, including discussions about self-pleasure. They showed Bridget and Carrie navigating complex relationships, difficult careers and friendships in a way many hadn’t seen at the time.

    Stories of divorce and marriage are common in chick lit. So death, widowhood and middle-age allow the writers of Bridget Jones and And Just Like That to tread new ground for the same audiences in a way they did when they first came out.

    Dating through grief and at an older age

    Widowed dating brings avoidance, awkwardness and guilt. Bridget and Carrie initially claim they will never have sex again, feeling out of place in the dating world. Yet, there is a palpable sense of interest that makes them go back on this pronouncement quickly.

    Guilt follows their first post-widowhood dates, as they sense their late husbands watching: Carrie through flickering lights, Bridget through an owl.

    Carrie is told she must date again to give her readers a “glimmer of hope” (and sell more books). Similarly, Mad About the Boy critiques the stigma surrounding older single women.

    Both have been praised for their portrayal of widowed dating realities (And Just Like That) and as a moving study of grief (Mad About the Boy).

    Chapter 2, the UK’s only dating app for widowers and widows, found a lack of resources on widowed dating so surveyed over 500 people across the UK who had lost a partner. They found, on average, widows and widowers started dating two years and seven months after their loss. Nearly 50% felt some form of guilt (or as though they were “replacing” or “cheating” on their deceased partner), while only 7% didn’t find it difficult.

    Bridget Jones, once a relatable 30-something dater, now reflects the realities of such widowed dating in midlife. Bringing these experiences to a popular, entertaining format sparks conversations about grief, love, and second chances – challenging stigmas while acknowledging the complexities of moving forward.

    The consistency of friendships

    What remains constant in both Bridget and Carrie’s lives is friendship, which studies have found becomes even more vital after loss.

    In Mad About the Boy, Bridget’s friends “surrounded [her] like a womb” after Darcy’s death. In And Just Like That, Miranda comforts Carrie in bed, rubbing her back just as Big once did.

    “Friends are the family we choose for ourselves”, a phrase often attributed to writer Edna Buchanan, is a common saying that encapsulates the close friendships in chick lit. This is reflected in the “urban family of single friends”, a stock feature of the genre.

    These friendships aren’t just supportive — they’re essential to the heroines’ survival and happiness. The message is clear: romantic love may fade, but true friendships endure.

    Charlotte Ireland does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Bridget Jones’s husband must die – how the women of our rom coms must lose love to find it again – https://theconversation.com/bridget-joness-husband-must-die-how-the-women-of-our-rom-coms-must-lose-love-to-find-it-again-249914

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Money laundering plays a key role in every part of the illegal drugs industry – here’s how it works

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mark Berry, Lecturer In Criminology, Bournemouth University

    R Mendoza/Shutterstock

    The global illicit drugs trade is estimated to be worth at least half a trillion US dollars each year. Drugs such as cocaine, methamphetamine and heroin generate large revenues all along their supply chains, from where the products (and precursor materials) are grown or made – principally Colombia and Bolivia, China, Afghanistan, and the “golden triangle” of Myanmar, Laos and Thailand – to wherever the finished drugs are consumed.

    Earnings in the illicit drug trade are variable. Few people will make the kind of money that once put the Mexican former cartel boss Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán on the Forbes list of global billionaires. But while drug “kingpins” are the industry’s biggest individual earners, they do not hold the majority of the drug money that is generated throughout the global supply chain.

    Despite their frequent glamorisation in film and TV portrayals, drug cartels are basically international logistics companies. They work with distributors in different countries who deliver the drugs to regional wholesalers, who in turn supply the local retailers (dealers) who sell drugs to individuals.

    Everyone along the supply chain takes their cut, with most people making much more modest incomes than the millionaire drug traffickers of narcocorrido lore. In our interviews with illicit drug entrepreneurs in the US and UK, we routinely spoke to sellers whose incomes ranged from pocket money to providing a moderately comfortable life.



    Illicit drug use is damaging large parts of the world socially, politically and environmentally. Patterns of supply and demand are changing rapidly. In our longform series Addicted, leading experts bring you the latest insights on drug use and production as we ask: is it time to declare a planetary emergency?


    Around 70% to 80% of the overall revenue generated by illicit drugs is shared among the many wholesale and street-level dealers in destination countries such as the UK and US, where the price per gram is at its highest. How this money moves and is used to sustain the illicit drug trade should be an important part of any worthwhile counter-narcotics strategy. But it rarely is.

    Professional money launderers

    The people and organisations responsible for laundering drug revenues – that is, transforming them into untraceable money that can easily be spent, or into assets that can be held or sold – often exist under the radar of law enforcement and the media.

    Yet the ways illicit drug money is laundered are hardly a mystery. Techniques include wire transfers to offshore bank accounts, investments in shell companies or deposits in cash businesses, and buying foreign currencies or (to a small extent) cryptocurrencies. In addition, the straightforward physical transportation of cash across national borders is an often-used method known as a “bulk cash transfer”.

    The largest players in the illicit drugs industry, such as international cartels, national distributors and large-scale wholesalers, often use professional money launderers – some of whom have seemingly reputable jobs in the financial sector. In one recent case, US financial regulators fined TD Bank US$3 billion (£2.4 billion) – a record penalty for a bank – for facilitating the laundering of millions of dollars of drug cartel money.

    Over six years, more than 90% of the bank’s transactions went unmonitored, enabling “three money laundering networks to collectively transfer more than US$670 million through TD Bank accounts”. Then-US attorney general Merrick Garland commented: “By making its services convenient for criminals, [TD Bank] became one.”

    Video: CBC News.

    Some money laundering networks are as global as the drug supply chains they service. In June 2024, the US Department of Justice’s (DoJ) multi-year “Operation Fortune Runner” investigation saw LA-based associates of Mexico’s Sinaloa drug cartel charged with conspiring with money-laundering groups linked to a Chinese underground banking network. According to the IRS’s head of criminal investigation, Guy Ficco:

    Drug traffickers generate immense amounts of cash through their illicit operations. This case is a prime example of Chinese money launderers working hand-in-hand with drug traffickers to try to legitimise profits generated by drug activities.

    According to the DoJ, “many wealthy Chinese nationals” barred from transferring large amounts to the US by the Chinese government’s capital flight restrictions seek informal alternatives to the conventional banking system – including via schemes to launder illicit drug money. The DoJ explained how this works:

    The China-based investor contacts an individual who has US dollars available to sell in the United States. This seller of US dollars provides identifying information for a bank account in China, with instructions for the investor to deposit Chinese currency (renminbi) in that account. Once the owner of the account sees the deposit, an equivalent amount of US dollars is released to the buyer in the United States.

    These arrangements are not unique to Chinese actors. Similar arrangements occur throughout the world, including schemes to leverage the black market peso exchange and the Hawala international money transfer system.

    Professional launderers are both creating and exploiting vulnerabilities in the global financial system. Such corruption allows suspicious transactions to occur without proper checks or oversight. This not only reduces transparency in the financial system but erodes public trust in it.

    How cartels launder their money

    International drug cartels and national wholesalers have a smaller markup on their transactions, compared with retailers. But because they are responsible for moving enormous quantities of illicit drugs, they still generate millions of dollars worth of revenue.

    The most prolific known drug distributors in US history, Margarito Flores Jr and his twin brother Pedro, delivered billions of dollars worth of cocaine, heroin and methamphetamines to their US and Canadian wholesale clients between 1998 and 2009. They were working for Guzmán and Ismeal “El Mayo” Zambada García, then leaders of the Sinaloa cartel, as well as the Mexican Beltrán Leyva brothers whose cartel bore their surname.

    Today, Margarito Flores Jr trains law enforcement across the US in the methods he and his brother used to traffic drugs and run their business. In January 2015, both men were sentenced to 14 years for drug trafficking – Margarito Flores Jr would later reach out to one of this article’s authors (R.V. Gundur) after reading his book, Trying to Make It: The Enterprises, Gangs, and People of the American Drug Trade, which includes a comprehensive account of the Flores crew’s activities.

    In a subsequent interview, he told us: “My brother and I estimate that, if we added up all of the money we sent back to Mexico over the decade we sold drugs, it was probably more than US$3.5 billion.”

    The billions they remitted to Mexico were used by Guzmán, Zambada and the Beltrán Levya brothers not only to expand their drug businesses, but to corrupt powerful figures such as Mexico’s former secretary of public security, Genaro García Luna.

    García Luna, who was Mexico’s highest-ranking law enforcement official from 2006 to 2012, was sentenced to nearly 40 years in prison in October 2024 after being found guilty of taking millions of dollars in bribes from the Sinaloa cartel, as well as enabling the trafficking of more than a million kilograms of cocaine into the US. Flores explained to us:

    It’s important to understand that corruption impacts people at all levels of government. Our payoffs included local police and other people in the community, up to higher-positioned people in government. Lots of that money ended up funding the violent conflicts between cartels.

    While there has been widespread coverage of cartel drug money being laundered through high-profile businesses and banks such as Wachovia and HSBC, Flores suggested that “the money involved in the drug trade is a lot more than anybody really can understand”. The reason for this, he said, is that it’s very hard to track the flow of hard cash via lorries, boats, planes and even drones. Flores told us:

    It’s a misconception that everyone who makes a lot of money in drugs or other illegal business makes an effort to launder their money. My brother and I held much of what we earned in cash. We knew the government could eventually take everything [else].

    The twins were right: in time, that’s exactly what the US government did.

    ‘Everyday’ money laundering

    In our study of money laundering strategies used by people involved in the illicit drug trade in the UK and US, we found that street dealers do not typically undertake sophisticated laundering processes. Rather, they spend their cash on food and other routine living expenses. One independent UK drug dealer, whose experience was typical of many, used the money earned from his cocaine sales to buy groceries and pay bills for himself and his daughter.

    Spending money, even small amounts, gained through illegal activities is a money laundering offence – albeit one that is seldom prosecuted. As a result, these everyday activities that return illicit drug money to the legal economy are not well accounted for – even though the street value of drugs drives global market value estimates.

    Business-savvy street dealers can earn gross revenues that approach the earnings of high-paid white-collar workers. But they must disguise their earnings’ origins before they can spend them, of course, and various tactics are used to do this.

    Some dealers solicit close friends or family members to act as “strawmen”. These are people willing to put assets paid for by illicit drug money – such as cars, properties or even businesses – in their names on behalf of the dealer. Idris Elba’s character Stringer Bell in HBO’s The Wire was an accurate portrayal of someone investing in legal enterprises using illicit drug money.

    A guide to Stringer Bell’s character in The Wire. Video: Just an Observation.

    These strategies occur wherever illegal enterprise exists, and have done for well over a century. In the US, we interviewed wholesalers who had used family members to own houses and other properties on their behalf. This is done to mitigate against the risk of asset forfeiture should they be convicted of a crime. If an illicit enterprise can create a plausible beneficial owner who is not involved in crime, then the asset is harder to seize. This is why the Donald Trump administration’s recent suspension of beneficial owner oversight is problematic from a drug enforcement perspective.

    In liberal democracies, governments cannot investigate someone’s finances simply because they are related to criminals. The dirty money that is put into their accounts can also be disguised as legitimate income making it difficult to identify, although thorough investigations may uncover it.

    In the UK, we also talked to successful drug retailers who had set up local businesses in their own names. The EU’s law enforcement agency, Europol, has reported similar activities throughout Europe.

    Legal businesses are a common – and often hard-to-detect – vehicle to launder drug money. Bars, clubs, gyms, and hair, nail and tanning salons can be readily set up with drug money, as large cash infusions to establish a business are often not well scrutinised. These businesses are comparatively easy to run with significant cash flows, providing suitable cover for dirty money.

    For example, a beauty salon, especially one that offers high-value boutique services, could easily incorporate drug revenue into its financial accounts by reporting sales that do not occur. Tanning salons can be set up with little expense since they require only sunbeds and the rental of a property.

    Along with bars, clubs and salons, construction companies and restaurants stand out as other cash-intensive businesses with high volumes of transactions – characteristics that make good fronts for laundering money.

    It’s hard to spot a ‘dirty’ business

    There is no surefire way to tell whether a business is a laundering front. While some may look like enterprises struggling to stay afloat, others develop into viable operations that eventually no longer need dirty money to sustain them.

    Some drug dealers incorporate laundering practices within their legitimate jobs. Tradespeople such as electricians or plumbers, for example, can launder money by generating invoices for fake jobs, then reporting the income on their tax returns.

    In both the UK and US, tax authorities are not charged with evaluating the veracity of the funds reported, and are generally satisfied once tax is paid. In other words, they generally trust declared income as proof of legal business activity. Moreover, they, along with the police, lack the resources to investigate these businesses for money laundering.

    Through their legal businesses, many drug dealers pay significant taxes on their illegal revenue, and thus contribute to the economy.

    Paying income tax effectively renders this income laundered. It can be invested and used to set up other businesses, or to purchase cars and properties without suspicion. It can also bolster credit ratings, and improve access to legal financial services such as bank loans.

    Many small-time drug dealers start legal businesses in order to exit the illicit drug trade. We interviewed one cocaine dealer who had used his drug money to set up a retail electronics store; once it was successful, he stopped dealing. Similarly, the person behind a semi-legitimate nitrous oxide enterprise used his proceeds to set up a legitimate alcohol delivery service.

    Through self-laundering, these modest drug dealers transform their proceeds of crime into spendable cash – and may eventually leave criminality behind altogether.

    The (losing) battle against laundered money

    Across the world, anti-money laundering efforts against organised criminal gangs are notoriously ineffective.

    The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) – an intergovernmental organisation formed in 1999 to combat money laundering and the financing of terrorism – assesses financial regulators’ anti-money laundering controls all over the world. Countries designated as a risk that require monitoring are placed on the task force’s “grey list”, while severe, high-risk countries go on its “black list”. Being put on these lists can result in a withdrawal of international investment and implementation of sanctions by other countries.

    Although developing countries have often scored badly in their assessments, there has been some progress. While Kenya remained on the grey list in 2024, for example, it was found to have strengthened its measures to tackle both money laundering and terrorist financing. In the same year, though, Lebanon was added to the grey list over concerns on both counts.

    The FATF’s evaluation processes are designed to provide an objective assessment of whether a country has implemented its anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing recommendations. However, the success of the FATF’s anti-money laundering controls remains unclear.

    Video: The Financial Action Task Force.

    Often lost in the criminal financing narrative is the role of bulk cash transfers. Even in a world that is moving to cashless transactions, cash generally remains the primary currency of both the illicit drug trade and corruption.

    The biggest and most successful drug traffickers have significant cash reserves which are used to pay workers, replace drugs that are lost or seized, accrue assets, and bribe key officials.

    Reflecting on his former illicit enterprise, Margarito Flores observed: “For every kilo of cocaine or heroin or methamphetamine we sold in the US, at least a kilo of cash went back to Mexico.” For deals in Europe, Flores said: “Given the markup the further away you trade, the amount of cash sent back could be even higher – I would estimate it to be a kilo and a half.”

    Flores described the ineptitude of law enforcement in policing cash that was leaving the US:

    No matter how careful we were, my brother and I lost a handful of loads of drugs heading north [from Mexico into the US]. Heading south was different: we just had the money put on tractor trailers and had it driven it across the border. We never lost a dollar. That’s where politicians don’t pay enough attention. That cash lets traffickers keep doing business.

    Focus on the money as well as the drugs

    So long as demand for illicit drugs exists, the industry will continue – and the revenue it generates will be laundered.

    We believe that to curb the drugs trade, enforcement strategies need to go beyond simply capturing drugs and focus much more on capturing the money. Governments should go after reserves held not only by drug cartels but high-level distributors, such as those who replaced the Flores twins, and also wholesalers. People like these – comparatively high earners in destination countries – are the backbone of the illicit drugs trade.

    Transnational law enforcement should prioritise detecting and seizing bulk cash transfers. These high-volume proceeds underwrite the wellbeing of drug trafficking organisations. Digital tools, such as machine learning and artificial intelligence, can be developed to create new techniques to track and trace suspicious transactions, although they alone won’t solve all laundering problems.

    Corruption of officials also remains a problem. Governments need to ensure their officials are well paid and sufficiently monitored in their roles – be they working in government, border control, banks, police departments or prisons. Unfortunately, the US has shirked its leadership in global anti-corruption efforts with the recent halting of the enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, which bans the bribing of foreign officials.




    Read more:
    Mexico’s drug corruption has more to do with US demand than crooked politicians


    Anti-money laundering efforts need to be consistently supported and required. Lamentably, the US has undermined its anti-money laundering toolkit by suspending the enforcement of beneficial ownership information reporting requirements. Establishing beneficial ownership helps financial institutions to identify parties that are hiding their financial interests, which can be an indication of money laundering or other criminal activity.

    Similarly, foreign investment in producer countries can strengthen their capacity to counter laundering by supporting intelligence infrastructure and improved training. Recent cuts to USAid and the reduction of US State Department efforts in these areas is another indication that the US will no longer lead in these domains.

    As cash businesses provide an easy mechanism for cleaning money, moving to a cashless society that uses digital transactions may help ensure that money is traceable. At the same time, cryptomarkets provide a minor, but potentially increasing, pathway to hiding dirty money digitally.

    Ultimately, we should recognise the decades-long “war on drugs” for what it is: a policy costing trillions of dollars that combined mass incarceration with insufficient public health investment, and which has harmed the very communities the illicit drug trade affects the most. It is a difficult balance, but the pathway forward needs to reorient the objectives regarding drugs: invest in people, then go after the money that keeps the cartels, distributors and wholesalers afloat.


    For you: more from our Insights series:

    To hear about new Insights articles, join the hundreds of thousands of people who value The Conversation’s evidence-based news. Subscribe to our newsletter.

    Mark Berry received funding from the Dawes Trust for a prestigious PhD scholarship to undertake work that informs the contents of this article.

    R.V. Gundur received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council to undertake work that informs the contents of this article. He is also a professional member of the International Compliance Association.

    The authors wish to thank Margarito Flores Jr (kingpintoeducator.com) for his help with this article.

    ref. Money laundering plays a key role in every part of the illegal drugs industry – here’s how it works – https://theconversation.com/money-laundering-plays-a-key-role-in-every-part-of-the-illegal-drugs-industry-heres-how-it-works-251288

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Choose compassion, reject cruelty to end HIV, says top UN rights official

    Source: United Nations 2

    Human Rights

    Global efforts to tackle the HIV/AIDS epidemic continue to remain insufficient, with deadly consequences, the UN Human Rights Council heard on Thursday.

    In a stark assessment of the current situation of the health crisis, Deputy UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Nada Al-Nashif warned that more than nine million people do not receive treatment, while 4,000 girls and young women contract the virus every week.

    A staggering three-quarters of them live in sub-Saharan Africa, she noted, reminding Member States that while HIV is “entirely treatable and preventable…the world is off track in ending AIDS.

    Stigma fuelling crisis

    “Stigma and discrimination are preventing concrete progress and paving the way for a resurgence of infections,” Ms. Al-Nashif said.

    Together, we have the power and the responsibility to change this. When human rights are promoted, health is protected.

    Other speakers echoed the need for human rights-based approaches to ensure universal access to treatment. They warned that discrimination and harmful laws targeting marginalized communities hinder access to prevention, testing and care.

    Keep rights at the core

    Florence Riako Anam of the Global Network of People Living with HIV (GNP+) quoted Nelson Mandela, saying that HIV is “more than a disease – it is a human rights issue.”

    In many countries, criminalization, stigma and discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, drug use as well as sex work continue to obstruct HIV response efforts, with deadly consequences.

    GNP+, an NGO collecting data on stigma since 2008, has surveyed 100,000 people across 100 countries. The findings: nearly one in four respondents experienced HIV-related stigma.

    Break the barriers

    To end AIDS for good, we must dismantle the human rights-related barriers that prevent certain populations from accessing the services they need and tackle the deep gender inequalities and underlying inequities that drive starkly different health outcomes,” said Vuyiseka Dubula, Head of Community, Rights and Gender at the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria.

    Ms. Dubula, who lives with HIV in South Africa, noted that while global progress has been significant – new infections down by 61 per cent and AIDS-related deaths by 73 per cent in more than 100 countries over the last two decades—there is still much work to be done.

    “This is something to be proud of, but we can go even further in the next five years if we really are focused on ending HIV” Ms. Dubula said, referring to Sustainable Development Goal 3 (SDG3) on ensuring healthy lives for all.

    Compassion over cruelty

    Adeeba Kamarulzaman of the World Health Organization (WHO) Science Council and the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS and Pandemics echoed the need for more compassionate methods in tackling the epidemic.

    She pointed to Malaysia, her home country, which once faced a devastating HIV epidemic but has since made significant progress.

    In countries decriminalizing drug use, knowledge of HIV status is 15 per cent higher and HIV incidence is five per cent lower, she explained, adding that in places where sex work is decriminalized, infection rates are further reduced by 4.5 per cent.

    When we choose compassion over cruelty, when we invest in people instead of punishing them, we save lives,” Dr. Kamarulzaman said.

    Persistent discrimination

    Erika Castellanos, a transgender woman and Executive Director of Global Action for Trans Equality, spoke of her experience in Belize, where LGBTIQ+ people faced up to 10 years in jail before 2016. Even after the law was overturned, little has changed.

    “The stigma, discrimination and institutional barriers persist in the systems that deny us dignity, in the services that exclude us and in the societies that still see us as less than human,” said Ms. Castellanos, who has lived with HIV for 20 years.

    “I am here because of the hard work, sweat, blood and tears of countless people, many of whom did not survive this epidemic,” she told the Human Rights Council.

    I am alive – because of an HIV response that valued my life.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: UN emergency aid fund releases $110 million for neglected humanitarian crises

    Source: United Nations 2

    Humanitarian Aid

    Amid deep cuts to global humanitarian funding, the UN’s Central Emergency Response Fund, CERF, on Thursday allocated $110 million to neglected crises across Africa, Asia and Latin America.

    The UN’s top aid official, Tom Fletcher, said that more than 300 million people urgently need assistance.

    But funding has been falling annually, and this year’s levels are projected to drop to a record low.

    Brutal funding cuts don’t mean that humanitarian needs disappear; today’s emergency fund allocation channels resources swiftly to where they’re needed most,” he said.

    One third of the CERF money will support Sudan and neighbouring Chad, which is home to many uprooted Sudanese.

    The funds will also bolster the aid response in Afghanistan, the Central African Republic, Honduras, Mauritania, Niger, Somalia, Venezuela and Zambia.

    Part of the allocation will go towards life-saving initiatives to protect vulnerable people from climate shocks, too.

    Funding cuts impact aid for millions: UNICEF

    Funding cuts to overseas aid levels in multiple countries are severely limiting the UN Children Fund’s ability to reach millions of children in dire need, the agency’s Executive Director said on Thursday.

    UNICEF chief Catherine Russell highlighted cuts “by numerous donor countries follow two years of aid reductions at a time of unprecedented need.  Millions of children are affected by conflict, need to be vaccinated against deadly diseases such as measles and polio, and must be educated and kept healthy.”

    She added that needs are outpacing resources and despite introducing efficiencies and innovation to their work, UNICEF teams have stretched every contribution to its limit.

    “But there is no way around it, these new cuts are creating a global funding crisis that will put the lives of millions of additional children at risk.”

    Funded entirely by voluntary contributions, the UN children’s agency has helped save millions, making “historic progress”.

    Since 2000, global under-fives mortality has dropped by 50 per cent: “UNICEF implores all donors to continue to fund critical aid programs for the world’s children. We cannot fail them now,” Ms. Russell underlined.

    Afghanistan: Lives and livelihoods on the line

    Offering one snapshot of how cuts and shortfalls in aid are impacting one of the world’s most vulnerable nations, UN Spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric highlighted conditions in Afghanistan.

    “Our humanitarian colleagues warn that Afghanistan continues to face a severe humanitarian crisis defined by decades of conflict, entrenched poverty, climate-induced shocks and rising protection risks, especially for women and girls,” he told reporters at the regular daily briefing in New York.  

    More than half of the population – or 23 million people – need humanitarian assistance in the country, which has been run by the Taliban since they seized power from the democratically elected Government in August 2021.

    Nearly 3.5 million children under five and more than a million pregnant and breastfeeding women are expected to become acutely malnourished, while explosive hazards continue to pose a lethal threat following decades of brutal civil conflict.

    An estimated 55 people are killed or injured by ordnance every month – most of them are children.

    Cuts already taking a toll

    Funding cuts are already significantly constraining the humanitarian community’s efforts to provide assistance to those most in need,” Mr Dujarric said.

    In the past month, more than 200 health facilities have closed, depriving 1.8 million people from essential health services.

    Malnutrition services for children have also been impacted.

    “Our humanitarian partners warn that aid funding cuts will cost both lives and livelihoods – and undermine development gains,” said the UN Spokesperson.  

    UN agencies and partners on the ground are urgently reprioritising programmes to ensure communities and areas most in need can be reached. 

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Senegal: Authorities must deliver justice to victims of violent repression of protests since 2021 

    Source: Amnesty International –

    The Senegalese authorities must deliver justice, truth and reparation to the thousands of victims of the violent crackdown on protests between 2021 and 2024, said Amnesty International on the first anniversary of a law granting an amnesty to security forces.  

    The amnesty law, passed on 6 March 2024, covers all acts likely to be classified as crimes or offences relating to ‘demonstrations or politically motivated events’, which took place between 1 February 2021 and 25 February 2024. During this period, during protests triggered by the arrest of then opposition leader Ousmane Sonko, security forces routinely deployed excessive and lethal use of force against protesters. According to figures gathered by Amnesty International and other civil society organizations, at least 65 people were killed, the majority by firearms, with at least 1,000 wounded. A further 2,000 people were arrested.  

    “Justice, truth and reparation require that security forces allegedly responsible for excessive and illegal use of force during protests be prosecuted. The amnesty law constitutes an obstacle that must be removed by the current Senegalese authorities, as they pledged to do,” said Marceau Sivieude, Amnesty International’s interim regional director for West and Central Africa. 

    Justice, truth and reparation require that security forces allegedly responsible for excessive and illegal use of force during protests be prosecuted.

    Marceau Sivieude, Amnesty International Interim Regional Director for West and Central Africa

    “The financial assistance paid in 2024 to some of the victims of detentions and announced in 2025 to families of people killed during protests is a first step. However, it does not meet their need for justice, nor does it constitute a guarantee that such events will not be repeated. Senegalese authorities must repeal the amnesty law and provide justice to all victims of human rights violations during protests,” said Seydi Gassama, executive director of Amnesty International Senegal.    

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Global Bodies – IPU report: Parliamentary gender gap narrowed over the past 30 years but progress stalled in 2024

    Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union

    Geneva, Switzerland, Thursday 6 March 2025 – A new IPU report analysing three decades of women in national parliaments reveals that the percentage of seats held by women has risen from 11.3% in 1995 to 27.2% in 2025.

    The IPU report Women in parliament 1995-2025 commemorates 30 years since the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, the landmark UN framework which set out a roadmap for gender equality and women’s rights. (ref. https://www.ipu.org/resources/publications/reports/2025-03/women-in-parliament-1995-2025 )

    The report shows that, from 2000 to 2015, the proportion of women in parliament rose steadily. However, in recent years, this progress has slowed.

    And in 2024, despite a high number of elections with 73 chamber renewals globally, women’s parliamentary representation increased by only 0.3 percentage points, marking the slowest rate of progress since 2017.

    Parity achieved in six countries

    In 1995, no parliament had achieved gender parity.

    In 2025, six parliaments have parity or more women than men in their single or lower chambers (Rwanda, Cuba, Nicaragua, Mexico, Andorra and the United Arab Emirates).

    Regional differences

    The Americas have seen the most significant increase in women’s parliamentary participation, with a 22.7 percentage point gain across all chambers combined over 30 years. The region now has the highest average, with 35.4% of seats held by women.

    From leading the world 30 years ago for gender equality in parliament, Asia now lags behind; the region recorded the slowest growth with a gain of just 8.9 points since 1995.

    2024 elections: More diversity and prominence for gender issues

    Despite the current pushback against diversity in the United States, the November 2024 elections saw two Black women elected to the Senate for the first time and the first openly transgender person to be elected to Congress.

    The United Kingdom Parliament elected in 2024 is also the most ethnically diverse in the country’s history with Black, Asian and ethnic minorities, both men and women, comprising around 13% of the House of Commons.

    The report notes that gender issues, particularly abortion rights and issues of gender identity, had a polarizing effect on many of the elections last year, in some cases spurring an anti-feminist backlash and in others serving to mobilize female voters.

    Violence against women in politics

    The report also points to political violence against women in 2024 elections:

    Mexico’s 2024 election was one of its most violent, with an estimated 130 candidates, including 30 women, allegedly attacked, according to Data Cívica.

    In the Republic of Korea, a woman MP was physically attacked during the election campaign.

    In the United Kingdom, the 2024 election saw an “alarming rise” in candidate abuse according to a report by the country’s Electoral Commission, disproportionately affecting women.

    However, some countries, with IPU support, have taken noteworthy steps to address gender-based violence in elections and parliaments, including Australia and the United Republic of Tanzania.

    Proactive steps towards gender parity

    Countries which have taken steps towards ensuring greater gender balance have seen the most laudable progress.

    These steps include implementing well-designed quotas, making parliaments more gender-sensitive and addressing violence against women.

    The report underlines that two factors have made a significant difference in the share of women elected to parliaments: electoral systems – especially proportional representation or mixed systems – and gender quotas in any form.

    In countries with gender quotas in place, the proportion of women elected or appointed was 31.2% in 2024 compared to 16.8% in countries without.

    Quotes

    IPU President, Tulia Ackson: “True progress in women’s political representation requires political will, intentional steps and a long-term commitment. At a time when women’s rights are on the backfoot in some regions of the world, women’s leadership is more important than ever.”

    President of the IPU Forum of Women Parliamentarians, Cynthia López Castro: “The journey from 11% to 27% women in parliaments over 30 years shows us that change is possible, but also that our work is far from done as we aim for gender parity. We need to encourage the next generation to come forward and continue the fight.”

    IPU Secretary General, Martin Chungong: “IPU analysis shows that the gender glass ceiling in parliaments has cracked but is far from shattered. There has been progress but the backlash against women’s rights in some countries is extremely worrying. It will take both women and men to overcome these challenges and accelerate progress towards gender parity.”

    The IPU is the global organization of national parliaments. It was founded in 1889 as the first multilateral political organization in the world, encouraging cooperation and dialogue between all nations. Today, the IPU comprises 181 national Member Parliaments and 15 regional parliamentary bodies. It promotes peace, democracy and sustainable development. It helps parliaments become stronger, younger, greener, more innovative and gender-balanced. It also defends the human rights of parliamentarians through a dedicated committee made up of MPs from around the world.

    MIL OSI – Submitted News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Integrating Disaster Risk Reduction in Kenya’s Dadaab Refugee Complex

    Source: UNISDR Disaster Risk Reduction

    In May 2024, heavy rains in Kenya triggered severe flooding, affecting the communities in Dadaab refugee complex and displacing over 20,000 people, according to UNHCR. The floods disrupted schooling, destroyed latrines and homes, blocked roads, and heightened the risk of disease outbreaks. The high population density, combined with limited infrastructure and resources make the complex and its inhabitants highly vulnerable to climate-related disasters.

    The Dadaab refugee complex, situated in Garissa County, has been continuously expanding since its creation in 1991. Home to more than 400,000 people, the three camps that make up the complex welcome victims of conflict and persecution but also climate shocks.

    Despite disasters and displacement being deeply interconnected, and refugees facing recurring disasters, DRR has often been an afterthought in humanitarian responses.

    “Historically, our focus has been on immediate humanitarian response-providing shelter, food, and protection for displaced populations. DRR was often seen as a secondary priority in the urgency of crisis response. However, with the increasing frequency and intensity of climate-related disasters, we can no longer afford to address displacement and disasters separately. We now recognize that resilience must be built from the outset. Integrating DRR into our work is critical to ensure that communities we serve are not perpetually vulnerable to the next disaster.” Mr William Ejalu, Head of UNHCR Dadaab sub-office.

    As these displacements become more protracted, the Government of Kenya, supported by humanitarian and development partners, launched the Shirika plan. It aims to transition refugee camps into integrated municipalities, promoting durable solutions to displacement that strengthen resilience and promote inclusion. This municipalization process constitutes a critical opportunity to embed disaster risk reduction (DRR) into broader humanitarian and development strategies.

    Recognizing this window of opportunity, the United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNDRR) and the United Nations University (UNU) conducted a scoping mission to Dadaab in January 2025, as part of project accelerating disaster risk reduction in humanitarian action supported by the Government of Germany. The mission assessed disaster risks and identified the best ways to leverage the Early Warnings for All (EW4All) and Making Cities Resilient 2030 initiatives to support the integration of DRR in the refugee complex and in the establishment of the new municipalities.

    “The future of disaster risk reduction in refugee settings hinges on strong partnerships, and innovative solutions. As displacement becomes increasingly protracted and climate risks intensify, we must act now to integrate refugees into national resilience strategies. This is not just about reducing risks-it’s about safeguarding lives, protecting livelihoods, and ensuring that no one, regardless of their status, is left behind.” Mr. Huw Beynon, Deputy Chief, UNDRR Regional Office for Africa

    In this context, there is an opportunity to reduce disaster risk and build resilience in Dadaab. To support this, UNDRR and UNU proposed four areas of collaboration including improving disaster risk governance; strengthening early warning and early action; enhancing data and knowledge management and promoting community-led resilience.

    “Refugees should not be the last to know when disaster strikes. They need to be integrated into national early warning systems just as any other resident. Integrating refugees into national disaster preparedness systems is not just a matter of equity but also of efficiency. When everyone receives early warnings, response times improve, and lives are saved.” Mr Vitalis Ogur, Assistant County Commissioner, Dadaab Subcounty

    This initiative will serve as a model for DRR in refugee-hosting municipalities worldwide, demonstrating that even in displacement settings, resilience is possible.

    “Dadaab is no longer just a refugee camp-it is evolving into a municipality. This means we must work with all stakeholders and integrate disaster risk in everything we do, to ensure that we develop a resilient sustainable municipality.” Mr Emma Mohammed, Municipal Manager, Dadaab Municipality,

    By leveraging the strengths of EW4All, MCR2030, and the municipalization process, stakeholders can move beyond short-term humanitarian responses to build long-term resilience for both refugees and host communities.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: In Dialogue with Burkina Faso, Experts of the Human Rights Committee Commend Electoral Quotas for Women, Raise Issues Concerning Alleged Human Rights Violations by Homeland Defence Volunteers and Potential Reinstatement of the Death Penalty

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Human Rights Committee today concluded its consideration of the second periodic report of Burkina Faso on how it implements the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, with Committee Experts commending electoral quotas promoting women’s representation, while raising issues concerning impunity for alleged human rights violations committed by the Homeland Defence Volunteers, and the potential reinstatement of the death penalty.

    A Committee Expert welcomed the 2009 law on electoral quotas, which increased the quota for the representation of women in legislative and municipal elections from 30 to 50 per cent.  However, a 2020 law retained a 30 per cent quota; were there plans to amend it?

    A Committee Expert said there seemed to be impunity for violations committed by the special forces and Homeland Defence Volunteers.  How was the State party pursuing accountability?  Another Expert said State legislation granted self-defence militia a role in overseeing security and questioning suspects.  How was the State party preventing self-defence militia from carrying out law enforcement activities?

    One Expert said the Committee was deeply concerned by reported plans to reintroduce the death penalty in Burkina Faso.  Could the delegation clarify whether Burkina Faso was committed to abolishing the death penalty?  How was the potential reinstatement of the death penalty aligned with the State’s Covenant obligations?

    Responding to questions, the delegation said a law was implemented in 2020 that regulated quotas for women’s representation in elections, but it had since been revised.  Some 23 per cent of Government staff were women and there were five women ministers out of 23, while 27 per cent of Governors and 33 per cent of embassy staff and ambassadors were women.

    The State party did not agree with the Committee’s use of the term “self-defence militia”, the delegation said, which was not in line with reality.  Burkina Faso was facing an extraordinary security situation; security forces were reacting to neutralise terrorists.  There were no militias, only Homeland Defence Volunteers, who were under the aegis of the security forces.  State officials were not involved in the disappearances of persons; only terrorists were.  Persons who committed violations were brought before the justice system.

    The delegation said Burkina Faso had a sovereign right to decide on the imposition of the death penalty.  As the country most affected by terrorism worldwide, the State was most concerned with restoring peace and defending citizens’ rights. The death penalty existed in State legislation, such as in the military code, but there was a de facto moratorium on it.  There were plans to restore the death penalty to deter crimes of terrorism.

    Edasso Rodrigue Bayala, Minister of Justice and Human Rights, Keeper of the Seals and head of the delegation, said Burkina Faso was determined to implement civil and political rights, despite the terrorist attacks faced by the country.  The State had undertaken several institutional and legislative reforms to ensure citizens could better enjoy their rights, strengthening public institutions and structures responsible for promoting human rights.

    In concluding remarks, Mr. Bayala thanked the Committee for the high-quality dialogue.  The Government remained deeply committed to the respect of human rights and would closely heed any recommendations made by the Committee. The stabilisation undertaken by Burkina Faso was essential to bringing about lasting peace and development, and international partners were called on to support these efforts.

    Changrok Soh, Committee Chairperson, in concluding remarks, expressed appreciation for the constructive dialogue, and thanked all those who had contributed.  The discussions had covered a range of topics related to the Covenant, he said.

    The delegation of Burkina Faso was made up of representatives of the Presidency of Burkina Faso; Ministry of Justice and Human Rights; Ministry of Humanitarian Action and National Solidarity; Ministry of Defence and Veterans Affairs; Ministry of Security; Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Regional Cooperation and Burkinabe Abroad; and the Permanent Mission of Burkina Faso to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

    The Human Rights Committee’s one hundred and forty-third session is being held from 3 to 28 March 2025.  All the documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage.  Meeting summary releases can be found here.  The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

    The Committee will next meet in public at 3 p.m. this afternoon, Thursday 6 March to begin its consideration of the second periodic report of Zimbabwe (CCPR/C/ZWE/2).

    Report

    The Committee has before it the second periodic report of Burkina Faso (CCPR/C/BFA/2).

    Presentation of the Report

    SABINE BAKYONO KANZIE, Permanent Representative of Burkina Faso to the United Nations Office at Geneva, said through the dialogue with the Committee, Burkina Faso sought to renew its commitments to the rules and principles embodied in the Covenant.  The delegation would tackle key issues, focusing on what the Government had done to strengthen the institutional and regulatory framework.

    EDASSO RODRIGUE BAYALA, Minister of Justice and Human Rights, Keeper of the Seals and head of the delegation, said Burkina Faso was determined to implement civil and political rights, despite the terrorist attacks faced by the country.  The State had undertaken several institutional and legislative reforms to ensure citizens could better enjoy their rights.  Over the reporting period, the normative framework for the protection of civil and political rights had evolved, with the adoption of laws on the functioning of the High Council for Communication, the conditions of entry and residence of foreigners on national territory, the administration of community service, and the Homeland Defence Volunteers, as well as the 2024 amendment to the Constitution.

    The Government had strengthened public institutions and structures responsible for promoting and protecting human rights. The staff and budget of the National Human Rights Commission had been strengthened, and the National Mechanism for the Prevention of Torture was operationalised.  In 2023, the Government created a framework for consultation, monitoring and early warning of cases of alleged human rights violations and abuses, relating to the fight against terrorism, and an interministerial working group to implement the framework.  Judicial units specialised in economic and financial crimes and organised crime were created within the Ouaga 1 and Bobo Dioulasso High Courts, and a unit specialised in terrorism cases was created within the Ouaga II High Court.

    Burkina Faso attached great importance to the contribution of civil society organizations.  It adopted Law No. 039 on the protection of human rights defenders in 2017, which guaranteed the right of individuals and associations to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms.  More than 500 young human rights defenders from areas affected by the security crisis were trained between 2020 and 2022. 

    After the report was tabled, the State party had trained 627 supervisors and trainers of the Homeland Defence Volunteers, and sensitised more than 32,000 volunteers and armed force members on the protection of human rights in the fight against terrorism.  It had also held trials of terrorism cases in 2023 and 2024, in which 151 people were convicted and 95 acquitted, and held empty case files operations in January 2025, which made it possible to adjudicate 4,200 cases that had been pending for several years.

    To effectively combat terrorism, major legislative, institutional and operational reforms of the armed forces had been carried out.  Legal advisers had been established within each armed forces unit.  To guarantee the protection of the population and their property against the terrorist threat, the Government established a “state of ready alert” for a period of 12 months in April 2023, duly notifying the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

    A trial to establish responsibility regarding the death of former President Thomas Sankara was concluded in 2022 with the conviction of 14 people and  compensation for the beneficiaries.  Regarding the Norbert Zongo case, the Government had implemented the judgment of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights on reparations to family members and others, providing 233,135,409 CFA francs in compensation.

    To combat prison overcrowding, several measures had been adopted, including a 2024 law on community service, and the revision of the Code of Criminal Procedure, to improve the efficiency of the Burkinabe justice system.

    Regarding the fight against money laundering and the financing of terrorism, Burkina Faso had developed a new strategy with an action plan for 2021-2025.  Structures such as the Supreme Authority for State Control and the Fight against Corruption had strengthened awareness-raising on corruption and internal controls of public structures.  From 2022 to 2024, the Supreme Authority had sent 141 cases to the Public Prosecutor’s Office, 31 of which had already been tried.

    The Government had undertaken a review of the Code of Persons and the Family, aiming to harmonising the minimum legal age of marriage for men and women.  The draft Code had been transmitted to the Transitional Legislative Assembly for adoption.

    Burkina Faso was committed to freedom of the press and of opinion, freedom of assembly and the right to information.  However, these freedoms were not absolute and needed to be exercised in compliance with the law.  Restrictions could be imposed by the Government on the exercise of these freedoms in accordance with international commitments.  To enable journalists and media outlets to adapt to the security context, the Government was providing training, information and awareness-raising activities on crisis-sensitive journalism.

    Despite the progress made, the security and humanitarian challenges that Burkina Faso had been facing for several years were a major concern.  Citizens were fighting with bravery and dignity for the total eradication of terrorism. The State was calling for more solidarity and support from the international community.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert noted the State party’s substantial legislative and institutional machinery, set up despite the challenges faced in the State.  What measures were in place to ensure respect for the State’s human rights commitments and implementation of the Committee’s recommendations?  Since the last review, the security and humanitarian situation had deteriorated considerably in the State party.  According to the 2024 Global Terrorism Index report, “for the first time, Burkina Faso had become the country most affected by terrorism globally”.

    The Committee noted with satisfaction that the Constitution conferred on international treaties and agreements that the State party had ratified or approved a binding nature and supra-legislative authority.  Efforts had been made by the Government to disseminate the provisions of the Covenant. Could the State party provide examples of cases where national courts had invoked the provisions of the Covenant? What legislation had been harmonised with the Covenant and relevant recommendations in the previous concluding observations?  Did Constitutional revisions strengthen civil and political rights?

    A trial had been held regarding the death of former President Thomas Sankara.  Could the State party provide information on this trial and the designation of an official burial site?

    Why had the national preventive mechanism against torture been included within the National Human Rights Commission?  What were the outcomes of its activities? Could data be provided on complaints received by the Commission?  What sanctions were issued to the perpetrators of violations?  What had the Commission done to ensure proper implementation of the law on the protection of human rights defenders?  What measures had the State party taken to ensure that the Commission could recover its accreditation with the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions?

    Another Committee Expert requested more information on measures taken to ensure accountability for all persons who committed violations against former President Thomas Sankara and Norbert Zongo. Why had the High Council for Reconciliation and National Unity, which had investigated historic human rights violations occurring since the 1960s, been disestablished?  Had all its investigations been closed and did they lead to criminal sanctions?

    There had been an upsurge in human rights violations committed in the State since 2019 by different actors, including terrorist groups, non-State and military actors.  What measures were in place to raise awareness of human rights and international humanitarian law?  There seemed to be impunity for violations committed by the special forces and the Homeland Defence Volunteers.  How was the State party pursuing accountability?  What transitional justice measures and human rights education measures were in place?

    The State party had not withdrawn or renewed the state of emergency established in 2019.  Such states of emergency needed to respect basic rights; the right to individual freedoms could not be subject to exemptions.  Serious violations had occurred in the context of the fight against terrorism, including extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearance and torture. How could the derogatory legal framework in place today be reconciled with the Covenant?  When would the state of emergency be ended?

    Martial rape was prohibited in the State party. Were there any awareness raising campaigns in place to inform the public of the prohibition, and to prevent patriarchal stereotypes and violence against women?  There was an environment of impunity for violence against women in the State party.  What investigations had been carried out into violence against women, including sexual violence against displaced women?

    One Committee Expert said Burkina Faso had acceded to the United Nations Convention on Corruption in 2006, and to the African Union Convention on Corruption in 2005.  In 2017, the State adopted a law on the prevention of corruption.  Despite the efforts of the State party, however, Burkina Faso had high rankings on global corruption indices.  What measures were in place to investigate and prevent corruption?  What support did the State provide to the national committee monitoring corruption, which was reportedly encountering financial difficulties?

    The Expert welcomed the 2009 law on electoral quotas, which increased the quota for the representation of women in legislative and municipal elections from 30 to 50 per cent.  However, a 2020 law retained a 30 per cent quota; were there plans to amend it?  What measures were in place to increase the representation of women in leadership positions in public and private institutions?  There were customary practices that were discriminatory to women in Burkina Faso.  How did legislation prevent these practices?

    Parliament was reportedly yet to adopt draft legislation that would establish the legal minimum age for marriage of men and women at 18 years, and to prohibit polygamy.  When would this be adopted?  What measures were in place to prevent polygamy and raise awareness of its harms? The Committee was concerned by the continued prevalence of female genital mutilation, despite its prohibition in 1996.  What measures were in place to implement the prohibition and to combat stigmatisation and violence against women who were accused of witchcraft?

    State legislation granted self-defence militia a role in overseeing security and questioning suspects.  How was the State party strengthening the presence of security forces across the country and preventing self-defence militia from carrying out law enforcement activities?  Was the State party investigating violations by these militia?

    Another Committee Expert said that the Committee welcomed that the State party had adopted legislation prohibiting discrimination, but certain vulnerable groups were not offered protection.  Was the State party planning to adopt a comprehensive legal framework that clearly defined direct and indirect discrimination, and discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity and disability? What measures were in place to provide reparations for victims of discrimination, sanction discriminatory speech in the online space, and prevent discrimination against persons with albinism? Could the delegation provide information on reforms to the law on the family and their impact on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons?

    One Committee Expert welcomed recent amendments to the Criminal Code, which allowed for abortion up to 14 weeks of pregnancy, in cases of rape or incest.  However, social and cultural attitudes stigmatised women who sought abortions and there were barriers to obtaining legal abortions, pushing women to seek unsafe, clandestine abortions.  How was the State party addressing these issues?  The Expert welcomed the marked increase in free family planning services and contraception, but noted that cultural and other barriers continued to prevent access to contraception and family planning services.  How would these issues be addressed?

    The Committee was deeply concerned by reported plans to reintroduce the death penalty in Burkina Faso.  Could the delegation clarify whether Burkina Faso was committed to abolishing the death penalty?  The State party had not taken substantial steps to ratify the Second Optional Protocol to the Covenant.  What was the status of the ratification process?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the State party did not agree with the Committee’s use of the terms “armed non-State groups” and “self-defence militia”, which were not in line with reality.  Burkina Faso was facing an extraordinary security situation. There were no non-State armed groups, only terrorist groups.  There were also no militias, only Homeland Defence Volunteers, who were under the aegis of the security forces.  State officials were not involved in the disappearances of persons; only terrorists were.  Security forces were reacting to neutralise terrorists.  In some cases, persons reported as having been disappeared were in fact terrorists.  Persons who committed violations were brought before the justice system.

    The death penalty existed in State legislation, such as in the military code, but there was a de facto moratorium on it. There were plans to restore the death penalty to deter crimes of terrorism.

    Reform of the Constitution had been stalled due to the security situation, with work to resume when the security situation had improved.

    The Government had strengthened protection against human rights violations in 2023.  Victims of such violations had the right to report them to competent State bodies and the National Human Rights Commission.  Legislation adopted in 2016 and 2017 defined the Commission’s mandate. Since 2022, the Commission had had its own budget, and its staff had recently been increased.  It was aligned with the Paris Principles. 

    Legal amendments in 2021 appointed the National Human Rights Commission as the national preventive mechanism for torture; it was currently operational and conducting activities across the country. The mechanism had been conducting awareness raising campaigns and workshops on preventing torture and had held commemorations for the victims of torture.

    The State party planned to raise the legal age of marriage to 18 years for men and women.  All citizens were equal before the law in Burkina Faso.  The State party had conducted awareness raising activities to boost social cohesion and prevent discrimination.

    In 2023, the State party submitted a letter to the United Nations Secretary-General notifying him of the state of emergency. The state of emergency provided for no exemptions to basic individual freedoms.  The Constitution stated that all citizens could invoke all international treaties ratified by Burkina Faso before the courts.  Several members of the judiciary had received training on international treaties ratified by the State party, including the Covenant.

    The remains of former President Thomas Sankara and his murdered colleagues had been buried and these persons had been given the status of “national heroes”.  Compensation had been granted related to the case of Norbert Zongo, although this case was still before the courts.

    All forms of discrimination were prohibited under State law and victims of discrimination could plead their cases with the competent authorities.  The Penal Code stipulated that discrimination based on specific characteristics was prohibited, when it aimed to infringe on rights.  Public speech inciting violence or hatred against a person or group on any grounds could be punished with up to three years imprisonment.  There were legal provisions prohibiting discrimination by employers in relation to hiring and dismissals, and defamation against any group by the press.  There was also legislation protecting persons with disabilities from discrimination. Employers could not reject applications from persons with disabilities on the grounds of their disability.

    A law was implemented in 2020 that regulated quotas for women’s representation in elections, but it had since been revised. Some 23 per cent of Government staff were women, while 33 per cent of embassy staff were women, and 27 per cent of Governors were women.

    Burkina Faso had comprehensive care shelters for women victims of violence in three locations.  The Penal Code issued penalties of imprisonment and fines for persons who accused women of witchcraft.  The State party had assisted around 30 women accused of witchcraft to return to their family environment in 2024.  There was a national strategy and action plan for eliminating female genital mutilation; close to 250 persons had been prosecuted for the crime of female genital mutilation in recent years.  Various projects had been financed throughout the country to promote women’s access to land; these had helped to increase the share of land held by women.

    Burkina Faso provided food aid, shelter and psychosocial support for internally displaced persons.  The State had established a plan spanning 2023 to 2027 for supporting internally displaced persons.

    Abortions could be carried out by authorised doctors if there was a threat to the life of the mother.  The State party had established a national action plan on family planning, which sought to increase access to contraception.

    The High Council for Reconciliation and National Unity had been abolished and another body had been established to continue its mission.

    Volunteer forces were military personnel, and therefore needed to abide by State legislation and all international treaties to which Burkina Faso was a party.  They did not enjoy impunity.  When they committed violations, they could be expelled from the security forces.  Legal texts regulated the mobilisation of volunteer forces, which were helping to recover land nationwide and put an end to terrorist attacks.  Reforms were being implemented to promote better coverage of the territory by security forces.  The State could not overcome terrorism without the help of citizens.  From 2016 to 2024, over 285 members of self-defence forces were prosecuted and issued with sanctions.

    There were State bodies that were working to prevent corruption and investigate complaints of corruption, including corruption within the security forces.  Legislation on money laundering, financing terrorism and proliferating weapons of mass destruction had been implemented.  In 2024, 81 cases of violations under this legislation had been investigated.

    The state of emergency was not in force as of October 2023, demonstrating that the security situation in the country had improved. The state of emergency had been implemented to combat the upsurge in terrorist acts and to bring back peace in the country.

    Burkina Faso attached great importance to the contributions of human rights defenders and had implemented several initiatives to create an enabling environment for them.  The law on human rights defenders mandated the State to set up a protection mechanism for human rights defenders and their family members; this was now operational.

    The Government was committed to freedom of the press.  However, hate speech and incitement to violence was not acceptable and some members of the press had been sanctioned for such activities.

    Persons with albinism had preferential access to State health and educational services.

    Burkina Faso was committed to combatting and ending female genital mutilation both within and outside its territory.  In the Human Rights Council, the State promoted resolution 50/16, which addressed female genital mutilation internationally.

    The State party was waging a complex battle against terrorists and their accomplices, who sometimes sought to hijack human rights issues. These persons could have given the Committee unreliable information.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts

    One Committee Expert called on the State party to prove that the information submitted by civil society lacked substantiation.  The Expert said that the only official notification received by the Secretary-General related to the state of emergency dated back to 2019.  Had a letter been sent concerning the most recent state of emergency?  The powers granted to the military in this state of emergency seemed to still be in force; was this the case?

    Other Committee Experts asked follow-up questions on the membership of the national preventive mechanism against torture, the resources available to it, and its powers to visit places of depravation of liberty; measures to ensure that existing laws were consistent with the Covenant; how human rights defenders were involved in the drafting of treaty body reports and whether there was a dedicated mechanism for the drafting of reports.

    Questions were also asked on measures to ensure that informal counter-terrorism actors did not abuse their powers; how the State party implemented anti-discrimination legislation to protect the rights of vulnerable persons; how the State party would guarantee access to justice for persons with disabilities and other vulnerable groups who were discriminated against; the number of discrimination complaints investigated by the State party; the State party’s legal stance on same-sex relations; measures to prevent marital rape; how the potential reinstatement of the death penalty aligned with the State’s Covenant obligations; and plans to remove administrative barriers to accessing abortions.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said it could not provide information about issues that did not exist, such as self-defence militias. The Homeland Defence Volunteers had a legal basis, and volunteers were recruited according to specific moral criteria. They were overseen by the military police and other defence forces.

    Burkina Faso had a sovereign right to decide on the imposition of the death penalty, which could act as a deterrent to terrorism crimes.  Burkina Faso had a duty to uphold the Covenant but was facing an existential crisis. It was the country most affected by terrorism worldwide.  The State was most concerned with escaping this situation, restoring peace and defending citizens’ rights.  It had eliminated the death penalty within common law.

    The Constitutional Court had invoked the Covenant in two cases.  The national preventive mechanism against torture was established in 2014 but had faced financial difficulties.  In 2021, the decision was made to incorporate the mechanism within the National Human Rights Commission to ensure its access to financing.  It worked separately from the Commission, overseeing prisons, police holding facilities and other places of detention.  It had also held workshops throughout the country to inform the public about its activities.

    The state of emergency was no longer in force, but the State party still needed to ensure security across the country.  Thus, following advice from the Constitutional Court, the State party had declared a “state of ready alert”, which gave the State the power to control the supply of resources and restrict certain rights, pursuant to the law.

    There was a plan of action in place for the promotion of human rights education and civic duty.  A study had been conducted into the alignment of the State’s legislation with Covenant provisions; the recommendations of this study were currently being implemented.  There was a specialised body established within the State party to draft reports for the treaty bodies and oversee implementation of their recommendations.

    In cases of rape or incest, if public prosecutors granted permission, women could conduct abortions within the first 14 weeks of pregnancy.  In cases of repeated marital rape, fines were imposed on the perpetrator.  The Government was conducting an awareness raising campaign on preventing marital rape.

    In March 2020, a decree was adopted for an action plan up to 2024 for human rights education within school syllabuses and educational training centres.  This action plan made it possible to provide training, awareness raising and information session to the public, civil society organisations and defence forces. Some 232 courses in human rights were organised.  An action plan for 2025-2029 was currently being developed to continue this work. 

    Burkina Faso had established traditional dispute mechanisms, including mediation.  There had been more than 4,000 complaints of violence against women in 2023 and more than 5,000 in 2024.  Access to justice was guaranteed for everybody, including those with disabilities.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert asked how the mechanism for the prevention of torture worked in practice.  Could it visit places of deprivation of liberty unannounced and meet detainees without the presence of a police officer or guard?  Were requests from the authorities followed up?  Was the Human Rights Commission’s annual report widely disseminated to the authorities concerned?  Torture was prohibited, as was the use of confessions under torture, however accused officials had told the courts that confessions had been extracted from them by police.  Could the delegation provide examples of cases in which the rule of exclusion of evidence obtained under torture had been applied by the courts?

    The judicial reforms of 2023 and 2024 had significant effects on the functioning of the justice system, some of which were potentially problematic, even dangerous, including the modification of the High Council of the Judiciary to increase the share of non-magistrate members to 50 per cent, and the submission of the Public Prosecutor’s Office to the authority of the Minister of Justice.  It appeared that it was up to the Minister, in practice, to appoint, assign and sanction judges, which risked undermining the independence of judges.  There also seemed to be significant judicial backlogs and unexecuted decisions.  What strategy was envisaged to reduce those backlogs and strengthen the implementation of court decisions?  Were the reforms compatible with the impartiality and independence of justice, as enshrined in the Covenant?  What measures had been taken to strengthen the capacity of the judiciary?  How was the selection of judges organised?

    The Committee was concerned that certain magistrates who had issued decisions unfavourable to Homeland Defence Volunteers or the Executive had been forcibly conscripted.  Information had also been received regarding an instruction note from the Prosecutor General in October 2024, which reportedly gave an injunction to all prosecutors not to prosecute certain persons until they had received his prior authorisation.  Could the delegation comment on this information?  Were the Homeland Defence Volunteers subject to civilian courts when they committed crimes, or did they fall under the jurisdiction of military courts?

    Another Committee Expert asked about the steps taken to finalise the investigations relating to alleged violations committed during the 2014-2015 period of unrest , in particular regarding excessive use of force resulting in bodily harm, death and obstruction of peaceful assemblies? If State officers were found guilty, would the State party ensure that the penalties issued were proportionate to the seriousness of the crime?  Could the Committee be updated on developments relating to the National Observatory for the Prevention of Torture, with regard to its mandate, composition, financing, and data collection system, and the choice of its members?

    Another Expert said that while the Committee took note of efforts made by the State party to improve the conditions of detention, information received indicated several shortcomings in this area.  For example, the Ouagadougou prison had just one nurse.  In 2021, the State party adopted a strategic plan for the development of the prison administration with a view to humanising the conditions of detention in prisons; how had implementation of the plan been assessed?  What were the outcomes and impacts of the visits of the judicial authorities, the competent inspection bodies and non-governmental organizations to places of deprivation of liberty on the conditions of detainees?

    Burkina Faso had asserted that there were no minority groups within its population, and that the Peuhl and Tuareg communities were not minorities.  Could more information on this be provided?  According to information received over the past five years, members of the indigenous Fulani community had reported cases of being stigmatised, treated inhumanely and accused of terrorism based on their ethnicity.  What measures were being taken to ensure that the rights of all citizens were respected without discrimination?  Did the State party plan to open secure corridors to allow the population to withdraw from dangerous areas and secure their property?  The national human rights institution had made recommendations for the State party to strengthen actions to combat hate speech and incitement to violence; could the State party comment on this?

    A Committee Expert said the Committee acknowledged the progress made in the 2019 Code of Criminal Procedure, which guaranteed the right to a medical examination and legal assistance from the beginning of police custody.  However, it was concerning that these guarantees were not automatic or unconditional. Did the State intend to amend its regulations to ensure that all detained persons had immediate and automatic access to a medical examination without the need for prior authorisation or a 72-hour waiting period?  What measures had been taken to ensure that these examinations were carried out by independent doctors, guaranteeing their impartiality and confidentiality?  Would the State consider reducing the maximum period of detention without judicial control to 48 hours? 

    The Committee was aware of the enormous challenge facing Burkina Faso in the face of one of the largest humanitarian crises in its history, with more than 1.5 million internally displaced persons due to insecurity and armed violence.  In addition, the country had welcomed a significant number of refugees, mainly from Mali, who faced difficulties in accessing protection, legal documentation and basic services.  The Committee took note of Act No. 042-2008/AN on the Status of Refugees, which recognised the principle of non-refoulement and granted rights to refugees and asylum-seekers but was concerned about its implementation.  The absence of a clear procedure for determining stateless status remained a challenge, particularly affecting children born in refugee camps, despite the State’s efforts to improve birth registration and the issuance of identity documents.

    Regarding internally displaced persons, the Committee recognised the State’s efforts in humanitarian assistance, including access to food, health, education, and economic support.  However, concerns remained about camp security, gender-based violence, child exploitation and the lack of durable solutions that allowed access to sustainable livelihoods. 

    What measures had the State taken to ensure the effective application of the principle of non-refoulement and to prevent undue expulsions?  Could updated data on the number of asylum applications lodged and granted in recent years be provided?  What actions were being implemented to strengthen refugees’ and asylum seekers’ access to basic services?  Did the State intend to revise the Nationality and Civil Status Act to address gaps and establish a clear procedure for determining statelessness?  What efforts had been made to ensure timely birth registration and the free issuance of birth certificates, especially in camps for refugees and internally displaced children?  What strategies had the State implemented to guarantee the safety of internally displaced persons, in the face of risks of gender-based violence and child exploitation?

    The Committee took note of Burkina Faso’s legal framework guaranteeing freedom of peaceful assembly and association, but concerns remained about restrictions in practice, including allegations of obstruction of demonstrations by security forces and sanctions against protesters. What measures had the State taken to ensure that the intervention of security forces in demonstrations was governed by the principles of necessity and proportionality?  What independent monitoring mechanisms existed to investigate allegations of excessive use of force?  What provisions were in place to authorise or restrict demonstrations? How was it ensured that they were compatible with international standards?  What measures had been put in place to enable human rights organizations to register and operate without obstacles?  How was the safety of journalists and human rights defenders covering demonstrations guaranteed?

    The Committee noted the 2018 revision of the Electoral Code, however, concerns remained about restrictions on the exercise of the right to vote, particularly for certain groups.  What had been done to increase the political participation of women and marginalised groups in the country?  How was the independence of the institutions responsible for monitoring the electoral process guaranteed?  When would the next elections be held?

    Another Expert said the State Party had undertaken several positive initiatives to combat trafficking, including the national action plan against trafficking for 2023 to 2026, however challenges remained in implementation.  What progress had been made in implementing the national action plan?  Were there mechanisms to access its effectiveness? What measures were being taken to improve data collection?  A significant proportion of convicted traffickers continued to receive fully or partially suspended sentences, raising concerns about the deterrent effect of the legislation.  Could updated figures be provided on trafficking cases investigated, prosecutions initiated, and convictions secured?  What concrete steps were being taken to ensure that anti-trafficking laws were enforced rigorously?  How did the State Party ensure that law enforcement agencies and judicial officials received adequate training on victim-centred approaches in handling trafficking cases?  What actions was the State Party taking to address deficiencies in victim support, including limited shelter capacities and support services?

    Reports indicated that a significant number of children remained engaged in dangerous labour, particularly in small-scale gold mining and agricultural fields.  Could the delegation provide updated statistics on the number of children identified and removed from hazardous work, as well as data on their reintegration in society?  What was the anticipated timeline for adoption of the draft child protection code? Wha steps were being taken to improve the long-term reintegration of child victims of forced labour?  What measures were in place to expand shelter capacity, improve service quality, and ensure sustainable funding for victim support programmes?

    The Committee noted with concern that a review of legislation that imposed content-based restrictions to safeguard defence and security forces had not been envisaged, despite potential limitations on freedom of expression.  How did the State Party ensure that the law did not restrict freedom of expression? Had consultations on this issue been held with civil society and media representatives?  What safeguards were in place to prevent the misuse of digital restrictions?

    The Expert was also concerned by reports of escalating repression against journalists and human rights defenders, including threats, intimidation, arbitrary arrests, physical assaults, enforced disappearances, and forced conscription into security forces.  What steps had the State Party taken to investigate attacks on journalists, including the case of Atiana Serge Oulon?  How many cases of threats, arbitrary detention, and disappearances had been investigated, and what were the outcomes?  Had State agents been held accountable?  What independent mechanisms existed to prevent the abuse of security laws and conscription orders to silence dissent?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the national prevention mechanism had three commissioners from the national human rights institution. The mechanism had carried out 12 monitoring missions to places of deprivation of liberty.  It could either inform authorities of a visit or carry out a visit unannounced.  Its report was sent to the highest authorities, including the head of State.

    A demonstration was lawful when the organisers notified the competent authorities within the conditions provided for. Media suspension occurred when the journalism ethics code had been breached.  The Government had decided to close the cases of certain journalists in the national interest. These journalists had chosen to proliferate misinformation, which would not be tolerated.

    Burkina Faso had a mix of ethnic groups.  In the fight against terrorism, terrorists, rather than ethnic groups, were targeted.  There could not be stigmatisation of any ethnic group, as all ethnic groups were represented within the armed forces.  The Supreme Council had organised an awareness raising campaign on hate speech, which was launched nationwide.  If confessions were extracted under duress, judges reserved the right to discard this evidence.  There was no category of persons whose civic rights were restricted, including the right to vote, unless they had been convicted in court and denied their voting rights.

    The State had increased magistrate, prison and notary staff significantly in the past few years.  To combat corruption in the judiciary, activities were taken as part of the disciplinary council, including the anti-corruption commission. The independence of the judiciary was expressly enshrined in the Constitution.  A specific law set up in 2024 to remove the High Council of the Judiciary from the Presidency and make it an independent body.  As a guarantee of impartiality, judges could be removed during a procedure if there was any suspicion that they were connected to the parties in a case.  The Minister of Justice did not interfere in the appointment procedure.  The State needed to ensure there was better implementation of the justice policy.

    Internally displaced persons were dealt with in an inclusive manner, with no discrimination on any grounds.  More than two million people had been returned to their places of origin.  Health centres had been opened at schools and basic services had been supplied.  The Penal Code sanctioned trafficking, including exploitation and the worst forms of child labour.  In 2022, 125 cases of child abduction were prosecuted, and eight for trafficking.  A plan had been adopted to tackle child labour, resulting in more than one million stakeholders, including 41,300 children, being made aware of the worst forms of child labour and being withdrawn from these practices.  More than 26,000 children had been reintegrated into society.

    There was a plan on trafficking up to 2021 and the State had been able to intersect trafficking networks.  A code for children was currently in the process of being adopted.

    Following the 2014 popular uprise, the prosecution service and the High Court began an investigation, and judicial proceedings were initiated.  A commission of inquiry had been put in place to identify those responsible for the violations committed during this time.  The investigation was still underway.  Some 84 persons had appeared before the military court, and 145 persons overall who had been wounded had received compensation.

    Atiana Serge Oulon had not been subjected to an enforced disappearance but had been held under state of ready alert measures. As per the Constitution, any citizen had the duty to contribute to the defence and maintaining of Burkina Faso’s integrity.  Homeland Defence Volunteers were considered auxiliaries of the defence forces and were subject to military court provisions.  When they committed offences, they fell within the scope of military jurisdiction.

    Meetings and public demonstrations could freely be held in Burkina Faso, pursuant to the law.  Freedom to demonstrate was subject to prior notification to the civilian administration.  Demonstrations could only be restricted when there was an attack against public order.

    There were no longer any obstacles for Burkina Faso nationals abroad exercising their right to vote.  The prison administration had a 2021-2025 strategic plan and plan of action, and implementation of this plan was being assessed.  Under the strategy, personnel had been trained, new prisons had been constructed, significantly reducing overcrowding, and 22 prisons had benefitted from refurbishment.

    The law on asylum application ensured all applications were dealt with in a fair manner, and all protections were offered to the applicant during the procedure.  As of August 2024, there were more than 38,000 refugees and 2,000 asylum seekers.

    The Code for the Family contained a special chapter on statelessness, dealing with conditions for determining statelessness. The Government had made significant efforts to improve birth registration and provide free birth certificates.  Campaigns had been rolled out, with more than 50,000 birth certificates being issued. Sessions had been held to provide free birth certificates, which had benefitted thousands of women and internally displaced persons.

    Detained persons had the right to request a medical examination after 72 hours of their detention.  The current length of police custody for cases linked to terrorism was 15 days maximum, with the possibility to expand for an additional 10 days. Detained people had the right to receive assistance from a lawyer, and those who could not afford to pay a lawyer were entitled to judicial assistance from the State.

    The penitentiary administration had a strategic plan for 2021 to 2025.  A steering committee had been created to assess the implementation of the plan.

    The terms “militia” or “enforced disappearances” in the context of countering terrorism were totally inappropriate.  A report had been submitted to the Committee on Enforced Disappearances in this regard.  A terrorist carried no identification card.  Their strength was to blend within the public.  While security did not prevail, rights could not be enjoyed.  It was often hard to differentiate between a terrorist and civilian, and this needed to be considered.  Burkina Faso was making many efforts to promote and protect human rights. Homeland Defense Volunteers should not be referred to as militia.

    Burkina Faso’s judiciary was still independent. The reforms which were implemented were designed to make the justice system more accessible and credible. There were 384 media organizations in the country, with over 80 per cent being privately owned.  Burkina Faso did not accept apologism for acts of terrorism; if the media contributed to propagating acts of terrorism, they were failing in their ethic duty.  The State allowed for associations to be created freely if their purpose was not contrary to public order.

    If the security situation allowed the State to organise elections, this would be done straight away.  Before elections could be organised, it needed to be ensured that all candidates and members of the public could exercise their right to vote. The State needed to be given assurances that if they organised elections, they would be safe.  All terrorists would be targeted by the State regardless of what ethnic group they belonged to.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts

    Committee Experts asked follow-up questions on topics including on the status of investigations into cases of torture; the difference between the national observatory on torture and the national preventive mechanism; the financial and logistical means available to the national preventive mechanism, its reports, and its ability to carry out announced and unannounced visits; efforts being made to reconcile combatting terrorism and respecting human rights; judges’ right to consider evidence obtained under duress, and what consequence this had on trials; the independence of the judiciary; denials of demonstrations; the involvement of women in different sectors, and how their political participation was being organised; when the next elections would be held and the proceedings put in place to ensure citizens’ participation in the elections; support services for victims of trafficking; and revisions of the Penal Code to implement the death penalty for crimes such as terrorism.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the decision to reintroduce the death penalty had been taken due to the fight against terrorism. Terrorists were increasingly recruiting children, who were then forced to become combatants.  The more regions affected, the more people did not have access to basic rights.  The priority for Burkina Faso was to put an end to terrorism as soon as possible and restore security throughout the whole country, before meeting international obligations.  There was no death penalty for homosexuality.

    Elections were organised in November 2015, and just after these there was a terrorist attack in January 2016.  The situation had continued to get worse, despite the elections.  Elections had been organised twice in 2015 and 2020 and the situation had not changed; the State needed to find an alternative solution.

    Prosecutors had always been subject to the hierarchy of the prosecuting magistracy.  Judges remained entirely independent.

    The national preventive mechanism used the resources provided to the National Human Rights Commission.  It was up to the discretion of the mechanism to decide on whether visits were announced or unannounced.  State authorities and civil society carried out visits to places of detention. 

    Typically, evidence obtained under duress could not be admitted in court, however if such an act was key to a trial, then the evidence could be admitted.  Public officials responsible for acts of torture could be criminally prosecuted and victims could ask for reparations for damage suffered.

    No human rights organisation had been refused registration or accreditation.  They often received technical and material support from the State.  Women were fully involved in public affairs and held many decision-making positions.  Within the Government, there were five women ministers out of 23, and 33 per cent of ambassadors were women.

    Preventing a demonstration was an exception in the country; this was only done in exceptional circumstances.  If the competent authorities prohibited demonstrations, there was always a reason provided.

    Burkina Faso was trying to find a balance between combatting terrorism and protecting human rights to achieve results.  There were specialised judicial systems to combat terrorism.

    Closing Statements

    EDASSO RODRIGUE BAYALA, Minister of Justice and Human Rights, Keeper of the Seals and head of the delegation, thanked the Committee for the high-quality dialogue.  The Committee should be commended for its commitment to civil and political rights.  Mr. Bayala thanked all those who had made the dialogue a success.  The Government remained deeply committed to the respect of human rights and would closely heed any recommendations made by the Committee. Burkina Faso renewed its commitment to consolidate with the Committee in the context of the fight against terrorism. The stabilisation undertaken by Burkina Faso was essential to bringing about lasting peace and development, and international partners were called on to support these efforts.

     

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

     

    CCPR25.003E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the white paper on the future of European defence – B10-0149/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Reinis Pozņaks, Adam Bielan, Rihards Kols, Cristian Terheş, Alberico Gambino, Alexandr Vondra, Aurelijus Veryga, Jadwiga Wiśniewska, Joachim Stanisław Brudziński, Michał Dworczyk, Roberts Zīle, Sebastian Tynkkynen, Bogdan Rzońca, Carlo Fidanza, Ondřej Krutílek, Veronika Vrecionová, Geadis Geadi
    on behalf of the ECR Group

    B10‑0149/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the white paper on the future of European defence

    (2025/2565(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to the ‘Strategic Compass for Security and Defence – For a European Union that protects its citizens, values and interests and contributes to international peace and security’, which was approved by the Council on 21 March 2022 and endorsed by the European Council on 25 March 2022,

     having regard to the national security strategies of the Member States,

     having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2017/2315 of 11 December 2017 establishing permanent structured cooperation (PESCO) and determining the list of participating Member States[1],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2021/697 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 29 April 2021 establishing the European Defence Fund and repealing Regulation (EU) 2018/1092[2],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2023/1525 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 20 July 2023 on supporting ammunition production (ASAP)[3],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2023/2418 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 October 2023 on establishing an instrument for the reinforcement of the European defence industry through common procurement (EDIRPA)[4],

     having regard to European Court of Auditors (ECA) special report 04/2025 of 6 February 2025 entitled ‘EU military mobility – Full speed not reached due to design weaknesses and obstacles en route’[5],

     having regard to the report by Enrico Letta of 18 April 2024 entitled ‘Much more than a market’, and in particular the section ‘Promoting peace and enhancing security: towards a Common Market for the defence industry’,

     having regard to the report by Mario Draghi of 9 September 2024 entitled ‘The future of European competitiveness’, and in particular chapter four thereof, ‘Increasing security and reducing dependencies’,

     having regard to the report by Sauli Niinistö of 30 October 2024 entitled ‘Safer Together – Strengthening Europe’s Civilian and Military Preparedness and Readiness’,

     having regard to the North Atlantic Treaty,

     having regard to the Madrid Summit Declaration issued by NATO heads of state or government participating in the meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Madrid on 29 June 2022,

     having regard to the NATO 2022 Strategic Concept of 29 June 2022 and the Vilnius Summit Communiqué issued by NATO heads of state and government participating in the meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Vilnius on 11 July 2023,

     having regard to the three joint declarations on EU-NATO cooperation signed on 8 July 2016, 10 July 2018 and 10 January 2023,

     having regard to the Washington Summit Declaration issued by the NATO heads of state or government participating in the North Atlantic Council in Washington, D.C. on 10 July 2024,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas, following the deteriorating geopolitical context and security environment in recent years, the strengthening of European defence, the bolstering of Europe’s operational capabilities and the ramping up of defence production are key initiatives that must be undertaken for ensuring peace, fostering development and strengthening unity between citizens and the Member States, and will contribute decisively to peace on our continent and towards ensuring the long-term security of Ukraine;

    B. whereas the recognition that Russia is the most significant threat to Europes security for the foreseeable future is paramount, and all Member States must therefore ensure a widespread increase in defence production and operational capabilities in order to ensure that credible deterrence is restored on the European continent, while simultaneously recognising that the instability in the southern neighbourhood must be fully taken into consideration;

    C. whereas, in light of the worsening external environment and despite the efforts made in recent years to enhance the EU’s crisis preparedness through new legislation, mechanisms and tools across various policy areas, the EU and its Member States remain vulnerable to multiple crisis scenarios;

    D. whereas the Commissioner for Defence and Space, Andrius Kubilius, and the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Kaja Kallas, have been jointly tasked with producing a white paper on the future of European defence within the first 100 days of the mandate of the new Commission; whereas this paper aims to move from political objectives expressed in general terms to specific and quantifiable objectives, and to constitute an element of defence planning;

    E. whereas the timing of the white paper may coincide with a review of the Strategic Compass threat analysis, as well as with possible proposals for a revision of the Strategic Compass, as the majority of its commitments are due for completion by 2025;

    F. whereas the white paper’s principal focus must be to outline a clear plan for how the Member States can address and overcome their growing need for greater financial, operational and logistical resources for their national armed forces and intelligence services;

    G. whereas the white paper must ensure that an effective and financeable strategy that counters hybrid warfare can be realised, particularly one that counters the ongoing attacks on subsea infrastructure that are essential for global energy transport and digital communications, as approximately 99 % of global data traffic is reliant on undersea fibre-optic cables;

    H. whereas the undersea network of the Member States consists of 39 such cables, ensuring connectivity across the Mediterranean, North Sea and Baltic Sea; whereas recent undersea cable disruptions are often dismissed as maritime accidents; whereas emerging technologies and rapid advancements in autonomous underwater drones and deep-sea espionage capabilities create key vulnerabilities that are being exploited by hostile state and non-state actors;

    I. whereas the white paper must ensure complementarity with NATO’s Strategic Concept as NATO is and must remain the principal security guarantor for the Euro-Atlantic area;

    1. Reiterates its firm support for initiatives aimed at strengthening the European defence and deterrence capacity, addressing hybrid and cyber threats, promoting industrial cooperation in the defence sector, and providing the Member States and their allies with high-quality defence products in the required quantities and at short notice; underlines that these objectives require vision, concreteness and shared commitments, both in the strictly military field and in the industrial, technological and intelligence sectors;

    2. Emphasises that the EU must adopt a comprehensive, all-encompassing approach to civilian and military preparedness and readiness, involving both government and society as a whole, as European defence is confronted with increasingly complex challenges that demand a shift in approach, in particular regarding artificial intelligence (AI), cybersecurity and multi-domain operational strategies; considers the importance of strengthening cooperation with NATO and like-minded countries and engaging with the United States to increase the resilience of the transatlantic relationship;

    3. Expects the white paper on the future of European defence to differentiate between short-term and long-term plans and objectives, to predominantly address defence sector capability issues, industrial competitiveness and investment needs, as well as to frame the overall approach to EU defence integration, with the aim of strengthening the Member States’ abilities to respond to threats – particularly in the context of Russia’s continuing war of aggression in Ukraine, combined with evolving geopolitical challenges to Europe’s southern flank, and increased military capabilities of hostile state and non-state actors – reinforce EU-NATO cooperation, ensure more efficient Member State defence spending, improve coordination between the Member States, and strengthen strategic partnerships while prioritising the transatlantic relationship;

    4. Underlines that Europe must take on greater responsibility and welcomes the fact that higher Member State investment in defence is already accelerating the consolidation of the EU’s Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB), which includes a number of large multinational companies, mid-caps and over 2 000 small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs); stresses that the different EU initiatives and regulations should work together to incentivise this process, rather than presenting obstacles; underlines the importance of improving coherence and coordination between EU instruments and programmes of common European interest for defence;

    5. Reiterates, in this regard, that it will also be important to promptly adopt the European defence industry programme (EDIP), in order to support the European defence industrial strategy (EDIS), adopted in March 2024, which aims to enhance the EU’s defence readiness and specifically its industrial capacity;

    6. Encourages the expansion of financial support to future European defence spending initiatives that promote the mass development of operational capabilities and strategic enablers, along with a robust enhancement of civil defence infrastructure to ensure the national resilience of the Member States;

    7. Welcomes the announcement of the proposal for the exemption of defence spending from EU limitations on public spending – a first, fundamental step in the right direction;

    8. Recalls that on 31 January 2025, 19 of the Member States sent a letter urging the European Investment Bank (EIB) to take a stronger role in financing security and defence, in particular re-evaluating the EIB’s list of excluded activities, increasing funding for defence-related investments and exploring the issuance of ‘defence bonds’;

    9. Calls on the EIB to further review its policy on defence investment; welcomes the EIB’s decision to update the definition of eligible dual-use projects, but notes that its lending policy still excludes the financing of ammunition and weapons, as well as equipment or infrastructure exclusively dedicated to military use; underlines that more should be done to enable access to financing and facilitate the de-risking of defence projects across the financial institutions;

    10. Urges the Member States to support the establishment of a defence, security and resilience bank to serve as a multilateral lending institution designed to provide low-interest, long-term loans that can support key national security priorities such as rearmament, defence modernisation, rebuilding efforts in Ukraine and the buying back of critical infrastructure currently owned by hostile non-EU countries;

    11. Encourages EU defence actions aimed at supporting, initiating and incentivising better Member State coordination as Member States are the principal customers of defence equipment, and stresses that any EU initiative for defence must aim to reach a critical mass of capability development, support an appreciable share of Europe’s overall defence investments and support its defence industrial tools with financial means that have a structural effect, without coming at the expense of national defence spending;

    12. Encourages the Member States to promote cooperation between different European defence firms to encourage the combining of resources and competencies, in order to spur innovation and the development of modern military equipment;

    13. Considers that the strategic environments in which many EU common security and defence policy (CSDP) missions are present are radically deteriorating, with an ongoing war of aggression by Russia in Ukraine and its spillover effect into Moldova and the South Caucasus, a wave of coup d’états in the Sahel region and renewed terrorist campaigns in Somalia and Mozambique, all of which demonstrate the need for the white paper to ensure flexibility in a 360 degree approach to European security that strives towards building a credible and capable deterrence capacity for the Member States, and ensures that Member State civilian and military personnel can deter and respond rapidly to the growing threat environment;

    14. Recognises that the current geopolitical paradigm is the result of decades of underinvestment in European security and over-reliance on allies and partners; considers it a key priority of the white paper to outline an actionable plan to revitalise and advance deterrence along the periphery of Europe with a combination of joint civilian and military training missions that specialise in combined arms training, counter-unmanned aerial vehicle (C-UAV) and counter-improvised explosive device (C-IED) capabilities, and enhance interoperability and interchangeability among the Member States and non-EU countries;

    15. Calls for the white paper to ensure that the CSDP’s access to planning, resources and logistics is utilised in a manner that permits the CSDP to become the primary enabler of civilian crisis management during emergencies, and can be used as a practice hub for societal resilience and recovery in the face of both human-induced and natural disasters;

    16. Stresses that the white paper should promote close coordination between the EU and NATO to aid our collective defence and deterrence efforts, as well as the alliance’s effort to promote cooperative security through defence capacity-building and its open door policy;

    17. Calls for the white paper to outline how the EU and NATO should collaborate on building an integrated approach to the Black Sea, with a view to strengthening partnership in the areas of security, energy and connectivity; calls for the EU to redouble joint efforts by the EU and NATO to strengthen the deterrence and resilience of the Eastern Partnership countries by developing maritime defence capabilities, enhancing maritime interoperability, providing capabilities to deter and defend against cyber intrusions and attacks, expanding intelligence-sharing and maintaining modern outfitting of national armed forces;

    18. Highlights that Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and Iran’s aggression against Israel have demonstrated the use of drones at an unprecedented scale in modern warfare, urges the Member States to utilise the European Peace Facility, Permanent Structured Cooperation, the European Defence Agency and other available and future instruments to ensure that investment, development and joint procurement of counter unmanned aerial systems (C-UAS) and airborne electronic attack (AEA) equipment are prioritised, and to integrate C-UAS and AEA into the strategic doctrine of CSDP military training missions;

    19. Concurs with the ambition of enhancing the European pillar within NATO, with a view to augmenting strategic complementarity, by increasing the amount and range of NATO advanced training courses between European allies and partners to ensure that the Member States close the gap with the United States in operational capabilities and effectiveness; stresses that the development of EU operational capabilities can go hand in hand with the deepening of EU-NATO cooperation;

    20. Emphasises that the rise of asymmetric transnational threats has increasingly blurred the distinction between external and internal security, as well as between military and non-military security, and that this shifting landscape necessitates a comprehensive and adaptive approach to security at EU level; underlines that the Member States’ increases in defence spending should be complementary to the EU’s overall security strategy, which must evolve in response to changes in the strategic environment;

    21. Recognises that NATO and leading allies such as the United States and the United Kingdom are playing a crucial role in coordinating and leading the efforts to support Ukraine militarily not only with weapons, ammunition and equipment, but also intelligence and data; considers Russia’s ongoing war of aggression as further evidence that the most important countries for European security remain the United States and United Kingdom, as the war continues to reveal profound structural faults in EU security and defence architecture and unacceptable shortfalls in its capabilities;

    22. Highlights the need to ensure the security of the Black Sea region by assisting in the demining of Ukraine’s seawaters and to encourage the Member States to offer joint training exercises in this regard, with an emphasis on the development of maritime mine counter measure capabilities and critical seabed infrastructure protection;

    23. Underlines the importance of undersea cables and in this regard expresses worry about the recent series of cable disruptions in the Baltic Sea, which raise concerns about hybrid warfare tactics, particularly plausible deniability in state-sponsored sabotage; recalls that Russia’s increased naval presence, also through its shadow fleet, in European waters, highlights the vulnerabilities of seabed infrastructure; stresses the need to expand NATO and EU naval coordination for Baltic Sea patrols, enhance surveillance and defensive capabilities, increase investment in undersea surveillance technologies and strengthen partnerships with private telecom and energy companies for real-time monitoring of undersea threats;

    24. Encourages the Member States to provide specialised opportunities for SMEs in the European defence sector so they have the capacity to participate in the bidding process via measures such as creating a pre-approved list of companies to facilitate a speedier engagement process, introducing private equity firms that invest in SMEs into the procurement process, assisting SME growth through incubation and capital investment, reducing the complexities of bidding for contracts, and devising an internal effort to reform the amount of time taken to address contract details;

    25. Encourages the Member States to support binding commitments in their defence budgets that ensure a minimum expenditure in the field of research and development spending, in order to ensure that SME engagement and a spillover effect into the civilian marketplace can be tangibly supported;

    26. Emphasises that the Member States’ ambitions to achieve defence readiness should also be advanced through partnerships and prioritise, where possible, the integration of the Ukrainian Defence Technological and Industrial Base into the wider European Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) and transatlantic defence technological and industrial cooperation, with a particular emphasis on joint drone and munitions development;

    27. Encourages initiatives such as the EU’s Act in Support of Ammunition Production (ASAP) to serve as a standard for advancing the much-needed increase in munitions and capabilities required for our armed forces, using ASAP as a basis for combining credible and effective multi-domain conventional force capabilities, missile defences, space support, drone development and various other key capabilities as outlined in the EDA’s Capability Development Plan;

    28. Stresses that the white paper must include an outline of institutional reforms that reinforce changes in procurement regulations and intellectual property frameworks, as well as leveraging tax incentives to promote defence-related innovation; emphasises that any such changes must be designed to ensure speed and efficiency within the procurement process and management life cycle of Member State weapons systems;

    29. Encourages speedy financing for enhancing military mobility in a manner that guarantees the upgrading of infrastructure for dual-use military and civilian purposes, contributes to the EU’s defence capabilities and realises a fully operational military Schengen area; underlines that such investments offer significant economic and security benefits; calls on the Commission to act on the recommendations of the 2025 ECA special report on military mobility and to give greater importance to the military assessment during the selection process for dual-use projects;

    30. Stresses that military mobility requires the elimination of regulatory bottlenecks that hinder the delivery of capabilities and limit the investment required to modernise defence capabilities and improve military mobility; emphasises, therefore, that the removal of obstacles, implementation of flow-monitoring and optimisation of systems for addressing cross-border threats are crucial and must be reflected in the white paper;

    31. Urges the Commission to consider financing that ensures that anti-access/area denial capabilities and civil-military fusion are prioritised within any infrastructure development objectives, particularly along the eastern flank;

    32. Supports initiatives for industrial reinforcement actions that benefit SMEs or mid-caps, demonstrate a contribution to the creation of new forms of cross-border cooperation or involve the creation of new infrastructure, facilities or production lines, or the establishment of new or the ramping-up of existing manufacturing capacities of crisis-relevant products;

    33. Encourages the Member States to prioritise the pre-deployment of personnel and capabilities in support of the eastern flank, combined with a follow-on forces and rapid deployment capability that ensures effective border security and deterrence against both hybrid warfare and Russian military manoeuvres;

    34. Underlines the Arctic’s strategic importance within the EU’s defence framework, underscoring the need for strengthened deterrence and defence capabilities in close coordination with NATO; emphasises that this cooperation is essential to address the intensifying militarisation and resource competition operated by Russian and Chinese activities in the region, and to counterbalance their expanding influence and military presence;

    35. Encourages the Member States to ensure closer synergies with national joint training and evaluation centres in Eastern Partnership countries, while also ensuring that there is widespread Member State representation in CSDP missions throughout the Eastern Partnership region, and to encourage greater participation of non-EU countries in these missions, particularly non-EU countries that have hosted successfully completed CSDP missions;

    36. Considers outer space to be an increasingly contested area, with the weaponisation of space on the rise, space security becoming an ever more critical and contested issue, and a growing rush to militarise space infrastructure; highlights the need to prioritise the defence and security of space as a critical part of Europe’s defence, and underscores the importance of securing Europe’s space capabilities and infrastructure, both on land and in orbit, to ensure continuous, secure access to data and communications;

    37. Recognises the important role that emerging disruptive technologies such as quantum computing and AI will play in our future relations with Russia and China, and calls for increasing Europe’s resilience to emerging disruptive technologies in all CSDP missions and operations;

    38. Considers that hybrid threats in the years to come will see the systematic combination of information warfare, agile combat manoeuvres, mass cyber warfare and emerging and disruptive technologies from seabed to space, with both advanced air-breathing and space-based surveillance and strike systems deployed, all of which will be enabled by advanced AI, quantum computing, increasingly ‘intelligent’ drone swarm technologies, offensive cyber capabilities, hypersonic missile systems, and nanotech and bio-warfare;

    39. Underlines the importance of civil defence and preparedness in the medium and long term, including the need to establish adequate civil protection infrastructure and planning for emergency situations; calls for the EU, its Member States and local governments to ensure the necessary investments for those purposes and a dedicated investment guarantee programme within the EIB for crisis-proofing and civil defence infrastructure;

    40. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the European Council, the Council, the Commission, in particular the President of the Commission, the Commissioner for Defence and Space and the other competent Commissioners, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the UN Secretary-General, the NATO Secretary General, the President of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, the EU security and defence agencies and the governments and parliaments of the Member States and partner countries.

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the white paper on the future of European defence – B10-0146/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Rasa Juknevičienė, Nicolás Pascual de la Parte, Riho Terras, Michael Gahler, David McAllister, Sebastião Bugalho, Andrzej Halicki
    on behalf of the PPE Group

    B10‑0146/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the white paper on the future of European defence

    (2025/2565(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU),

     having regard to Title V of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), in particular Chapter Two, Section Two thereof on provisions on the common security and defence policy (CSDP),

     having regard to the Versailles Declaration adopted on 11 March 2022 at the informal meeting of Heads of State or Government,

     having regard to the Strategic Compass for Security and Defence – For a European Union that protects its citizens, values and interests and contributes to international peace and security, which was approved by the Council on 21 March 2022 and endorsed by the European Council on 24 March 2022,

     having regard to the national security strategies of the Member States,

     having regard to the Civilian CSDP Compact – Towards more effective civilian missions, approved by the Council on 22 May 2023,

     having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2022/1968 of 17 October 2022 on a European Union Military Assistance Mission in support of Ukraine (EUMAM Ukraine)[1],

     having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2024/890 of 18 March 2024 amending Decision (CFSP) 2021/509 establishing a European Peace Facility[2],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2019/452 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 19 March 2019 establishing a framework for the screening of foreign direct investments into the Union[3],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2021/697 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 29 April 2021 establishing the European Defence Fund and repealing Regulation (EU) 2018/1092[4],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2023/1525 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 20 July 2023 on supporting ammunition production (ASAP)[5],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2023/2418 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 October 2023 on establishing an instrument for the reinforcement of the European defence industry through common procurement (EDIRPA)[6],

     having regard to Regulation (EU) 2024/1252 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 April 2024 establishing a framework for ensuring a secure and sustainable supply of critical raw materials and amending Regulations (EU) No 168/2013, (EU) 2018/858, (EU) 2018/1724 and (EU) 2019/1020[7],

     having regard to the Commission proposal of 18 April 2023 for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down measures to strengthen solidarity and capacities in the Union to detect, prepare for and respond to cybersecurity threats and incidents (COM(2023)0209),

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 21 February 2025 on an EU Action Plan on Cable Security (JOIN(2025)0009),

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 10 March 2023 on a European Union Space Strategy for Security and Defence (JOIN(2023)0009),

     having regard to Commission Recommendation (EU) 2023/2113 of 3 October 2023 on critical technology areas for the EU’s economic security for further risk assessment with Member States[8],

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 10 November 2022 entitled ‘Action plan on military mobility 2.0’ (JOIN(2022)0048),

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 18 May 2022 on the Defence Investment Gaps Analysis and Way Forward (JOIN(2022)0024),

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 10 March 2023 on the update of the EU Maritime Security Strategy and its Action Plan entitled ‘An enhanced EU Maritime Security Strategy for evolving maritime threats’ (JOIN(2023)0008),

     having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 5 March 2024 entitled ‘A new European Defence Industrial Strategy: Achieving EU readiness through a responsive and resilient European Defence Industry’ (JOIN(2024)0010),

     having regard to the report by the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 20 June 2024 entitled ‘Common Foreign and Security Policy Report – Our priorities in 2024’,

     having regard to the political guidelines for the next European Commission 2024-2029 by Ursula von der Leyen entitled ‘Europe’s choice’, published on 18 July 2024,

     having regard to the report by Enrico Letta entitled ‘Much more than a market’, published in April 2024, and in particular the section thereof entitled ‘Promoting peace and enhancing security: towards a Common Market for the defence industry’,

     having regard to the report by Mario Draghi of 9 September 2024 on the future of European competitiveness and in particular Chapter Four thereof on increasing security and reducing dependencies,

     having regard to the report by Sauli Niinistö of 30 October 2024 entitled ‘Safer Together: Strengthening Europe’s Civilian and Military Preparedness and Readiness’,

     having regard to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949,

     having regard to the Madrid Summit Declaration adopted by NATO heads of state and government at the North Atlantic Council meeting in Madrid on 29 June 2022,

     having regard to the NATO 2022 Strategic Concept and to the NATO Vilnius Summit Communiqué issued by NATO heads of state and government at the North Atlantic Council meeting in Vilnius on 11 July 2023,

     having regard to the joint declarations on EU-NATO cooperation signed on 8 July 2016, 10 July 2018 and 10 January 2023,

     having regard to the ninth progress report on the implementation of the common set of proposals endorsed by EU and NATO Councils on 6 December 2016 and 5 December 2017, submitted jointly by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the NATO Secretary General to the Council of the EU and the NATO Council on 13 June 2024,

     having regard to the Washington Summit Declaration issued by the NATO heads of state and government participating in the North Atlantic Council meeting in Washington on 10 July 2024,

     having regard to Ukraine’s victory plan presented by the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, to the European Council on 17 October 2024,

     having regard to the speeches and statements made at the Munich Security Conference on 14-16 February 2025,

     having regard to the statements made at the Leaders Meeting on Ukraine, held in London on 2 March 2025,

     having regard to the temporary halt of all United States military aid to Ukraine,

     having regard to the statement by the President of the Commission of 4 March 2025 on the defence package, the ReArm Europe Plan,

     having regard to Rule 55 of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas the security situation in Europe has seen an unprecedented deterioration over the past years; whereas there is a common understanding that Europe needs to be able to effectively address European security challenges and achieve a state of defence readiness;

    B. whereas Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has been a watershed moment in European history; whereas Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine is widely recognised as an attack on the European peace order established after the Second World War and on the global order as a whole;

    C. whereas despite previous signs and warnings, many countries have not taken the necessary defence measures; whereas the goal of committing 2 % of gross domestic product (GDP) to defence spending agreed by NATO members in 2014 is still not being met by all NATO members in the EU; whereas the gap between the 2 % goal and the actual defence spending by EU Member States amounts to EUR 1 770 billion over the 2006-2022 period[9]; whereas in 2024, 16 EU Member States that are also NATO allies were expected to exceed NATO’s 2 % defence investment guideline, compared to only nine in 2023;

    D. whereas as a result of these investment gaps, numerous reports, notably the Defence Investment Gaps Analysis of May 2022, have analysed a worrying capability gap in European defence;

    E. whereas the Draghi report highlighted a funding need of EUR 500 billion in European defence for the next decade and highlights a combination of structural weaknesses affecting the competitiveness of the EU’s defence technological and industrial base (EDTIB), and identifies fragmentation, insufficient public defence investment and limited access to financing as obstacles to a capable EDTIB; whereas the lending policy of the European Investment Bank (EIB) excludes the financing of ammunition and weapons, as well as equipment or infrastructure exclusively dedicated to military and police use;

    F. whereas the Niinistö report underlines the fact that the EU and its Member States are not yet fully prepared for the most severe cross-sectoral or multidimensional crisis scenarios, especially given the further deteriorating environment outside of the EU; whereas it insists that this preparedness is necessary for the EU and its Member States to signal to potential adversaries that they will not be able to outlast the EU; whereas it deplores the fact that the EU lacks a common plan in the event of armed aggression and underlines that the EU needs to rethink the way it defines its security;

    G. whereas Russia’s continued armament efforts and its cooperation with other authoritarian powers on armaments, vastly surpassing European stocks and production capacities, pose the most serious and unprecedented threat to world peace as well as to the security and territory of the EU and its Member States; whereas the Russian regime is strengthening its ties in particular with the autocratic leaderships of China, Iran and North Korea in order to achieve its objectives;

    H. whereas the EU is also facing the most diverse and complex range of non-military threats since its creation, exacerbated by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, including foreign information manipulation and interference, cyberattacks, attacks against underwater infrastructure, economic pressures, food and energy blackmailing, instrumentalisation of migration and subversive political influence; whereas the EU should take these kind of threats seriously in its defence and security policies;

    I. whereas the recent actions and statements by the US administration have further increased concerns about the future stance of the US vis-à-vis Russia, NATO and the security of Europe;

    J. whereas the EU’s security environment has deteriorated not only in eastern Europe, but also in countries in the EU’s southern neighbourhood partnership and beyond;

    K. whereas the disastrous impact of past or ongoing wars, instability, insecurity, poverty and climate change in the Sahel region, north-eastern Africa and Libya poses serious risks to the EU’s security and its economic and trade interests; whereas the instability and insecurity in the southern neighbourhood and the Sahel region are closely interlinked with and remain an ongoing challenge for EU external border management and mitigation of illegal migration;

    L. whereas European security is linked to stability on the African continent, and the growing presence of non-European actors is testament to the lack of sufficient security and diplomatic engagement in the region to effectively counter the challenges and protect its strategic interests;

    M. whereas the Black Sea has shifted from a secondary to a primary military theatre for the EU and NATO, and, alongside the Baltic Sea, has become a pivotal strategic region for European security in countering the Russian threat;

    N. whereas the Arctic region is becoming increasingly important in terms of economic development and transport, while at the same time facing challenges linked to climate change and militarisation, as well as those resulting from increasing geopolitical competition and migration;

    O. whereas China, driven by the ambition to become a global superpower, is eroding the rules-based international order by increasingly pursuing assertive foreign and hostile economic and competition policies and exporting dual-use goods deployed by Russia on the battlefield against Ukraine, thereby threatening European security and interests; whereas China is also investing tremendously in its armed forces, using its economic power to quash criticism worldwide, and is striving to assert itself as the dominant power in the Indo-Pacific region; whereas China, by intensifying its confrontational, aggressive and intimidating actions against some of its neighbours, particularly in the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea, poses a risk to regional and global security as well as to the EU’s economic interests; whereas China has promoted an alternative narrative for many years, challenging human rights, democratic values and open markets in multilateral and international forums; whereas China’s increasing influence in international organisations has impeded positive progress and further excluded Taiwan from rightful and meaningful participation in these organisations;

    P. whereas in 2023, Parliament and the Council concluded agreements on the European defence industry reinforcement through common procurement act (EDIRPA) and the Act in Support of Ammunition Production (ASAP), which, as short-term and emergency measures, aim to encourage the joint procurement of defence products, ramp up the European defence industry’s production capacity, and replenish depleted stocks;

    Q. whereas in 2024, the Commission proposed the establishment of a European defence industrial strategy (EDIS) and a European defence industry programme (EDIP), addressing, in particular, the improvement of EU defence capabilities and the governance, security of supply and integration of the Ukrainian defence technological and industrial base (DTIB) into its EU counterpart, the EDTIB;

    R. whereas building defence capabilities and adapting them to military needs requires a common strategic culture and shared threat perception and assessment, as well as the development of solutions to be combined in doctrine and concepts;

    S. whereas in the light of the above challenges and analyses, the President of the European Commission tasked the Commissioner for Defence and Space and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy with drafting a white paper on the future of European defence, which is due to be published on 19 March 2025;

    1. Believes that the white paper on the future of European defence must put forward concrete measures and options to the members of the European Council so that truly groundbreaking and much needed efforts can be made, in the shortest possible time frames, which must address the following pressing needs: to urgently and substantially increase defence capabilities, overcome fragmentation in the European defence industry market, enhance the capacity of the EDTIB, promptly identify and implement pragmatic solutions for the considerable funding needs, deepen EU-NATO cooperation through a robust European pillar in NATO, and ensure an increase in our military support to Ukraine and other neighbouring countries that share our European values;

    2. Calls on Council President António Costa to immediately convene the European Council, based on the conclusions of the white paper, so that EU leaders can agree on immediate and far-reaching decisions to implement the European Defence Union as laid out in Article 42(2) TEU and elaborate on the measures identified in the white paper; urges both the Council and the Commission to identify clear and concrete priorities for the short, medium and long term, with a corresponding timeline of actions;

    3. Reiterates its previous calls to take seriously the direct and indirect threat of a Russian attack against the EU and to prepare urgently, without any further delay, to do the utmost to improve European military capacities in order to ensure that Europe is ready for the most extreme military contingencies; calls therefore for the threat analysis of the EU’s Strategic Compass to be updated and upgraded to a threat assessment and for the measures within the compass to be adapted accordingly, in order to reflect the threat magnitude in our threat environment;

    4. Strongly believes that Europeans must take on greater responsibility within NATO, especially when it comes to ensuring security on the European continent, and hence underlines that a strong and robust European pillar in NATO is the best way to foster our transatlantic security and ensure the security of all Europeans; recalls that a true transatlantic partnership means shared responsibility, joint efforts and equal burden-sharing;

    5. Stresses the importance of learning from Ukraine’s experience in countering Russian aggression and calls for immediate measures to enhance the security and defence of the EU’s north-eastern border with Russia and Belarus by establishing a comprehensive and resilient defence line across land, air and maritime domains to counter military and hybrid threats; emphasises the need to coordinate and integrate national efforts through EU regulatory and financial instruments to accelerate implementation;

    6. Stresses that Europe continues to stand firmly on the side of Ukraine as it courageously fights for our European way of life, and recalls its conviction that it is on the Ukrainian battlefields that the future of Europe will be decided; reiterates thus that the EU will support Ukraine for as long as it takes for Ukraine to win this war, as a forced surrender by Ukraine and acceptance of a ‘peace’ treaty on Putin’s terms could accelerate the timeline for Russia to shift its aggression toward the EU or NATO; urges the EU, accordingly, to develop a ‘Ukraine strategy’, outlining clear objectives for the support of Ukraine’s defence capabilities and the integration of the Ukrainian DTIB into the EDTIB, and to find the necessary resources to implement such a strategy, while supporting European defence industry activities in Ukraine in order to ramp up local production and enhance cooperation between Ukrainian and EU defence companies; underscores that such a Ukraine strategy must be an integral part of a ‘European defence’ strategy; calls on the EU Member States to commit at least 0.25 % of their GDP to military aid for Ukraine;

    7. Emphasises the need for a holistic approach to European security, ensuring that all EU policies incorporate defence and security dimensions, supported by both regulatory and financial instruments;

    8. Believes that the EU should develop economic cooperation contingency plans to prepare for mutual support in the event of large-scale security crises, and should deepen economic and defence industrial dialogues in relation to early warnings of hard, hybrid and cyberthreats, in order to foster mutual support planning, protection of critical infrastructure, maritime and underwater safety, and other forms of deeper defence industrial cooperation; calls, in cooperation with NATO, for an enhanced response to Russia’s hybrid war that aims at destabilising not only Ukraine but the whole European continent;

    Addressing capability gaps

    9. Underlines the need to urgently address the gaps in military equipment and ammunition by building on the success of the EDIRPA and ASAP programmes and to swiftly finalise EDIP so that, through common procurement, our common European and Ukrainian capabilities are increased and our stocks of crucial defence equipment and ammunition are replenished; welcomes EDIP’s potential to improve the defence capabilities of the EU and its Member States, to strengthen security of supply and to improve the effectiveness and coherence of EU efforts through new governance structures; stresses that EDIP’s financial envelope will fall well short of meeting the ambitions laid out in EDIP and calls, therefore, for additional funding sources to be identified immediately and to include exploring the possibility of reallocations within the current multiannual financial framework (MFF), notably with regard to European defence projects of common interest and to the Ukraine support instrument that currently lacks any funding; stresses, with regard to the threat assessment of a possible Russian attack on EU and NATO territory within the next few years, the urgent need for EDIP to be implemented swiftly and for additional and substantial funding to be provided for joint European defence efforts before the next MFF;

    10. Calls for the need for a significant increase in availability of strategic enablers in the air, maritime, underwater, space and cyber domains to be addressed without delay;

    11. Suggests that successful Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) and European Defence Fund (EDF) projects be prioritised along the lines of known capability gaps and that sufficient funding be ensured for projects that have proven to deliver; calls for the closure of PESCO projects that do not deliver results and/or do not provide added value in the closing of capability gaps and/or European defence readiness; stresses, in the light of the limited financial envelope of the EDF, that duplicated efforts, especially in crucial capability areas such as the hypersonic interceptor or future main battle tank systems, waste EU tax payers’ money, will prolong development efforts and thus increase the probability of procurement of such capabilities from the US, thus undermining the ambition laid out in EDIS;

    12. Calls for the architecture of the EU Defence Industrial Toolbox to be rationalised, as more financial resources alone will not ensure success, since it is even more important that these resources are spent in a more efficient and effective manner;

    13. Underlines the need to ensure coherence of output between the EU’s Capability Development Plan (CDP) and Coordinated Annual Review on Defence and the NATO capability targets, without delay, to foster complementarity and to prevent dysfunctional duplications; calls for a concrete action plan to be drawn up, including a clear timeline for each priority in line with both the CDP and the NATO Defence Planning Process;

    14. Welcomes the proposal for European defence projects of common interest on the development of common capabilities which go beyond the financial means of an individual Member State, such as a European air shield, autonomous space access and space surveillance, transport and communication capabilities, sovereign digital infrastructures, sovereign cloud infrastructure, long-range precision strike capabilities and integrated air defence, as well as complex maritime and underwater protective assets; stresses that the EU’s efforts in missile defence need to be aligned and integrated with NATO support for the European Sky Shield Initiative, driven by EU Member States; stresses the need to ensure adequate funding, to be established well before 2028, in order to deliver results with regard to the threat analyses of a possible Russian attack against EU and NATO territory within the next few years;

    15. Calls for the establishment of EU-specific rapid response strategies for underwater infrastructure protection operating in alignment with NATO while maintaining EU autonomy; encourages investment in advanced detection and surveillance systems for underwater infrastructure monitoring;

    16. Calls for the EU to further accelerate the implementation of military mobility; believes that the EU has to move from ‘mobility’ to ‘military logistics’; stresses the need for significant investment in military mobility infrastructure to enhance cargo airlift capabilities, camps, fuel infrastructure through depots, ports, air, sea and rail transport platforms, railway lines, waterways, roads, bridges and logistic hubs; stresses that this must be done in cooperation with NATO by drafting a strategic plan for developing mobility;

    17. Underlines the need to quickly agree on additional common European military forces, given that the Rapid Deployment Capacity (RDC) designed as a crisis management instrument provides only a limited European capability to react and support NATO efforts in the event of Russian aggression against EU and NATO territory; recommends, therefore, that the Helsinki Headline Goal of 1999 be revived and that the RDC be gradually extended to ultimately establish a European corps of 60 000 troops, which should be part of a permanent EU structure while being integrated into NATO’s force model;

    18. Recommends the establishment of a security of supply regime, including joint strategic stocks of raw materials and critical parts, to ensure the availability of raw materials and components needed for the production of defence products, and to allow production cycles to be ramped up faster and shortened;

    Fostering the EU’s defence technological and industrial base (EDTIB)

    19. Calls for a significant increase in common procurement by EU Member States of required European defence equipment and capabilities; calls on the Member States to aggregate demand by procuring defence equipment jointly, with the possibility of granting the Commission a mandate to procure on their behalf, ideally ensuring a long-term planning horizon for the EDTIB, thus improving the EDTIB’s production capacities and the interoperability of the European armed forces, and making efficient use of taxpayers’ money through economies of scale;

    20. Underlines the outstanding success of the EU’s first joint procurement instrument, EDIRPA, by incentivising joint procurement by Member States; believes that there is a need to continue mechanisms similar to EDIRPA and ASAP while increasing the share of funding for joint procurements compared to support measures for research and development;

    21. Believes that the development of the EU’s joint capability should be based on risk analysis provided in threat assessments and on the impact of projects on mitigating the EU’s joint security risks;

    22. Believes that it is necessary to conduct systematic analyses of lessons learned from the war in Ukraine from a technology usage perspective, and analyses of the necessity of EU and NATO standards in comparison to how they affect the cost of technology and products compared to their usage effectiveness;

    23. Stresses that EDIP must actively facilitate the participation of small and medium-sized enterprises and new market entrants through simplified access to funding, reduced regulatory barriers, and dedicated support mechanisms for scaling up operations; emphasises that EDIP should be designed as a stepping stone towards greater European sovereignty in defence production;

    24. Highlights the need to support the development of pan-European value chains in EU defence cooperation by involving companies throughout the EU in the production of defence equipment and by distributing production facilities throughout the EU in order to improve security of supply, increase attractiveness of EU defence cooperation and, above all, enhance the resilience of the supply network, thus reducing our vulnerability in the event of an armed attack;

    25. Calls for the review and adaptation of current and future legislation with regard to negative effects on the EDTIB, especially concerning production capacities and security of supply; calls for an extended mapping, in cooperation with the EDTIB, to identify all horizontal hindrances in the current legislation; calls for a detailed action plan to be developed to resolve the issues as soon as possible; underlines the need to review, simplify and harmonise the current framework for export licences and intra-EU transfer licences, as well as for cross-certification of equipment, as one of the priorities to foster better cooperation within the market and among Member States;

    26. Strongly underlines the need to significantly increase our investment in emerging and disruptive technologies and structures in defence, taking care not to disperse our resources across too many projects, including cyber defence, outer space, complex underwater protective assets, novel materials and manufacturing, artificial intelligence, quantum computing, cloud computing and sovereign cloud infrastructure, high-performance computing, the internet of things, robotics, biotechnology and nanotechnology;

    27. Calls on the Commission to leverage the full dual-use potential of space technologies, considering space as both a new operating domain and a critical enabler of multi-domain operations; underlines that the EU currently has a substantial gap in space capabilities compared to its main competitors and stresses that, in order to address this gap in space technologies, already existing flagship projects (i.e. Copernicus and Galileo) should be enhanced for defence applications; suggests, furthermore, that the EU should urgently pursue the development of its IRIS2 constellation, together with the development of further EU common projects, for example, for space domain awareness and space-based missile early-warning applications;

    28. Recalls the increasing threats of cyber warfare and underlines the need for the EU to establish an EU cyber defence coordination centre to monitor, detect and respond to cyberthreats in real time;

    29. Highlights the importance of the involvement of other industrial actors that do not undertake defence-related activities as potential partners in scaling up production when necessary;

    30. Calls for the EU to foster stronger collaboration between our armed forces, academia, industries and investors;

    Ensuring pragmatic sources of finance

    31. Calls on the Commission to bring forward a legislative proposal containing a binding commitment for Member States to reach a minimum threshold of 3 % of their GDP on defence expenditure by 2026, with the need to further increase it to 4 % by 2028 and to commit at least 0.5 % of their GDP to EU common defence; stresses that, in the light of three decades of underinvestment, the current threat to the EU requires much higher defence investment, while underlining that the EU budget can only complement but can never replace the efforts of the Member States in that regard; emphasises that national defence investment by Member States will continue to serve as the backbone of defence readiness, while EU funding and its role in harmonising and streamlining the processes may have an important impact in enhancing and multiplying these efforts; calls for the EU and its Member States to work and agree on specific ways and means to achieve a short- to long-term substantial increase in public and private investment in defence and security on the national and European levels;

    32. Welcomes the Commission’s announcement on the ReArm Europe Plan;

    33. Welcomes the Commission’s proposal to activate the national escape clause of the Stability and Growth Pact;

    34. Welcomes the Commission’s proposal for a new instrument providing EUR 150 billion in loans to Member States for joint defence investment;

    35. Welcomes the Commission’s announcement of its plans to direct more funds towards defence-related investment, including making it possible for cohesion policy programmes to be used;

    36. Calls for a system of European defence bonds to be explored for financing large-scale military investments up front, ensuring urgent capability development; calls for clear allocation criteria prioritising joint capability development, research and innovation, and military mobility infrastructure; calls, along the same lines, for the use of unused ‘coronabonds’ for defence instruments to be explored;

    37. Underlines the role of public-private partnerships which are essential to finance defence investment; proposes, therefore, a dedicated EU instrument incentivising private investment in defence following the example of InvestEU;

    38. Welcomes the Commission’s announcement of its plans to take action to mobilise private capital through an acceleration of the Savings and Investment Union and through the EIB; calls for an urgent revision of the EIB’s lending policy and immediate flexibility to remove current restrictions on financing ammunition, weapons and equipment or infrastructure dedicated to military use; stresses that this fundamental reform is necessary to unlock significant investment potential for the European defence sector, and to foster risk-sharing instruments to facilitate commercial bank lending to the sector; urges the EIB to take the necessary steps to facilitate private investment in defence, ensuring that the financial landscape supports the growing needs of the industry;

    39. Demands a review of past and new legislation and taxonomy to ensure that they are best suited to advance our European defence industry;

    40. Believes that environmental, social and governance criteria and taxonomy rules and their interpretation by rating agencies are an obstacle to ensuring increased public finance for defence and hence calls on the Commission to address this issue by, among other things, adapting the regulation on sustainability‐related disclosures in the financial services sector[10] with a view to explicitly ruling out a classification of the defence industry as sustainably or socially harmful;

    Supporting innovation

    41. Calls for the establishment of an EU agency, inspired by the US’s Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, as part of the European Defence Agency, which should be solely responsible for supporting research in emerging and disruptive technologies, equipped with an adequate amount of venture capital; emphasises the need for expanded research and development funding to ensure participation by all Member States through the creation of specialised ‘hubs’;

    42. Believes in the need to increase the funding for academic research programmes to cooperate with the defence industry to ensure long-term in-depth research in defence;

    Finalising the common market for defence

    43. Urges Member States to stop invoking Article 346 TFEU as a means of avoiding the application of the Procurement Directive[11], thus undermining the common market for defence; calls on the Commission to close this loophole by immediately launching a review of this directive, as well as of the Intra-Community Transfer Directive[12], which is scheduled for the second half of 2025, and to recast both regulations as soon as possible with a view to strengthening the common market for defence, as well as to introducing flexibility with regard to crisis situations like those we are currently facing;

    44. Calls for the transformation of NATO standards into EU legislation in order to facilitate the interoperability of European armed forces while strengthening our capacity to negotiate these standards within NATO and to enforce the consistent implementation of these standard in practice;

    45. Presses for a common European certification scheme for weapons systems and a move beyond the current system of national certification in order to speed up the introduction of weapons systems into the armed forces of Member States;

    Fostering effective governance

    46. Deplores the lack of cohesion and effectiveness of EU defence structures and instruments resulting from the loose institutional connection between the Council and the Commission, which not only significantly limits the added value and the effectiveness of cooperation in the EU framework but also results in the ineffective use of taxpayers’ money;

    47. Calls for the creation of a permanent Council of EU defence ministers;

    48. Suggests that the Commissioner for Defence and Space should become the head of the European Defence Agency and should also be nominated as the coordinator for PESCO projects by recasting the respective Council decisions;

    49. Encourages the creation of a ‘defence readiness board’ as proposed in EDIP, led by the Defence Commissioner, which should meet frequently in different configurations, for example, EU defence ministers, national procurement directors and industry representatives;

    50. Believes that the Defence Commissioner should exercise supervision over the EU Military Committee, the EU Military Staff and military operations;

    51. Suggests that the funding for PESCO and the European Defence Agency be transferred into the common EU budget;

    52. Highlights the need for enhanced and effective parliamentary scrutiny in the area of defence, given its importance and the effects on other areas of increasing investment in defence; calls, therefore, for the establishment of an interinstitutional agreement ensuring Parliament’s access to classified information and the provision of physical infrastructure to that end, allowing for committee meetings to be conducted under the classification of EU restricted, or an even higher security classification;

    Fostering EU-NATO complementarity

    53. Calls for a true strategic partnership between the EU and NATO, in full respect of the agreed guiding principles of cooperation, as well as the decision-making autonomy of both organisations, and underlines that only together can we ensure our security and long-term prosperity;

    54. Underlines the need for an agreement on the exchange of classified information between the EU and NATO;

    55. Calls for the establishment of a regular joint armament conference between the EU and NATO in order to coordinate and align efforts with regard to capability development;

    56. Recalls the need to ensure frequent EU-NATO meetings and summits on political and experts levels, in an inclusive, non-discriminatory and reciprocal manner;

    57. Calls for the EU to reinforce the Structured Dialogue with NATO on the defence industry in order to enhance cooperation in key areas such as interoperability and standardisation;

    Fostering cooperation with non-EU partners

    58. Recalls that there is no alternative to strong and sustainable transatlantic cooperation and thus believes that every effort must be made to foster transatlantic cooperation in every field of the military and defence sectors, while recalling the need to foster European defence and develop our sovereignty;

    59. Underlines the need to enhance our partnership with like-minded countries, particularly those in Europe, such as the UK and Norway; calls for an EU-UK broad security pact, also covering key subjects such as energy, migration and critical minerals; points to the added value of fostering our relationships with global partners such as the US, Japan and Australia;

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    ° °

    60. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the parliaments and governments of the EU Member States and NATO member countries.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the white paper on the future of European defence – B10-0144/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    B10‑0144/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the white paper on the future of European defence

    (2025/2565(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to the common security and defence policy (CSDP) and the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the EU,

     having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in particular Article 42 thereof,

     having regard to Title III, Article 3 of the Protocol on the concerns of the Irish people on the Treaty of Lisbon,

     having regard to the announced publication of the white paper on the future of European defence on 19 March 2025,

     having regard to the Helsinki Accords,

     having regard to the various European defence projects of recent years,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas, in line with the Treaties, the CSDP is part of the CFSP and is considered a policy framework through which Member States can develop a European strategic culture of security and defence, address conflicts and crises together, protect the Union and its citizens and strengthen international peace and security;

    B. whereas Article 42(2) TEU states that the Union’s CSDP must be compatible with the common security and defence policy established within the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), under the North Atlantic Treaty;

    C. whereas NATO is largely dominated by the United States, and NATO membership entails a mandatory complementarity and compatibility of European weapons systems with US systems, hence impeding the strategic and operational autonomy of Member States and other European countries;

    D. whereas at the NATO Summit in Bucharest in 2008, the US Government pushed for Ukrainian NATO membership against the opinion of several Member States; whereas following the Russian invasion, the United States pushed EU Member States to systematically increase the quantity and quality of arms deliveries to Ukraine;

    E. whereas different Member States have different military and security policies, including policies of military neutrality;

    F. whereas the United States saw windfall benefits from the Ukraine war through an increase of US shale gas exports to the European Union; whereas the US Government now unjustly wishes to control Ukrainian mineral resources and negotiate an end to the war in Ukraine with Putin, without involving Ukraine and the European Union;

    G. whereas unlike nuclear weapon states such as India and the People’s Republic of China, NATO and Russia refuse to commit to a ‘no first use’ policy, whereby they would formally refrain from using nuclear weapons, except in retaliation to an attack by an enemy power using weapons of mass destruction;

    H. whereas the US Government has launched a high number of wars and military operations that violated international law and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations; whereas, in light of 2024 advisory opinions of the International Court of Justice, the United States’ ongoing military support for Israel might make it complicit in genocide and illegal occupation; whereas the participation of EU Member States in violations of international law, including in wars of aggression and military invasions contrary to international law against countries such as the former Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, have undermined global adherence to the principles of international law;

    I. whereas the United States has forwardly deployed new B61-12 gravity bombs on the territory of EU Member States, increasing the risk that these Member States will fall victim to preventive or retaliatory strikes related to US foreign policy;

    J. whereas Russia’s repeated acts of war and aggression, starting with the war against Georgia in 2008, the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the ongoing illegal war of aggression against Ukraine, as well as an increasing number of acts of sabotage on critical infrastructure, have been factors in creating and exacerbating tensions;

    K. whereas Article 41(2) TEU prohibits charging expenditure arising from operations with military or defence implications to the Union budget;

    L. whereas the Commission has nevertheless launched several European defence projects over the last few years, including the European Defence Industrial Development Programme (EDIDP), the Preparatory Action on Defence Research (PADR), the European Defence Fund (EDF), the European Defence Industry Reinforcement through common Procurement Act (EDIRPA), the Act in Support of Ammunition Production (ASAP) and, most recently, the European Defence Industrial Strategy (EDIS) and the European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP);

    M. whereas according to 2023 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute figures, EU Member States, together with the United Kingdom, already spend more nominally on defence than all other countries in the world combined, with the exception of the United States;

    N. whereas in April 2021, the Commission estimated that increased cooperation between Member States in the field of security and defence could save between EUR 25 billion and EUR 100 billion every year;

    O. whereas the Commission’s Directorate-General for International Partnerships (DG INTPA) is planning to shut down more than four out of five of its hubs worldwide, reducing its diplomatic presence from around 100 delegations to 18 hubs;

    P. whereas in 2024, EU leaders agreed to cut EUR 2 billion from the EU’s external action budget in the multiannual financial framework for 2021-2027; whereas several Member States, such as France and Belgium, have also made cuts and reforms to their diplomacy services;

    Q. whereas Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has proposed a new common instrument to boost military spending across the EU to unlock up to EUR 800 billion of additional defence spending over the coming years;

    R. whereas even the military spending of the United States, which maintains over 700 military installations in over 70 countries, does not exceed 3.46 % of its GDP;

    S. whereas, nevertheless, the US Government, certain Member States and NATO and Commission officials are pushing for a further massive increase in defence expenditure, from an average of 1.9 % of GDP to 5 %;

    T. whereas even the military-oriented Niinisto Report, entitled ‘Safer Together –Strengthening Europe’s Civilian and Military Preparedness and Readiness’ highlights the fact that threats to the security of European citizens, including increasingly frequent and intense extreme weather events, such as megadroughts, floods and heatwaves, and the risk of new pandemics, would require massive investment in public services;

    U. whereas while the Draghi report on the future of European competitiveness highlights the need for massive investment in a variety of sectors, including energy, pharmaceuticals and transport, the Commission has placed seven Member States under an excessive deficit procedure, pushing for harsh austerity and structural reforms in social and public expenses;

    V. whereas a further massive increase in military expenditure will instead lead to cuts in public services, and in social, climate and environmental spending throughout Europe, endangering the social and human security of European citizens;

    W. whereas the Commission is nonetheless considering the suspension of economic governance rules for military expenses;

    X. whereas the Commission has failed to present a fully autonomous assessment of European defence needs and priorities, relying instead on NATO assessments of critical gaps in defence capability;

    Y. whereas Türkiye, a NATO member, illegally occupies 37 % of Cyprus, an EU Member State;

    Z. whereas in international relations theory the ‘security dilemma’ refers to a phenomenon whereby actions, such as arms procurement, taken by a state actor to increase its own security provokes reactions from other states, such as increased arms procurement or preventive attacks, that ultimately lead to a decrease rather than an increase in the original state’s security;

    AA. whereas the 1975 Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, concluded in Helsinki between the United States, Canada, the Soviet Union and all of the countries of Europe, except Albania, played an important role in easing tensions between East and West during the Cold War;

    AB. whereas the Cold War collective security acquis has been systematically undermined by the United States’ withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM), the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF) and the Open Skies Treaty, systematically followed by Russian withdrawals, and by the Russian withdrawal from the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe and from the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty;

    AC. whereas a new European security architecture will have to apply the principles of peaceful coexistence between countries with different political systems and offer security guarantees to all parties in order to avoid Europe being divided once again into two diametrically opposed blocs;

    Towards a European collective security architecture

    1. Recalls that the Treaties consider the CSDP part of the CFSP; asks, therefore, that any defence initiative at EU level be subordinated to a clear foreign and security policy and strategy for peace on the European continent;

    2. Rejects the militarisation of the EU and any belligerent objectives of the CSDP;

    3. Notes with great concern the diminishing respect for international and humanitarian law by parties all around the world, with Israel, Russia and the United States being flagrant examples; reiterates the need for European independence in shaping foreign and defence policy;

    4. Considers that in light of the United States’ past and ongoing violations of international law and the negative impact of US military interventions on neighbouring regions, the foreign, security and defence policy of the Union and Member States can no longer be aligned with the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO); calls, therefore, on the European Council to start the process of revising the EU Treaties to remove this requirement from the TEU;

    5. Recalls that NATO and the EU are distinct organisations which serve very different purposes and whose membership is not even identical; regrets the conflation of NATO, a military alliance, with the EU;

    6. Is extremely worried by the fact that there are still more than 13 000 nuclear weapons scattered around the world, many of which can be deployed within minutes and could cause the end of humankind; notes with concern that despite a stated commitment to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, NATO’s nuclear member states invested USD 271 billion in nuclear weapons modernisation and maintenance between 2019 and 2023, while in 2023 China and Russia were the second and third largest spenders, with budgets of USD 11.9 billion and USD 8.3 billion respectively;

    7. Believes that NATO’s refusal to commit to a ‘no first use’ policy on nuclear weapons and the forward deployment of US nuclear weapons in Europe increases the risk of Europe becoming a target of nuclear strikes; demands, therefore, the withdrawal of US nuclear weapons from the territory of Member States; is deeply concerned about nuclear threats to European security, including veiled warnings about the use of tactical nuclear weapons and Russia’s lowering of its threshold for using nuclear weapons;

    8. Urges the Member States to work on a new long-term collective security architecture for Europe inspired by the principles of the Helsinki process and including the concept of mutual security guarantees; notes that a fundamental aspect of such an approach is respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations and a commitment to international law;

    9. Insists that a new European security architecture apply the principles of peaceful coexistence between countries with different political systems, and offer security guarantees to all parties;

    10. Calls on the Commission, in light of multiple threats ranging from climate-related catastrophes to pandemics, to abandon a narrow focus on military security and develop a policy centred on human security as defined in United Nations General Assembly resolution 66/290, which states that ‘human security is an approach to assist Member States in identifying and addressing widespread and cross-cutting challenges to the survival, livelihood and dignity of their people’ and calls for ‘people-centred, comprehensive, context-specific and prevention-oriented responses that strengthen the protection and empowerment of all people’;

    11. Calls on the Commission and Member States to seek inspiration from Austria, which has enshrined neutrality in its constitution, committing not to join military alliances and not to permit the establishment of any foreign military bases on its territory;

    12. Calls on the Commission and Member States to also look to the example set by Ireland, with its tradition of military neutrality; recalls that this tradition includes an active approach towards peace support operations and crisis management, contributions to conflict resolution and peacebuilding, work for human rights and development, and efforts to promote disarmament and the elimination of weapons of mass destruction;

    13. Regrets the attacks on Irish neutrality and recalls that the people of Ireland were guaranteed continued military neutrality, underpinned by a commitment to only undertake operations with a United Nations mandate, ahead of their ratification of the Lisbon Treaty;

    14. Reiterates its call on Türkiye, a NATO member, to withdraw its troops from Cyprus, an EU Member State, and to work constructively towards finding a viable and peaceful solution based on the relevant UN resolutions;

    15. Calls for unanimity voting on defence issues to be maintained within the Council to promote consensus-based solutions that foster much-needed unity;

    Diplomacy as the cornerstone of European security

    16. Believes that diplomacy should remain a cornerstone of EU foreign policy;

    17. Recalls that conflict prevention is paramount to any security and defence strategy; underlines the fact that diplomacy prevents and ends wars, and that every euro invested in conflict prevention saves around EUR 16 later on;

    18. Believes that, given the deteriorating security situation on several fronts and increasing geopolitical tensions, preventive diplomacy requires sustained and enhanced attention; calls, therefore, on the Commission and Member States to immediately reverse the cutbacks made to diplomatic representations;

    19. Believes that its systematic alignment with US foreign policy, most recently with regard to Israeli war crimes, ethnic cleansing and genocidal practices against Palestinians, has dramatically reduced the EU’s global diplomatic credibility and therefore worsened its security situation;

    20. Recalls that the participation of EU Member States in illegal military operations and the support for violations of international law abroad gravely endangers the security of EU citizens; urges the Commission and Member States to explore a non-aligned foreign and security policy stance based on the principles of the UN Charter, including peaceful conflict resolution, diplomacy and multilateralism;

    21. Believes that Europe has much to gain from diversifying its relations and maintaining diplomatic connections with as many countries as possible around the world;

    Arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation

    22. Is deeply concerned that world military expenditure continues to rise to new record levels; highlights the fact that an arms race will not create security for European citizens, but instead, in line with the security dilemma, heighten the risk of violent conflict; calls on the Commission to actively promote new arms control treaties;

    23. Recalls that the EU strategy against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction made non-proliferation a central goal of the EU’s CFSP, stating that ‘our objective is to prevent, deter, halt and, where possible, eliminate proliferation of concern worldwide’; calls, therefore, on Member States to sign and ratify the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons;

    24. Notes that arms exports, also of small and light weapons, can fuel conflict and global terrorism and destabilise entire regions, states and societies, thereby thwarting sustainable development and crisis management efforts; calls on the Commission and Member States to strictly apply Council Common Position 2008/944/CFSP of 8 December 2008 defining common rules governing control of exports of military technology and equipment in order to avoid a worsening of the security situation in the EU’s immediate neighbourhood;

    25. Calls for the creation of a Directorate-General for Disarmament and Arms Control at the Commission;

    26. Demands an immediate arms embargo against Israel and any other country directly or indirectly involved in armed conflict, except in the case of those that are the victim of invasion by others, in order to stop EU complicity in war crimes, ethnic cleansing and genocidal practices, whether perpetrated by Israel or any other country; calls on the Commission and Member States to base their foreign and security policy on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law;

    Defence expenditure

    27. Urges the Commission and Member States to offer full transparency and a critical audit of the current defence expenditure within the Union, detailing why it estimates that European countries would be unable to defend themselves with budgets already vastly superior to those of most of the world’s countries;

    28. Notes with concern that the Commission has presented a new EUR 150 billion common defence fund; believes that an increase in defence spending is not the solution to finding a lasting peace and that cuts in the EU structural funds should not be used for this purpose, given how vital these funds are to the development of local communities across the EU;

    29. Notes that the share of GDP is not an adequate measure for the efficiency and impact of defence expenditure; calls on the Commission and Member States not to enter an arms race through a massive increase in defence budgets at the expense of both human and social security;

    30. Regards the NATO demand for complementarity and compatibility of European weapons systems with US systems as incompatible with European strategic autonomy; regrets that the Commission and the Council have failed to present a detailed assessment of European critical defence capability gaps; calls on both institutions to present such an assessment, including specific priorities, before considering increased defence expenditure; recalls that these should focus on defensive tasks, not on building capacities for military intervention all over the world;

    31. Recalls Commission estimates that increased cooperation between Member States in the field of security and defence could save up to EUR 100 billion every year; calls, in this regard, for inspiration to be drawn from existing intra-European cooperation structures, such as BACA, the Belgian-Dutch Naval cooperation BeNeSam and the Nordic Defence Cooperation, including Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, which have increased the efficiency of the participating nations’ national defence, and to explore common synergies and facilitate efficient common solutions;

    32. Considers that the military cooperation commitments that may be assumed in collective security organisations should be considered in light of strict respect for the UN Charter;

    33. Rejects the allocation of appropriations on the EU budget to the EU’s militarisation; calls for the reallocation of EU budget funds earmarked for the ongoing militarisation of the EU and its programmes to respond to the social and economic needs of citizens and promote cohesion between Member States;

    34. Highlights the fact that there can be neither autonomy nor security without digital sovereignty; calls on the Commission to prioritise the development of a democratic, public-led digital stack that includes digital infrastructure as a service, and universal platforms, such as search engines and foundation AI models, governed by new public institutions with public and civil society representation;

    35. Calls for heightened cooperation between Member States on sectoral issues of critical infrastructure protection, such as submarine cables;

    Defence industry

    36. Recalls that over the past three years, the EU has adopted a number of new initiatives on defence, and that the new Commissioner for Defence and Space believes that an additional investment of EUR 500 billion is needed in the coming decade, though other sources speak of EUR 700 billion;

    37. Recalls that the previous EU programmes have been implemented with a lack of transparency with regard to the application of EU ethical guidelines, and that decision-making is extremely opaque and heavily influenced by arms industry lobbyists;

    38. States that without ethics in investment choices, the EU will contribute to the creation of a more dangerous and lawless world order, where imperialist powers can disregard international law without facing consequences, while countries of the global south are exploited for their resources;

    39. Calls, in addition, for the EU to adopt a policy of transparent, mission-oriented military spending, with more conscious spending at the service of a defined foreign policy to ensure greater efficiency;

    40. Recalls that under Article 41(2) TEU expenditure arising from operations having military or defence implications may not be charged to the EU budget; calls for a strict application of this article; demands a retroactive review of corresponding defence funds and budget lines and for their termination where needed;

    41. Expresses deep concern about the increased subsidies and public support for the military-industrial complex amid record total global military expenditure of USD 2 443 billion in 2023, making 2023 the ninth consecutive year in which military expenditure increased;

    42. Demands that European public money go to European companies and emphasises that public European companies should, by definition, remain in Europe, while private companies can relocate their activities if they so wish;

    43. Observes that leading arms companies have benefited shamelessly from the war in Ukraine; notes that Lockheed Martin alone distributed USD 6.8 billion of cash to shareholders in dividends and share repurchases in 2024; demands that windfall profits be taxed to finance climate adaptation, public health and housing, which are also components of a broader understanding of security;

    44. Considers that the use of public money should systematically correspond to a proportional public return on investment and not finance corporate profit;

    45. Stresses that focusing our resources, notably research and development spending, on the military sector will also slow down the development of other strategic industries with civilian purposes, such as renewable energy or pharmaceuticals;

    46. Adds that military spending does not address any of the major social or environmental challenges, and that, worse still, it reinforces polluting and energy-consuming industrial models, thus increasing pressure on resources and the climate, particularly critical materials;

    47. Believes that a massive increase in purchases of US-made goods would not only be detrimental to the European economy but would equally prolong Europe’s military dependence on the United States, while creating new industrial and technological constraints;

    48. Demands that the defence industry continue to be excluded from qualifying for the sustainability criteria with regard to investment;

    49. Calls for EIB financing to be strictly limited to civilian projects, excluding dual-use items;

    Reprioritising public services and social spending

    50. Is deeply concerned that militarisation, and specifically the ReArm Europe plan, is being used to further attack public services across the EU, which are already facing the suffocating effects of austerity measures imposed by the Commission;

    51. Is appalled by the fact that the Commission is willing to bend fiscal rules such as the Stability and Growth Pact to finance military spending, but considers it impossible to raise spending to fund crumbling public services and support social and economic upward convergence in Member States;

    52. Firmly insists that health, education, green mobility, climate adaptation, climate mitigation, biodiversity, food security and digital transition are elements of human security and should be considered priorities that require investments rather than budgetary cuts;

    53. Calls, in line with the concept of human security, for a reprioritisation of public services and social welfare spending, as well as for investments in fighting climate change, as imperative prerequisites for guaranteeing that people live in a safe and secure environment;

    °

    ° °

    54. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the European External Action Service.

     

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Video: Afghanistan, Ukraine & other topics – Daily Press Briefing

    Source: United Nations (Video News)

    Noon Briefing by Stéphane Dujarric, Spokesperson for the Secretary-General.

    Highlights:
    – Central Emergency Response Fund
    – Afghanistan
    – Ukraine
    – Democratic Republic of the Congo
    – Occupied Palestinian Territory
    – Yemen/Security Council
    – Mexico
    – Financial Contributions

    CENTRAL EMERGENCY RESPONSE FUND
    With global humanitarian funding being scaled back precipitously, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs announced today that $110 million has been allocated from the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF).
    The aim is to boost life-saving assistance in 10 of the world’s most underfunded and neglected crises across Africa, Asia and Latin America.
    OCHA warns that more than 300 million people around the world urgently need humanitarian aid, but funding has been dwindling annually, with this year’s levels projected to drop to a record low.
    Tom Fletcher, the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, said that for countries battered by conflict, climate change and economic turmoil, brutal funding cuts don’t mean that humanitarian needs disappear.
    The new funding will go towards Afghanistan, the Central African Republic, Chad, Honduras, Mauritania, Niger, Somalia, Sudan, Venezuela and Zambia.
    Resources will also support vulnerable people from climate shocks.

    AFGHANISTAN
    And turning to Afghanistan, OCHA is warning that the country continues to face a severe humanitarian crisis defined by decades of conflict, entrenched poverty, climate-induced shocks and rising protection risks, especially for women and girls.
    More than half of the population – almost 23 million people – are in need of humanitarian assistance in the country. This number is one of the highest globally, second only to Sudan – where 30 million people currently need aid and protection.
    Both food insecurity and malnutrition remain stubbornly high.
    During the first quarter of this year, nearly 15 million people – one in every three Afghans – will experience high levels of acute food insecurity. This is according to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, or IPC.
    Nearly 3.5 million children under 5 and more than 1 million pregnant and breastfeeding women are expected to become acutely malnourished.
    Explosive hazards continue to pose a lethal threat, with an estimated 55 people killed or injured every month – most of them children.

    Full Highlights: https://www.un.org/sg/en/content/noon-briefing-highlight?date%5Bvalue%5D%5Bdate%5D=06%20March%202025

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EP_F6noLmbw

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Video: Pledge to Climate, Peace and Security on Yemen – Security Council Media Stakeout | United Nations

    Source: United Nations (Video News)

    Joint statement of the Security Council members signatories of the Joint Pledges related to Climate, Peace and Security on Yemen read by Ambassador Christina Markus Lassen, PR of Denmark. Other participants – Slovenia, Guyana, Republic of Korea, Panama, Greece, United Kingdom, Sierra Leone, France.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mt_A-7c0wnM

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Europe: €10 million EIB Global and WHO initiative to strengthen public health across Lebanon

    Source: European Investment Bank

    EIB

    • The European Investment Bank and the World Health Organization signed the agreement today at the EIB Group Forum in Luxembourg
    • Lebanon’s health system is under significant economic and financial strain.
    • The donor-funded initiative will re-establish Lebanon’s Central Public Health Laboratory and prioritise medication provision and healthcare support to over 50,000 people with chronic diseases like diabetes, cardiovascular issues, and cancer.

    The European Investment Bank (EIB Global) and the World Health Organization (WHO) have formally launched a €10 million grant support to boost health resilience across Lebanon, including combating medicine scarcity and fragmented laboratory services.

    The cooperation was signed at the EIB Forum in Luxembourg by WHO Director-General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus and EIB Vice President Thomas Östros and will support the re-establishment of the Central Public Health Laboratory in Lebanon crucial for enhancing the detection capacity for emerging infectious diseases. It will test for emergency infectious diseases, promptly confirming potential pathogens to prevent outbreaks, which will be especially relevant among vulnerable displaced populations and refugees. The CPHL will also test all blood donations to ensure safe transfusions.

    Today’s agreement will also unlock provision of essential medicines and expert support to primary healthcare centres across Lebanon. This will enable public healthcare centres to restore services, including reproductive health and prevention of gender-based violence, addressing specific gender gaps in services.

    EIB Group President Nadia Calviño said, “Strategic partnerships and win-win solutions are more important than ever in these challenging times. This important European Union financing for Lebanon’s public health system is also the fruit of our good cooperation with our fellow multilateral institutions and the excellent partnership with the World Health Organisation whose expertise on the ground is vital to deliver projects like this one.”

    WHO Director-General, Dr Tedros said: “This initiative comes at a critical time for Lebanon and will make a real difference in strengthening Lebanon’s capacity to detect and respond rapidly to health emergencies, and in expanding access to lifesaving medicines. It’s a perfect example of the impact that WHO, EIB and other multilateral development banks aim to have around the world through the Health Impact Investment Platform.”

    “We are grateful for the EIB and WHO’s support for Lebanon’s health sector. This initiative will help us address critical needs, improve the quality of care, and build a more resilient health system for people living across Lebanon,” said Ambassador of Lebanon to Belgium and Luxembourg Fadi Hajali.

    “This joint initiative by the European Investment Bank and implemented by WHO is a crucial step towards strengthening Lebanon’s health system and ensuring that vital services reach the most vulnerable. By supporting the re-establishment of the central public health laboratory and bolstering primary healthcare centres, we are addressing immediate needs and building long-term resilience. This initiative is a prime example of the Team Europe approach, aligning with the European Union’s priorities in Lebanon and complementing our existing support for the health sector, particularly in ensuring access to essential medicines,” said Sandra De Waele, Ambassador of the European Union to Lebanon.

    The grant is provided by the donor-financed EIB’s Economic Resilience Initiative (ERI) Fund, supported by EU member states

    This project in Lebanon builds on previous projects co-managed by WHO and the EIB in Palestine, Rwanda and Angola.  It paves the way for the operational launch of the Health Investment Platform- a unique financing approach that has seen several multilateral development banks, including the Islamic Development Bank and African Development Bank join the EIB and WHO to provide a targeted and strategic approach to primary health care financing. 

    Lebanon’s health system is under significant strain due to a severe economic and financial collapse, compounded by multiple crises, including conflict in southern Lebanon, the Beirut port explosion, the Syrian conflict and a cholera epidemic. Humanitarian challenges continue to escalate, making the population increasingly vulnerable.

    The initiative will prioritise medication provision and healthcare support, including supporting over 50,000 people with chronic diseases like diabetes, cardiovascular issues, and cancer. Vulnerable populations, including those affected by the current conflict, Syrian refugees, and others will benefit from this initiative. Lebanon hosts approximately 1.5 million Syrian refugees and around 200,000 Palestinian refugees, constituting about one-third of the total Lebanese population. In addition, in 2025, the number of displaced people within Lebanon has risen to over 950,000.

    The initiative will be implemented by the World Health Organization and is fully endorsed by the Lebanese Ministry of Public Health. The initiative will contribute to the Ministry of Public Health’s strategy to strengthen the health services among vulnerable populations, including those affected by the current conflict.

    Background information

    About EIB Global

    The European Investment Bank (ElB) is the long-term lending institution of the European Union, owned by its Member States. It finances investments that contribute to EU policy objectives.  

    EIB Global is the EIB Group’s specialised arm devoted to increasing the impact of international partnerships and development finance, and a key partner of Global Gateway. We aim to support €100 billion of investment by the end of 2027 — around one-third of the overall target of this EU initiative. Within Team Europe, EIB Global fosters strong, focused partnerships alongside fellow development finance institutions and civil society. EIB Global brings the EIB Group closer to people, companies and institutions through our offices across the world

    About the Economic Resilience Initiative (ERI) Fund

    The Economic Resilience Initiative (ERI) Fund, which backs this grant, was established by the EIB in 2017 to channel donors resources to impactful projects in the Southern Neighbourhood and Western Balkans to address the challenges posed by forced displacement and migration. The ERI Fund donors are Bulgaria, Croatia, Italy, Luxembourg, Lithuania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Poland, and the United Kingdom.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Top 5 Reasons to Attend Congo Energy & Investment Forum 2025

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    BRAZZAVILLE, Congo (Republic of the), March 6, 2025/APO Group/ —

    Serving as the inaugural edition, this year’s Congo Energy & Investment Forum (CEIF) 2025, scheduled for March 25-26 in Brazzaville, underscores the Republic of Congo’s growing role in Africa’s energy landscape. Under the leadership of Bruno Jean-Richard Itoua, Minister of Hydrocarbons for Congo, the country has affirmed its commitment to maximizing its energy potential and streamlining licensing and regulatory processes, leading to a series of recent acquisitions and project developments.

    Gain Insights into Congo’s Gas Master Plan

    The Congolese government will unveil its new Gas Master Plan at CEIF 2025, which is designed to consolidate the position of existing companies and attract new investments to the sector. Developed in collaboration with global data and analytics provider Wood Mackenzie, the plan sets out a clear roadmap to capitalize on Congo’s gas resources, highlighting gas as a significant economic opportunity to diversify the country’s economy. The plan will allow Congo to engage more confidently with advanced regional and international players in the industry.

    Participate in Congo’s 2025 Licensing Round

    With aims to attract investment in both marginal and deepwater blocks, Congo is set to launch its 2025 international oil and gas licensing round. This initiative is part of the country’s strategy to increase oil production from the current 280,000 barrels per day (bpd) to 500,000 bpd and is expected to usher in a new wave of investment in sub-Saharan Africa’s fourth largest oil producing market.

    This licensing round is designed to attract international oil companies (IOCs) with technical expertise and financial capacity to develop deepwater resources, as well as local and independent companies to exploit marginal fields.

    Explore Congo’s Investment Potential

    Congo is offering a number of investment opportunities for international and local companies and firms across all levels of the value chain.

    A series of dedicated panel sessions, technical workshops and presentations at CEIF 2025 will provide an in-depth look at Congo’s efforts to sustainably increase its oil production. The conference will highlight crucial developments across the country’s energy sector as well as the broader strategic importance of Congo’s energy ambitions. CEIF 2025 will provide attendees with valuable insights into how ongoing and upcoming projects are helping the country meet its production goals while fostering economic growth and diversification in the sector.

    Connect with Industry Leaders

    Supported by Congo’s Ministry of Hydrocarbons and national oil company (NOC) Société Nationale des Pétroles du Congo, CEIF 2025 will serve as an opportunity for local, regional and international delegates to collaborate and discover new avenues for partnerships. Delegates can connect with top energy investors and executives – from operators, IOCs, NOCs and independents – as well as government officials, industry innovators and financiers to expand their professional network.

    Help Fuel Sustainable Development

    Boasting immense potential for renewable energy, Congo is well-positioned to leverage Congo’s strong slate of upcoming projects to transform its energy landscape. In recent years, the country has implemented a number of initiatives to diversify its energy matrix and expand the share of renewable energy. The Congolese government is also making strategic investments in downstream infrastructure, including new refineries and gas-to-power projects, which will be on display at CEIF 2025 and are set to help drive electrification and socioeconomic development. 

    The inaugural Congo Energy & Investment Forum, set for March 24-26, 2025, in Brazzaville, under the patronage of President Denis Sassou Nguesso and supported by the Ministry of Hydrocarbons and Société Nationale des Pétroles du Congo, will bring together international investors and local stakeholders to explore national and regional energy and infrastructure opportunities. The event will explore the latest gas-to-power projects and provide updates on ongoing expansions across the country.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Congo Energy & Investment Forum (CEIF) 2025 Set to Drive Investment, Growth with Business Management Participation

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    BRAZZAVILLE, Congo (Republic of the), March 6, 2025/APO Group/ —

    As part of a strategy to spur energy investment and socioeconomic development, the Republic of Congo has initiated a number of strategies to drive resource monetization, project development and local capacity building. As such, the nation has attracted a wave of international companies across its energy value chain, leading to a series of recent acquisitions and project developments in the country.

    In light of Congo’s favorable legislative and fiscal landscape, the inaugural Congo Energy & Investment Forum (CEIF), taking place from March 24-26, 2025, in Brazzaville, will feature a strong lineup of legal firms and business management companies. This year’s conference will feature the participation of Louis-Raymond Gomes, Managing Attorney at Cabinet Gomes; Ileana Ferber, CEO and Local Content Expert at Colibri Business Development; and Eric Williams, President and Principal Consultant at Royal Triangle Energy Solutions.

    The inaugural Congo Energy & Investment Forum, set for March 24-26, 2025, in Brazzaville, under the patronage of President Denis Sassou Nguesso and supported by the Ministry of Hydrocarbons and Société Nationale des Pétroles du Congo, will bring together international investors and local stakeholders to explore national and regional energy and infrastructure opportunities. The event will explore the latest gas-to-power projects and provide updates on ongoing expansions across the country.

    Serving as one of the country’s foremost legal service companies, Cabinet Gomes offers services in labor law; banking and finance; hydrocarbons and mining law; and mergers and acquisitions. Earlier this year, oil and gas company Trident Energy finalized its acquisition of energy majors Chevron and TotalEnergies’ interests in operational fields in Congo. Set to add approximately 30,000 barrels of oil per day to Congo’s production capacity, this acquisition highlights the country’s immense potential for international companies to meet the country’s development goals.

    Meanwhile, the participation of Colibri Business Development at CEIF 2025 is expected to show a unique insight into how international companies can participate in Congo’s burgeoning hydrocarbons sector. The country will launch its 2025 licensing round at CEIF 2025, offering onshore, offshore and marginal acreage to potential investors and developers while aligning with national efforts to increase output.

    Set to showcase how Congo’s regulatory framework and fiscal regime can accelerate monetization of the country’s natural resources, Royal Triangle Energy Solutions’ experience in the African market has the potential to empower businesses with effective change management skills and knowledge for participating in Congo’s energy sector. The Congolese government is also set to release its Gas Master Plan at CEIF 2025, which will serve as a roadmap to Congo’s gas resources for both domestic consumption and export.

    “The exchange of knowledge and expertise is vital to unlocking the full potential of Congo’s natural resources, driving economic growth and positioning the country as a key player in the global energy market. The participation of Cabinet Gomes, Colibri Business Development and Royal Triangle Energy Solutions at CEIF 2025 underscores the immense opportunities the country offers for international investment and collaboration,” states Sandra Jeque, Events and Project Director, Energy Capital & Power.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Microsoft invests an additional ZAR 5.4bn in South Africa, launches program for digital skills

    Source: Microsoft

    Headline: Microsoft invests an additional ZAR 5.4bn in South Africa, launches program for digital skills

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-Evening Report: US trade wars with China – and how they play out in Africa

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lauren Johnston, Associate Professor, China Studies Centre, University of Sydney

    Since taking office, US president Donald Trump has implemented policies that have been notably hostile towards China. They include trade restrictions. Most recently, a 20% tariff was added to all imports from China and new technological restrictions were imposed under the America First Investment Policy. This isn’t the first time US-China tensions have flared. Throughout history the relationship has been fraught by economic, military and ideological conflicts.

    China-Africa scholar and economist Lauren Johnston provides insights into how these dynamics may also shape relations between Africa and China.

    How has China responded to hostile US policies?

    First, China tends to have a defiant official response. It expresses disappointment, then states that the US policy position is not helpful to any country or the world economy.

    Second, China makes moves domestically to prioritise the interests of key, affected industries.

    Third, China will sometimes impose retaliatory sanctions.

    In 2018, for instance, China imposed a 25% tariff on US soybeans, a critical animal feed source. The US Department of Agriculture had to compensate US soybean farmers for their lost income.

    Another example is how, following US tech sanctions, China took a more independent technology path. It has channelled billions into tech funds. The goal is to make financing available for Chinese entrepreneurs and to push technological boundaries in areas of US sanction, such as semiconductors. These efforts are backed up by subsidies and tax reductions. In some cases, the Chinese state will invest directly in tech companies.

    More recently, China retaliated to the US trade war by
    announcing tariffs on 80 US products. China is set to place 15% tariffs on certain energy exports, including coal, natural gas and petroleum. An additional 10% tariffs will be placed on 72 manufactured products including trucks, motor homes and agricultural machinery.

    Agricultural trade has been hard hit. The day the US announced a 10% tariff on Chinese imports, China announced “an additional 15% tariff on imported chicken, wheat, corn and cotton originating from the US”. Also, “sorghum, soybeans, pork, beef, aquatic products, fruits, vegetables and dairy products will be subject to an additional 10% tariff”.

    How have these Chinese responses affected Africa?

    We can’t say for certain that China’s response to US trade tensions has explicitly affected its Africa policy, but there are some notable coincidences.

    Less than one month after Trump’s return to the White House in 2025, and soon after the first tariffs were slapped on China’s exports to the US, China announced new measures to foster China-Africa trade efforts. The policy package aims to “strengthen economic and trade exchanges between China and Africa.”

    This is the latest in a series of Chinese actions.

    In January 2018 trade hostilities began to escalate after Trump imposed a first round of tariffs on all imported washing machines and solar panels. These had an impact on China’s exports to the US.

    Later the same year, China imposed 25% tariffs on US soy bean imports and took steps to reduce dependence on US agricultural products. China also took steps to expand trade with Africa, agricultural trade in particular.

    In September 2018, Beijing hosted the Forum on China and Africa Cooperation summit, a triennial head of state gathering. It was announced that China would set up a China-Africa trade expo and foster deeper agricultural cooperation. In the days after the summit, China’s Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs was already acting on this. A gathering of African agricultural ministers took place in Changsha, Hunan province.

    Hunan province has since taken centre stage in China-Africa relations. It’s now the host of a permanent China-Africa trade exhibition hall and a larger biennial China-Africa economic and trade exhibition (known as CAETE).

    Hunan also hosts the pilot zone for In-Depth China-Africa Economic and Trade Cooperation. The zone has numerous initiatives designed to overcome obstacles to China-Africa trade and investment, like support in areas of law, technology and currency, and vocational training.

    Finally, the zone is located in a bigger free-trade zone that is better connected to Africa by air, water and land corridors. African agricultural exports to China pass through Hunan, where local industry either uses these imports or distributes them across the country to retailers.

    Companies in Hunan are well placed to play a key role in supporting China-Africa trade, capitalising on the opportunities left by China-US hostilities.

    Hunan’s agritech giant Longping High-Tech, for instance, is investing in Tanzanian soybean farmers.

    Hunan is also home to China’s construction manufacturing and electronic transportation frontier. This includes global construction giant Sany, which produces heavy industry machinery for the construction, mining and energy sectors. China’s global electronic vehicle manufacturing BYD and its electronic railway industry are also in Hunan. They have deep and increasing interests in Africa and can also support China’s key minerals and tech race with the US.

    As US-China hostility enters a new era, what are the implications for China-Africa relations?

    As my new working paper sets out, African countries are, for example, responding to the new opportunities from China.

    At the end of 2024, while the world waited for Trump’s second coming, various African countries made moves to strengthen economic ties with China, Hunan province especially.

    In December 2024, Tanzania became the first African country to open an official investment promotion office in the China-Africa Cooperation Pilot Zone in Changaha.

    In November 2024, both the China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo in Africa and the China Engineering Technology Exhibition were held in Abuja, Nigeria. Equivalent events were hosted in Kenya.

    Early in 2025 in Niamey, Niger, a joint pilot cooperation zone was inaugurated , and which is direct partner of the China-Africa Pilot zone in Hunan.

    As China moves away from US agricultural produce, for instance, African agricultural producers can benefit. Substitute African products and potential exports will enjoy a price boost, and elevated Chinese support.

    China’s newly elevated interest in African development and market potential will bring major prospects. The question will be whether African countries are ready to grasp them, and to use that potential to foster an independent development path of their own.

    Lauren Johnston does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. US trade wars with China – and how they play out in Africa – https://theconversation.com/us-trade-wars-with-china-and-how-they-play-out-in-africa-249609

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: What is the World Health Organization and why does it matter?

    Source: United Nations MIL OSI

    By Eileen Travers

    Health

    When the plague, cholera and yellow fever rippled deadly waves across a newly industrialised and interconnected world in the mid-19th century, taking a global approach to health became an imperative. Doctors, scientists, presidents and prime ministers urgently convened the International Sanitary Conference in Paris in 1851, a precursor to what is now the largest of its kind: the World Health Organization, known as WHO.

    From laboratories to battlefields, the United Nations specialised health agency has been dedicated to the wellbeing of all people since 1948. It is guided by science and supported by its 194 member nations, including the United States, a co-founder that on Monday announced plans to withdraw.

    What has WHO done for the world? The short answer is – a lot. The UN agency currently works with its membership and on the health frontlines in more than 150 locations and has achieved many public health milestones.

    © WHO/Neil Nuia

    WHO and partners provide COVID-19 and other vaccines to remote communities, including in Kuvamiti in the Solomon Islands. (file)

    Here’s what you need to know about the planet’s biggest health body:

    Tackling emergencies

    Amid crises, conflict, the continuing threat of disease outbreaks and climate change, WHO has responded, from wars in Gaza, Sudan and Ukraine to ensuring lifesaving vaccines and medical supplies arrive in remote or dangerous areas.

    With healthcare facing unprecedented risks, WHO documented in 2023 over 1,200 attacks affecting workers, patients, hospitals, clinics and ambulances across 19 countries and territories, resulting in over 700 deaths and nearly 1,200 injuries.

    Indeed, WHO teams often go where others do not. They routinely evacuate injured patients and provide lifesaving equipment, supplies and services in conflict or disaster-ravaged areas.

    Watch below as WHO teams helped to unroll a multi-agency polio vaccination campaign in war-torn besieged Gaza in September 2024, when the fast-spreading virus reappeared 25 years after it had been eradicated:

    Tracking and addressing health crises

    Every day and through the night, teams of WHO experts sift through thousands of pieces of information, including scientific papers and disease surveillance reports, scanning for signals of disease outbreaks or other public health threats, from avian flu to COVID-19.

    WHO mobilises to prevent, detect and respond to infectious disease outbreaks while also strengthening access to essential health services.

    That includes bolstering hospital capacity to do everything from delivering new babies to treating war injuries and training healthcare workers.

    © WHO/Ploy Phutpheng

    A laboratory scientist works at a WHO collaborating research centre in Thailand. (file)

    Eliminating diseases around the world

    A wide range of diseases and conditions are ripe for elimination given the right public health policies, including neglected infectious and vector-borne diseases, sexually transmitted infections, diseases passed from mother to child and those that vaccines can prevent.

    The UN health agency supplies essential medicines and medical equipment while working to enable – and where possible, strengthen – laboratory capacity to diagnose diseases.

    In 2024, WHO Member States achieved several milestones in tackling these major global health challenges. Seven countries (Brazil, Chad, India, Jordan, Pakistan, Timor-Leste, and Viet Nam) eliminated a range of tropical diseases, including leprosy and trachoma.

    Mother-to-child transmission of HIV and syphilis have been eliminated in Belize, Jamaica and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and Namibia reached a key milestone towards elimination of mother-to-child transmission of HIV and hepatitis B.

    WHO has also played a key role over the past seven decades, including in eradicating smallpox in 1980, achieving the near eradication of polio and providing lifesaving assistance in Gaza during the recent war.

    © WHO/Sebastian Meyer

    A WHO mobile clinic provides services in Duhok, Iraq. (file)

    AI and digital health

    WHO is embracing new frontiers, including artificial intelligence (AI), in digital health.

    As the influence of emerging AI technologies continues to grow, WHO is working to ensure its safety and effectiveness for health.

    That includes new guidance published last October listing key regulatory considerations on such issues as harnessing the potential of AI to treat or detect conditions like cancer or tuberculosis while minimising risks like unethical data collection, cybersecurity threats and amplifying biases or misinformation.

    WHO/Blink Media/Juliana Tan

    In Singapore, digital devices help patients reach their healthcare providers. (file)

    Taking on deadly climate-related health crisis

    The climate-related health crisis affects at least 3.5 billion people – nearly half of the global population.

    Extreme heat, weather events and air pollution caused millions of deaths in 2023, putting enormous pressure on health systems and the working population, from current wildfires burning across the US west coast to deadly flash floods in Indonesia.

    WHO/J.D.Kannah

    An Ebola virus survivor in the Democratic Republic of Congo has his eyes checked at a WHO-supported eye clinic in North Kivu. (file)

    Part of WHO’s response has been to protect health from the wide range of impacts of climate change, which includes assessing vulnerabilities and developing plans.

    The UN agency has also worked on implementing response systems for key risks, such as extreme heat and infectious disease and supporting resilience and adaptation in health-determining sectors such as water and food.

    What’s WHO working on now?

    WHO is leading efforts for a global treaty take a further, deeper step to strengthen pandemic prevention, preparedness and response, much along the lines of the founders of the 1851 International Sanitary Conference.

    The UN agency is also currently working to achieve its “triple billion targets”.

    Set in 2019, the targets are that by 2025, one billion more people will be benefitting from universal health coverage, one billion more people will be better protected from health emergencies and one billion more people will be enjoying better health and wellbeing.

    Who leads WHO?

    The leadership is truly international.

    Based in Geneva, the UN agency is headed by Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus.

    The current approved biennium programme budget for 2024-2025 is $6.83 billion, coming from member assessments, alongside voluntary contributions.

    WHO’s decision-making body, the World Health Assembly, is made up of its member nations, which meet annually to agree on WHO priorities and policies.

    Members make decisions on health goals and strategies that will guide their own public health work and the work of the WHO Secretariat to move the world towards better health and wellbeing for all. That includes implementing reform measures that have made WHO more effective.

    Learn more about WHO here and in our latest video below:

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Former Olympian Wanted for Running Transnational Drug Enterprise and Ordering Several Murders Added to FBI’s List of Ten Most Wanted Fugitives

    Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) State Crime Alerts (b)

    At present, Wedding is wanted for allegedly running a transnational drug trafficking network that routinely shipped hundreds of kilograms of cocaine from Colombia, through Mexico and Southern California, to Canada and other locations in the United States, and for orchestrating multiple murders and an attempted murder in furtherance of these drug crimes.

    Wedding’s placement on the top ten list marks the 535th addition to the FBI’s list of notorious fugitives. Wedding will replace Alexis Flores who is wanted by FBI Philadelphia. Although Flores is being removed from the list today, he will remain on the FBI’s website on its Most Wanted page.

    “Wedding went from shredding powder on the slopes at the Olympics to distributing powder cocaine on the streets of U.S. cities and in his native Canada,” said Akil Davis, the Assistant Director of the FBI’s Los Angeles Field Office. “The alleged murders of his competitors make Wedding a very dangerous man, and his addition to the list of Ten Most Wanted Fugitives, coupled with a major reward offer by the State Department, will make the public our partner so that we can catch up with him before he puts anyone else in danger.”

    Additionally, the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs announced that it is offering a $10-million-reward for information leading to Wedding’s arrest and/or conviction. The reward was authorized by Secretary of State Marco Rubio under the Narcotics Rewards Program (NRP), which supports law enforcement efforts to disrupt transnational crime globally and bring fugitives to justice. This reward offering supplements the FBI’s current offering of $50,000 for information leading to Wedding’s apprehension, arrest, and extradition, and further, is jointly being offered with assistance from the Canadian and Mexican governments as part of a unified effort to bring Wedding to justice.

    In June 2024, Wedding and his second-in-command Andrew Clark, 34, also Canadian, were charged in an indictment out of the Central District of California with running a continuing criminal enterprise; committing murder in connection with a continuing criminal enterprise and assorted drug crimes; and conspiring to possess, distribute, and export cocaine. Clark, who was arrested last October by Mexican authorities, was among the 29 fugitives whom Attorney General Pamela Bondi announced had arrived in the United States from Mexico last week.

    In September 2024, a federal grand jury in Los Angeles returned a superseding indictment naming 14 additional defendants and including, among other counts, an attempted murder charge against Wedding and Clark. The superseding indictment alleges that Wedding, Clark, and others conspired to ship bulk quantities of cocaine – weighing hundreds of kilograms – from Southern California to Canada through a Canada-based drug transportation network run by Hardeep Ratte, 46, of Ontario, Canada, and Gurpreet Singh, 31, of Ontario, Canada, from approximately January 2024 to August 2024. The cocaine shipments were transported from Mexico to the Los Angeles area, where the cocaine trafficking organization’s operatives stored the cocaine in stash houses, before delivering it to the transportation network couriers for delivery to Canada using long-haul semi-trucks.

    “As alleged in the superseding indictment, defendant Ryan Wedding – a former Olympian – led a transnational criminal organization that murdered innocent people and put thousands of kilograms of narcotics on our streets,” said Acting United States Attorney Joseph T. McNally. “The reward offered today will help bring this defendant to justice in the United States. We urge anyone with information about Wedding to contact law enforcement and help us get Mr. Wedding into custody.”

    The superseding indictment also alleges that Wedding and Clark’s organization resorted to violence – including multiple murders – to achieve its aims. Wedding and Clark allegedly directed the November 20, 2023, murders of two members of a family in Ontario, Canada, in retaliation for a stolen drug shipment that passed through Southern California. Another member of that family survived the shooting but was left with serious physical injuries. Wedding and Clark allegedly also ordered the murder of another victim on May 18, 2024, over a drug debt. In addition, Clark and Malik Damion Cunningham, 23, a dual Canadian-American citizen, are charged with the April 1, 2024, murder of another victim in Ontario, Canada.

    “The RCMP is committed to working with our international partners in the fight against transnational criminals,” said Liam Price, Director General, Royal Canadian Mounted Police International program. “It’s imperative that Ryan Wedding faces justice for the charges against him. We will continue to stand with and support our US and Mexican partners in this and other investigations to protect the public.”

    If convicted, Wedding and Clark would face a mandatory minimum penalty of life in federal prison on their respective continuing criminal enterprise charge. The murder and attempted murder charges carry a mandatory minimum penalty of 20 years in federal prison. The drug trafficking charges carry mandatory minimum penalties of 10 to 15 years in prison.

    “The former Canadian snowboarder unleashed an avalanche of death and destruction, here and abroad,” said Matthew Allen, Special Agent in Charge of the Drug Enforcement Administration’s Los Angeles Field Division. “He earned the name ‘El Jefe’, becoming boss of a violent transnational drug trafficking organization. Now, his face will be on ‘The Top 10 Most Wanted’ posters. He’s unremitting, callous and greed-driven. Today’s announcement beams an even brighter searchlight on him. We ask that you help us find him.”

    The FBI urges anyone with information as to Wedding’s whereabouts to call the FBI via WhatsApp, Signal or Telegram at +1-424 495-0614. These are neither government-operated nor government-controlled platforms. Callers may also contact their local FBI office, the nearest American Embassy or Consulate, or submit a tip online at tips.fbi.gov. Confidentiality will be granted to anyone who calls with information.

    Investigators believe that Wedding is residing in Mexico but have not ruled out his presence in the United States, Canada, Colombia, Honduras, Guatemala, Costa Rica, or elsewhere. Wedding is further described as follows:

    Aliases: James Conrad King, Jesse King
    DOB: September 14, 1981
    Hair: Brown, may wear a beard and/or mustache
    Eyes: Blue
    Height: 6’3”
    Weight: 240 lbs. (may vary)
    Nationality: Canadian
    Place of Birth: Thunder Bay, Canada
    Monikers: “Giant,” “Public Enemy,” “El Jefe”

    Photographs and reward information about Wedding will be posted on digital billboards in key locations, as well as on fbi.gov, and on the FBI’s social media platforms. Additional information about Wedding and other Top Ten Fugitives is available at this link: Top Ten Fugitives.

    The FBI’s Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list was established in March 1950. Since its inception, 535 fugitives have been placed on the list of “Ten Most Wanted Fugitives,” 496 of whom were apprehended or located; 163 were due to citizen cooperation.

    The FBI is investigating Wedding and Clark’s drug trafficking enterprise with the Los Angeles Police Department, DEA Los Angeles, and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police – Federal Policing. In addition, significant assistance has been provided by U.S. law enforcement partners, including Homeland Security Investigations – Detroit, and United States Customs and Border Protection – Buffalo; Canadian law enforcement partners, including Niagara Regional Police Service, Ontario Provincial Police, Toronto Police Service, and Peel Regional Police; Mexican law enforcement partners; and Colombian law enforcement partners, including Colombian National Police – Directorate of Criminal Investigation and Interpol, Special Interagency Investigation Group (Policía Nacional de Colombia – Dirección de Investigación Criminal e Interpol, Grupo Especial de Investigación Interagenciales).

    Assistant United States Attorneys Lyndsi Allsop and Maria Jhai of the Violent and Organized Crime Section and Ryan Waters of the Asset Forfeiture and Recovery Section are prosecuting this case. The Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs provided substantial assistance.

    This case is part of an Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces (OCDETF) operation. OCDETF identifies, disrupts, and dismantles the highest-level criminal organizations that threaten the United States using a prosecutor-led, intelligence-driven, multi-agency approach. Additional information about the OCDETF Program can be found at https://www.justice.gov/OCDETF.

    An indictment contains allegations that a defendant has committed a crime. Every defendant is presumed to be innocent until and unless proven guilty in court.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: INTERPOL General Assembly provides roadmap for Organization’s future

    Source: Interpol (news and events)

    24 October 2013

    CARTAGENA DE INDIAS, Colombia – The 82nd session of the INTERPOL General Assembly closed today with strong foundations in place for the Organization’s future to better support all 190 member countries in tackling transnational crime and terrorism.

    Mick O’Connell, INTERPOL’s Director of Operational Support, gives an update on the activities of the Organization’s Integrated Border Management Task Force.

    Delegates attending the General Assembly meeting. 

    Ralph Market, INTERPOL’s Assistant Director for Strategic Partnerships and Development, briefs the General Assembly on plans for new public-private initiatives.

    A number of Resolutions were passed, along with cooperation agreements with other organizations.

    Delegates attending the General Assembly meeting. 

    Eugene Kaspersky, CEO of Kasperky Lab, addresses delegates on the subject of international police and private companies in the age of cybercrime.

    Igor Shunevich, Belarus’s Minister of Internal Affairs (left) and INTERPOL Secretary General Ronald K. Noble sign an agreement for an INTERPOL team to support security for the 2014 Ice Hockey World Championship.

    Minister Shunevich (right) and Mr Noble discuss how the INTERPOL team can detect potential threats of terrorism, hooliganism and serious crime, and secure Belarus’s borders during the Ice Hockey Championship.

    The General Assembly endorsed INTERPOL’s new e-extradition initiative which will significantly speed up and facilitate extradition requests through the Organization’s secure communications channels.

    Rwanda was chosen as the host country for the 84th session of the INTERPOL General Assembly in 2015.

    Every year, a technology exhibition allows private sector companies to showcase their latest innovations to the global police community. This year’s participants were recognized in a special ceremony.

    Colombia became the 64th member country to recognize the INTERPOL Travel Document.

    Colombia hands over the INTERPOL flag to Monaco, the hosts of next year’s General Assembly meeting.

    INTERPOL President Mireille Ballestrazzi delivers her closing remarks.

    Monaco will host the 83rd General Assembly exactly 100 years after it held the first International Criminal Police Congress in 1914, where the idea of INTERPOL was born.

    Secretary General Noble thanks Giuliano Zaccardelli, INTERPOL’s Director of Strategic Planning.

    ‘Dios y Patria’ was written by Dutch police officers as a testimony to Erazo’s dedication to the police and as an inspiration to all those around the world who fight against crime and terrorism.

    Colombian police officer Sergeant Luis Erazo Maya (left) was held hostage by the FARC for almost 12 years. A book launched at the 82nd session of the INTERPOL General Assembly tells his story.

    Luiz Fernando Corrêa, Rio 2016 Security Director (left) and INTERPOL Secretary General Ronald K. Noble sign an agreement for the world police body to provide additional support to Brazilian authorities for the upcoming Games.

    The General Assembly is INTERPOL’s supreme governing body. It meets once a year and takes all major decisions affecting policy, resources, working methods, finances and activities.

    INTERPOL President, Mireille Ballestrazzi, speaking at the press conference.

    Some 630 police chiefs and senior law enforcement officials attended the event in Cartagena de Indias, Colombia.

    A total of 144 countries were represented at the conference. 

    Delegates attending the General Assembly meeting. 

    Delegates attending the General Assembly meeting. 

    Among the topics discussed were illicit goods, counterfeiting and pharmaceutical crime.

    Delegates attending the General Assembly meeting. 

    With the four-day (21-24 October) conference coming just one month after the Westgate shopping centre attacks in Nairobi, Kenya, senior police officials discussed the Organization’s priorities and strategic roadmap for the next three years, focusing on policing needs in the field addressing threats ranging from terrorism to cybercrime.

    INTERPOL’s new e-extradition initiative, a technical platform which will significantly speed up and facilitate extradition requests through the world police body’s secure communications channels, was strongly endorsed as a ground-breaking initiative by delegates.

    “The resolutions adopted by this General Assembly will develop and further strengthen the partnerships between INTERPOL and other international organizations,” said INTERPOL President Mireille Ballestrazzi.

    “The various discussions and debates during the past four days reflect the collective experience of member countries and the INTERPOL General Secretariat, and will enable us all to continue to develop initiatives to enhance the safety of all citizens throughout the world,” concluded the President.

    A key decision by delegates was the endorsement of a resolution for extrabudgetary resources to be identified in order to provide long-term financial assistance towards INTERPOL’s activities and operational support to all member countries in combating transnational crime and terrorism.

    INTERPOL Secretary General Ronald K. Noble said the decisions taken by the General Assembly paved the way for the Organization to plan for its future and provide additional assistance to member countries.

    “As the world’s largest police organization we must ensure that all of our 190 member countries can count on our support whenever and wherever needed,” said Secretary General Noble.

    “Many of the decisions taken during this General Assembly will provide us with an even stronger framework to address the various transnational crime challenges facing the global law enforcement community,” concluded the INTERPOL Chief.

    Strengthening relationships between police and prosecutorial authorities was also an important element during the conference, with the approval of a Memorandum of Understanding between INTERPOL and Eurojust.

    At the conclusion of the conference Juan Carlos Pinzón Bueno, Minister of National Defence, announced Colombia’s recognition of the INTERPOL Travel Document (ITD) thereby significantly speeding up the ability for INTERPOL officials to respond to any calls for assistance or support. To date, 64 INTERPOL member countries have officially recognized the ITD.

    The 83rd INTERPOL General Assembly will be held in Monaco, 100 years after the country hosted the first International Criminal Police Congress in 1914, where the idea of INTERPOL was born.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: INTERPOL agreement with CEMAC to promote border security in Central Africa

    Source: Interpol (news and events)

    12 November 2013

    LYON, France – An agreement to extend access to INTERPOL’s tools and services to key border points in six Central African countries has been concluded by INTERPOL and the Communauté Économique et Monétaire de l’Afrique Centrale (CEMAC).

    Signed by CEMAC President Pierre Moussa and INTERPOL Secretary General Ronald K. Noble, the agreement provides a framework for linking 40 border points in the CEMAC countries (Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon) to I-24/7, INTERPOL’s secure police communications system.

    In addition to updating the I-24/7 access at the INTERPOL National Central Bureaus (NCBs) in each of the six countries, the two organizations will collaborate to establish access at remote sites including international airports, sea ports and strategic border crossing points.

    “This agreement comes at a time when the CEMAC member countries are preparing to implement, as of 1 January 2014, the free movement of people within their borders. Therefore it is crucial that we ensure the highest level of security possible within these common boundaries, particularly with the support of INTERPOL,” said CEMAC President Moussa, who visited INTERPOL’s General Secretariat headquarters in Lyon, France to sign the accord.

    He added that the agreement between the two organizations ‘offers a fundamental and indispensable support in this time of globalization, which permits us to access INTERPOL’s tools and services, in particular its nominal and Stolen and Lost Travel Documents databases at our airports, ports and land borders.’

    INTERPOL Chief Noble hailed the agreement as a critical step towards enhancing security in the Central African region.

    “By ensuring that law enforcement officers on the ground have instant access to INTERPOL’s databases and other tools, this agreement represents the commitment of CEMAC and its member countries to safeguarding their borders against all types of transnational threats,” said Secretary General Noble.

    CEMAC is a regional organization established in 1994 to promote cooperation and exchange among its member countries, as well as to create a common market and effective customs union.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: Countries unite to identify illegal fishing vessel via INTERPOL

    Source: Interpol (news and events)

    LYON, France – A joint effort by New Zealand, Australia and Norway to find a vessel suspected of illegal fishing has led to the publication of an INTERPOL Purple Notice to assist in identifying its location.

    An INTERPOL Purple Notice has been issued to find a vessel suspected of illegal fishing. Pictured is ‘Thunder’ as Wuhan N 4 in Singapore, October 2012.

    Thunder as Wuhan N 4 – bow view – Singapore October 2012

    Circulated to all 190 INTERPOL member countries the Notice, requested by New Zealand supported by the Australian Fisheries Management Authority (AFMA) and the Norwegian Directorate of Fisheries, also seeks information about the individuals and networks which own, operate and profit from the suspected illegal activities of the vessel, currently believed to be called ‘Thunder’.

    During the past two years, the vessel has operated under at least three different names and under several flags, in order to avoid detection of illegal fishing activities.

    In July 2012, Mongolian registration papers for a vessel called ‘Wuhan 4’ were issued; however in August 2012 the vessel was sighted in the North Indian Ocean under the name ‘Kuko’. In October 2012, the vessel was spotted at a Singapore shipyard under the name ‘Wuhan N 4’ and under a Mongolian flag.

    In April 2013, the same vessel requested access to a port in Malaysia under the name ‘Wuhan 4’ but when inspected a few days later in Indonesia, it was using the name ‘Thunder’ and with the Nigerian flag.

    “Thunder has been operating under a number of names and flags over several years and we believe this is being done to avoid been caught violating international laws and conventions,” said Gary Orr, Manager, Operational Coordination with New Zealand’s Ministry for Primary Industries.

    “Fisheries crime is not constrained by borders and is commonly carried out by transnational organized networks. Norway is deeply concerned about its global effects. We need an international, coordinated response to effectively tackle these networks, and I welcome the good cooperation we have established with Australia and New Zealand via INTERPOL,” said Norway’s Minister of Fisheries, Elisabeth Aspaker.

    AFMA’s Fisheries Operations General Manager Peter Venslovas said illegal fishing activities seriously undermine the sustainability of fisheries: “Ongoing cooperation between countries across the globe to combat illegal fishing is having a real impact and making it harder for these operators to make a profit.”

    It is possible that the owners of ‘Thunder’ have earned more than USD 60 million from its illegal fishing activities since it was blacklisted by the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR) in February 2006.

    The vessel is currently believed to be operating in the Southern Ocean around Antarctica where it may be fishing illegally for Patagonian toothfish, also known as Chilean Sea Bass, a highly sought after protected species.

    This is the third INTERPOL Purple Notice issued in connection with illegal fishing activities, with the first published in September this year at the request of Norwegian authorities for a vessel named ‘Snake’.

    INTERPOL’s Purple Notices are used to seek or provide information on modi operandi, objects, devices and concealment methods used by criminals.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: Customs and police operation targets cocaine trafficking routes into Europe

    Source: Interpol (news and events)

    5 December 2013

    An operation targeting cocaine trafficking routes from South America and Africa into Europe has led to the seizure of more than 1.7 tonnes of drugs, some EUR 1.4 million in cash and 91 arrests.

    Secret panels had been created inside the suitcase to smuggle drugs.

    Customs officers in Nigeria found 2.5 kilogrammes of methamphetamine hidden in a suitcase.

    Counterfeit medicines seized from an air freight container in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In total more than 10 tonnes of fake medicines were recovered during Operation Cocair IV.

    More than five kilogrammes of cocaine were discovered hidden inside motor cylinders at Niamey airport in Niger.

    Operation COCAIR IV, led by the World Customs Organization (WCO), and supported by INTERPOL and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), also resulted in the recovery of more than 10 tonnes of counterfeit medical products and around 35 kilogrammes of illicit wildlife products, including rough and worked ivory.

    During the nine-day operation (26 October – 3 November) nearly 100 seizures were made at 30 international airports across Africa with 181 kg of cocaine 1,700 kg of cannabis and 40 kg of methamphetamine recovered.

    In addition to intelligence-led controls, including profiling passenger lists, law enforcement officers also carried out additional checks on postal items, freight, aircraft and crew members.

    The operation comes under the umbrella of Project AIRCOP, an European Commission and Canada funded initiative to improve controls at international airports by enhancing cooperation between drug enforcement services through communication via WCO’s CENcomm and INTERPOL’s I-24/7 secure systems.

    Prior to the operational phase, a training session was held in Libreville, Gabon where INTERPOL and WCO provided specialist training to nearly 50 officers from the participating countries on a range of issues including risk analysis and product identification.

    Countries which took part in Operation COCAIR IV: Benin, Brazil, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Dominican Republic, France, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Jamaica, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal and Togo.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Sugary drinks are a killer: a 20% tax would save lives and rands in South Africa

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Susan Goldstein, Associate Professor in the SAMRC Centre for Health Economics and Decision Science – PRICELESS SA (Priority Cost Effective Lessons in Systems Strengthening South Africa), University of the Witwatersrand

    Non-communicable diseases such as diabetes, hypertension and cardiovascular conditions account for over 70% of global deaths annually.

    In South Africa, non-communicable diseases cause more than half of all deaths. Diabetes ranks as the second leading cause after tuberculosis.

    A major contributor to rising diabetes rates is the high consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages, including cooldrinks.

    The World Health Organization recommends a tax of at least 20% on sugary drinks as an effective tool to help reduce consumption and curb related health risks.

    South Africa introduced a tax on sugar-sweetened beverages, officially known as the Health Promotion Levy, in 2018.

    The tax applies at R0.0221 ($0.0012) per gram of sugar beyond a 4g/100ml threshold, amounting to an 8% of final selling price. The tax has increased slightly since it was introduced, but not in line with inflation. The Health Promotion Levy therefore falls short of the original 20% target as industry pressure led to a watered-down version of it.

    I lead the South African Medical Research Council/Wits Centre for Health Economics and Decision Science – PRICELESS SA, which has been studying various aspects of the levy for over 10 years.

    PRICELESS SA is still in the process of measuring the health and financial impact of not implementing the Health Promotion Levy at the recommended 20%. A lack of recent data adds to this challenge. But it is worth noting that the World Obesity Report shows that obesity is still a severe problem in South Africa.

    Without interventions, obesity in South Africa is projected to affect 30 million adults and 10 million children by 2035. In 2019 there were 55,238 deaths in South Africa from non-communicable diseases attributable to obesity, and with an annual increase of 2.3% in obesity, deaths are going to increase.

    Taxing sugary beverages is effective

    Despite the sugar industry’s claims that the Health Promotion Levy is ineffective, global evidence strongly suggests otherwise. Countries that have implemented such taxes have seen significant declines in sugar consumption.

    Sugar-sweetened beverage taxes have been implemented in 103 countries and territories globally and have been shown to be effective in many countries.

    In Ireland there was a 30.2% reduction in sugar intake through these beverages.

    In California a study showed a decrease in overweight and obesity among young people living in cities where there was a sugary beverage tax.

    In Mexico, a sugar-sweetened beverages tax at 1 peso ($0.05) per litre was introduced in 2014, and by 2016, sugary drinks sales had dropped by 37%.

    Similarly, in the UK, a tax introduced in 2018 led to a 35.4% reduction in sugar consumption from taxed beverages.

    The levy has had a positive impact in South Africa. Studies show decreased purchasing of these beverages. There were greater reductions in sales among lower socioeconomic groups and in sub-populations with higher sugary drink consumption.

    Mean sugar from taxable beverage purchases fell from 16.25 g/capita per day from the pre-health promotion levy announcement to 10.63 g/capita per day in the year after implementation.

    Lower-income households, which initially purchased more taxable sugary beverages than wealthier households, showed the most significant reductions in consumption after the tax was enforced.

    This is particularly important as non-communicable diseases disproportionately affect poor and vulnerable populations.

    Stronger taxation on sugary beverages not only decreases consumption but also encourages reformulation by manufacturers, leading to healthier products.

    The levy does not cause job losses

    Sugar-related industries often argue that the tax has led to massive job losses.

    Our research contradicts these claims.

    A recent study carried out by PRICELESS SA, funded by Bloomberg Philanthropies through the University of North Carolina and the South African Medical Research Council, showed no significant association between the levy and employment levels. It showed that the levy had not been associated with job creation or job losses in sugar-related industries. These include agriculture, beverage manufacturing and commercial enterprises that sell food and beverages.

    The study suggests several factors that may explain this:

    Firstly, firms may reallocate labour within their operations rather than cut jobs.

    Secondly, many beverage producers have responded to the tax by reformulating their products, reducing the sugar content and using non-nutritive sweeteners rather than reducing production.

    Thirdly, demand for taxed sugary drinks has not declined enough to affect employment.

    Finally, consumers often switch to untaxed alternatives produced by the same companies, preventing financial losses to the industry.

    Increasing the levy is beneficial to the public purse

    The recent delay of South Africa’s budget speech, due to disagreements within the government over the proposed value added tax increase of two percentage points, highlights the urgent need for additional and alternative revenue sources.

    South Africa’s health system is experiencing a massive financial burden due to overweight and obesity, costing R33 billion (US$1.78 billion) annually. This expense accounts for 15.38% of the government’s health expenditure and 0.67% of the country’s GDP. On a per-person basis, the annual cost of overweight and obesity is R2,769 (US$150).

    On the other hand, the levy generated R5.8 billion (US$313m) in revenue over its first two fiscal years.

    Beyond raising funds, a higher tax rate would provide public health benefits and savings for health services.

    Based on our research, increasing the levy to 20% in South Africa could reduce obesity rates by 2.4 to 3.8 percentage points, prevent 85,000 strokes, and save 72,000 lives over two decades.

    These improvements potentially save over R5 billion (US$270m) in medical costs.

    Unlike other taxation measures, which affect all consumers equally, the levy primarily targets discretionary purchases, making it a fairer fiscal tool.

    Therefore, government must act – raise the Health Promotion Levy to 20% and cut the sugar-fuelled health crisis at its root.

    Raising the levy to 20% would be a smarter tax for a healthier nation.

    Darshen Naidoo, Legal Researcher and Associate Lecturer at PRICELESS SA, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg contributed to the article.

    – Sugary drinks are a killer: a 20% tax would save lives and rands in South Africa
    – https://theconversation.com/sugary-drinks-are-a-killer-a-20-tax-would-save-lives-and-rands-in-south-africa-251393

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Global: Sugary drinks are a killer: a 20% tax would save lives and rands in South Africa

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Susan Goldstein, Associate Professor in the SAMRC Centre for Health Economics and Decision Science – PRICELESS SA (Priority Cost Effective Lessons in Systems Strengthening South Africa), University of the Witwatersrand

    Non-communicable diseases such as diabetes, hypertension and cardiovascular conditions account for over 70% of global deaths annually.

    In South Africa, non-communicable diseases cause more than half of all deaths. Diabetes ranks as the second leading cause after tuberculosis.

    A major contributor to rising diabetes rates is the high consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages, including cooldrinks.

    The World Health Organization recommends a tax of at least 20% on sugary drinks as an effective tool to help reduce consumption and curb related health risks.

    South Africa introduced a tax on sugar-sweetened beverages, officially known as the Health Promotion Levy, in 2018.

    The tax applies at R0.0221 ($0.0012) per gram of sugar beyond a 4g/100ml threshold, amounting to an 8% of final selling price. The tax has increased slightly since it was introduced, but not in line with inflation. The Health Promotion Levy therefore falls short of the original 20% target as industry pressure led to a watered-down version of it.

    I lead the South African Medical Research Council/Wits Centre for Health Economics and Decision Science – PRICELESS SA, which has been studying various aspects of the levy for over 10 years.

    PRICELESS SA is still in the process of measuring the health and financial impact of not implementing the Health Promotion Levy at the recommended 20%. A lack of recent data adds to this challenge. But it is worth noting that the World Obesity Report shows that obesity is still a severe problem in South Africa.

    Without interventions, obesity in South Africa is projected to affect 30 million adults and 10 million children by 2035. In 2019 there were 55,238 deaths in South Africa from non-communicable diseases attributable to obesity, and with an annual increase of 2.3% in obesity, deaths are going to increase.

    Taxing sugary beverages is effective

    Despite the sugar industry’s claims that the Health Promotion Levy is ineffective, global evidence strongly suggests otherwise. Countries that have implemented such taxes have seen significant declines in sugar consumption.

    Sugar-sweetened beverage taxes have been implemented in 103 countries and territories globally and have been shown to be effective in many countries.

    In Ireland there was a 30.2% reduction in sugar intake through these beverages.

    In California a study showed a decrease in overweight and obesity among young people living in cities where there was a sugary beverage tax.

    In Mexico, a sugar-sweetened beverages tax at 1 peso ($0.05) per litre was introduced in 2014, and by 2016, sugary drinks sales had dropped by 37%.

    Similarly, in the UK, a tax introduced in 2018 led to a 35.4% reduction in sugar consumption from taxed beverages.

    The levy has had a positive impact in South Africa. Studies show decreased purchasing of these beverages. There were greater reductions in sales among lower socioeconomic groups and in sub-populations with higher sugary drink consumption.

    Mean sugar from taxable beverage purchases fell from 16.25 g/capita per day from the pre-health promotion levy announcement to 10.63 g/capita per day in the year after implementation.

    Lower-income households, which initially purchased more taxable sugary beverages than wealthier households, showed the most significant reductions in consumption after the tax was enforced.

    This is particularly important as non-communicable diseases disproportionately affect poor and vulnerable populations.

    Stronger taxation on sugary beverages not only decreases consumption but also encourages reformulation by manufacturers, leading to healthier products.

    The levy does not cause job losses

    Sugar-related industries often argue that the tax has led to massive job losses.

    Our research contradicts these claims.

    A recent study carried out by PRICELESS SA, funded by Bloomberg Philanthropies through the University of North Carolina and the South African Medical Research Council, showed no significant association between the levy and employment levels. It showed that the levy had not been associated with job creation or job losses in sugar-related industries. These include agriculture, beverage manufacturing and commercial enterprises that sell food and beverages.

    The study suggests several factors that may explain this:

    Firstly, firms may reallocate labour within their operations rather than
    cut jobs.

    Secondly, many beverage producers have responded to the tax by reformulating their products, reducing the sugar content and using non-nutritive sweeteners rather than reducing production.

    Thirdly, demand for taxed sugary drinks has not declined enough to affect employment.

    Finally, consumers often switch to untaxed alternatives produced by the same companies, preventing financial losses to the industry.

    Increasing the levy is beneficial to the public purse

    The recent delay of South Africa’s budget speech, due to disagreements within the government over the proposed value added tax increase of two percentage points, highlights the urgent need for additional and alternative revenue sources.

    South Africa’s health system is experiencing a massive financial burden due to overweight and obesity, costing R33 billion (US$1.78 billion) annually. This expense accounts for 15.38% of the government’s health expenditure and 0.67% of the country’s GDP. On a per-person basis, the annual cost of overweight and obesity is R2,769 (US$150).

    On the other hand, the levy generated R5.8 billion (US$313m) in revenue over its first two fiscal years.

    Beyond raising funds, a higher tax rate would provide public health benefits and savings for health services.

    Based on our research, increasing the levy to 20% in South Africa could reduce obesity rates by 2.4 to 3.8 percentage points, prevent 85,000 strokes, and save 72,000 lives over two decades.

    These improvements potentially save over R5 billion (US$270m) in medical costs.

    Unlike other taxation measures, which affect all consumers equally, the levy primarily targets discretionary purchases, making it a fairer fiscal tool.

    Therefore, government must act – raise the Health Promotion Levy to 20% and cut the sugar-fuelled health crisis at its root.

    Raising the levy to 20% would be a smarter tax for a healthier nation.

    Darshen Naidoo, Legal Researcher and Associate Lecturer at PRICELESS SA, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg contributed to the article.

    Susan Goldstein on behalf of PRICELESS receives funding from the Bloomberg Foundation, the SAMRC and the National Institutes for Health Research

    ref. Sugary drinks are a killer: a 20% tax would save lives and rands in South Africa – https://theconversation.com/sugary-drinks-are-a-killer-a-20-tax-would-save-lives-and-rands-in-south-africa-251393

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI: Ezipay Coin Presale Goes Live, Starting the Next Phase in Making Digital Payments More Accessible

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    DUBAI, United Arab Emirates, March 06, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Ezipay Coin, a unique digital currency built on innovative blockchain technology, has officially launched its presale, offering early investors the opportunity to be part of the future of digital payments. EziPay Coin is part of the greater EziPay ecosystem, that aims to redefine the way of handling payments, rewards, and investments. With strategic partnerships and a vision to create a more connected financial ecosystem, Ezipay Coin is poised to transform the way transactions are conducted across the globe.

    Speaking to the media, Sumit Sharma, CTO of EziPay Coin, said, “As a safe, flexible, and easy-to-use cryptocurrency, EziPay Coin aims to transform digital payments. EziPay Coin wants to make cryptocurrency acceptance more universal, being used in normal life while facilitating borderless, quick, safe transactions.”

    Borderless Transactions
    EziPay Coin makes digital currencies useful for everyone by focusing on openness, sustainability, and accessibility. By eliminating excessive costs and sluggish processing times while remaining connected with conventional cross-border payments, EziPay Coin presents a quick, safe, and reasonably priced option for trade and global remittances

    Some of the key features of EziPay Coin include:

    • Non-Custodial Wallet: Full control over digital assets.
    • Integrated Ecosystem: Works seamlessly within the EziPay app.
    • Low Transaction Costs: Ideal for microtransactions and global remittances.
    • Future Blockchain Development: A scalable and feature-rich blockchain is in progress.
    • User-Centric Design: Intuitive and easy to use.
    • Practical Utility: Designed for everyday transactions.
    • Dedicated Blockchain: Ensures security and scalability.
    • Seamless Integration: Works effortlessly within the EziPay app.
    • Transparent and Secure: Built on blockchain technology.
    • Expanding Ecosystem: Future integrations in healthcare, fintech, and agritech.

    About EziPay Ecosystem
    EziPay Coin is a part of the greater EziPay Ecosystem, which ensures that cryptocurrency has a real-world utility. It aims to make digital payments accessible, borderless, quick, and safe for everyone.

    Some of the features of the EziPay Ecosystem include:

    • Reward & Loyalty Programs: Use EziPay Coin across platforms like EziPay Global Digital Bank, EziPay Ghana, EziPay Francophone, and EziPay Sierra Leone to earn rewards and access financial services.
    • Gaming Platform: Redeem EziPay Coin for free top-ups and bonuses on Ezivote, India’s fastest-growing political-based gaming app.
    • Digital Learning: Get certified on Iripash using EziPay Coin.
    • App Development: Use EziPay Coin to develop applications and projects in the crypto space.

    By providing an all-in-one solution for payments, rewards, and investments, the EziPay Ecosystem with EziPay Coin is positioned to make digital currencies accessible to everyone.

    To take part in the presale of EzPay Coin, visit: https://www.ezipaycoin.com/

    About Ezipay Coin
    Ezipay Coin is a next-generation cryptocurrency designed to provide secure, efficient, and borderless digital transactions. Backed by leading industry partners, it aims to bridge the gap between traditional finance and blockchain-powered solutions.

    Join the conversation on:
    X: https://x.com/EzipayCoin
    Telegram: https://t.me/ezipaycoin

    Media Contact
    Company Name: EziPay Coin
    Contact Person: Amit Gaur
    Email: info@ezipaycoin.com
    Website: https://www.ezipaycoin.com/

    Disclaimer: This press release is provided by EziPay Coin. The statements, views, and opinions expressed in this content are solely those of the content provider and do not necessarily reflect the views of this media platform or its publisher. We do not endorse, verify, or guarantee the accuracy, completeness, or reliability of any information presented. This content is for informational purposes only and should not be considered financial, investment, or trading advice. Investing in crypto and mining related opportunities involves significant risks, including the potential loss of capital. Readers are strongly encouraged to conduct their own research and consult with a qualified financial advisor before making any investment decisions. However, due to the inherently speculative nature of the blockchain sector–including cryptocurrency, NFTs, and mining–complete accuracy cannot always be guaranteed. Neither the media platform nor the publisher shall be held responsible for any fraudulent activities, misrepresentations, or financial losses arising from the content of this press release.

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/d74790f1-f33a-4217-9868-0f60dff3505a

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Africa: The International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) and Mutual Trust Bank Sign Murabaha Agreement to Boost Trade Finance for Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and the Private Sector in Bangladesh

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    DHAKA, Bangladesh, March 6, 2025/APO Group/ —

    The International Islamic Trade Finance Corporation (ITFC) (www.ITFC-idb.org), a member of the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) Group, and Mutual Trust Bank PLC (MTB) signed a Master Murabaha Agreement to strengthen trade finance support for Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) and the private sector in Bangladesh. 

    The agreement will enable ITFC to provide trade financing facilities against Letters of Credit (LCs) issued by Mutual Trust Bank, enhancing the bank’s capacity to support cross-border trade and contribute to the growth of SMEs. This collaboration underscores both institutions’ commitment to fostering economic development and private sector growth in Bangladesh.

    The signing ceremony was held at Dhaka and attended by senior executives from both organizations. Mr. Syed Mahbubur Rahman, Managing Director and CEO of Mutual Trust Bank, and Mr. Nazeem Noordali, Officer-in-Charge, CEO of ITFC, led the signing on behalf of their respective institutions.

    Mr. Nazeem Noordali emphasized the strategic importance of the partnership, stating, “We are proud to partner with Mutual Trust Bank to provide trade financing facilities that will support SME growth and the import of essential commodities in Bangladesh. Private sector development is a cornerstone of the country’s economic progress, and enabling SMEs to access trade finance is central to ITFC’s strategy. This initiative will also help SMEs integrate into global value chains, fostering sustainable economic growth.”

    Mr. Syed Mahbubur Rahman, Managing Director and CEO of Mutual Trust Bank, expressed his enthusiasm for the agreement, saying, “The partnership with ITFC under this trade finance facility agreement is significant, especially given the current economic challenges faced by Bangladesh. This collaboration will enhance MTB’s reputation among correspondent banks globally, highlighting its resilience, commitment to best practices, and dedication to sustainable growth. Furthermore, it will provide our SME customers with greater access to financing and help facilitate the import of essential raw materials and soft commodities”.

    The Master Murabaha Agreement reflects the shared vision of ITFC and Mutual Trust Bank to drive economic growth by supporting SMEs and the private sector. By facilitating access to trade finance, the partnership aims to empower businesses, create employment opportunities, and contribute to the sustainable development of Bangladesh.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI USA: Manchester Teacher Named 2025 Rogers Educational Innovation Fund Winner

    Source: US State of Connecticut

    Alumna Giselle Ziegler ’22 6th Year has been named the Neag School of Education’s 2025 Rogers Educational Innovation Fund award winner. Ziegler teaches music at Odyssey Community School in Manchester, Connecticut.

    The Rogers Educational Innovation Fund, designated by the late Neag School of Education Professor Emeritus Vincent Rogers and his late wife, Chris, a lifelong teacher, provides a $5,000 annual award to support innovative projects by Connecticut elementary or middle school teachers. The gift is intended to support and expand the innovative, collaborative work of Connecticut’s classroom teachers and the Neag School of Education. This is the sixth year that the award has been bestowed.

    “I look forward to engaging students in musical opportunities outside the classroom in more real-world settings,” Neag School alumna Giselle Ziegler says. (Shawn Kornegay/Neag School)

    Ziegler’s project is titled “Harmony in Diversity: Building Cultural Awareness and Musical Equity,” and aims to enhance cultural awareness and musical equity at Odyssey Community School by expanding access to instruments and culturally responsive experiences. It will fund new instruments for equitable participation as well as diverse performances and guest speakers. This will foster inclusivity, empathy, and a deeper connection to music across cultures. The project also nods to Vincent Rogers’ own passion for music, as he was a jazz musician in high school and with the West Point military band.

    “I look forward to engaging students in musical opportunities outside the classroom in more real-world settings,” Ziegler says. “Imagine taking them to see a live performance of what they’ve studied or bringing in local artists to work with them one-on-one. These experiences could be life changing.”

    “Giselle Ziegler’s project at Odyssey Community School stood out to our selection committee, among the other proposed projects, as we recognized its aim of expanding students’ knowledge and experiences with music in ways that were more culturally expansive and inclusive,” says Todd Campbell, professor and head of the Department of Curriculum and Instruction at the Neag School, who chaired the 2025 Rogers Fund selection committee.

    We are excited to see this project making an impact in the lives of students at the Odyssey School. &#8212 Todd Campbell, professor and chair the 2025 Rogers Fund selection committee

    “Giselle’s ambition of getting more instruments in her students’ hands, beyond those they might typically get experiences with, and connecting them with diverse musicians is inspiring,” Campbell says. “We are excited to see this project making an impact in the lives of students at the Odyssey School and showcasing the work of an alum of our celebrated Neag School Music Education program.”

    Ziegler will be formally recognized at the 2025 Neag School Alumni Awards Celebration, which will be held at UConn Storrs in March.

    From the moment she joined Odyssey, Ziegler says she was struck by the school’s diversity. The Title I public charter school draws students from various towns and socioeconomic backgrounds, creating a melting pot of experiences, traditions, and perspectives. What fascinated her most, she says, was how her students came alive when they saw their cultures reflected in the curriculum.

    “I noticed early on that engagement spiked when I introduced music from their heritage, a realization that fueled my passion for creating a more inclusive and culturally responsive program,” Ziegler says. (Shawn Kornegay/Neag School)

    “I noticed early on that engagement spiked when I introduced music from their heritage, a realization that fueled my passion for creating a more inclusive and culturally responsive program,” she says.

    This passion led her to apply for the Rogers award, with the hope that it could help transform her music program from a fledgling endeavor into a thriving, dynamic space for students to explore, create, and connect. With the funding, she envisions expanding the school’s instrumental resources and providing opportunities for her students to experience music in ways they had never imagined.

    Odyssey Community School has already introduced cultural presenters to its students through previous grant funding. Two years ago, Ziegler invited a North Indian Kathak dancer, Rachna Agrawal, to share the rhythms and traditions of her homeland. The following year, Ghanaian musician Iddi Saaka taught students the vibrant beats of West African drumming and dance. Most recently, they hosted Tere Luna, a Mexican folkloric presenter whose lively singing and dancing filled the halls with energy. Each visit had been met with enthusiasm, Ziegler says, but she wanted to take it further — beyond the classroom walls and into the world.

    At Odyssey, music education is still finding its footing. With limited instruments and a single teacher balancing general, vocal, and instrumental music for pre-kindergarten through eighth grade students, the challenges are significant. One of Ziegler’s main goals with the Rogers award is to provide equitable access to instruments. Many students can only engage with music during class, but Ziegler dreams of students taking instruments home, practicing, and truly immersing themselves in their craft.

    “It’s about allowing them to practice at home, to develop their skills beyond the classroom,” she says. “Right now, that’s something missing; this award could change that.”

    This grant will change the lives of so many students at Odyssey… And to be able to contribute to the legacy of Professor Rogers, someone who was so passionate about music — it means everything to me. &#8212 Giselle Ziegler ’22 6th Year

    Beyond the instruments, Ziegler’s approach to teaching is deeply rooted in inclusivity. She follows the philosophy of educator and author Alfie Kohn, emphasizing content, community, and choice — three key elements that she believes are essential to student success.

    “If I’m providing them with content that’s engaging and relevant to their cultures, creating a community where they feel safe and respected, and giving them choices in how they learn, then I’m doing my job,” she says.

    As she wrote her Rogers award proposal, these principles were at the front of her mind. She imagined a classroom where every student saw themselves represented; their cultural backgrounds were acknowledged and celebrated; and music was a bridge that connected them all. She knows that when students feel seen and valued, they are more willing to take risks, explore their creativity, and truly invest in their learning.

    Her long-term vision includes integrating the learning bolstered by this grant into Odyssey’s unique “Community Periods.” These Friday sessions involve the whole school and allow students to explore topics of interest beyond the traditional curriculum, and school surveys have shown a strong desire for more engagement with culture through music. Ziegler sees this as the perfect opportunity to use the Roger award’s resources to culminate in a schoolwide event celebrating the diverse musical traditions of their community.

    “One of our trimesters could be dedicated to showcasing what students have learned through this project,” she suggests. “It could be a performance, an exhibition, or even an interactive workshop. The possibilities are endless.”

    When reflecting on the donors who make the Rogers award possible every year, Ziegler says she is filled with gratitude.

    “First and foremost, thank you,” she says. “This grant will change the lives of so many students at Odyssey, not just now but for generations to come. And to be able to contribute to the legacy of Professor Rogers, someone who was so passionate about music — it means everything to me.”

    Read more about the Rogers Educational Innovation Fund at rogersfund.uconn.edu.

    MIL OSI USA News