Category: Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: We studied more than 500 giraffe skulls from all over Africa – and confirmed there are 4 distinct species

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Nikolaos Kargopoulos, Post-doctoral fellow, Department of Biological Sciences, University of Cape Town

    Giraffes are among the world’s most recognisable animals. With their elongated necks and long legs, their gracious movements and unique coat patterns, they have inspired people’s imaginations for centuries.

    But is a giraffe just a giraffe? Or is there more variety between the animals at a genetic level than is evident just from looking at them?

    For more than a decade many researchers have compared the DNA of giraffes from all parts of Africa. These studies have revealed that there are four distinct giraffe species: the southern (Giraffa giraffa), Masai (Giraffa tippelskirchi), reticulated (Giraffa reticulata), and northern (Giraffa camelopardalis) giraffe.

    Different giraffe species face different risks. Some are among the most threatened large mammals in the world. While the southern and the Masai giraffe are relatively numerous and their populations estimated at approximately 45,000 and 50,000 individuals respectively, the situation does not look quite as rosy for the reticulated and the northern giraffe. Based on the latest estimates from the Giraffe Conservation Foundation (GCF), only 16,000 and 6,000 individuals respectively remain in the wild.

    Therefore, it is critical to verify whether there are indeed different species of giraffe or not so that direct conservation efforts for the most threatened species can be increased before it’s too late.


    Read more: How many giraffe species are there? Understanding this is key to their protection


    The concept of species is fundamental in biology – but there is no consensus on its definition. There are many different approaches depending on individual scientists’ points of view. The best possible way to clarify the taxonomy (the system that organises living entities into groups) of organisms is through multiple approaches.


    Read more: Giraffes could go extinct – the 5 biggest threats they face


    There have been several studies of giraffe species based on their DNA, as well as on their ecology, behaviour, health and coat patterns.

    But there haven’t been many based on their skulls. That’s where our new study comes in. By examining the skulls of more than 500 giraffes from across the African continent, we were able to show that there are significant differences in the skull shapes of the different types of giraffe – and confirm that there are four species.

    These new findings are crucial for giraffe taxonomy and, ultimately, their conservation.

    How the study was done

    Giraffe skulls are important to the animals’ reproduction and evolution. That’s because of their ossicones, the horn-like structures that are longer and wider in males than in females.

    The size and shape of the ossicones is important in the dominance of males and their mating success with female giraffe. While some preliminary data already suggested some potential differences in the ossicone morphology between the giraffe species, limitations on the available specimens and the methodologies at the time reduced the validity of the results.

    Comparison of male and female skulls of the four species in lateral view. Kargopoulos et al 2024

    For our research we used state-of-the-art equipment and methodologies, and we studied more than 500 giraffe skulls from all over Africa. The skulls were directly sampled in the field from across their natural range in Africa, as well as museum collections, wildlife authority offices, and taxidermists in different countries in Africa, Europe and the US.

    Map showing the geographical range of the extant giraffe species and subspecies as well as representative male skulls of each subspecies in lateral view. Kargopoulos et al 2024, CC BY

    This extensive study required help from many different partners. While the project was initiated and guided by the Giraffe Conservation Foundation and the University of Cape Town, many colleagues in Africa, Europe and North America contributed.

    We used a handheld 3D scanner to capture the skulls’ shape in 3D. Then we used 3D geometric morphometrics methods to compare the shape of the giraffe skulls and find out if we could group them and find any significant differences. We chose so-called landmarks – specific points on the skulls – and captured their coordinates in space (their 3D distance from the centre of mass of the skull).

    Finally, specialised software was used to compare the differences in the coordinates of landmarks between our specimens and to conduct statistical analyses to show if these differences were significant or not.

    Skull variations

    These rigorous analyses allowed us to show skull variations between four species.

    These differences mostly concerned the ossicones. But there were also minor differences in their face, eye sockets, the region around the teeth, and the back part of the skull.

    The most striking difference concerned the median ossicone of the males. This is a smaller third ossicone situated in the midline of the skull above their eyes. We determined that there is a general trend in the size and shape of this ossicone that follows geography and taxonomy. In southern giraffe, the third ossicone is practically a small protrusion; in northern giraffe it is large and pointed; the Masai and reticulated giraffe have ossicones that are somewhere between those two forms.

    Such differences are likely important in the way individuals of a species recognise each other, thus affecting their reproductive success. Males with more developed ossicones intimidate their rivals to gain access to territory and females.

    Attention for individual species

    Angolan giraffe eating in north-west Namibia. © Giraffe Conservation Foundation, Author provided (no reuse)

    Our study is confirmation of what scientists have known for almost a decade and supports the taxonomic split of the giraffe.

    Similar discussions over two decades finally resulted in the African elephant being split into two distinct species in 2021.

    The International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) – which, it must be pointed out, is not a taxonomic authority – still only recognises one species of giraffe. It lumps all giraffes into one broad, threatened Red List category.

    We strongly believe that the IUCN needs to stand tall for these animals and reassess their status. It is time for each giraffe species to get separate and enhanced attention, both locally and internationally, in particular when it comes to their conservation. Giraffes and their wild habitats must be protected before it’s too late.

    – We studied more than 500 giraffe skulls from all over Africa – and confirmed there are 4 distinct species
    – https://theconversation.com/we-studied-more-than-500-giraffe-skulls-from-all-over-africa-and-confirmed-there-are-4-distinct-species-247466

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Workshop on Ethics in Modern Statistical Organisations

    Source: United Nations Economic Commission for Europe

    About the meeting

    The workshop will address questions of business and data ethics in the current evolving landscape of Official Statistics. With adoption of new technologies and methodologies, old policy and guidelines of National Statistical Offices are no longer cover all aspects of business operations, so progress in data ethics is now more important than ever. Business ethics is also gaining importance, as NSOs must act as moral agents upholding ethical behavior. Addressing both these questions is essential to maintain public trust and credibility in an evolving and data driven environment.

    The target audience of the includes senior and middle-level managers responsible for business, institutional and data ethics in their NSOs. As well as communication experts who handle ethical issues within their NSOs.

    Detailed information and examples of topics to be covered in the meeting, registration, contributions and other organizational aspects can be found in Information Notice #1.

    Document Title Documents Presentations
    ENG ENG
    Information Notice 1 PDF  
    Information Notice 2 (logistic information) PDF  
    Timetable PDF  
    Report PDF  
    Opening    
    Do statistical ethics apply equally to all – NSOs and other official statistics producers, whether regional/international or other national statistical authorities? Andreas Georgiou (Amherst College)   PDF
    Session 1: Ethics in institutional contexts
    Introducing Session 1: Ethics in Institutional Contexts. Fabrizio Rotundi (Istat, Italy)   PDF
    Democracy dies in darkness without Official Data. Luca Di Gennaro Splendore (University of Malta) PDF PDF
    Structure of ethical issues in new data ecosystems. Marianne Johnson, Timo Koskimäki, Markus Sovala (Statistics Finland) PDF PDF
    Revision of the Swiss Official Statistics Charter: opportunities and risks. Peter Laube (Swiss Ethics Council for Official Statistics), Marcus Baumann (Federal Statistical Office, Switzerland) PDF PDF
    UK Statistic Authority’s Centre for Applied Data Ethics (CADE) – the first three years. Nicola Shearman (Office of National Statistics, UK) PDF PDF
    Investigating Ethical Practices in NSOs – Surveys Results. Katia Ambrosino (Istat) PDF PDF
    Ethics Boot Camp Introduction. Angela Leonetti (Istat, Italy)   PDF
    Session 2: Ethics in daily work life    
    Rules of Professional Ethics in the State Statistics Bodies of the Republic of Belarus. Volha Pazharytskaya (National Statistical Committee of the Republic of Belarus) PDF PDF
    Proposals to Promote Change from Compliance to Ethical Commitment in Istat. Angela Leonetti (Istat)   PDF
    Incorporating ethics in statistical organizations through GSBPM and GAMSO. InKyung Choi (UNECE)   PDF
    French official statistician and ethics: from law to practice. Mylène Chaleix, Olivier Lefebvre (Insee, France) PDF(en) / PDF (fr) PDF
    Ethics in staff and user satisfaction survey (Case of Albania). Vjollca Lasku (Instat, Albania)   PDF
    Session 3: Ethics for new data sources and technology    
    Reimagining how we deliver quality data and statistics: Stats NZ Journey. Emma MacDonald (New Zealand)   PDF
    The Role of Data Ethics to Maintain and Improve Public Trust: The Statistics Canada Experience. Martin Beaulieu (Statistics Canada)   PDF
    Towards a data ethics program for the Australian Bureau of Statistics: Considering privacy, ethics and trust for our innovative data uses. Joanne Hillermann (ABS, Australia)   PDF
    Statistics Netherlands ethics committee – purpose, composition and methods. Esther de Heij (Statistics Netherlands)   PDF
    Ethics of Technology. Milana Karaganis (Statistics Canada)   PDF
    The role of geo-information in ethics within modern statistical institutions. Mirela Deva (Instat, Albania)   PDF
    Session 4: Ethics and proactive communication    
    An ethical approach to the development of social acceptance and its application. John Byrne (Central Statistics Office, Ireland)   PDF
    An assessment of ethics and proactive communication practices in The Nigerian Statistical System. Kumafan Dzaan (Central Bank of Nigeria) PDF PDF
    Ethics and proactive communication: The Istat case. Giulia Peci and Michela Troia (Istat) PDF PDF
    Building trust culture in the office – examples of ethics-driven proactive internal communication at Statistics Poland. Anna Borowska and Olga Świerkot-Strużewska (Statistics Poland)   PDF
    Open discussion for the Reference Book on Ethics    
    Introduction to the Open Discussion for the Reference Book on Ethics. Fabrizio Rotundi (Istat, Italy)   PDF

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: First public servants and aid workers honoured with new Humanitarian Medal.

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    The first recipients of a new medal recognising humanitarian aid work on behalf of the United Kingdom are being recognised.

    The first recipients of a new medal recognising humanitarian aid work on behalf of the United Kingdom are being recognised today.

    Announced in July 2023, the Humanitarian Medal is a new national form of recognition awarded to public servants and members of organisations contributing to global humanitarian responses on behalf of HM Government.

    Those being recognised today include individuals who displayed exemplary public service and humanitarian efforts in HM Government’s response to the 2023 Morocco Earthquake, the 2023 Libya Flooding, and the Gaza conflict.

    With the establishment of the Humanitarian Medal, HM Government departments now make recommendations for eligible Humanitarian responses to the Committee on the Grant of Honours, Decorations and Medals. Those responses recommended for Humanitarian Medal awards are then submitted for approval to His Majesty The King.

    Among the first recipients working as part of the eligible responses are:

    • Morocco: UK-ISAR Operations Commander for Morocco Response, from West Midlands Fire and Rescue Service, Shyam Rana, from Sutton Coldfield – A member of the UK International Search and Rescue team (UK ISAR). He was deployed in the search to reach people under collapsed buildings. ISAR has specialist equipment to monitor further seismic activity and cut through cement. Aftershocks remained a risk throughout the deployment.
    • Libya: UK-EMT Team Lead Anna Daniell, from Greater Manchester – Led the official UK Emergency Medical Team (EMT) into Derna, Libya in the wake of the dam collapse who were providing direct primary healthcare support to the affected population in areas outside of Government control.

    • Gaza: UK-Med Medical Coordinator Melanie (Mel) Johnson, from Totterdown, Bristol – Led the medical team in Gaza providing surgical, primary, and community healthcare support during intense conflict in the FCDO-funded field hospital and rehabilitated Nasser Hospital. 

    Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Pat McFadden said: 

    All of the individuals being recognised today are shining examples of public service. Their selfless dedication to saving lives represents the very best of British values around the world. The nation thanks them for their work.

    Foreign Secretary David Lammy said:

    This new medal recognises the incredible dedication and selfless service of individuals on the frontline of the UK’s responses to some of the world’s most devastating crises.

    I am delighted the first tranche of awards will recognise members of the UK government’s emergency deployment teams, for their brave work in Libya, Morocco and Gaza. The International Search and Rescue team and Emergency Medical Team are made up of expert firefighters and medics from across the UK, who travel to the most challenging of environments to save lives.

    The medal, which is conferred by His Majesty The King, features on the reverse laurel wreaths symbolising victory in overcoming a crisis, interwoven with a banner proclaiming “For humanitarian service”. The obverse bears an effigy of His Majesty The King. 

    The ribbon design reflects the different paths for humanitarian service and the variety of services involved in such responses. The ribbon has a central stripe of white to represent civilians and peace, with four narrow stripes on either side of red, light blue, dark blue and purple. Red represents humanitarian organisations. Dark blue and purple represent the other services.

    The design on the reverse was approved by Her Late Majesty The Queen in 2021.

    These responses are the first use of the Humanitarian Medal. This is only the first tranche of awards to be made, and more will follow in due course.

    Updates to this page

    Published 30 January 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Nigeria’s plastic bottle collectors turn waste into wealth: survey sheds light on their motivation

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Solaja Mayowa Oludele, Lecturing, Olabisi Onabanjo University

    Plastic waste in Nigeria presents a dual challenge: cleaning up environmental pollution, and tapping into its economic potential.

    Many countries worldwide face similar challenges. India, for one, has chosen policies that give producers of plastic the responsibility to manage their waste. Rwanda has banned single-use plastic and promoted recycling initiatives led by communities.

    These approaches show it’s possible to address plastic waste issues while fostering economic opportunities.


    Read more: Nigeria’s plastic ban: why it’s good and how it can work


    In Nigeria, informal collectors of plastic bottle waste are central to achieving both of these goals. They turn waste into monetary value.

    Previous research has highlighted the environmental and economic benefits of collecting plastic bottle waste. There’s been less attention on what shapes perceptions of waste collection as a business, particularly in Nigeria.

    This article explores that gap, looking at the socio-cultural, economic and environmental influences on those perceptions.

    I am a researcher in the areas of plastic waste management, environmental governance and sustainable development. My work includes studying homes made from recycled plastic bottles in sustainable community-based housing projects.

    Here I’ll be drawing from an exploratory survey conducted in the Ijebu area of Ogun State, Nigeria. Using a questionnaire, we surveyed 86 participants who had at least five years of experience in the plastic waste industry.

    The study identified factors like education, family size, religion, gender, age, and economic dynamics as relevant to participation in the business of plastic bottle waste collection.

    Understanding these influences might help the government to target policies.


    Read more: Nigeria is the world’s 2nd biggest plastic polluter: expert insights into the crisis


    Education level and information

    Our study found that participants with higher education levels better understood the economic benefits of plastic waste collection as a systematic form of business. The less educated participants viewed waste collection more as a hand-to-mouth way of earning a living.

    Education programmes built into waste management campaigns could improve recognition of waste collection as a structured and profitable business opportunity and develop a business-like culture among the collectors.

    Parenthood, family size and financial obligations

    Family size was a factor affecting perceptions of plastic bottle waste collection as a business. People with large families saw waste collection as a feasible way to provide food, housing, education and other essentials.

    However, the association of waste collection with income instability highlights the need to formalise and stabilise the sector. Waste collection must be made into a sustainable and reliable business model.

    Religion and cultural norms

    Religion and cultural beliefs emerged as influences from our survey. This was evident in the responses of people who followed African traditional religions and Islam.

    These respondents viewed waste collection as financially feasible, aligning with religious teachings that emphasise resource management and stewardship. For example, Islamic teachings on israf (avoiding wastefulness) and zakat (charity) promote efficient resource use and economic activities that benefit communities.

    Similarly, African traditional religion often emphasises communal responsibility and the sustainable use of resources. These religious principles underscore the cultural acceptance of waste collection as both a practical and a morally guided economic activity.

    Other cultural norms, such as the value placed on communal responsibility and cooperation, also influenced attitudes towards waste collection. In communities with a strong tradition of collective action, where unity and mutual support are highly valued, waste collection is often viewed as a collaborative effort.

    These cultural norms reinforce the idea that waste collection is not just an individual task, but a collective duty that benefits the entire community.


    Read more: Informal waste management in Lagos is big business: policies need to support the trade


    Gender dynamics

    Gender plays a role in perception and practice in waste collection. Our survey found that male participants were more likely than female participants to perceive this activity as a business.

    As constrained as they are by lack of access to resources, women are involved in separating and marketing reusable items. Measures like microfinance could increase women’s engagement and business opportunities.

    This would empower women and make waste collection a more inclusive and sustainable business.

    Age and desire to be an entrepreneur

    Perceptions were influenced by age in our study. Younger individuals, up to 14 years old, viewed plastic bottle waste collection as a gateway to employment. Adults aged 33-38 used their experience to get better returns on the business.

    This age-based distinction suggests that different stages of life bring unique motivations and approaches to waste collection.

    Policy actions that support entrepreneurship at various life stages can promote long-term engagement in the industry. This will help formalise waste collection as a sustainable and profitable business.

    Economic and social factors

    Income opportunities affected participants’ experiences more than social factors. Oftentimes, this determined how long they stayed in the business. Those earning more were likelier to reinvest and grow, while lower earnings often led to disengagement or exit. This highlights the importance of financial incentives in shaping waste collection practices.

    Social connections also play a role in fostering collaboration. It facilitates teamwork and the exchange of ideas, and creates a sense of shared purpose and collective outcomes among participants.

    Strengthening these economic and social bonds can formalise plastic bottle waste collection, making it a more efficient and profitable business.


    Read more: Waste disposal in Nigeria is a mess: how Lagos can take the lead in sorting and recycling


    Looking ahead

    The study has significant application to Nigeria’s waste management industry. Adding education programmes into waste management programmes will improve people’s business skills.

    Well-coordinated intervention strategies can remove cultural and gender-specific barriers. For instance, cooperatives and microfinance may make waste collection more financially appealing.

    Strategies can also draw on cultural norms to increase community acceptance of waste collection and make it more inclusive.

    Samuel Oludare Awobona, a doctoral student at Osun State University, Osogbo, Nigeria, contributed to this research.

    – Nigeria’s plastic bottle collectors turn waste into wealth: survey sheds light on their motivation
    – https://theconversation.com/nigerias-plastic-bottle-collectors-turn-waste-into-wealth-survey-sheds-light-on-their-motivation-247819

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Land seizure and South Africa’s new expropriation law: scholar weighs up the act

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Zsa-Zsa Temmers Boggenpoel, Academic, Stellenbosch University

    South Africa has a new law to govern the expropriation (or compulsory acquisition) of private property by government for public purposes or in the public interest.

    The passing of the Expropriation Act 13 of 2024 followed a parliamentary process that began in 2020.

    The act repeals the apartheid-era Expropriation Act 63 of 1975, and aims to align expropriation law with the constitution. It sets out the procedures, rules and regulations for expropriation. Besides setting out in quite a detailed fashion how expropriations are to take place, the act also provides an outline regarding how compensation is to be determined.

    In South Africa’s colonial and apartheid past, land distribution was grossly unequal on the basis of race. The country is still suffering the effects of this. So expropriation of property is a potential tool to reduce land inequality. This has become a matter of increasing urgency. South Africans have expressed impatience with the slow pace of land reform.

    Property rights and land reform

    There is much debate in the country about the provisions of the new act. The debate is mostly about the extent to which it affects existing private property rights. Some argue the act is unconstitutional. Others welcome it as a necessary step in the right direction.

    I’m a professor of law with a keen interest in this area of the law, and recently edited a book on land expropriation in South Africa by leading experts. My view is that an expropriation act that is aligned with the constitution should be welcomed, to enable land reform to work effectively.


    Read more: Land reform in South Africa: what the real debate should be about


    Land reform also needs a capable and proactive state that implements the legal framework in such a manner that prioritises expropriation as a mechanism to ensure land reform.

    So far, expropriation has not been used effectively to redistribute land more equitably, as part of land reform.

    I am not convinced that the act, in its current form, is the silver bullet to effect large-scale land reform – at least not the type of radical land reform that South Africa urgently needs.

    Understandably, the act will have a severe impact on property rights. But it still substantially protects landowners affected by expropriation. Only in very limited cases would they not be compensated.

    Protections for land owners

    The act says that property must not be expropriated arbitrarily or for a purpose other than a public purpose or in the public interest.

    Public purpose means by or for the benefit of the public. For example, expropriating property to build roads, schools and hospitals. Public interest is broader and includes the nation’s commitment to land reform.

    “Arbitrary” would usually mean without reason or justification.


    Read more: South Africa has another go at an expropriation law. What it’s all about


    The act further requires that an expropriating authority – an organ of state or person empowered by the act or any other legislation – must first try to reach an agreement with the owner to acquire the property on reasonable terms before considering expropriation.

    This gives some power to a landowner, even though expropriation does not normally require consent. The act also says a specific expropriation must always be authorised by a law.

    No compensation?

    Section 12 of the act deals with compensation for expropriation. It is arguably the most controversial part of the new legislation. Section 12(1) does not appear to be problematic and is largely the same wording as section 25(3) of the constitution. This part of the property clause sets out what must be taken into account when compensation for expropriation is determined.

    Section 12(3) of the act refers to “nil compensation” – when nil rand (monetary) compensation may be paid. There is no explicit reference to nil compensation in the current wording of section 25 of the constitution. It’s a new thing in the Expropriation Act.

    However, courts have toyed with the idea that section 25 of the constitution already provides room for a reduction in compensation.

    The circumstances in which nil compensation could be granted in terms of the new act are in fact very limited. Section 12(3) leaves the discretion to the expropriating authority to determine when it may be just and equitable to pay nil compensation. However, the act lacks guidelines on how such a discretion must be exercised.


    Read more: Land is a heated issue in South Africa – the print media are presenting only one side of the story


    The scope of section 12(3) is also limited in some respects. For one, it is restricted to land. Only where land is expropriated would nil compensation be an option. Therefore, not all forms of property can be expropriated without compensation. The notion of property under section 25(1) of the constitution is generally wide and includes various rights and interests, which are broader than just land. For instance, personal rights, mineral rights and licences are included under the section 25(1) notion of property.

    This wide understanding of property is not applicable to section 12(3), which refers to “land” being expropriated.

    Section 12(3) is also limited to the expropriation of land “in the public interest”. Nil compensation is therefore envisaged only in the context of expropriation of land undertaken in the public interest, and not also for a public purpose.

    Three of the four categories listed in section 12(3), where nil compensation is envisaged, are linked to the way in which the property was being used prior to the expropriation. Land used in a productive manner is therefore not evidently envisaged under section 12(3).

    Nil compensation is not necessarily limited to the instances listed. Still, the amount of compensation must – in all instances – be just and equitable.

    Novel approach

    The act forces South Africans to engage with the idea of nil compensation in a much more direct manner.

    The presence of a clause dedicated to nil compensation provides new clarity on when this could apply.

    It is hard to determine whether this act will pass constitutional muster without seeing how expropriation under it will work in practice. It remains to be seen whether it will have the far-reaching consequences that many fear, or call for.

    – Land seizure and South Africa’s new expropriation law: scholar weighs up the act
    – https://theconversation.com/land-seizure-and-south-africas-new-expropriation-law-scholar-weighs-up-the-act-244697

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI: IntelliTrans Builds Momentum for 2025 with New Executive Team and Commitment to Delivering Innovative TMS Solutions

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    ATLANTA, Jan. 30, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — IntelliTrans, a leading global multimodal transportation management software provider, enters 2025 with a renewed focus on innovation, customer success, and operational excellence. With decades of experience and a strong track record as the market leader in rail management software, IntelliTrans continues to set the standard for delivering value to bulk and break-bulk shippers.

    “IntelliTrans has long been at the forefront of multimodal transportation management,” says Chad Raube, President and CEO of IntelliTrans. “Our success is built on a deep commitment to innovation, collaboratively understanding and serving the needs of our customers, and a relentless focus on helping them achieve their goals. As we look to 2025, we’re excited to build on this foundation with expanded capabilities. We will continue to provide consistent innovation and product excellence complemented by a world-class customer experience driven by our unparalleled industry expertise, customer insights and genuine engagements.”

    2024: A Year of Strategic Growth
    In 2024, IntelliTrans engaged with customers to refine its strategy, ensuring that product development and service enhancements aligned with their needs. With over 1,200 years of combined industry expertise, the IntelliTrans team remains a trusted partner for its customers.

    Key 2024 Strategic Milestones include:

    • Strengthened IntelliTrans’ position as the leading TMS provider for North American bulk and break-bulk shippers for rail and truck shipments.
    • Expanded the Conway office footprint for the operations team.
    • Conducted extensive surveys and user focus groups to deepen customer insights and strengthen relationships.
    • Delivered 500+ product enhancements designed to address customer needs.

    New executive leadership added in 2024 include:

    • Jim Bell as Chief Technology Officer
    • Matt Everson as Senior Vice President of Sales and Marketing
    • Mayank Sharma as Chief Product Officer

    This leadership expansion enhances IntelliTrans’ ability to deliver innovative solutions and provide unmatched value to its customers.

    Industry Recognition

    IntelliTrans was recognized by various media outlets and industry analyst organizations in 2024 with these achievements:

    • Niche Player in the 2024 Gartner® Magic Quadrant™ for Real-Time Transportation Visibility Platforms
    • Top 100 Logistics IT Providers by Inbound Logistics
    • Pros to Know Award for Brian Cupp in the Lifetime Achievement Category
    • Top Supply Chain Project for its Mobile Check-In/Out from Supply & Demand Chain Executive and Food Logistics magazines
    • IntelliTrans Rhonda Shults and June Lee Named Recipients of the 2024 Women in Supply Chain Award

    Looking Ahead to 2025

    As IntelliTrans enters 2025, the company remains focused on empowering bulk and break-bulk shippers through innovative TMS solutions, deeper customer relationships, and expanded capabilities. With plans to add over 80 new team members, IntelliTrans’ commitment to driving growth and expanding its product is at the forefront of its strategy. By enhancing its products and fostering deeper collaboration with customers, IntelliTrans is positioned to create even greater value and deliver more impactful results.

    “Our commitment to innovation and customer success has never been stronger,” Raube added. “Our dedicated teams are excited to continue building on our legacy while understanding our customer needs and helping each of them achieve new levels of operational excellence in 2025 and beyond.”

    In 2025, IntelliTrans will focus on their customer feedback from 2024 to grow key TMS capabilities, which include enhanced shipment tracking, seamless integration with carrier networks, and advanced analytics to drive smarter decision-making for customers. These advancements will ensure IntelliTrans continues to deliver the tools shippers need to streamline operations and maximize efficiency.

    About IntelliTrans Multimodal Transportation Management Solutions

    IntelliTrans, a Roper Technologies business (Nasdaq: ROP), empowers businesses to optimize their supply chains with seamless freight management and shipment execution across all modes of transportation, including rail, truck, ocean, and barge. IntelliTrans’ trusted transportation management solutions enable customers to solve complex business challenges and help achieve a holistic digital strategy by incorporating multimodal solutions backed by extensive industry knowledge. Recognized as a top transportation management provider, IntelliTrans has recently received the Inbound Logistics Top 100 Logistics IT Provider Award, the 2023 BIG Innovation Award, the Cloud Computing Product of the Year Award, and the Food Logistics/SDCE Top Software and Technology Award. Unlock hidden efficiencies in your supply chain. Visit our website to see how IntelliTrans can help.

    Media Contact for IntelliTrans:
    Becky Boyd
    MediaFirst PR (M1PR.com)
    404.421.8497
    becky@mediafirst.net

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Global: The growing influence of Israel’s ultranationalist settler movement

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Leonie Fleischmann, Senior Lecturer in International Politics, City St George’s, University of London

    Days after taking office, as he issued executive order after executive order to change the political face of America, Donald Trump also turned his attention to the war in Gaza.

    His proposal that Gaza should be cleared out and Palestinians should be relocated to other countries such as Egypt and Jordan has been met with outraged disbelief in many quarters. The Arab League has accused him of advocating ethnic cleansing.

    But Trump’s statement has met with approval from far-right leaders in Israel. Influential politicians have been advocating for this “solution” for years. These include finance minister and leader of the Religious Zionist party, Bezalel Smotrich and his ideological ally Itamar Ben Gvir, leader of the Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Strength) party and former national security minister.

    Smotrich responded to Trump’s utterance with the declaration that he aimed to turn the idea into an actionable policy. Ben Gvir, who resigned his ministerial position recently in response to the Israeli acceptance of the latest ceasefire deal, claimed that the evacuation of Gazans was the most “humanitarian answer” to the crisis and the only way to ensure peace and security for both Israelis and Palestinians.

    The pair – and their followers in Israel – share an anti-Arab ideology and a messianic belief in the Jewish people’s right to what they call “Greater Israel”. This would be a Jewish state which would also include the West Bank, which they referred to as “Judea and Samaria”, as well as Gaza and part of Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Saudi Arabia.

    They have repeatedly called for Israel to use the war as an opportunity to reoccupy Gaza.

    These leaders enjoy a degree of influence due to the amount of media attention they receive. But it would be a mistake to assume they represent the majority of Israelis.

    Data collected in 2024 by the Pew Research Center found that 45% and 41% of Israelis expressed very unfavourable views of Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, respectively. In the 2022 elections, as the combined Religious Zionist party, they won just 10.84% of the vote.

    Meanwhile, the Israel Democracy Institute found that a majority of Israelis (57.5%) support a comprehensive deal for the release of all the hostages in return for an end to the war in Gaza.

    And yet Israel’s ultranationalists have been able to take advantage of the changing political landscape in Israel over the past few decades and the fragile multiparty system to wield disproportionate power over a government that has depended on their support to stay afloat.

    Israel’s rightwards shift

    During the 1990s, there was significant support in Israeli society for the Oslo peace process towards a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This culminated in the historic handshake between the then Israeli prime minister, Yitzhak Rabin, and the Palestine Liberation Organisation chairman, Yasser Arafat, on the White House lawn in 1993.

    While support for the peace process reached a high of 72% in Israel in 1995 when Oslo II was signed, right-wing factions attempted to derail the agreements. Rabin was assassinated in November 1995 by Yigal Amir, an extremist Israeli Jew, who did not want to see the realisation of a Palestinian state.

    The collapse of the Camp David talks in 2000, which then prime minister Ehud Barak blamed on Arafat, was followed in short order by the outbreak of the second intifada. The idea that there was “no partner for peace on the Palestinian side” became a mantra for Israeli voters, who looked to those who could guarantee their security.

    Benjamin Netanyahu, who had been prime minister from 1996 to 1999, returned to power in 2009, with the image of “Mr Security”.

    Netanyahu is now Israel’s longest serving prime minister. His masterful manipulation of the fragile political system in Israel has accounted for his longevity in power.

    But it has also enabled a gradual shift towards the most right-wing coalition in Israel’s history. Part of that has been the Religious Zionist camp.

    Biblical promise

    The Religious Zionists originally formed a small minority of the broader Zionist movement in the years preceding the declaration of the State of Israel. Religious Zionists combine faith and nationalism. Their core belief is that the Jewish people have the God-given right to settle the whole of Greater Israel.

    The West Bank in particular, but also the Gaza Strip, were the sites of many key events in biblical times and the home of a number of Israelite kingdoms. In the Bible, God promises this land to the descendants of Abraham – the Jewish people. Religious Zionists have chosen to take this literally.

    Having failed to wield power through the parliament in the early days of statehood, the Religious Zionists sought to realise their ideology through extra-parliamentary activity. This meant establishing settlements with a view to change facts on the ground. In the aftermath of the 1967 war, the main focus of settlement building was national security, rather than religious nationalist ideology.

    But ideology has always been a key factor for those who live in the settlements in the West Bank today – and those who vow to return to Gaza. The movement has been successful by establishing outposts and settlements in the West Bank and in getting “their people” into government.

    The Religious Zionist camp is broad and heterogeneous, and according to recent polls now represents 22% of the Jewish population in Israel. The party’s position in holding the balance of power in the Israeli parliament, or Knesset, since the election in 2022, has enabled them to gradually wield greater influence on Israeli policy both in the West Bank and the war in Gaza.

    Meanwhile many of their supporters have formed settler groups, who use violence to destabilise and displace Palestinian families living in the West Bank.

    And now the US president has not only backed one of their dearest dreams, to clear Palestinians from Gaza, he has removed the Biden-era sanctions on several of the most aggressive settler groups. So the recent news that Netanyahu will be the first foreign leader to visit the White House next week feels particularly ominous for the fate of the Palestinian people.

    Leonie Fleischmann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The growing influence of Israel’s ultranationalist settler movement – https://theconversation.com/the-growing-influence-of-israels-ultranationalist-settler-movement-248568

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Nigeria’s plastic bottle collectors turn waste into wealth: survey sheds light on their motivation

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Solaja Mayowa Oludele, Lecturing, Olabisi Onabanjo University

    Plastic waste in Nigeria presents a dual challenge: cleaning up environmental pollution, and tapping into its economic potential.

    Many countries worldwide face similar challenges. India, for one, has chosen policies that give producers of plastic the responsibility to manage their waste. Rwanda has banned single-use plastic and promoted recycling initiatives led by communities.

    These approaches show it’s possible to address plastic waste issues while fostering economic opportunities.




    Read more:
    Nigeria’s plastic ban: why it’s good and how it can work


    In Nigeria, informal collectors of plastic bottle waste are central to achieving both of these goals. They turn waste into monetary value.

    Previous research has highlighted the environmental and economic benefits of collecting plastic bottle waste. There’s been less attention on what shapes perceptions of waste collection as a business, particularly in Nigeria.

    This article explores that gap, looking at the socio-cultural, economic and environmental influences on those perceptions.

    I am a researcher in the areas of plastic waste management, environmental governance and sustainable development. My work includes studying homes made from recycled plastic bottles in sustainable community-based housing projects.

    Here I’ll be drawing from an exploratory survey conducted in the Ijebu area of Ogun State, Nigeria. Using a questionnaire, we surveyed 86 participants who had at least five years of experience in the plastic waste industry.

    The study identified factors like education, family size, religion, gender, age, and economic dynamics as relevant to participation in the business of plastic bottle waste collection.

    Understanding these influences might help the government to target policies.




    Read more:
    Nigeria is the world’s 2nd biggest plastic polluter: expert insights into the crisis


    Education level and information

    Our study found that participants with higher education levels better understood the economic benefits of plastic waste collection as a systematic form of business. The less educated participants viewed waste collection more as a hand-to-mouth way of earning a living.

    Education programmes built into waste management campaigns could improve recognition of waste collection as a structured and profitable business opportunity and develop a business-like culture among the collectors.

    Parenthood, family size and financial obligations

    Family size was a factor affecting perceptions of plastic bottle waste collection as a business. People with large families saw waste collection as a feasible way to provide food, housing, education and other essentials.

    However, the association of waste collection with income instability highlights the need to formalise and stabilise the sector. Waste collection must be made into a sustainable and reliable business model.

    Religion and cultural norms

    Religion and cultural beliefs emerged as influences from our survey. This was evident in the responses of people who followed African traditional religions and Islam.

    These respondents viewed waste collection as financially feasible, aligning with religious teachings that emphasise resource management and stewardship. For example, Islamic teachings on israf (avoiding wastefulness) and zakat (charity) promote efficient resource use and economic activities that benefit communities.

    Similarly, African traditional religion often emphasises communal responsibility and the sustainable use of resources. These religious principles underscore the cultural acceptance of waste collection as both a practical and a morally guided economic activity.

    Other cultural norms, such as the value placed on communal responsibility and cooperation, also influenced attitudes towards waste collection. In communities with a strong tradition of collective action, where unity and mutual support are highly valued, waste collection is often viewed as a collaborative effort.

    These cultural norms reinforce the idea that waste collection is not just an individual task, but a collective duty that benefits the entire community.




    Read more:
    Informal waste management in Lagos is big business: policies need to support the trade


    Gender dynamics

    Gender plays a role in perception and practice in waste collection. Our survey found that male participants were more likely than female participants to perceive this activity as a business.

    As constrained as they are by lack of access to resources, women are involved in separating and marketing reusable items. Measures like microfinance could increase women’s engagement and business opportunities.

    This would empower women and make waste collection a more inclusive and sustainable business.

    Age and desire to be an entrepreneur

    Perceptions were influenced by age in our study. Younger individuals, up to 14 years old, viewed plastic bottle waste collection as a gateway to employment. Adults aged 33-38 used their experience to get better returns on the business.

    This age-based distinction suggests that different stages of life bring unique motivations and approaches to waste collection.

    Policy actions that support entrepreneurship at various life stages can promote long-term engagement in the industry. This will help formalise waste collection as a sustainable and profitable business.

    Economic and social factors

    Income opportunities affected participants’ experiences more than social factors. Oftentimes, this determined how long they stayed in the business. Those earning more were likelier to reinvest and grow, while lower earnings often led to disengagement or exit. This highlights the importance of financial incentives in shaping waste collection practices.

    Social connections also play a role in fostering collaboration. It facilitates teamwork and the exchange of ideas, and creates a sense of shared purpose and collective outcomes among participants.

    Strengthening these economic and social bonds can formalise plastic bottle waste collection, making it a more efficient and profitable business.




    Read more:
    Waste disposal in Nigeria is a mess: how Lagos can take the lead in sorting and recycling


    Looking ahead

    The study has significant application to Nigeria’s waste management industry. Adding education programmes into waste management programmes will improve people’s business skills.

    Well-coordinated intervention strategies can remove cultural and gender-specific barriers. For instance, cooperatives and microfinance may make waste collection more financially appealing.

    Strategies can also draw on cultural norms to increase community acceptance of waste collection and make it more inclusive.

    Samuel Oludare Awobona, a doctoral student at Osun State University, Osogbo, Nigeria, contributed to this research.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Nigeria’s plastic bottle collectors turn waste into wealth: survey sheds light on their motivation – https://theconversation.com/nigerias-plastic-bottle-collectors-turn-waste-into-wealth-survey-sheds-light-on-their-motivation-247819

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Land seizure and South Africa’s new expropriation law: scholar weighs up the act

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Zsa-Zsa Temmers Boggenpoel, Academic, Stellenbosch University

    South Africa has a new law to govern the expropriation (or compulsory acquisition) of private property by government for public purposes or in the public interest.

    The passing of the Expropriation Act 13 of 2024 followed a parliamentary process that began in 2020.

    The act repeals the apartheid-era Expropriation Act 63 of 1975, and aims to align expropriation law with the constitution. It sets out the procedures, rules and regulations for expropriation. Besides setting out in quite a detailed fashion how expropriations are to take place, the act also provides an outline regarding how compensation is to be determined.

    In South Africa’s colonial and apartheid past, land distribution was grossly unequal on the basis of race. The country is still suffering the effects of this. So expropriation of property is a potential tool to reduce land inequality. This has become a matter of increasing urgency. South Africans have expressed impatience with the slow pace of land reform.

    Property rights and land reform

    There is much debate in the country about the provisions of the new act. The debate is mostly about the extent to which it affects existing private property rights. Some argue the act is unconstitutional. Others welcome it as a necessary step in the right direction.

    I’m a professor of law with a keen interest in this area of the law, and recently edited a book on land expropriation in South Africa by leading experts. My view is that an expropriation act that is aligned with the constitution should be welcomed, to enable land reform to work effectively.




    Read more:
    Land reform in South Africa: what the real debate should be about


    Land reform also needs a capable and proactive state that implements the legal framework in such a manner that prioritises expropriation as a mechanism to ensure land reform.

    So far, expropriation has not been used effectively to redistribute land more equitably, as part of land reform.

    I am not convinced that the act, in its current form, is the silver bullet to effect large-scale land reform – at least not the type of radical land reform that South Africa urgently needs.

    Understandably, the act will have a severe impact on property rights. But it still substantially protects landowners affected by expropriation. Only in very limited cases would they not be compensated.

    Protections for land owners

    The act says that property must not be expropriated arbitrarily or for a purpose other than a public purpose or in the public interest.

    Public purpose means by or for the benefit of the public. For example, expropriating property to build roads, schools and hospitals. Public interest is broader and includes the nation’s commitment to land reform.

    “Arbitrary” would usually mean without reason or justification.




    Read more:
    South Africa has another go at an expropriation law. What it’s all about


    The act further requires that an expropriating authority – an organ of state or person empowered by the act or any other legislation – must first try to reach an agreement with the owner to acquire the property on reasonable terms before considering expropriation.

    This gives some power to a landowner, even though expropriation does not normally require consent. The act also says a specific expropriation must always be authorised by a law.

    No compensation?

    Section 12 of the act deals with compensation for expropriation. It is arguably the most controversial part of the new legislation. Section 12(1) does not appear to be problematic and is largely the same wording as section 25(3) of the constitution. This part of the property clause sets out what must be taken into account when compensation for expropriation is determined.

    Section 12(3) of the act refers to “nil compensation” – when nil rand (monetary) compensation may be paid. There is no explicit reference to nil compensation in the current wording of section 25 of the constitution. It’s a new thing in the Expropriation Act.

    However, courts have toyed with the idea that section 25 of the constitution already provides room for a reduction in compensation.

    The circumstances in which nil compensation could be granted in terms of the new act are in fact very limited. Section 12(3) leaves the discretion to the expropriating authority to determine when it may be just and equitable to pay nil compensation. However, the act lacks guidelines on how such a discretion must be exercised.




    Read more:
    Land is a heated issue in South Africa – the print media are presenting only one side of the story


    The scope of section 12(3) is also limited in some respects. For one, it is restricted to land. Only where land is expropriated would nil compensation be an option. Therefore, not all forms of property can be expropriated without compensation. The notion of property under section 25(1) of the constitution is generally wide and includes various rights and interests, which are broader than just land. For instance, personal rights, mineral rights and licences are included under the section 25(1) notion of property.

    This wide understanding of property is not applicable to section 12(3), which refers to “land” being expropriated.

    Section 12(3) is also limited to the expropriation of land “in the public interest”. Nil compensation is therefore envisaged only in the context of expropriation of land undertaken in the public interest, and not also for a public purpose.

    Three of the four categories listed in section 12(3), where nil compensation is envisaged, are linked to the way in which the property was being used prior to the expropriation. Land used in a productive manner is therefore not evidently envisaged under section 12(3).

    Nil compensation is not necessarily limited to the instances listed. Still, the amount of compensation must – in all instances – be just and equitable.

    Novel approach

    The act forces South Africans to engage with the idea of nil compensation in a much more direct manner.

    The presence of a clause dedicated to nil compensation provides new clarity on when this could apply.

    It is hard to determine whether this act will pass constitutional muster without seeing how expropriation under it will work in practice. It remains to be seen whether it will have the far-reaching consequences that many fear, or call for.

    Zsa-Zsa Temmers Boggenpoel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Land seizure and South Africa’s new expropriation law: scholar weighs up the act – https://theconversation.com/land-seizure-and-south-africas-new-expropriation-law-scholar-weighs-up-the-act-244697

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Growing ‘anti-gender’ movements are trying to restrict equality and sex education in schools around the world

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rachel Marcus, Senior Research Fellow, Gender Equality & Social Inclusion, ODI Global

    hxdbzxy/Shutterstock

    The start of a new Trump presidency in the US may well signal the introduction of policies that limit the knowledge children can access in schools.

    Already, districts in states across the US are able to ban books from schools and libraries, often on topics such as race and LGBTQ+ identities. And during the presidential campaign, Trump said that he would withhold federal funding from schools that “recognise transgender identities”.

    But these kinds of limits on education are not only present in the US. Across the world, there are concerted efforts to control who can access education and what children can learn in schools.

    “Anti-gender” movements reject the social changes that come from an increase in rights for women and LGBTQI+ people. They promote a social order based on patriarchal gender norms, heterosexual marriage and a binary understanding of gender. They target schools because education has unique potential to influence social norms and attitudes for the long term.

    These movements are funded largely by conservative foundations and individuals, largely in the US and Europe. They work together to disrupt children’s educational opportunities and undermine gender equality in the global south, particularly Africa and Latin America.

    My report, co-written with colleagues from the thinktank ODI Global, has found that this is an accelerating and well-funded trend. But it can be countered, including through the use of legislation that upholds human rights. Understanding the nature of these movements and how to counter them is vital to protect all children’s rights to a quality education.

    Global reach

    In the last decade, these movements have become greatly influential. They are global in reach and include politicians, foundations, think-tanks, media ecosystems, religious institutions and grassroots civil society.

    One such group, for instance, is the multi-lingual online platform CitizenGO. It mobilises people to sign petitions and engage in letter-writing campaigns to influence policy both at national and global levels.

    In 2017 CitizenGo sponsored an orange “anti-trans” bus that travelled through Europe and the Americas. Though the organisation boasts that it is funded by small donations, investigative research indicates it likely received seed funding from religious and far-right sources in Russia and western Europe.

    Between 2008 to 2017, the aggregate revenue of US-based organisations linked to the anti-gender movement amounted to US$6.2 billion (£5 billion) according to research from the Global Philanthropy Project, a group of funders aiming to advance LGBTI+ rights. Over this same period, 11 US-based organisations funnelled at least US$1 billion to like-minded organisations abroad.

    In schools, these movements focus on amplifying and manufacturing outrage around comprehensive sexuality education.

    Stifling sex education

    Comprehensive sex education has been developed to provide young people with age-appropriate and accurate information about sex, relationships, and bodily changes. It has been proven to help reduce teenage pregnancy and encourage safer, more equal sexual relationships. But it has become a lightning rod for the movement to generate fear, backlash and ignite parental protests in places as diverse as South Africa, Peru and Ghana.

    Anti-comprehensive sexuality education campaigns frame this educational content as inappropriate. They advocate for sex education based solely on “biological facts” or the promotion of abstinence.

    They present the discussion of topics such as consent and bodily autonomy, or information on contraception and safe sex practices, as likely to encourage sexual experimentation and teenage pregnancy. This is despite as decades of evidence showing that the opposite is true.

    In Peru, for example, the Con Mis Hijos No Te Metas (Don’t Mess with My Kids) movement started as a parental movement protesting against inclusion of gender equality material in the basic education curriculum. The movement’s campaigns have spread to oppose comprehensive sexuality education in countries including Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia and Mexico.

    Students head to school in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
    A. M. Teixeira/Shutterstock

    With long-term flexible funding, the anti-gender movement can respond to emerging policies and situations. It can wage long-term campaigns to shift norms and policies.

    In regions such as Africa and Latin America, one of the most successful tactics has been to deploy anti-colonial language. This includes painting comprehensive sexuality education or acceptance of homosexuality as being imposed by “the west”.

    However, funding from conservative US and European foundations designed to entrench certain gender norms and forms of sexual morality in Latin America and Africa can equally be considered as a form of neo-colonialism. Between 2007 and 2020, over US$54 million was spent on the African continent by US-based Christian groups, supporting campaigns against LGBTQ+ rights and comprehensive sexuality education.

    Another key tactic is the dissemination of misinformation, exploiting parental anxieties and fears. These include exaggerated claims that often bear little relation to the actual content of curricula and learning materials.

    However, our research has found that in countries where legal frameworks and systems uphold human rights, legal action can protect access to a full and effective education.

    For example, strategic litigation has overturned state laws in Mexico and Brazil that restricted sexuality education. Legal approaches have also ended policies that banned adolescent mothers from returning to school in Sierra Leone.

    Countering misinformation about what is taught in schools is vital. This can involve sharing accurate information about topics such as sexuality education with parents, and usually works best as part of a face-to-face dialogue.

    CitizenGO have not responded to a request for comment.

    This research was funded by a grant to ODI Global from Global Affairs Canada.

    ref. Growing ‘anti-gender’ movements are trying to restrict equality and sex education in schools around the world – https://theconversation.com/growing-anti-gender-movements-are-trying-to-restrict-equality-and-sex-education-in-schools-around-the-world-248071

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How nonprofits abroad can fill gaps when the US government cuts off foreign aid

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Susan Appe, Associate Professor of Public Administration and Policy, University at Albany, State University of New York

    The U.S. Agency for International Development distributes a lot of foreign aid through local partners in other countries. J. David Ake/Getty Images

    The U.S. government gives other nations US$68 billion of foreign assistance annually – more than any other country. Over half of this sum is managed by the U.S. Agency for International Development, including funds for programs aimed at fighting hunger and disease outbreaks, providing humanitarian relief in war zones, and supporting other lifesaving programs such as the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief.

    President Donald Trump suspended most U.S. foreign aid on Jan. 20, 2025, the day he took office for the second time. The next day, Secretary of State Marco Rubio issued a stop-work order that for 90 days halted foreign aid funding disbursements by agencies like USAID.

    A week later, dozens of senior USAID officials were put on leave after the Trump administration reportedly accused them of trying to “circumvent” the aid freeze. The Office of Management and Budget is now pausing and evaluating all foreign aid to see whether it adheres to the Trump administration’s policies and priorities.

    I’m a scholar of foreign aid who researches what happens to the U.S. government’s local partners in the countries receiving this assistance when funding flows are interrupted. Most of these partners are local nonprofits that build schools, vaccinate children, respond to emergencies and provide other key goods and services. These organizations often rely on foreign funding.

    A ‘reckless’ move

    Aid to Egypt and Israel was spared, along with some emergency food aid. The U.S. later waived the stop-work order for the distribution of lifesaving medicines.

    Nearly all of the other aid programs remained on hold as of Jan. 29, 2025.

    Many development professionals criticized the freeze, highlighting the disruption it will cause in many countries. A senior USAID official issued an anonymous statement calling it “reckless.”

    InterAction, the largest coalition of international nongovernmental organizations in the U.S., called the halt contrary to U.S. global leadership and values.

    Of the $35 billion to $40 billion in aid that USAID distributes annually, $22 billion is delivered through grants and contracts with international organizations to implement programs. These can be further subcontracted to local partners in recipient countries.

    When this aid is frozen, scaled back or cut off altogether, these local partners scramble to fill in the gaps.

    The State Department manages the rest of the $68 billion in annual U.S. foreign aid, along with other agencies, such as the Peace Corps.

    The start of Marco Rubio’s tenure as U.S. secretary of state was marked by chaos and confusion regarding foreign aid flows.
    Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images

    How local nonprofits respond and adapt

    While sudden disruptions to foreign aid are always destabilizing, research shows that aid flows have fluctuated since 1960, growing more volatile over the years. My research partners and I have found that these disruptions harm local service providers, although many of them manage to carry on their work.

    Over the years, I have conducted hundreds of interviews with international nongovernmental organizations and these nonprofits’ local partners across Latin America, Africa and Asia about their services and funding sources. I study the strategies those development and humanitarian assistance groups follow when aid gets halted. These four are the most common.

    1. Shift to national or local government funding

    In many cases, national and local governments end up supporting groups that previously relied on foreign aid, filling the void.

    An educational program spearheaded by a local Ecuadorian nonprofit, Desarrollo y Autogestión, called Accelerated Basic Cycle is one example. This program targets young people who have been out of school for more than three years. It allows them to finish elementary school – known as the “basic cycle” in Ecuador – in one year to then enter high school. First supported in part by funding from foreign governments, it transitioned to being fully funded by Ecuador’s government and then became an official government program run by the country’s ministry of education.

    2. Earn income

    Local nonprofits can also earn income by charging fees for their services or selling goods, which allows them to fulfill their missions while generating some much-needed cash.

    For example, SEND Ghana is a development organization that has promoted good governance and equality in Ghana since its founding in 1998. In 2009, SEND Ghana created a for-profit subsidiary called SENDFiNGO that administers microfinance programs and credit unions. That subsidiary now helps fund SEND Ghana’s work.

    Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee and the Grameen Bank, which is also in Bangladesh, use this approach too.

    3. Tap local philanthropy

    Networks such as Worldwide Initiatives for Grantmaker Support and Global Fund for Community Foundations have emerged to promote local philanthropy around the world. They press governments to adopt policies that encourage local philanthropy. This kind of giving has become easier to do thanks to the emergence of crowdfunding platforms.

    Still, complex tax systems and the lack of incentives for giving in many countries that receive foreign aid are persistent challenges. Some governments have stepped in. India’s corporate social responsibility law, enacted in 2014, boosted charitable incentives. For example, it requires 2% of corporate profits to go to social initiatives in India.

    4. Obtain support from diaspora communities

    Diasporas are people who live outside of their countries of origin, or where their families came from, but maintain strong ties to places they consider to be their homeland.

    Local nonprofits around the globe are leveraging diaspora communities’ desire to contribute to economic development in their countries of origin. In Colombia, for example, Fundación Carla Cristina, a nongovernmental organization, runs nursery schools and provides meals to low-income children.

    It gets some of its funding from diaspora-led nonprofits in the U.S., such as the New England Association for Colombian Children, which is based outside of Boston, and Give To Colombia in Miami.

    A push for the locals to do more

    Trump’s stop-work order coincided with a resurgence of a localization push that’s currently influencing foreign aid from many countries.

    With localization, nations providing foreign aid seek to increase the role of local authorities and organizations in development and humanitarian assistance. USAID has been a leading proponent of localization.

    I believe that the abruptness of the stop-work order is likely to disrupt many development projects. These projects include support to Ukrainian aid groups that provide emergency humanitarian assistance and projects serving meals to children who don’t get enough to eat.

    To be sure, sometimes there are good reasons for aid to be halted. But when that happens, sound and responsible donor exit strategies are essential to avoid the loss of important local services.

    Susan Appe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. How nonprofits abroad can fill gaps when the US government cuts off foreign aid – https://theconversation.com/how-nonprofits-abroad-can-fill-gaps-when-the-us-government-cuts-off-foreign-aid-248378

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Russia: IMF Executive Board Concludes 2024 Article IV Consultation with South Africa

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    January 30, 2025

    Washington, DC: The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) concluded the Article IV consultation[1] with South Africa.

    South Africa’s economy has continued to face challenges in recent years. Power shortages and disruptions to rail and port operations constrained growth to 0.7 percent in 2023. Activity remained subdued in 2024, given election-related uncertainty in the first half of the year and severe droughts. Nonetheless, power generation was stabilized and, following the formation of a reform-oriented Government of National Unity in June, consumer, business, and investor confidence rebounded. Inflation moderated from 5.9 percent in 2023 to an estimated
    4.5 percent in 2024, with the central bank cutting interest rates by 50 basis points in 2024. While still high, unemployment declined to an estimated 32.8 percent in 2024. Government deficits remained elevated, pushing public debt to above 75 percent of GDP by end-2024.

    Looking ahead, real GDP growth is projected to accelerate to 1.5 percent in 2025, driven by recovering private consumption and investment supported by stable electricity generation. Over the medium term, annual growth is expected to reach 1.8 percent, as investment improves gradually on the back of ongoing reform efforts to address electricity and logistics bottlenecks. Inflation is projected to average 4 percent in 2025 and stabilize at the midpoint of the SARB’s target range (4.5 percent) in the medium run. With fiscal deficits projected to stay elevated over the medium term, public debt is expected to continue to rise.

    The outlook remains marked by high uncertainty, with the balance of risks tilted to the downside. Key downside external risks relate to a further deepening of geoeconomic fragmentation and intensification of protectionist policies, an escalation of ongoing conflicts, a deeper slowdown in main trading partners, or slower global disinflation and tightening financial conditions. Domestically, resistance to and delays in the implementation of needed reforms could add to downside risks. On the upside, faster and more ambitious reform implementation by the new government, or stronger global growth, could boost confidence and growth.   

    Executive Board Assessment[2]

    “Directors agreed with the thrust of the staff appraisal. They welcomed South Africa’s new Government of National Unity and its commitment to reforms aimed at addressing long‑standing challenges. While there are signs of recovery, economic activity remains subdued amid heightened global uncertainty and long‑standing structural impediments. Against this background, Directors emphasized the importance of prudent macroeconomic policies complemented by ambitious structural reforms to support macroeconomic stability and place the economy on a path toward higher, more inclusive, and greener growth.

    “Directors welcomed the authorities’ commitment to fiscal prudence, including plans to reduce the fiscal deficit and stabilize debt. Given increased risks, most Directors called for more ambitious fiscal consolidation efforts to lower debt to more prudent levels and rebuild fiscal buffers, although a few felt that the authorities’ preferred approach may be more appropriate given political economy considerations. Directors considered that an evenly paced fiscal consolidation focused on cutting inefficient spending while protecting priority social and infrastructure spending, and continuing to strengthen tax administration, can support debt sustainability while minimizing the negative impact on the economy. Most Directors agreed that introducing a prudent debt anchor supported by a fiscal rule could help underpin the adjustment and bolster credibility, although a few Directors felt that a debt ceiling could constrain flexibility. Enhancing fiscal transparency and risk management can further support the resilience of public finances.

    “Directors commended the South African Reserve Bank’s effective monetary management, which supported a decline in inflation. Looking forward, they recommended maintaining a flexible and data‑driven approach to monetary policy decisions amid ongoing uncertainties. Directors saw merit in shifting, at an opportune time, from the current inflation target band to a lower point target, which will require careful design, gradual implementation, close coordination, and appropriate communication.

    “Directors welcomed the authorities’ efforts to safeguard financial stability, including recent banking‑resolution and safety‑net reforms and macro‑prudential policies. They encouraged the authorities to continue to monitor risks, including those related to the sovereign‑bank nexus, and to stand ready to implement prudential measures as needed. They considered that strengthened supervision, including for non‑bank financial institutions, alongside continued efforts to bolster the AML/CFT framework, remain essential.

    “Directors commended the authorities for their structural reform efforts aimed at removing critical impediments to growth. They encouraged the new government to implement resolutely ongoing energy and logistics reforms, including by promoting private sector participation. To support higher and greener growth and job creation, particularly among the youth, while reducing inequality and poverty, Directors recommended additional reforms to enhance the business environment, bolster governance, and improve labor market flexibility, along with sustained efforts to facilitate trade and achieve climate goals.

    Directors wished the authorities success during South Africa’s G20 Presidency and welcomed their leadership in support of multilateral cooperation.”

     

    South Africa: Selected Economic Indicators, 2022–27

    Social Indicators

    GDP

    Poverty (percent of population)

    Nominal GDP (2022, billions of US dollars)

    407

    Lower national poverty line (2015)

    40

    GDP per capita (2022, in US dollars)

    6,712

    Undernourishment (2019)

    7

    Population characteristics

    Inequality (income shares unless otherwise specified)

    Total (2022, million)

    62

    Highest 10 percent of population (2015)

    53

    Urban population (2020, percent of total)

    67

    Lowest 40 percent of population (2015)

    7

    Life expectancy at birth (2020, number of years)

    64

    Gini coefficient (2015)

    65

    Economic Indicators

    2022

    2023

    2024

    2025

    2026

    2027

    Proj.

    National Income and Prices

    (Annual Percentage Change Unless Otherwise Indicated)

    Real GDP

    1.9

    0.7

    0.8

    1.5

    1.6

    1.7

    Domestic demand

    3.9

    0.8

    0.4

    1.5

    1.6

    1.8

    Private Consumption

    2.5

    0.7

    1.2

    1.4

    1.5

    1.6

    Government Consumption

    0.6

    1.9

    1.0

    1.0

    1.2

    1.3

    Gross Fixed Investment

    4.8

    3.9

    -3.4

    2.5

    2.7

    3.1

    Inventory Investment (contribution to growth)

    1.5

    -0.6

    0.0

    0.0

    0.0

    0.0

    Net export (contribution to growth)

    -2.1

    -0.1

    0.4

    0.1

    -0.1

    -0.1

    Real GDP per capita 1/

    1.1

    -0.8

    -0.7

    0.1

    0.1

    0.2

    GDP deflator

    5.0

    4.8

    4.4

    4.1

    4.5

    4.5

    CPI (annual average)

    6.9

    5.9

    4.5

    4.0

    4.5

    4.5

    CPI (end of period)

    7.4

    5.5

    3.0

    4.5

    4.5

    4.5

    Labor Market

    (Annual Percentage Change Unless Otherwise Indicated)

    Unemployment rate (percent of labor force, annual average)

    33.5

    33.1

    32.8

    32.7

    32.5

    32.3

    Unit labor costs (formal nonagricultural)

    2.1

    -0.8

    -0.7

    0.1

    0.1

    0.2

    Savings and Investment (Percent of GDP)

    Gross national saving

    15.0

    13.9

    13.2

    12.9

    13.0

    13.0

    Investment (including inventories) 2/

    15.4

    15.5

    14.5

    14.6

    14.8

    15.0

    Fiscal Position

    (Percent of GDP Unless Otherwise Indicated) 3/

    Revenue, including grants 4/

    27.6

    26.8

    26.8

    26.8

    26.9

    26.9

    Expenditure and net lending

    31.9

    32.7

    32.9

    33.3

    32.6

    32.3

    Overall balance

    -4.3

    -5.9

    -6.1

    -6.6

    -5.8

    -5.4

    Primary balance

    0.3

    -0.9

    -0.7

    -1.0

    -0.1

    0.4

    Gross government debt 5/

    70.8

    73.4

    75.7

    78.3

    80.1

    81.7

    Government bond yield (10-year and over, percent)

    10.7

    11.6

    11.2

    Money and Credit

    (Annual Percentage Change Unless Otherwise Indicated)

    Broad money

    8.3

    7.9

    5.2

    5.7

    6.2

    6.3

    Credit to the private sector 6/

    8.2

    4.1

    5.0

    5.6

    6.2

    6.3

    Repo rate (percent, end-period)

    7.0

    8.25

    7.75

    3-month Treasury bill interest rate (percent)

    5.2

    8.0

    8.3

    Private sector credit growth (total) 7/

    9.2

    4.8

    4.3

    Credit growth (households) 8/

    7.7

    4.4

    3.1

    Credit growth (corporates) 8/

    10.7

    5.2

    6.4

    Balance of Payments

    (Annual Percentage Change Unless Otherwise Indicated)

    Current account balance (billions of U.S. dollars)

    -1.8

    -6.1

    -5.3

    -7.3

    -7.8

    -8.9

    percent of GDP

    -0.5

    -1.6

    -1.3

    -1.7

    -1.8

    -2.0

    Exports growth (volume)

    7.4

    3.5

    -4.0

    2.7

    2.8

    2.9

    Imports growth (volume)

    14.9

    4.1

    -4.9

    2.2

    3.0

    3.2

    Terms of trade

    -8.6

    -4.8

    1.7

    -1.7

    -0.3

    0.0

    Overall balance (percent of GDP)

    0.0

    0.5

    0.8

    0.0

    0.0

    0.0

    Gross reserves (billions of U.S. dollars)

    60.6

    62.5

    65.9

    65.9

    65.9

    65.9

    in percent of ARA

    88.9

    97.0

    97.1

    Total external debt (percent of GDP)

    40.4

    41.5

    43.2

    44.7

    45.1

    45.6

    Nominal effective exchange rate (period average)

    16.6

    18.8

    18.6

    Real effective exchange rate (period average)

    6.8

    7.7

    7.5

    Exchange rate (Rand/U.S. dollar, end-period)

    17.0

    18.5

    18.7

    Sources: Bloomberg, Haver, National Treasury South Africa, SARB, World Bank, and IMF staff calculations.

    1/ Per-capita GDP figures are computed using STATS SA mid-year population estimates.

    2/ Inventories data are volatile and excluded from the investment breakdown to help clarify fixed capital formation developments.

    3/ Consolidated government as defined in the budget unless otherwise indicated.

    4/ Revenue excludes “transactions in assets and liabilities” classified as part of revenue in budget documents. This item represents proceeds from the sales of assets, realized valuation gains from holding of foreign currency deposits, and other conceptually similar items, which are not classified as revenue by the IMF’s Government Finance Statistics Manual 2014.

    5/ Central government.

    6/ Depository institution’s domestic claims on private sector in all currencies.

    7/ Credit extended by all monetary institutions/ Claims on the domestic private sector/ Total loans & advances. Data for 2024 is as of November.

    8/ Data for 2024 is as of August.

    [1] Under Article IV of the IMF’s Articles of Agreement, the IMF holds bilateral discussions with members, usually every year. A staff team visits the country, collects economic and financial information, and discusses with officials the country’s economic developments and policies. On return to headquarters, the staff prepares a report, which forms the basis for discussion by the Executive Board.

    [2] At the conclusion of the discussion, the Managing Director, as Chair of the Board, summarizes the views of Executive Directors, and this summary is transmitted to the country’s authorities. An explanation of any qualifiers used in summings up can be found here: http://www.IMF.org/external/np/sec/misc/qualifiers.htm.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Tatiana Mossot

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/01/29/pr-2519-south-africa-imf-executive-board-concludes-2024-article-iv-consultation

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Minister for Latin America and Caribbean speech at RUSI Latin American Security Conference 2025

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Latin America and Caribbean, Baroness Chapman of Darlington, gave a speech at the RUSI Latin American Security Conference 2025.

    Thank you, Malcolm. I was just saying to Malcolm before that the last time I was here was to hear Douglas Alexander speak. This was at a time before Brexit, before COVID.

    We had a coalition government – he was the Shadow Foreign Secretary then, and much in the world has changed since.

    And it’s been far too long – that was, I think 2014, so 11 years ago. And I hope that I’ll be back here – well let’s see if I’m invited back here after this morning!

    Anyway, thank you Malcolm for that warm introduction.

    And good morning, everyone – bom dÍa, buenos dias a todos y todas.

    If you are joining us from Latin America, as I believe some people are online. Thank you for getting up so early – muchismas gracias.

    My Spanish is atrocious, but I am getting some lessons, so hopefully that will be improving soon. And as the Brazilian Ambassador reminded me yesterday, a little bit of Portuguese wouldn’t go amiss either, so I’ll be working on that.

    Before I say anything else, I want to thank RUSI for bringing us together for the third Latin American Security Conference – and to all of your for making this a priority.

    I have a passion for Latin America, and it is great when you get the opportunity to be in a room full of other people that share that view.

    When I meet with Latin American leaders, they tell me that they do feel that they have an important role to play alongside the UK.

    Nobody has told me that they feel ignored by the UK – which is good – but they have all said that they have the desire to be more included in the future.

    The geopolitics that we all spend our time trying to understand and to shape, drives and shapes the prospects for many of the people in Latin America – whether that’s climate change, economic growth and security, in every sense, they are priorities there exactly as they are priorities for us here.

    The war in Ukraine, the conflict in the Middle East, the role of China, US elections – all influence the politics of Latin America.

    Throw in the descent of Venezuela into autocracy, and our as-yet un-ending tragedy that is Haiti – and we have got a lot to talk about together.

    As we approach 200 years of bilateral relations with Brazil, Argentina and Colombia, we should consider how far we’ve come, but also what needs to come next.

    Speaking recently to the next generation of officer cadets at the Royal Naval College at Dartmouth, some 200 years since the days when John Illingworth and Admiral Lord Cochrane supported growing independence across the region, our defence and security co-operation is strong. In Latin America there is pride in our past relationships, and a strong sense that we should do more, not less, together in the future.

    Combatting serious organised crime to protect communities here as well as there, including the heinous trade in human misery that is illegal migration; getting urgent humanitarian relief to those bearing the brunt of natural disasters across the region; pursuing Antarctic science and wider marine protection.

    Perhaps the fact that the UK has positive relationships in Latin America, the fact that it is a relatively safe, peaceful, democratic region, means the spotlight doesn’t rest on it all that often from here in the UK.

    But I see an open, growing, industrious region of the world, without which this government will find it that much harder to achieve our missions of growth, security and climate action.

    Looking across Latin America, the lesson is clear. Without security, you can’t have growth. And without growth, climate action is impossible.

    As we’ve all said hundreds of times – the first responsibility of every government, the bedrock on which the economy sits, and the ultimate guarantor of everything we hold dear, is security.

    While the focus of our attention is rightly on the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Latin America has led the news twice in recent days here in the UK.

    Extraordinary as that is – and I know because I’ve spoken to them, that Colombia and Panama do not always welcome the reason for this attention – there is a place for Latin American countries in geopolitics now that is changing.

    With attention, I think, being positive, comes opportunity.

    Panama – no longer on the financial services grey list; stable, democratic, and inviting infrastructure investment from the UK. We’re seen as a respectful, trusted partner, and they want to do business with us.

    Latin American countries really do want to work with the UK. They see the long-term value in the tailored offer from the investment and security space. We can be proud of it, but we need to make it easier for countries in Latin America to do business with us.

    And I would like to thank Ecuador particularly at the moment, for their term on the Security Council.

    Because we have so much in common with them as independent nations – we must all stand firm in the face of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, particularly as Russia turns its sights on Latin America as a key target for disinformation, because we know the truth.

    This illegal and unprovoked war by a Permanent Member of the UN Security Council is a flagrant violation of the UN Charter, and the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity.

    It makes us all, wherever we are, less safe.

    And with so much strong support for Ukraine from across Latin America. I know you will all be looking forward to hearing from Yaroslav Brisiuck from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs later today – on deepening dialogue and cooperation with Latin America and the Caribbean.

    We are not the only country who sees Latin America’s strategic relevance and weight.

    We know our allies in the US are considering their approach as well. The fact that Secretary Rubio’s first foreign trip is to the region, and that he spoke in his confirmation hearing about the positive relationships as well as the challenges that the US faces there demonstrates the centrality of Latin America for US foreign Policy.

    This is no bad thing. And whilst we will not always agree on the specifics every day of this approach or that, we believe that we must continue to be in close dialogue with the region and the US, to work towards common goals.

    When it comes to China’s engagement in the region, we must understand why so many Latin American countries pursue partnerships with China on development, investment and trade.

    But our job – where we can – is to provide Latin America with a choice. An alternative that many say that they want. Maybe not always cheaper, but better.

    From now on, our approach to China will be consistent – cooperating where we can, competing where we have different interests, and challenging where we must.

    But the most important thing about this, is consistency.

    The schizophrenic posturing doesn’t work.

    It’s about calm, straightforward diplomacy, never ignoring issues where we fundamentally disagree, such as the detention of Jimmy Lai.

    But cooperating where it’s in our interests, especially on climate and growth.

    But we know that sustainable growth can’t happen without security.

    Criminal gangs are multinational. Their power to feed off misery while making billions feeds of weak state institutions, drives corruption, deforestation, drug deaths and sex trafficking.

    They pursue profit at any cost, with little cost to themselves, through the production and trafficking of cocaine and other illegal drugs,  destroying lives, communities, and ecosystems in the process.

    Where organised crime gangs are in competition with the state – this is why our role in supporting the peace process in Colombia… this shows us why, it is so vital.

    Illegal mining, deforestation, and the loss of species, human rights abuses, organised immigration crime, channelling of illicit finance, modern slavery, I could go on.

    The impact is being felt now in Latin America, and on the streets of Britain,
    Most of the world’s cocaine produced in Latin America.  

    It transits through Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia, before being trafficked via increasingly complex, global routes, entering the UK via European ports.

    But let’s be honest with ourselves about this.

    It is cocaine demand in this country that is fuelling so much misery and insecurity across Latin America.

    A kilo of cocaine was valued at approximately £1,600 – at the start of its journey in Latin America.

    But by the time it reaches the UK, its value leaps by more than 1600% to more than £28,000. And that is one hell of a margin. That’s why this trade is so pervasive.

    We are with working France and the Netherlands and European partners, on joint approaches to tackle maritime cocaine trafficking from Latin America into the UK. And we are working with our partners across the region on this as well.

    This includes £19 million from the UK across six Latin American countries over five years. This is not just about seizures.

    We’re backing our partners’ efforts, following the money, building stronger regional links,  and tackling the flow of illicit finance.

    In Ecuador – we are working with our partners to make sure fewer vulnerable people fall prey to transnational drugs cartels, whether as victims and perpetrators of Serious Organised Crime, as well as working alongside US law enforcement, to conduct regular counternarcotic and other illicit trafficking operations in the Caribbean Sea.

    Talking face to face with the brave, specialist law enforcement teams in Ecuador, Colombia and the Caribbean, it is clear to me just how much they value UK expertise and support. And how much value we can add to their operations, because we listen to their needs, respect their expertise and are partners with them for the long term.

    In Peru, Brazil, Brazil, and Ecuador – we are working together to make financial investigations into mining and logging crimes more effective.

    In Colombia – working with state institutions to improve the enforcement of environmental law is at the heart of our work for forest protection.

    Because we can’t protect a single stick of rainforest. It is regional governments that do that. But we can help them with the tools they need to do the job.

    Access to satellite imagery, intelligence and security co-operation, support with judicial processes, police kit, registration of vehicles. Where we can help, we must.

    The Home Office is working with the courageous Colombian police in Bogotá – as part of their work developing key partnerships to identify and disrupt threats to the UK Border, from illegal migration and the trafficking of drugs.

    Together, we are now using advanced technical equipment, enhanced analytical and detection techniques, and improved intelligence flows – to strengthen border security and our collective ability to detect and prevent the movement of cocaine to the UK and Europe, especially in Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Panama and Peru.

    I have also made it my priority in my early months in the job to improve our departmental cooperation with the Home Office, The MoD and the NCA. The new Joint Home Office/FCDO Migration Unit will strengthen the cooperation in Whitehall and our efforts on the Ground.

    The Latin America that hundreds of thousands of UK citizens a year visit today is 660 million people strong and counting – with a combined GDP of nearly $6 trillion.

    And happily, in all my visits to the region as well as our conversations in the UK, our partners across Latin America have made it clear that they share this government’s ambition – to achieve long-term, resilient growth, and bring opportunity to people across our countries.

    This is something we are working together to achieve across a vast range of work.

    In Chile, during my visit at the start of the year, I saw how Anglo-American are introducing innovative, safer, and more responsible mining techniques.

    Extraordinary, as someone who comes from the North East of England, married to the son of Welsh miners, to see a remotely operated mine. Without mining obviously there is no decarbonisation, but this is mining that has been done from the centre of Santiago, out in a mine with nobody underground, nobody’s life at risk. It is really something to behold.

    When I travelled to President Sheinbaum’s inauguration, in Mexico we signed a new Memorandum of Understanding with the Mexican Ministry for Agriculture and Rural Development – which will boost trade, advance sustainable agriculture, and renew our partnership.

    And at the end of last year,  the UK became the first European nation to accede to the growing Indo-Pacific trade bloc, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, or ‘CPTPP’, joining Chile, Mexico, and Peru.

    This makes our collective GDP £12 trillion, means zero tariffs for more than 90% of exports between members, and opens up market opportunities across three continents.

    And building on the four agreements with the region we already have – this does represent a huge opportunity for businesses.

    Of course, none of this is possible if the bigger picture is not in place – which bring me to peace and democracy.

    Latin America is now home to many stable democracies – we share so many values.

    And we are working together to uphold human rights, and the rule of law, across the region and at the UN.

    When it comes to the Falkland Islands, our position is steadfast, and our commitment to defending the Falkland Islanders’ right of self-determination will not waiver.

    Only the Falkland Islanders can and should decide their own future.

    This approach underpins the South Atlantic cooperation agreement with Argentina – announced by the Foreign Secretary and former Argentine Foreign Minister Diana Mondino, last September.

    We are grateful for our work in partnership and our dialogue on these issues with Argentina.

    When it comes to Colombia, this government will  advocate for implementation of the 2016 peace  agreement, as a priority.

    We have learned ourselves, through Northern Ireland, that no piece of paper achieves peace. It’s that consistent work of decades by political and community leaders that keeps peace. Peace is hard, requires constant vigilance, but the UK is with Colombia, for the long term, of this journey.

    But the impact of Venezuela’s catastrophic leadership is being felt across the region.

    That is why the UK sanctioned 15 new members of Nicolas Maduro’s regime, who are responsible for undermining democracy, and committing serious human rights abuses – on 10 January, the same day he asserted power illegitimately in Venezuela once again.

    And at a time where we know that you’re all worried about the wider impacts of the abhorrent violence in Haiti, as well as providing £28 million a year to the multilateral institutions still operating on the ground to support the population,  we are providing £5 million to the Kenyan-led Multinational Security Support Mission – working to bring about the stability that is so desperately needed, to pave the way for free and fair elections.

    However far away that prospect feels today, we must never give up hope.

    No country can do right by its citizens, or play its part in the world, when people live in fear and without hope.

    Our determination to tackle climate change and biodiversity loss binds us together. The region is home to so many of the natural assets on which our global prosperity depends.

    A quarter of the world’s tropical rainforest, including the mighty Amazon, and massive deposits of the metals and minerals we all need to make a leap to clean energy.

    The government welcomes the strong leadership we’re seeing from within the region. Building on generations of care led by indigenous people, and decades of pioneering innovation.

    We’re working together with Brazil, to make the next big climate summit in Belém a success, and I’m delighted that Brazil and Chile are working with us through the finance mission of the new Global Clean Power Alliance that the Prime Minister launched at the G20 in Rio with President Lula last year.

    When it comes to minerals that are critical to the transition away from fossil fuels, and toward clean energy, including two thirds of the world’s lithium, the reserves that we need for batteries, Latin America has the resources, and the UK holds the markets and the institutions.

    So we’re working together – across government in the UK and with businesses, and with partners across the region – to take a strategic approach to deliver more diversified and secure supply chains, while raising standards, and mining more responsibly.

    So to close I just want to thank RUSI for making it a priority to bring us together to discuss how the UK, Latin America and our wider partners and allies can work together even more effectively for our shared security and prosperity.

    I’ve sensed a real appetite for this from our partners across the region, but I want all of us here in the UK to be ambitious about what is possible when we work with Latin America.

    And I want us all to recognise the importance of Latin American leadership in changing what is possible at a global level as well, on the challenges and opportunities we face.

    Sure – this government here can improve our economy, we can do better on our security, and our borders, we can do our bit to reduce carbon emissions and support work against climate change.

    We can do that without changing our approach to Latin America. But how much better, and how much more successful, and how much more secure any gains we make will be if we work alongside our partners, our allies in Latin America, now and in the years ahead.

    Thank you.

    Updates to this page

    Published 30 January 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Land seizure and South Africa’s new expropriation bill: scholar weighs up the new act

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Zsa-Zsa Temmers Boggenpoel, Academic, Stellenbosch University

    South Africa has a new law to govern the expropriation (or compulsory acquisition) of private property by government for public purposes or in the public interest.

    The passing of the Expropriation Act 13 of 2024 followed a parliamentary process that began in 2020.

    The act repeals the apartheid-era Expropriation Act 63 of 1975, and aims to align expropriation law with the constitution. It sets out the procedures, rules and regulations for expropriation. Besides setting out in quite a detailed fashion how expropriations are to take place, the act also provides an outline regarding how compensation is to be determined.

    In South Africa’s colonial and apartheid past, land distribution was grossly unequal on the basis of race. The country is still suffering the effects of this. So expropriation of property is a potential tool to reduce land inequality. This has become a matter of increasing urgency. South Africans have expressed impatience with the slow pace of land reform.

    Property rights and land reform

    There is much debate in the country about the provisions of the new act. The debate is mostly about the extent to which it affects existing private property rights. Some argue the act is unconstitutional. Others welcome it as a necessary step in the right direction.

    I’m a professor of law with a keen interest in this area of the law, and recently edited a book on land expropriation in South Africa by leading experts. My view is that an expropriation act that is aligned with the constitution should be welcomed, to enable land reform to work effectively.


    Read more: Land reform in South Africa: what the real debate should be about


    Land reform also needs a capable and proactive state that implements the legal framework in such a manner that prioritises expropriation as a mechanism to ensure land reform.

    So far, expropriation has not been used effectively to redistribute land more equitably, as part of land reform.

    I am not convinced that the act, in its current form, is the silver bullet to effect large-scale land reform – at least not the type of radical land reform that South Africa urgently needs.

    Understandably, the act will have a severe impact on property rights. But it still substantially protects landowners affected by expropriation. Only in very limited cases would they not be compensated.

    Protections for land owners

    The act says that property must not be expropriated arbitrarily or for a purpose other than a public purpose or in the public interest.

    Public purpose means by or for the benefit of the public. For example, expropriating property to build roads, schools and hospitals. Public interest is broader and includes the nation’s commitment to land reform.

    “Arbitrary” would usually mean without reason or justification.


    Read more: South Africa has another go at an expropriation law. What it’s all about


    The act further requires that an expropriating authority – an organ of state or person empowered by the act or any other legislation – must first try to reach an agreement with the owner to acquire the property on reasonable terms before considering expropriation.

    This gives some power to a landowner, even though expropriation does not normally require consent. The act also says a specific expropriation must always be authorised by a law.

    No compensation?

    Section 12 of the act deals with compensation for expropriation. It is arguably the most controversial part of the new legislation. Section 12(1) does not appear to be problematic and is largely the same wording as section 25(3) of the constitution. This part of the property clause sets out what must be taken into account when compensation for expropriation is determined.

    Section 12(3) of the act refers to “nil compensation” – when nil rand (monetary) compensation may be paid. There is no explicit reference to nil compensation in the current wording of section 25 of the constitution. It’s a new thing in the Expropriation Act.

    However, courts have toyed with the idea that section 25 of the constitution already provides room for a reduction in compensation.

    The circumstances in which nil compensation could be granted in terms of the new act are in fact very limited. Section 12(3) leaves the discretion to the expropriating authority to determine when it may be just and equitable to pay nil compensation. However, the act lacks guidelines on how such a discretion must be exercised.


    Read more: Land is a heated issue in South Africa – the print media are presenting only one side of the story


    The scope of section 12(3) is also limited in some respects. For one, it is restricted to land. Only where land is expropriated would nil compensation be an option. Therefore, not all forms of property can be expropriated without compensation. The notion of property under section 25(1) of the constitution is generally wide and includes various rights and interests, which are broader than just land. For instance, personal rights, mineral rights and licences are included under the section 25(1) notion of property.

    This wide understanding of property is not applicable to section 12(3), which refers to “land” being expropriated.

    Section 12(3) is also limited to the expropriation of land “in the public interest”. Nil compensation is therefore envisaged only in the context of expropriation of land undertaken in the public interest, and not also for a public purpose.

    Three of the four categories listed in section 12(3), where nil compensation is envisaged, are linked to the way in which the property was being used prior to the expropriation. Land used in a productive manner is therefore not evidently envisaged under section 12(3).

    Nil compensation is not necessarily limited to the instances listed. Still, the amount of compensation must – in all instances – be just and equitable.

    Novel approach

    The act forces South Africans to engage with the idea of nil compensation in a much more direct manner.

    The presence of a clause dedicated to nil compensation provides new clarity on when this could apply.

    It is hard to determine whether this act will pass constitutional muster without seeing how expropriation under it will work in practice. It remains to be seen whether it will have the far-reaching consequences that many fear, or call for.

    – Land seizure and South Africa’s new expropriation bill: scholar weighs up the new act
    – https://theconversation.com/land-seizure-and-south-africas-new-expropriation-bill-scholar-weighs-up-the-new-act-244697

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Driving Africa’s Sports Future: Meet the Partners Powering the Sports Africa Investment Summit (SAIS25)

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    LAGOS, Nigeria, January 30, 2025/APO Group/ —

    The Sports Africa Investment Summit (SAIS25) is more than an event—it’s a movement to unlock Africa’s potential by investing in sports infrastructure for a sustainable future. This mission wouldn’t be possible without the support of visionary partners committed to driving innovation, policy development, and investment in Africa’s sports industry.

    Meet the Partners

    Afreximbank – A leading financial institution fostering trade and development across Africa, Afreximbank brings its expertise in funding large-scale projects, making it a key player in sports infrastructure financing.

    Bank of Industry (BOI) – As Nigeria’s leading development finance institution, BOI plays a critical role in driving local economic growth. Through strategic financing, BOI is supporting the expansion of Nigeria’s sports sector, creating opportunities for businesses and communities to thrive.

    International Centre for Sport Security (ICSS) – A global leader in sport integrity, ICSS works across continents to promote safety, transparency, and governance in sports. Their partnership with SAIS25 reinforces the need for robust security frameworks that protect investments and ensure the long-term sustainability of Africa’s sports ecosystem.

    UN Global Compact Network Nigeria – Championing responsible business practices, this network is instrumental in promoting sustainability within sports investments, ensuring that SAIS25 initiatives align with global environmental, social, and governance (ESG) standards.

    NESH Foundation – With a focus on Nigerian entrepreneurship, NESH plays a vital role in connecting sports investment with local economic empowerment, creating opportunities for homegrown businesses to thrive.

    Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG) – As a Nigerian policy think tank, NESG drives economic transformation by shaping investment-friendly policies across multiple sectors, including sports. Their expertise in fostering collaboration between governments, private sector players, and investors positions them as a key advocate for a sustainable and profitable sports industry across Africa.

    Why This Matters

    The collective efforts of these esteemed partners underscore SAIS25’s mission: to transform Africa’s sports sector through strategic investments, infrastructure development, and policies that foster long-term sustainability.

    As SAIS25 approaches on February 17-18, 2025, in Lagos, we invite investors, policymakers, industry leaders, athletes, sports talent managers, sports merchandisers, fans and enthusiasts to join us in shaping the future of African sports.

    Register now at https://apo-opa.co/4gjbCZg and be part of the conversation.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Video: Vuk Talks Season 2 Episode 31: Musawenkosi Buthelezi and Mufunwa Rasila

    Source: Republic of South Africa (video statements-2)

    Musawenkosi Buthelezi, Gauteng’s top achiever (7 distinctions) for the class of 2024, and Mufunwa Rasila, who also aced matric with 5 distinctions.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bpmRXhUWI0Q

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Global: Land seizure and South Africa’s new expropriation bill: scholar weighs up the new act

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Zsa-Zsa Temmers Boggenpoel, Academic, Stellenbosch University

    South Africa has a new law to govern the expropriation (or compulsory acquisition) of private property by government for public purposes or in the public interest.

    The passing of the Expropriation Act 13 of 2024 followed a parliamentary process that began in 2020.

    The act repeals the apartheid-era Expropriation Act 63 of 1975, and aims to align expropriation law with the constitution. It sets out the procedures, rules and regulations for expropriation. Besides setting out in quite a detailed fashion how expropriations are to take place, the act also provides an outline regarding how compensation is to be determined.

    In South Africa’s colonial and apartheid past, land distribution was grossly unequal on the basis of race. The country is still suffering the effects of this. So expropriation of property is a potential tool to reduce land inequality. This has become a matter of increasing urgency. South Africans have expressed impatience with the slow pace of land reform.

    Property rights and land reform

    There is much debate in the country about the provisions of the new act. The debate is mostly about the extent to which it affects existing private property rights. Some argue the act is unconstitutional. Others welcome it as a necessary step in the right direction.

    I’m a professor of law with a keen interest in this area of the law, and recently edited a book on land expropriation in South Africa by leading experts. My view is that an expropriation act that is aligned with the constitution should be welcomed, to enable land reform to work effectively.




    Read more:
    Land reform in South Africa: what the real debate should be about


    Land reform also needs a capable and proactive state that implements the legal framework in such a manner that prioritises expropriation as a mechanism to ensure land reform.

    So far, expropriation has not been used effectively to redistribute land more equitably, as part of land reform.

    I am not convinced that the act, in its current form, is the silver bullet to effect large-scale land reform – at least not the type of radical land reform that South Africa urgently needs.

    Understandably, the act will have a severe impact on property rights. But it still substantially protects landowners affected by expropriation. Only in very limited cases would they not be compensated.

    Protections for land owners

    The act says that property must not be expropriated arbitrarily or for a purpose other than a public purpose or in the public interest.

    Public purpose means by or for the benefit of the public. For example, expropriating property to build roads, schools and hospitals. Public interest is broader and includes the nation’s commitment to land reform.

    “Arbitrary” would usually mean without reason or justification.




    Read more:
    South Africa has another go at an expropriation law. What it’s all about


    The act further requires that an expropriating authority – an organ of state or person empowered by the act or any other legislation – must first try to reach an agreement with the owner to acquire the property on reasonable terms before considering expropriation.

    This gives some power to a landowner, even though expropriation does not normally require consent. The act also says a specific expropriation must always be authorised by a law.

    No compensation?

    Section 12 of the act deals with compensation for expropriation. It is arguably the most controversial part of the new legislation. Section 12(1) does not appear to be problematic and is largely the same wording as section 25(3) of the constitution. This part of the property clause sets out what must be taken into account when compensation for expropriation is determined.

    Section 12(3) of the act refers to “nil compensation” – when nil rand (monetary) compensation may be paid. There is no explicit reference to nil compensation in the current wording of section 25 of the constitution. It’s a new thing in the Expropriation Act.

    However, courts have toyed with the idea that section 25 of the constitution already provides room for a reduction in compensation.

    The circumstances in which nil compensation could be granted in terms of the new act are in fact very limited. Section 12(3) leaves the discretion to the expropriating authority to determine when it may be just and equitable to pay nil compensation. However, the act lacks guidelines on how such a discretion must be exercised.




    Read more:
    Land is a heated issue in South Africa – the print media are presenting only one side of the story


    The scope of section 12(3) is also limited in some respects. For one, it is restricted to land. Only where land is expropriated would nil compensation be an option. Therefore, not all forms of property can be expropriated without compensation. The notion of property under section 25(1) of the constitution is generally wide and includes various rights and interests, which are broader than just land. For instance, personal rights, mineral rights and licences are included under the section 25(1) notion of property.

    This wide understanding of property is not applicable to section 12(3), which refers to “land” being expropriated.

    Section 12(3) is also limited to the expropriation of land “in the public interest”. Nil compensation is therefore envisaged only in the context of expropriation of land undertaken in the public interest, and not also for a public purpose.

    Three of the four categories listed in section 12(3), where nil compensation is envisaged, are linked to the way in which the property was being used prior to the expropriation. Land used in a productive manner is therefore not evidently envisaged under section 12(3).

    Nil compensation is not necessarily limited to the instances listed. Still, the amount of compensation must – in all instances – be just and equitable.

    Novel approach

    The act forces South Africans to engage with the idea of nil compensation in a much more direct manner.

    The presence of a clause dedicated to nil compensation provides new clarity on when this could apply.

    It is hard to determine whether this act will pass constitutional muster without seeing how expropriation under it will work in practice. It remains to be seen whether it will have the far-reaching consequences that many fear, or call for.

    Zsa-Zsa Temmers Boggenpoel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Land seizure and South Africa’s new expropriation bill: scholar weighs up the new act – https://theconversation.com/land-seizure-and-south-africas-new-expropriation-bill-scholar-weighs-up-the-new-act-244697

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI: Dave Cantin Group Signs PGA Tour Professional Quade Cummins as Its First Athlete Ambassador

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    NEW YORK, Jan. 30, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — The Dave Cantin Group (DCG), a leading advisor to retail automotive groups and their owners, today announced its partnership with PGA Tour professional Quade Cummins, marking the company’s first venture into athlete sponsorship. Cummins, born into the automotive industry as the son of a dealership family, embodies the drive, preparation and determination that DCG champions in its mission to serve its retail automotive clients.

    Quade is a native of Weatherford, Oklahoma, and the son of Chad and Stacy Cummins, owners of the Cummins Auto Group, a trio of domestic automotive dealerships in Oklahoma. Growing up, Quade spent his early years splitting time between the dealership and the golf course, but quickly realized he had a future in the sport his grandfather taught him. Quade attended the University of Oklahoma, where he was the first four-time All American in the program’s history.

    “Quade’s background makes him a perfect fit for Dave Cantin Group’s first athlete ambassador,” said Dave Cantin, President and CEO of Dave Cantin Group. “Quade’s journey from his family’s dealership to the PGA Tour reflects the same commitment and vision that we bring to our clients in the automotive industry. His story resonates deeply with us, and we are honored to support him on his journey as a Tour professional.”

    Quade transitions this year from the Korn Ferry Tour to the PGA Tour after finishing with enough points in 2024 to earn his Tour card. That achievement is a testament to his tenacity and determined pursuit of excellence, a quality mirrored in DCG’s approach to its M&A advisory services.

    “Being part of the DCG team is an incredible opportunity,” Cummins said. “The automotive industry has been a big part of my life, and it’s exciting to partner with a company that understands where I came from and shares my values. I’m looking forward to representing DCG on and off the course as I continue my PGA Tour journey.”

    “The entire automotive industry should be rooting for Quade and we’re just happy to help raise awareness of who he is, and how special his story is,” DCG Chief Business and Strategy Officer Brian Gordon said. “He is one of us and should feel his whole extended automotive family behind him on every shot.”

    About Dave Cantin Group

    The Dave Cantin Group is a leading automotive mergers and acquisitions advisory company specializing in acquisitions, divestitures, intelligence, and other advisory services. The company is the M&A services provider of choice for North America’s top automotive dealership groups, advising on approximately 40 transactions annually, DCG is differentiated by its advisory approach, long-term lens on client relationships, and commitment to market intelligence tools that inform DCG and client strategies. In 2023, DCG became the only retail automotive M&A company with a significant strategic investor, welcoming Kaltroco to the DCG family.

    Through its M&A intelligence division, DCG produces automotive content and delivers relevant, timely marketing intelligence, including the automotive industry Market Outlook Report (MOR). Together with CBT News, DCG produces the Inside M&A studio show and podcast to share stories, news and trends impacting the retail automotive industry. DCG’s proprietary AI-enabled software, Jump IQ, anchors its advisory services that support retail automotive dealers in developing informed M&A strategies and making smarter M&A decisions.

    The company’s nonprofit initiative, DCG Giving, funds child and adolescent cancer research and treatment in communities nationwide and other worthy charitable initiatives. DCG team members regularly feature on the industry speaking circuit and are regularly cited by top national and global news outlets. For more information, please visit davecantingroup.com.

    Media Contact:

    Katie Merx
    katiemerx@gmail.com
    313.510.5090

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/141f7b76-fb6a-4a10-bd7e-65c61fc77d53

    A video accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/23a49777-1b1a-44ac-9734-ae8529cfc450

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: World Food Programme warns that efforts to ramp up food aid to famine-impacted Sudan being impeded

    Source: World Food Programme

    WFP/Abubakar Garelnabei WFP trucks refuelling before departing Port Sudan for Khartoum in December 2024

    As WFP teams work around the clock to reach key locations for first time, fighting and arbitrary obstructions by local authorities hinder consistent flow of vital aid.

    ROME/NAIROBI/PORT SUDAN – The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) is working tirelessly to expand food and nutrition assistance to millions more people across Sudan – aiming to triple the number of people it supports to 7 million. WFP’s top priority is to deliver life-saving assistance to locations facing famine or teetering on its brink.

    Today, intensified fighting and the arbitrary obstruction of humanitarian convoys are hindering the fast and consistent movement of desperately needed aid.

    Since launching a large-scale surge of food aid in late 2024, WFP has pushed into hard-to-reach areas, including Zamzam Camp in North Darfur, south Khartoum, and Gebaish in West Kordofan. In January, WFP even reached Wad Madani in Gezira State after the city became safe enough to get trucks of food and nutrition supplies through. Over 2.5 million people per month received much-needed food and nutrition assistance in the last quarter of 2024, including many for the first time, since the conflict began. 

    “We have made significant breakthroughs in getting aid deliveries to hard-to-reach areas in the last three months, but these cannot be one-off events,” said Alex Marianelli, acting Country Director for Sudan. “We urgently need to get a constant flow of aid to families in the hardest hit locations, which have also been the most difficult to reach.” 

    A convoy headed to areas already in famine, or at-risk of famine, in Darfur, took three times longer to reach its destination due to interferences. After crossing the Adre border in mid-December, local officials from the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) held-back some 40 humanitarian trucks for nearly three weeks, requiring new clearances and inspections. As a result, the WFP-led convoy had to be redirected to another famine-risk area in the Darfur region. On arrival, the RSF held the trucks again and made additional demands. Finally, the convoy finally reached its destination earlier this week, a full six weeks after its departure, for a journey that would normally take a maximum of two weeks.

    Meanwhile, a national liquidity crisis has led to widespread cash shortages. WFP cash and in-kind food distributions for over 4 million people have been delayed for over one month due to a lack of sufficient bank notes to help pay porters to load trucks. Recent efforts by Sudan’s Central Bank and Ministry of Finance to ease the crisis, and increase cash availability, has meant that WFP’s operations can gradually resume.

    WFP calls on all parties on the ground in Sudan to remove all unnecessary barriers and obstacles that are preventing a full-scale humanitarian response to Sudan’s growing hunger crisis. The neutrality and independence of aid workers and humanitarian work must be respected. The safe passage of humanitarian assistance to hard-to-reach, famine-struck areas must be guaranteed.

    Sudan continues to face a catastrophic humanitarian situation with approximately 24.6 million people – nearly half of Sudan’s population – facing acute food insecurity (IPC Phase 3+). Twenty-seven locations across Sudan are either in famine or at risk of famine, while more than one-third of children in the hardest hit regions are acutely malnourished, well above the threshold for a famine declaration.

    #                 #                   #

    The United Nations World Food Programme is the world’s largest humanitarian organization saving lives in emergencies and using food assistance to build a pathway to peace, stability and prosperity for people recovering from conflict, disasters and the impact of climate change.

    Follow us on Twitter @wfp_media @wfp_sudan 

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: AFRICA/DR CONGO – “Foreigners leave Bukavu: fears of advance of the M23 rebel movement on the capital of South Kivu province”

    Source: Agenzia Fides – MIL OSI

    Thursday, 30 January 2025 war  

    Kinshasa (Agenzia Fides) – “In Bukavu, foreigners are fleeing,” missionaries from the capital of the Congolese province of South Kivu tell Fides. “The various embassies in Kinshasa have ordered their compatriots to leave the city because they fear that the M23 rebels could conquer it after taking control of Goma and the province of North Kivu,” the observers say. “Important departments of international organizations of the United Nations and various international non-governmental organizations are based in Bukavu. Now the foreign staff of these organizations are being evacuated via Rwanda.” “Currently, the rebel troops are already in Nyabibwe, in the Kalehe area of South Kivu,” the observers say. “It is a mountainous peak and if you go down to the south you are 25 km from the shores of Lake Kivu; from there you can easily reach Bukavu.” “The movements of the M23 units are facilitated by the means made available to them by the Rwandan army, which transported new off-road vehicles to Goma by barge, which were handed over to the rebels,” the observers added. Nyabibwe is home to a mine that extracts coltan and cassiterite, two of the strategic minerals that are the subject of the ongoing war involving local and regional actors backed by world powers and multinational mining companies.Meanwhile, the situation in Goma, which was captured by Rwandan troops and the M23 rebels they support, is stabilizing. The M23 rebels have organized the first patrols in the city to reassure the population and fight pockets of resistance from the Congolese army and the pro-government “Wazalendo” militiamen.”The rebels are trying to portray themselves as ‘liberators’ against what they call ‘the repressive regime in Kinshasa’: they are therefore trying to ensure a minimum of order and services for the population of the city they have conquered,” the observers report. As Corneille Nangaa, the leader of the Congo River Alliance, explained, the guerrillas’ goal is to march on the capital Kinshasa (about 1,600 km as the crow flies from Goma, but the road distance is more than 2,500 km) to overthrow President Félix Tshisekedi. “It seems like we have gone back about thirty years, when the guerrillas began their triumphal march at the end of 1996, which began in the east of the country and overthrew Mobutu in Kinshasa in the spring of 1997. But at that time the guerrillas, supported by Rwanda and Uganda, were also supported by other foreign powers. Now we must see what international interests are at work today,” commented the observers. To counter the rebels’ advance, President Tshisekedi has meanwhile ordered general mobilization and called on former soldiers and young people to join the army. (L.M.) (Agenzia Fides, 30/1/2025)
    Share:

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Appeal to trace two teenagers from Morocco missing in London

    Source: United Kingdom London Metropolitan Police

    Police are appealing for the public’s help to find two teenage girls from Morocco who have been reported missing.

    Douae, 14, and Houda, 15, were last seen leaving the hostel they were staying at in Tavistock Place, WC1 at around 20:30hrs on Tuesday, 28 January.

    Both girls had arrived in London on Saturday, 25 January for a week-long stay as part of a student exchange programme run by an independent company. They were due to return to Morocco on 1 February.

    The programme the girls are on is not attached to a specific school and is run by a private company.

    Detective Chief Inspector Sarb Kaur from the Central North Command Unit said: “We are appealing for any information about Douae and Houda’s whereabouts. They have travelled from Morocco and are in a city and country that is not familiar to them, so the longer they remain missing then the greater our concern for their welfare is.

    “A team of detectives is working tirelessly to locate them and we are liaising with the Moroccan embassy and the company who organised the visit to ensure their families in Morocco are kept updated with any developments.”

    Anyone with information that could assist police is asked to call 101 or ‘X’ @MetCC and quote ref 01/7101825/25. For an immediate sighting of Douae and Houda please call 999 immediately.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Video: DR Congo, Palestine & other topics – Daily Press Briefing (29 January)

    Source: United Nations (Video News)

    Noon briefing by Stéphane Dujarric, Spokesperson for the Secretary-General.

    Highlights:
    Senior Personnel Appointment
    Democratic Republic of the Congo/Peacekeeping
    Democratic Republic of the Congo/Security Council
    Democratic Republic of the Congo/Humanitarian
    Occupied Palestinian Territory
    Syria
    Peace Operations
    Ukraine
    Myanmar
    Lunar New Year

    SENIOR PERSONNEL APPOINTMENT
    Yesterday, the Secretary-General appointed Lt. Gen. Ulisses De Mesquita Gomes of Brazil as the new Force Commander for the UN Peacekeeping Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO).

    DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO / PEACEKEEPING
    The peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo – MONUSCO- say that the situation in Goma remains tense today, but it is also calmer. But there is, however, continued sporadic shooting but an overall reduction in exchanges of fire within the city.
    Continued clashes have been reported in surrounding areas, including in Sake, Northwest of Goma.
    The Mission’s priority right now remains the protection of its personnel, its assets and the many civilians sheltering within UN premises. UN peacekeepers are planning on sending patrols today in Goma to assess the situation, to conduct resupplies and assess routes.
    In the capital, Kinshasa, the situation is also calm today despite calls for protests that we have seen. The main roads are reported to be empty, and supermarkets are closed due to high risk of looting. That is what the peacekeeping mission is reporting.
    You will also remember that a few days ago, we paid tribute to three UN peacekeepers who were killed in the last few days. We are now able to share their names : They were Private Rodolpho Cipriano Alverez Suarez from Uruguay, who was 39; Private Mokote Joseph Mobe, aged 33, and Private Andries Tshidiso Mabele, aged 30. The latter two were from South Africa. We send our deepest condolences to their families, their friends, governments and to all members of the peacekeeping mission.
    The total number of UN peacekeepers injured since the most recent assault by the M23 now stands at 22. We reiterate that attacks against UN peacekeepers are not only unacceptable but may also constitute a war crime.

    DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO / SECURITY COUNCIL
    Yesterday afternoon, the Deputy Special Representative for Protection and Operations for the Peacekeeping Mission in Goma in the Democratic Republic of the Congo – MONUSCO, Vivian van de Perre, briefed Council members.
    She reiterated that the violence in the eastern part of the country has resulted in massive displacement and worsened an already dire humanitarian and protection situation. The degree of suffering that the population in Goma and neighbouring areas is enduring is truly unimaginable, she said.
    In the past few days, Ms. Van de Perre told Council members that the peacekeeping mission has received a large number of people seeking refuge.
    She called on all parties to prioritize the protection of civilians, open humanitarian corridors, and work towards a sustainable and peaceful resolution to this conflict.
    Resuming the Luanda Process is of the utmost urgency to ensure a path toward de-escalation and to avert the looming threat of a third Congo war, she added. Military action cannot resolve this conflict, she told council members

    Full Highlights: https://www.un.org/sg/en/content/ossg/noon-briefing-highlight?date%5Bvalue%5D%5Bdate%5D=29+January+2025

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HIIzMCZYkkw

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Video: UN calls for urgent international action in eastern DR Congo

    Source: United Nations (Video News)

    A senior UN official briefs the Security Council on the worsening situation in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, saying it is causing unimaginable suffering. MONUSCO Deputy Special Representative Vivian van de Perre urges for maximum efforts to bring an immediate end to the high levels of violence and suffering.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dNeR2o3UQCs

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Africa: East Africa Energy Cooperation Summit (EA-ECS) and the East African Community (EAC): Driving Energy Across the Region

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    ARUSHA, Tanzania, January 30, 2025/APO Group/ —

    The expansion of the East African regional energy sector is happening right now and is set for future growth. This was the clear message from the East Africa Energy Cooperation Summit (EA-ECS) as the two-day summit kicked off in Arusha.  

    Africa’s energy IPPs, EPCF stakeholders, investors and policy makers were welcomed to a summit set to shape the future of East Africa’s energy landscape by Jean-Baptiste Havugimana, Director Productive Sectors, East African Community (EAC). 

    Speaking at the opening ceremony, he noted that the access to electricity in the East African region is currently below 50 percent on average, although countries such as Kenya have gone beyond 75 percent. 

    “The EAC Secretariat is cooperating with all Member States to increase the rate of access. This is being achieved through shared mini hydro power grids strategically placed along border regions. The EAC is also working to establish a regional power exchange market for shared resources,” said Mr.Havugimana. 

    Abundant resource discoveries and large-scale projects highlight East Africa’s readiness for market expansion like never before. In the round table titled “Powering East Africa—The Time Is Now,” leaders from the public sector and utilities from Malawi, Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania discussed the vision and roadmap for the future.  

    Costa Rubagumya, Deputy MD, TANESCO, Tanzania said, “Our country connects an average of 500,000 new clients per year. But with Tanzania being among the 12 signatories of Mission 300, from the recent African Energy Summit, the country targets to triple the number to 1.6 million new customers per annum.” 

    With the theme “Resource Wealth. Energy Access. Investment Opportunities” the two-day summit will explore what this means for private sector opportunities in depth.  

    Some of the discussions expected to take center stage  is the push for alternative sources of energy.  Stakeholders have emphasized the importance of a diversified energy mix to ensure grid stability and support large-scale industrial expansion and commercial and industrial (C&I) power generation.  

    Joseph Siror , the Managing Director and  Chief Executive Officer of Kenya Power and Lighting (KPLC) said the East African countries should now move away from over dependency on Hydro sources of energy. He pointed out that, with climate change and fluctuating weather patterns, hydroelectricity is no longer reliable and the EAC region must now consider auxiliary power sources such as Geothermal, Solar, Wind and Biogas. 

    EA-ECS is welcoming prominent politicians and leaders from across the EAC and its energy sector. They join the private sector business developers shaping the future of East Africa’s energy landscape.  

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Possible conclusion of an agreement between Türkiye and Syria establishing an EEZ – P-003085/2024(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    The EU has a strategic interest in a stable and secure environment in the Eastern Mediterranean and in the development of a cooperative and mutually beneficial relationship with Türkiye.

    In this context, the EU continues to expect Türkiye to respect the sovereignty and the sovereign rights of all Member States, in accordance with international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Unclos)[1], and to unequivocally commit to and promote good neighbourly relations and the peaceful settlement of disputes, having recourse, if necessary, to the International Court of Justice.

    The European Council Conclusions of 12 December 2019[2] clearly stated that the Türkiye-Libya memorandum of understanding on the delimitation of maritime jurisdictions in the Mediterranean Sea infringes upon the sovereign rights of third states, does not comply with the Law of the Sea and cannot produce any legal consequences for third states.

    • [1] https://www.un.org/depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/unclos/unclos_e.pdf
    • [2] https://www.consilium.europa.eu/media/41768/12-euco-final-conclusions-en.pdf
    Last updated: 30 January 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: UK Trade Minister visited South Africa and Botswana to strengthen trade ties

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    This was the first visit to Africa by UK Minister for Trade Policy Douglas Alexander, which forms part of the UK Government’s wider resetting of partnerships with Africa, which the Foreign Secretary set out in November during his visits to Nigeria and South Africa.

    UK Minister for Trade Policy and Economic Security, Douglas Alexander, travelled to South Africa and Botswana to strengthen trade links and create opportunities for both African and UK businesses.

    He is the first Minister from the UK’s Department for Business and Trade to travel to the continent since the UK election, which took place last summer.

    The UK is seeking to deepen trade and investment across the continent and drive mutually beneficial growth in both the UK and Africa, including by making progress on removing barriers to trade to help businesses export more easily and providing UK support to trade for development programmes across the continent.

    During his trip, the Trade Policy Minister co-chaired the first Southern African Custom Union and Mozambique (SACUM) – UK Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) Joint Council. The Economic Partnership Agreement underpins all goods trade with the UK and SACUM members. The Joint Council discussed where there is potential to strengthen our trade and investment partnerships and support economic growth across all member countries.

    He met with South Africa’s Minister for Trade Industry and Competition, Parks Tau, South Africa’s Agriculture Minister, John Steenhuisen, as well as Botswana’s Vice-President and Trade Minister, Ndaba Gaolathe, to discuss areas for future growth in key sectors including infrastructure, energy, transport and logistics, agriculture, minerals, and the digital economy. He also met with UK and South African companies and took part in a CEO roundtable, where he was seeking views from the private sector to help inform the Government’s cross-continent reset and wider trade strategy.

    Trade Policy Minister, Douglas Alexander said:

    The Government is taking a fresh approach to Africa, one which prioritises genuine partnerships, mutual benefit, and sustainable development. My visit is an important step in building new, long-lasting relationships in South Africa and Botswana.

    South Africa is our largest trading partner in Africa, with an exciting period ahead as the country assumes the G20 Presidency. Both of our Governments are laser focused on economic growth – this shared ambition is a powerful motivator for greater bilateral trade.

    Mutual economic growth is also at the forefront of the UK’s relationship with Botswana. There is a huge opportunity for us to collaborate on sectors important to our economies including renewable energy and I look forward to continuing to strengthen our ties.

    Minister Alexander emphasised the UK’s support for South Africa’s Presidency of the G20 this year and reaffirmed the UK Government’s commitment to building mutually beneficial partnerships with African countries. This follows on from the UK Foreign Secretary’s recent visit to the continent in November 2024, during which he agreed to develop a UK-South Africa Growth Plan.

    Further information

    • this visit forms part of the UK Government’s wider resetting of partnerships with Africa, which the Foreign Secretary set out in November during his visits to Nigeria and South Africa based on three priorities: economic growth and transformation, climate and nature, and governance and security
    • background for the UK’s Minister for Trade Policy Douglas Alexander MP can be found here
    • information on the SACUM-UK Economic Partnership Agreement can be found here
    • information on the UK Foreign Secretary’s visit to Nigeria and South Africa, including agreement on developing a new UK-South Africa Growth Plan, can be found here

    Updates to this page

    Published 30 January 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom