A nine member delegation from South African Navy (SAN) led by RAdm (JG) Nevielie Kurt Howell, visited Headquarters Sea Training (HQST) at Southern Naval Command (SNC) from 21-31 Oct 24. The visit was aimed at enhancing bilateral Naval training cooperation between the two Navies through Operational Sea Training (OST) of ships and submarines conducted by Indian Navy’s FOST Organisation.
During the visit, the head of delegation called on RAdm Upul Kundu, Chief of Staff, Headquarters Southern Naval Command and RAdm Srinivas Maddula, Flag Officer Sea Training and expressed the need to enhance professional engagement between both the Navies.
The visit focused on understanding various facets of conduct of Work Up through exposure to Harbour and Sea training activities undertaken by Indian Naval Work Up Team at Kochi. It also included visits to various training schools and establishments under SNC. Salient aspects included familiarisation with simulators, professional interactions and demonstration of Damage Control and Firefighting.
The successful conduct of the visit opens various avenues for training cooperation and reaffirms strong professional relationship between the two Navies. The training collaboration bears testimony to Indian Navy as the Preferred Training Partner in the IOR.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has extended his good wishes to Mr. Duma Boko on his election as the President of Botswana. In a message on X, the Prime Minister expressed his hopes for a successful tenure for the newly elected president and emphasized India’s commitment to strengthening bilateral relations with Botswana.
In his post, the Prime Minister said: “Congratulations @duma_boko on your election as the President of Botswana. Best wishes for a successful tenure. Look forward to working closely with you to further strengthen our bilateral ties.”
Congratulations @duma_boko on your election as the President of Botswana. Best wishes for a successful tenure. Look forward to working closely with you to further strengthen our bilateral ties.
A high-level Indian Delegation, led by Principal Secretary to Prime Minister, Dr. PK Mishra, took part in G-20 Disaster Risk Reduction Working Group (DRRWG) Ministerial Meeting from 30th October to 1st November 2024, held in Belem, Brazil.
With the active participation of the Indian Delegation, consensus arrived in finalising the first Ministerial declaration on Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR). In his inventions, during various Ministerial sessions, Dr. PK Mishra shared the progress made by the Government of India in reducing disaster risks and in upscaling disaster financing in India.
Dr. PK Mishra emphasized India’s proactive approach to disaster risk reduction (DRR), on five priorities of DRRWG, which were enunciated during Indian Presidency of G20 i.e. Early warning systems, Disaster resilient infrastructure, DRR financing, Resilient recovery and Nature based solutions. In the disaster resilient infrastructure, he shared Prime Minister’s global initiative of Coalition for Disaster Resilience Infrastructure (CDRI), which has now 40 countries and 7 International Organisations, as members.
The Principal Secretary to Prime Minister reiterated Government of India’s commitment to the Sendai Framework and called for increased international collaboration on knowledge sharing, technology transfer, and sustainable development to enhance disaster resilience globally.
Indian Delegation also participated in Troika meeting with the Ministers of Brazil and South Africa, and held bilateral meetings with ministers from the host country Brazil and other countries namely Japan, Norway, South Africa, South Korea, Germany, and Heads of invited International Organisations.
Responding to the call by UNSG on Extreme Heat, Principal Secretary to the PM, shared experience & steps being taken including the focus on promoting traditional practices to suit local conditions.
The first DRR WG was established on India’s initiative during its Presidency of G20 in 2023. Dr Mishra, congratulated the Brazilian Presidency on its continuation of the DRRWG, and scaling it up to Ministerial level and affirmed India’s support to South Africa on DRRWG on their upcoming G20 Presidency next year.
India’s participation underscores its growing role in global DRR efforts and its commitment to building a safer and more resilient world.
The below is attributable to Spokesperson Benjamin Suarato:
Today, Administrator Samantha Power spoke with United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres about humanitarian responses to urgent crises in Sudan and Gaza, the detention of aid workers in Yemen, and developments in Somalia and Haiti.
Administrator Power thanked Secretary-General Guterres for his engagement with President of the Sovereign Council of Sudan Abdel Fatah al-Burhan to open the Adré border crossing point to Sudan from neighboring Chad, which is essential for the ability to scale assistance to hundreds of thousands of people experiencing famine. She noted her concern that Sudanese authorities have not yet agreed to keep this critical corridor open past the November 15 expiration of the agreement. Administrator Power and Secretary-General Guterres also spoke about the crucial importance of United Nations agencies and partners engaging the Sudanese Armed Forces and Rapid Support Forces to ensure safe, unhindered access for humanitarians across lines of conflict, to reach the 25 million people in urgent need of assistance.
The Administrator and the Secretary-General discussed the dire humanitarian crisis in Gaza, and efforts to significantly increase the amount of assistance reaching civilians, including in Northern Gaza.
Administrator Power and Secretary-General Guterres discussed the Houthi detention of UN, diplomatic, and NGO staff in Yemen. The Administrator noted strong concern about the recent referral of several detainees for criminal prosecution on false charges of espionage and urged the UN to continue exploring all diplomatic channels for their release. They also discussed the necessary steps for sustained and effective support for international efforts to stabilize worsening security situations in Somalia and Haiti. The Administrator underscored the support of Haiti, the U.S., and other countries for transitioning the Multilateral Security Support Mission in Haiti (MSS) to a UN Peacekeeping Operation.
Amnesty International launches flagship Write for Rights campaign to help people facing human rights abuses around the world
Millions of letters and emails will be sent to support these individuals and urge authorities to end injustices
‘Sending a letter or email might seem like a small act, but when sent in their thousands they can change lives: those in power are forced to take notice’– Sacha Deshmukh
Amnesty International is calling on people across the UK to take part in its flagship letter writing campaign, Write for Rights, in support of individuals from around the world who have been persecuted, jailed, or face human rights abuses for standing up for their rights.
This year, Write for Rights will support nine individuals who are suffering abuses, including:
Ana da Silva Miguel, also known as Neth Nahara, was arrested in August last year after broadcasting a video on TikTok criticising President João Lourenço. The next day, Angola’s first stage court convicted her of an “outrage against the state, its symbols and bodies”. She was sentenced to six months in prison and fined one million kwanza (approximately $1,200). Last September, Angola’s second stage court extended Neth’s sentence to two years, following an appeal by the public prosecutor. During her imprisonment, authorities denied Neth her daily HIV medication for eight months, which severely impacted her health.
Oqba Hashad, an Egyptian business student, has been arbitrarily detained for nearly five years without trial solely because of his brother’s human rights activism. Despite a court order for his release, he remains detained in horrific conditions, including being denied a proper prosthetic leg. Prison authorities have interrogated Oqba on multiple occasions about his brother’s activism and contact with his family. Egypt, as a state party to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, must ensure detainees with disabilities are provided reasonable accommodation and health services.
Professor Şebnem Korur Fincancı,head of the Turkish Medical Association, faces more than seven years in prison because of her human rights work. Professor Fincancı is a prominent human rights defender, anti-torture advocate and forensic medicine expert. In October 2022, she was arrested and put in pre-trial detention. A criminal investigation was launched against her after she called for an independent investigation into allegations that Turkish armed forces might have used chemical weapons in Kurdistan Region of Iraq in comments during a live TV interview. Professor Fincancı was later convicted of trumped-up charges of “making propaganda for a terrorist organisation”. She is currently awaiting the result of an appeal, but also faces additional charges linked to her human rights work.
Sacha Deshmukh, Chief Executive of Amnesty International UK, said:
“The people we have focused on this year are all imprisoned because the governments of their countries value power over free speech. By joining this campaign, people in the UK – and indeed around the world – can help improve their chances of getting justice.
“Sending a letter or email might seem like a small act, but when sent in their thousands they can change lives: those in power are forced to take notice.
“Amnesty’s Write for Rights campaign helps to protect the lives of persecuted people every year. We hope to see people across the country getting involved to make as much noise as possible about the injustices these human rights defenders are facing.”
Amnesty International’s Write for Rights campaign goes back to the roots of the organisation, which was founded in 1961, with early campaigners writing letters of support to those affected by human rights abuses, as well as letters of concern to governments around the world.
Successes from previous Write for Rights campaigns:
Human rights defender Rita Karasartova was arrested in 2022 along with 26 others for opposing a new border agreement that gave control of a freshwater reservoir to Uzbekistan. She was initially detained for organising ‘mass disorder’ and later charged with attempting to ‘violently overthrow the Government’, which carries a potential 15-year sentence. Rita and at least 21 others were acquitted on 14 June this year: a significant victory for justice and human rights in Kyrgyzstan, even though the prosecutor has filed an appeal against the ruling.
She subsequently expressed her gratitude for the countless letters she received from Amnesty supporters during the campaign, emphasising that each one gave her immense hope and strength, reinforcing her belief in the power of solidarity.
In 2021, Amnesty campaigned for Egyptian human rights lawyer Mohamed Baker, who received a presidential pardon in July last year and was released from prison the following day. He is now safely reunited with his loved ones.
Cecillia Chimbiri and Joanah Mamombe were acquitted by the Zimbabwean High Court in July 2023 of communicating falsehoods and obstructing the course of justice. The two – together with Netsai Marova, who did not face trial as she is out of the country – were arrested and abducted in May 2020 following a protest on the Government’s failure to provide social protection during the Covid 19 pandemic. Amnesty campaigned for them during the 2022 Write for Rights campaign.
The Fortune-Teller by Caravaggio (1595-8).Louvre Museum
In the late 1740s, Samuel Meadwell arrived in London. A “raw country fellow” from Northamptonshire, he had come to work as a distiller’s apprentice and hoped to make his fortune.
When a pair of women told him there was “something very particular in [his] face”, he was intrigued. They introduced him to a widow called Mary Smith, who allegedly practised “the art of astrology, before very great people, princes, and the like”. She persuaded Meadwell to wrap all his money in a handkerchief with two peppercorns, some salt and a little mould. After waiting three hours, she explained, he would discover a great fortune.
Meadwell discovered only that his money had been replaced with scraps of metal. Smith was deported for fraud, while Meadwell learned a lesson about city life. He bemoaned his naivety – but he was not alone in believing in the power of astrologers, or the potential for magical methods to reveal weighty secrets.
In early modern Britain (1500-1750), divination was widespread. People consulted diviners to find stolen goods, learn about the next harvest, or scrutinise their marriage fortunes. Sometimes they wanted to know what diseases or disasters loomed, and several nobles exhibited an unwholesome interest in the monarch’s date of demise.
The sex of unborn children was another topic of speculation: when Anne Boleyn gave birth to the future Elizabeth I in 1533, she disappointed not only Henry VIII, but also a whole host of “astrologers, sorcerers, and sorceresses” who had assured the couple that a male heir was forthcoming.
Diviners came from across the social spectrum. Learned astrologers could command audiences with kings and queens. Most people, however, relied on the services of a local cunning-man or woman.
There were also so-called “Egyptian” fortunetellers who roamed the country reading palms. These travellers probably did not have African origins. A hostile 1673 work claimed that they were “great pretenders” who sought to dupe “the ignorant” by associating themselves with Egyptians, “a people heretofore very famous for astronomy, natural magic, [and] the art of divination”.
The authorities did not approve. In 1530, an act passed by Henry VIII’s parliament sought to expel “Egyptians” from the country, complaining that they conned people using “great, subtle, and crafty means” such as fortunetelling.
Underpinning many divinatory methods was the belief that God’s divine plan was encoded in the patterns of the natural world. Palmistry relied on interpreting the marks God had traced on the body. Astrologers, meanwhile, focused on the movements of the planets.
Between 1658 and 1664, a woman called Sarah Jinner published almanacks containing astrological readings for the forthcoming year. She ranged from predicting “desperate and unreconciliable wars” to cautioning women that: “We find Mercury in Pisces retrograde in the 6th House, [which] denoteth that servants will generally be cross, vexatious, and intolerable, especially maidservants.”
Meeting a Swine. From Dr Solman’s translation of Aristotle’s Golden Cabinet of Secrets (c. 1690).
The behaviour of animals was also considered portentous. A pamphlet from circa 1690 declared that “to meet a swine the first thing in a morning, carrying straw in its mouth, denotes a maid, or widow, shall soon be married, and very fruitful in children”. On the other hand, magpies flying around you signified “much strife and brawling in marriage”.
When a great murmuration of starlings was spied battling in the air above Cork in 1621, people whispered that it signified divine anger. Eight months later the city was devastated by a fire.
Other divination practices relied on chance. Cheap pamphlets outlined ways of divining with dice, the idea being that God determined the outcome. Another practice was to open a Bible randomly and consult the first passage that caught the eye. Bibles could alternatively be used to catch thieves. The usual method was to insert a key into the Bible, recite the names of the suspects, and wait for the Bible or the key to move.
A similar technique involved suspending a sieve from a pair of shears. The sieve would rotate when a thief’s name was mentioned.
Divination and the authorities
These practices were viewed with suspicion by the ecclesiastical and secular authorities, especially after the 16th-century Reformation.
Divination by the sieve and shears in Cornelius Agrippa, De Occulta Philosophia (1567). Opera Omnia
Most dangerous of all was divination by consulting spirits. The Scottish cunning-man Andrew Man claimed to have an angelic adviser, Christsonday, who told him whether upcoming years would be good or bad. He was also in a sexual relationship with the Fairy Queen, who had promised to teach him to “know all things”. Leading local figures concluded that Man had really been cavorting with devils. He was tried for witchcraft, and executed in 1598.
In general, however, cunning-folk enjoyed good standing within their communities. Currents of scepticism flowed faster during the 18th-century Enlightenment. A 1762 work expressed a common view when it blamed belief in divination on the “ignorance and darkness” that “covered the minds of mankind”. But divinatory practices were themselves a quest for enlightenment, and the prospect of unravelling the mysteries of the future has remained compelling up to the present day.
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Martha McGill receives funding from the British Academy.
Increasing rights for Indigenous people and local communities was one of the few steps forward at Cop16. Philipp Montenegro, CC BY-NC-ND
Progress at the UN’s biodiversity summit, Cop16, in Cali, Columbia, has been slow. Frustratingly so.
There were high hopes that the Colombian hosts could coordinate action between developed and developing countries towards reaching the landmark global biodiversity agreement reached in Montreal, Canada at Cop15 two years ago. But after two weeks and one long night, negotiations ended abruptly. Many delegates had to leave to catch flights home with key issues unresolved.
This conference started with alarming news that the latest edition of the red list – the official record of threatened species – shows that more than one third of tree species face extinction in the wild. That’s more than the number of threatened birds, mammals, reptiles and amphibians combined.
Urging negotiators to recognise the seriousness of this nature crisis, Colombia’s president Gustavo Petro warned they were facing “the battle for life”.
There was certainly no shortage of people seeking solutions.
In the heart of the city, Cop16’s green zone hosted vibrant music, film screenings, indigenous arts and crafts. Local people, businesses and conference delegates discussed creative and collaborative ways to address the nature crisis.
Over in the blue zone, the official conference space, there was a notable increase in the diversity of communities participating across side events and pavilions. The links between biodiversity and human health were highlighted. So too was the importance of nature for water and food security.
In his opening video message, UN secretary general Antonio Guterres urged countries gathered to “engage all of society” as “la Cop de la gente” (a Cop of the people).
So protests from Indigenous people and local communities were particularly powerful. Including greater recognition for these groups in the final decisions from the meeting was a rare sign of progress. A new fund to ensure that these groups would receive a share of the profits from the commercial use of digital sequence information – genetic information from native plants and animals – was another victory.
A new set of principles developed by the UK government to prioritise gender issues in conservation and ensure fair access to the benefits biodiversity action for all marginalised groups received widespread support.
The focus on economic resilience was more prominent than ever, with two days dedicated to business and finance. In 2018, only 300 businesses attended Cop14 in Egypt. In Cali, this number was 3,000.
Delegates assemble for the negotiations at Cop16. Philipp Montenegro, CC BY-NC-ND
Private investors, pension funds, the insurance industry and public banks stressed the importance of creating robust measures of biodiversity improvement. Business sectors focused on transition plans that could support fair and transparent means of reporting progress. The nature tech sector is growing too, with start-ups expected to attract up to $2 billion (£1.5 billion) in investments by the end of 2024.
Back in the negotiating halls, delegates faced an uphill struggle. Only 44 out of 196 national plans to protect biodiversity have been updated to reflect the new targets. So, it’s no surprise that a gap is widening between current reality and the ambitious set of 23 targets which governments must reach by 2030. While countries agreed to a progress review in 2026, no consensus was reached on the indicators to be used. Progress was painfully slow.
Negotiators debated how the global agreement on biodiversity should interact with its sister conventions on climate and desertification. Further discussions next year might identify how this could work but this probably won’t lead to drastic change. Some countries, including India and Russia, still seemed unwilling to accept the critical risks posed to nature and society of exceeding the 1.5°C global target for climate change.
Many developing nations were concerned that greater integration between the climate crisis and biodiversity would lead to “double counting” of funding with the danger that developed countries could backtrack on their promises to support dedicated action on nature. Others, including the EU, argued that action to conserve and restore nature was an essential part of tackling all environmental and societal global challenges.
The deadlock between these positions continued for days. In the final hours of Cop16, negotiators reached a compromise that sets out a more integrated pathway for bringing action on climate and nature together. While the effects of climate change directly exacerbate biodiversity loss, restoring nature can be a powerful tool in the fight to mitigate the climate crisis and benefit biodiversity. Nature-based solutions – measures like restoring peatlands and wetlands, planting trees and mangroves – help build that resilience.
Heads of state and ministers joining at the midpoint of the meeting pointed out the need to ensure that nature is protected both for its own sake and for the communities that depend on healthy ecosystems for their livelihood and wellbeing.
But at the end of a long final night, these words were not accompanied by concrete plans for action or the financial commitments about how nature protection should be paid for that many at Cop16 were hoping for.
Whole of society, all of government?
The global biodiversity agreement set in 2022 called for a whole of society approach to address the nature crisis. Cop16 certainly delivered. From local communities to huge businesses, there was a spirit of rolling up sleeves and putting investment and innovation to work using nature-based solutions to restore and conserve biodiversity.
One of many packed side-events which bought the ‘whole of society’ together at Cop16. Philipp Montenegro, CC BY-NC-ND
The same energy and commitment was clear from many of the local and sub-national governments assembled at Cop16. The first gathering of Mayors for Nature demonstrated significant commitment to action.
Leaders from California and Quebec set the tone by investing in large-scale programmes, with Quebec not only committing to fund their own biodiversity action but also contributing to the global biodiversity fund – the first regional government to do so.
But national governments struggled to move forward. The complexity of addressing biodiversity and its necessary interactions with sectors such as agriculture, transport and mining, as well as concerns over historic injustices between developing and developed countries, was perhaps too much for Cop16 to resolve.
The risk is that, as governments navigate these challenges, the private sector could accelerate action without scrutiny. I worry that the lack of policy coordination could deter investors and slow the pace of action that local communities and regional governments want to make. Rather than waiting for global consensus, groups can catalyse change while holding each other accountable to make swift progress to save nature.
Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?
Harriet Bulkeley receives funding from the European Commission and currently serves as an advisor to the UK Department of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs.
VATICAN/ANGELUS – All Saints Day: “How much hidden saintliness there is in the Church!”Vatican City (Agenzia Fides) – The Beatitudes are “the Christian’s identity card” and “the way to holiness”. This was stated by Pope Francis during the Angelus prayer on the Solemnity of All Saints Day.Referring to the Gospel of the day, the Pope recalled that holiness is both “a gift from God” and “our response to God”.“It is a gift from God because, as Saint Paul says, it is He who sanctifies. With His grace, He heals us and frees us from all that prevents us from loving as He loves us, as Blessed Carlo Acutis used to say, there may always be ‘less of me to make room for God’”, stressed the Bishop of Rome, adding that God “offers us His holiness, but He does not impose it. He leaves us the freedom to engage in his plans”.All this, Pope Francis continued, “we see all of this in the life of the saints, even in our time”. In this context, the Pope recalled Saint Maximilian Kolbe, Saint Teresa of Calcutta and Saint Oscar Romero: “We we can make a list of many saints, many of them: those we venerate on the altars and others, that I like to call the saints “next door”, the everyday ones, hidden, who go forward in their daily Christian life”.“How much hidden saintliness there is in the Church!” said the Pope. “We recognize so many brothers and sisters formed by the Beatitudes: poor, meek, merciful, hungry and thirsty for justice, workers for peace. They are people “filled with God”, incapable of remaining indifferent to the needs of their neighbour; they are witnesses of shining paths, possible for us too”.After the Angelus, the Pope’s thoughts turned to the Holy Land and he warned: “War is always a defeat, always! And it is ignoble, because it is the triumph of the lie, of falsehood.” He recalled the suffering of the innocent: “I think of the 153 women and children massacred in Gaza in recent days,” said the Pope, who described the war not only as a triumph of lies, but also of falsehood, because “they seek the greatest self-interest and the greatest damage to the enemy, trampling on human lives, the environment, the infrastructure, everything; and all of this is disguised with lies,” said the Pope. He again called for prayer: “Let us pray for tormented Ukraine, let us pray for Palestine, Israel, Lebanon, Myanmar, Sudan, and for all the peoples who are suffering because of war.” Pope Francis also expressed his “closeness to the people of Chad, in particular the families of the victims of the grave terrorist attack a few days ago, as well as those who have been affected by floods. And in the face of these environmental disasters, let us pray for the populations of the Iberian Peninsula, especially the Valencian community: for the deceased and their loved ones, and for all the damaged families. May the Lord sustain those who are suffering, and those who are bringing relief”.Finally, thinking of tomorrow, Saturday 2 November, the day on which the deceased are commemorated, Pope Francis recalled: “Those who can, go in these days to pray at the tomb of your own loved ones. Let us not forget: the Eucharist is the greatest and most effective prayer for the soul of the departed”. (FB) (Agenzia Fides, 1/11/2024)
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Abuja (Agenzia Fides) – “Our young people are excessive consumers of hard drugs and do all kinds of unimaginable things. They arm themselves, steal and kidnap fellow citizens. How can we explain that today people are being killed senselessly, as if human life were not precious and inalienable?”, said Lucius Iwejuru Ugorji, Metropolitan Archbishop of Owerri and President of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria (CBCN). According to the archbishop, the “explosion of crime in Nigeria is linked to the spread of drugs among young people”, pointing to the consumption of hard drugs as a key factor in criminal acts that seriously endanger peaceful coexistence in the country.The prelate recalled the Biafra conflict, expressing his concern: “It seems that we are suffering more than during the 30-month war between Nigeria and Biafra, caused by the sheer greed of our leaders,” referring to the civil war that took place between 1967 and 1970. Msgr. Ugorji also questioned the origin of the violence, stating that “if these horrible things had not been caused by the use of hard drugs, what would we have attributed these actions to?”. He also stressed that “the perpetrators of these crimes come from our communities. They do not come from nowhere. They are not really unknown gunmen, as they are often described.”According to the 2018 UNODC report ‘Drug use in Nigeria’, which was the first large-scale national survey on drug use in Nigeria, one in seven people (aged 15 to 64) has used drugs in the past year. In addition, one in five people who have used drugs in the past year suffer from drug-related disorders.Also, according to the UNODC, drug use is behind many crimes such as theft, burglary, prostitution and shoplifting. There are also crimes directly related to drug trafficking. Gangs and criminal networks involved in drug trafficking resort to bribery, intimidation and murder to protect their business. Violence associated with drug trafficking further increases the crime rate, helping to perpetuate lawlessness and insecurity.The spread of drugs among young people is also encouraged by videos of local rappers praising their use.Despite the measures taken by the Nigerian authorities to combat the phenomenon, in 2021 the number of Nigerians who are regular drug users was at least 14 million according to the Nigerian National Drug Law Enforcement Agency. Among the most popular substances, especially among young people, are cannabis, cocaine, heroin, diazepam, tramadol, amphetamines and codeine.In Nigeria, a bill is being considered to sentence drug traffickers to the death penalty, which is provoking strong reactions from lawyers and human rights defenders, who consider it unnecessary and inhumane (the current law provides for up to life imprisonment for the most serious cases of drug trafficking). (L.M.) (Agenzia Fides, 4/11/2024)
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To say that Paddington Bear is a beloved British icon would be something of an understatement. The Peruvian bear, who arrived at Paddington station with nothing but his suitcase, a love of marmalade sandwiches and a luggage tag reading “please look after this bear”, was created by Michael Bond in the 1958 classic A Bear Called Paddington.
Bond went on to write 29 Paddington books, and the bear has appeared in TV adaptations for nearly 50 years. The 2014 Paddington film was launched to much acclaim, leading to a sequel in 2017. Paddington even appeared with Queen Elizabeth II during the Platinum Jubilee celebrations in 2022, cementing his status as a quintessential symbol of British identity.
In the third film, premiering November 8, Paddington will visit Peru in search of his dear Aunt Lucy. As part of the marketing campaign for the new film, the UK Home Office has granted Paddington his own British passport.
What can Paddington Bear’s citizenship journey teach our leaders?
Join The Conversation UK and migration experts in London on November 16 for a screening of Paddington Peru and a discussion on migration, citizenship and belonging.
“We wrote to the Home Office asking if we could get a replica, and they actually issued Paddington with an official passport,” one of the film’s producers said. “You wouldn’t think the Home Office would have a sense of humour, but under official observations, they’ve listed him as Bear.”
Arriving from Peru in need of help, Paddington is often afforded the status of refugee-in-chief – even immortalised in Banksy artwork. Bond was inspired by Jewish refugees arriving in the UK from Europe during the second world war when he created the character.
In being granted British citizenship, Paddington has fared far better than most people arriving in the UK in need of help. Under the current system, asylum seekers must navigate a complex process, often over many years, in which they are disbelieved, excluded and stigmatised. A third of all people seeking asylum in the UK are refused at their initial application.
Should they manage to be granted refugee status, after five years they may apply for indefinite leave to remain. Should that be granted, after another year they may apply for citizenship status. For this to be granted, the applicant must be able to prove language skills, have passed the “life in the UK” test and be shown to be of “good character”.
Giving Paddington a passport is an unsettling display of double standards from the same Home Office that has overseen the hostile environment and other harsh asylum policies. The Home Office has made conditions in the UK as difficult as possible for people settling from overseas and has subjected people arriving in the UK to seek asylum – much like Paddington – to delays, detention, destitution and deportation.
In its treatment of the Windrush generation, the Home Office has deported people who have legally lived and worked all their lives in the UK – and has failed to compensate victims. For the Home Office then to issue a passport to a fictional character as a publicity stunt is, to put it mildly, problematic.
At the same time, the whole episode is a very clear reflection of how access to British citizenship really works. Access to British citizenship for people arriving in need of safety depends on proving yourself to be deserving of refugee status, and then of citizenship status.
Research has shown that people tend to see child refugees (like those who inspired Bond to create Paddington) as the most deserving of help. Paddington has also shown himself to integrate into the British way of life, sipping tea and eating marmalade sandwiches in a cosy duffel coat and wellies.
This supposedly deserving refugee contrasts against those seen as undeserving – most often men of colour who are seen as “invading” in “swarms”. Until recently, anyone who arrived in the UK on a boat (as Paddington did) to claim asylum would be at risk of being sent to Rwanda to have their claims processed. Keir Starmer has indicated his openness to similar offshoring deals.
The stunt also highlights how valuable a commodity British citizenship has become. While people from the Windrush generation and their descendants worked and paid taxes in the UK all their lives, only to be told that they weren’t really British, citizenship is far easier to acquire for those on investor visas, which require a £2 million investment in the UK.
The citizenship acquisition process itself is also expensive, costing upwards of £5,000 per application. While most refugees will struggle to get British citizenship, for Paddington it came relatively easily as an investment in the UK film industry.
I won’t begrudge Paddington his passport. He’s waited long enough for the security and stability of a status denied to so many non-citizens around the world. However, this stunt has highlighted both the double standards of a hostile Home Office attempting to create the illusion of benevolence, and the realities of a citizenship acquisition process which continually fails the vulnerable.
Katie Tonkiss receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council.
VICTORIA, Seychelles, Nov. 04, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Bitget Wallet, a leading non-custodial Web3 wallet, has launched Bitget Wallet Lite, a multi-chain wallet integrated into Telegram, offering users a seamless, secure way to purchase, manage, and transfer crypto assets directly within the messaging app. Since its soft launch on October 28th, Bitget Wallet Lite has attracted over 6 million users, becoming one of the fastest-growing Web3 wallets on Telegram.
Supporting over 100 blockchains, including Solana, TRON, TON, and EVM chains, Bitget Wallet Lite enables rapid cross-chain transactions for streamlined asset management. Users can purchase BTC, ETH, USDT, and hundreds of other cryptos with over 40 fiat currencies directly in the wallet. With a one-click setup — no recovery phrases needed — the wallet seamlessly connects to users’ Telegram accounts for easy access across devices. Users can effortlessly send and receive crypto among their Telegram contacts, view their transaction history for transparent asset tracking, and interact with DApps directly from the wallet, unlocking new opportunities to explore and earn within the decentralized ecosystem.
Bitget Wallet Lite is a non-custodial wallet that prioritizes security and user control, giving users full ownership over their assets. The wallet combines multiple layers of encryption with Telegram’s security infrastructure, ensuring that no third parties can access a user’s recovery phrases without authorization. This approach securely stores mnemonic phrases in the cloud, integrating Telegram’s safeguards with advanced encryption methods.
“Our early success with Bitget Wallet Lite is a result of a comprehensive strategy to engage Telegram communities directly,” shared Alvin Kan, COO of Bitget Wallet. “Through an early-user rewards campaign on Telegram, we created urgency for users to experience the best opportunities Bitget Wallet Lite offers. Collaborations with popular mini-apps like Tomarket also expanded our reach, while our referral program fostered rapid, community-driven growth by rewarding users for sharing the experience with others. Together, these initiatives have built substantial momentum for Bitget Wallet Lite.”
Currently in its early version, Bitget Wallet Lite plans to introduce features such as token swaps, wallet imports, and unique rewards like airdrops, red envelopes, and mystery boxes. Bitget Wallet Lite has also partnered with Morph, a fully permissionless EVM Layer 2, marking its first major ecosystem collaboration. This partnership allows all Morph projects to integrate with the wallet, offering developers essential resources to launch and scale for the mass market.
As multi-chain DApp features improve, Bitget Wallet Lite will fully replicate the ecosystem of the Bitget Wallet app, allowing users to connect to tens of thousands of DApps and integrate seamlessly with Telegram Mini-Apps through the OmniConnect protocol. The upgraded OmniConnect SDK version 2.0 offers a secure and intuitive multi-chain integration that creates opportunities for developers to incorporate wallets into mini-apps, facilitating encrypted transactions while generating new revenue streams, enabling them to focus on building high-quality applications.
With over 40 million users, Bitget Wallet is the most downloaded Web3 wallet, dedicated to driving Web3 adoption. The launch of Bitget Wallet Lite is a key step toward comprehensive coverage, allowing one billion Telegram users to engage with the multi-chain ecosystem and easing their transition from Web2 to Web3. This year, Bitget Wallet’s integration with Telegram and the TON ecosystem has spurred substantial growth and innovation, including enhanced login methods for MPC keyless wallets via Telegram, extending MPC technology to the TON mainnet, and introducing Telegram trading bots for instant trades and the OmniConnect SDK for seamless connections between Telegram mini-apps and over 500 blockchains.
Looking ahead, Bitget Wallet plans to launch a Telegram mini-app support program, including an ecosystem fund with technology and marketing support to empower developers in enhancing the overall Web3 user experience. Alvin Kan, COO of Bitget Wallet, stated, “Our goal is to onboard the next billion users into Web3. Bitget Wallet Lite simplifies crypto management within Telegram and reflects our commitment to continuous innovation that empowers financial freedom for everyone.”
Bitget Wallet is the home of Web3, uniting endless possibilities in one non-custodial wallet. With over 40 million users, it offers comprehensive on-chain services, including asset management, instant swaps, rewards, staking, trading tools, live market data, a DApp browser, and an NFT marketplace. Designed for everyone from beginners to advanced traders, it supports mnemonic, MPC, and AA wallet options. With connections to over 100 blockchains, 20,000+ DApps, and 500,000+ tokens, Bitget Wallet enables seamless multi-chain trading across hundreds of DEXs and cross-chain bridges, along with a $300 million protection fund for your digital assets.
Source: World Trade Organization – WTO (video statements)
“Tracing the spirit of Marrakesh” begins its journey in Morocco, exploring the impact of trade and the World Trade Organization on people, communities, and small businesses worldwide. Hosted by the WTO’s Joo Eun Lee, this series shares real stories of how global trade has transformed lives over the past 30 years, highlighting economic growth, women’s empowerment, and sustainable development across diverse cultures.m
Lubumbashi (Agenzia Fides) – The “Mobile Journalism” project of the Salasians missionaries continues. In fact, there are numerous French-speaking Salesians in the Province of Central Africa who are active as missionaries in digital media, joining the English-speaking ones who have already been trained in Zambia, Malawi, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Madagascar (see Fides, 16/7/2024) and, looking at the rest of the world, also in Sri Lanka, where the initiative of “Mobile Journalism” (MoJo) workshops began in February of this year.The first MoJo training for 18 young Congolese, including 15 young journalists from “Radio Don Bosco Lubumbashi”, a novice and two members of the “La Colombe” multimedia center, was recently held in Lubumbashi at the Salesian community “St. Francis de Sales” in Imar.According to a statement sent to Fides, Father Maciej Makuła (SDB), of the Social Communication Department of the Salesians of Don Bosco, after a two-month French course in Imara, agreed to hold the first workshop in French. The 18 participants learned a series of techniques and received tools to create professional content using Android phones or iPhones, so that they can better respond to the main challenges of evangelization today. They also acquired in-depth knowledge of digital editing and mastered specific applications on their mobile phones and PCs, which will increasingly be part of daily professional practice in their communities.”Most of the four-hour work sessions were devoted to practical work,” the statement from the Salesians continues. The participants also practiced creating content to disseminate, receiving critical comments and suggestions to improve their work and apostolate.In his closing address, Father Makuła stressed that “the Salesian Congregation in general and the Province of Central Africa in particular will have no future without digital technology”. In line with Pope Francis, he explained that the Church and the Salesian Family are called to adopt an integrated approach to social media and urged everyone to do their utmost to create new digital missionaries.(AP) (Agenzia Fides, 4/11/2024)
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End-of-Mission press releases include statements of IMF staff teams that convey preliminary findings after a visit to a country. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF’s Executive Board for discussion and decision.
IMF staff and the Gambian authorities have reached a staff-level agreement on economic policies to conclude the second review of the program under the Extended Credit Facility (ECF) arrangement.
Economic recovery is strengthening while inflation has decelerated significantly.
The Gambia’s reform agenda is advancing despite challenges to fiscal policy.
Washington, DC: An International Monetary Fund (IMF) team, led by Ms. Eva Jenkner, held discussions in Washington DC with the Gambian authorities. The discussions followed those in Banjul from September 30 to October 11, 2024 (see PR 24/367). A staff-level agreement was reached on the second review of the program supported under the 36-month Extended Credit Facility (ECF) arrangement approved in January 2024 for total access of SDR 74.64 million (about US$99.4 million). Subject to approval by the IMF’s Executive Board, the completion of the review would enable a disbursement of SDR 8.29 million (about US$11.04 million), bringing the total disbursement under the arrangement to about US$33.1 million. The Board date is tentatively scheduled for December 20, 2024.
At the conclusion of the discussions, Ms. Jenkner issued the following statement:
“The authorities remain committed to their reform agenda and program objectives.
“Economic activity is strengthening. Economic growth remains estimated at 5.8 percent for 2024, supported by agriculture, services, telecom, and construction sectors. Inflation reached 10 percent at end-September 2024, from a peak of 18.5 percent at end-September 2023, remaining above the central bank’s medium-term objective of 5 percent.
“Continued policy discussions mainly focused on the fiscal trajectory for 2024 and 2025 with the aim of maintaining fiscal responsibility. This includes increasing the room for responding to large social and developmental needs, protecting the most vulnerable, addressing climate related risks and vulnerabilities, and ensuring gradual clearance of central government arrears and unsettled commitments.
“The ECF supported program is anchored on a medium-term fiscal framework aiming to reduce debt vulnerabilities and to maintain overall macrofinancial stability.
“The mission would like to thank its counterparts for candid and constructive discussions.”
End-of-Mission press releases include statements of IMF staff teams that convey preliminary findings after a visit to a country. The views expressed in this statement are those of the IMF staff and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF’s Executive Board. Based on the preliminary findings of this mission, staff will prepare a report that, subject to management approval, will be presented to the IMF’s Executive Board for discussion and decision.
IMF staff and the Gambian authorities have reached a staff-level agreement on economic policies to conclude the second review of the program under the Extended Credit Facility (ECF) arrangement.
Economic recovery is strengthening while inflation has decelerated significantly.
The Gambia’s reform agenda is advancing despite challenges to fiscal policy.
Washington, DC: An International Monetary Fund (IMF) team, led by Ms. Eva Jenkner, held discussions in Washington DC with the Gambian authorities. The discussions followed those in Banjul from September 30 to October 11, 2024 (see PR 24/367). A staff-level agreement was reached on the second review of the program supported under the 36-month Extended Credit Facility (ECF) arrangement approved in January 2024 for total access of SDR 74.64 million (about US$99.4 million). Subject to approval by the IMF’s Executive Board, the completion of the review would enable a disbursement of SDR 8.29 million (about US$11.04 million), bringing the total disbursement under the arrangement to about US$33.1 million. The Board date is tentatively scheduled for December 20, 2024.
At the conclusion of the discussions, Ms. Jenkner issued the following statement:
“The authorities remain committed to their reform agenda and program objectives.
“Economic activity is strengthening. Economic growth remains estimated at 5.8 percent for 2024, supported by agriculture, services, telecom, and construction sectors. Inflation reached 10 percent at end-September 2024, from a peak of 18.5 percent at end-September 2023, remaining above the central bank’s medium-term objective of 5 percent.
“Continued policy discussions mainly focused on the fiscal trajectory for 2024 and 2025 with the aim of maintaining fiscal responsibility. This includes increasing the room for responding to large social and developmental needs, protecting the most vulnerable, addressing climate related risks and vulnerabilities, and ensuring gradual clearance of central government arrears and unsettled commitments.
“The ECF supported program is anchored on a medium-term fiscal framework aiming to reduce debt vulnerabilities and to maintain overall macrofinancial stability.
“The mission would like to thank its counterparts for candid and constructive discussions.”
Contemporary economic challenges in Africa appear to be shifting the continent into a new era of development. From COVID-19 to war-induced inflation, many countries in Africa are facing significant economic challenges. The crises of recent years come on top of longer-term increases in debt, especially after the 2014 commodity price shock.
These circumstances have been the backdrop to recent conflicts, coups, and regime changes. But these contemporary crises follow a period of relatively successful state-led development in the first two decades of the 21st century, resulting in a hype about the new “African lions” and the emergence of an “Africa rising” narrative.
Two cases stand out as emblematic of this era: Rwanda’s vision of a Dubai-style financial and service hub, and Ethiopia’s rapid manufacturing and infrastructure ambitions.
Much has been written about the international factors behind this era of state-led development. The focus has been on the extension of private finance and the growth of “new” lenders such as China, India and Brazil. But these perspectives often overlook important questions. What has inspired ambitious African national plans over the last two decades? What assumptions were made about how development happens and how it should look?
In new research published in a special issue of a journal, we analyse these modernising visions. We unpick their differences and commonalities using cases from multiple countries.
Our emphasis is on understanding ideas, beliefs, and norms in shaping development plans. Such perspectives are often overlooked in the study of Africa. Scholars have often presumed that ruling elites are primarily interested in narrow material power or self-enrichment. We argue that ideas and beliefs underpin the goals and content of development plans.
The research covered in the special issue covers Angola, Eritrea and Tanzania, but in this article we will unpack our analysis of Ethiopia and Rwanda.
20th century modernist development
Many of the elements of development this century look like resurgent 20th century “high modernism”. This is a term coined by scholar James Scott to describe top-down, state-led, authoritarian programmes of economic development. These programmes typically used infrastructure and technology to engineer supposedly “backward”, “traditional” people and landscapes into efficient, modern, rational alternatives.
Perhaps the chief examples here are large dams. Historically, dams were viewed as the hallmark projects of modernisation. They could tame nature and deploy technology, whether electricity or irrigation, to found modern economies and workers. Ghana’s Akosombo Dam is one such project.
But building dams paused from the mid-1990s to the mid-2000s as the World Bank and other major funders withdrew. Dam projects were seen as having too-high social and economic costs and as not performing well. Such negative impacts also generated significant protests.
Rwanda’s case
Underpinning Rwanda’s model is a concentrated Leninist-style power structure. The president and associated elites chart the path to progress. The party, with its affiliated companies and investment funds, is all powerful – not solely the state. Rwanda also revived mid-century plans, from dams to an east African railway corridor. Electricity was deemed central, resulting in a rapid, but overambitious five-fold increase in over 15 years.
This recent period was not just a reproduction of the 1960s, however. It had new elements. A Dubai-style aesthetic is central to the reinvented capital, Kigali, where the goal is to create a new corporate service hub, replete with skyscraper, conference centres, shopping malls and a new international airport. This replaces the 20th century obsession with industrial sites and brutalist concrete.
Rather than the state-led programmes of the 20th century, pro-market reforms have been incorporated. There’s an embrace of private enterprise, a stock market and investment. The country’s electricity boom was largely enacted by private firms and Rwanda consistently ranks as one of the top countries in the Ease of Doing Business index. It takes hours, not weeks, to set up a company and there’s a speedy regulatory bureaucracy.
In some cases, “neoliberal” reforms have been brought in, with private enterprise and investment in previously state-controlled domains. Rwanda embraced corporate investment and ownership while making business-friendly, low-tax reforms. The private sector was given a big role in Rwanda’s boom to build over 40 microhydro plants in 15 years.
New public management techniques, with individual incentives and civil service targets, were adopted.
Ethiopia’s case
Ethiopia focused on investments in large agricultural plantations and industrial parks. The result evoked 20th century modernisation drives. A broad-based infrastructure boom and an industrialisation strategy that moved agricultural produce up the value chain would transform the structure of the economy. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, the Addis-Djibouti Railway and other megaprojects became symbols of this vision. The aim was to maintain state control of the commanding heights of the economy (electricity, water, telecommunications and aviation, among others), while building an industrial base that would absorb the surplus agricultural labour.
This was coupled with investments in education and health. In 2016, Ethiopia had the third highest ratio of public investment to GDP, but also one of the fastest economic growth rates globally.
Unlike Rwanda, this ideology has not survived. Progress in health, education and income was achieved but political tensions grew. By the mid 2010s, the material reality of people’s livelihoods could no longer keep up with the promises the ruling party had evoked. Dissent was not tolerated and led to mass protests, riots, and the eventual demise of the party. Since 2018, there has been a dramatic shift in ideology and vision with an openness to liberalisation, and a focus away from industrialisation to the service sector.
Continuity and change
Overall, our analysis reveals a combination of continuity and change during this period. It marks the triumph of an “African left”, with old titans like Tanzania’s Chama Cha Mapinduzi or Mozambique’s Frelimo joined by new revolutionary parties also inspired by Marxism.
The language of communism or socialism is not used explicitly. But a belief endures that top-down schemes and mega-infrastructure can catapult people into an “enlightened” future. Structural economic barriers are surmountable through technology and engineering.
Simultaneously, one cannot escape the language of the Davos establishment about the supremacy of markets, importance of foreign investment and pledges to tackle climate change and poverty. This illustrates the degree to which these illiberal modernisers are connected to international policymaking.
Our publication conceptualises this pattern of continuity and change, as a 10-point “illiberal modernisers” manifesto. Although holding considerable variation between countries, we argue that these these hegemonic ruling parties shared common goals of transforming society through an elite-defined programme.
Ultimately, the pattern of continuity and change demonstrates the importance of analysing ideas, beliefs, and values. Elites in Africa, just as elsewhere, are not only interested in power but are influenced by ideas about development.
– Visions of development have shifted in Africa over the past two decades: study explores how Rwanda and Ethiopia tried to shape the future – https://theconversation.com/visions-of-development-have-shifted-in-africa-over-the-past-two-decades-study-explores-how-rwanda-and-ethiopia-tried-to-shape-the-future-224988
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Henning Melber, Extraordinary Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of Pretoria
The former liberation movement South West Africa People’s Organisation (Swapo) has been in firm political control of Namibia since independence in 1990.
Itula, contesting as an “independent candidate” without party nomination, managed to snatch 30% of the votes from Geingob. Swapo’s downward trend was confirmed by a dramatic decline in support in the 2020 regional and local elections.
Despite these shifting grounds, democracy stood the test of time. The smooth transition following the death of Geingob in February 2024 was a sign of political stability. Previous vice-president Nangolo Mbumba became interim president.
But Swapo faces a new quality of opposition.
I have followed and analysed policy in Namibia since independence. In my view, the national assembly and presidential elections of 27 November 2024 signify a new political scenario. For the first time a clear victory for Swapo seems less certain.
Swapo
The Swapo election manifesto pays tribute to Geingob. But it doesn’t mention his Harambee Prosperity Plan. Nor does it feature his metaphor of the “Namibian house”, in which nobody is left behind.
This signifies an abrupt closing of a chapter. Mbumba declared himself a caretaker, not interested in the position for a long term. He therefore does not feature prominently in the election manifesto.
As decided by the party congress in December 2023 the Swapo presidential candidate is Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah, also known as “NNN”. Born in 1952, she was a Swapo Youth League activist from her school days and joined Swapo in exile in the mid-1970s. As a liberation struggle veteran she became part of the party leadership and has been a cabinet member since independence.
Nandi-Ndaitwah would be the first female Namibian head of state if elected. But she faces strong competition from Itula.
Namibia’s president is directly elected by a 50% + 1 vote from the electorate. There are several presidential candidates nominated by parties with notable followings. This raises the possibility of no candidate achieving an absolute majority in the first round, for the first time. There would then be a second-round presidential election between the two candidates with most votes.
While not yet in parliament, Itula’s party, Independent Patriots for Change, made inroads in the 2020 regional and local government elections. In 2019, the Popular Democratic Movement won 16 out of the 96 parliamentary seats, becoming the official opposition. The newcomer Landless People’s Movement won four seats, making it the third strongest party.
Despite all these recent gradual shifts, hopes for visible transformation were largely unfulfilled. Namibian politics remained business as usual. As Rui Tyitende, a political scientist at the University of Namibia, recently wrote:
Namibia’s opposition parties are marred by political promiscuity, factionalism, internal conflicts and a perennial struggle for power … Even though Swapo is dysfunctional, the opposition needs to earn the right to govern.
The manifestos
This year’s election campaigns started much earlier than usual, testifying to new dynamics. While often lacking substance beyond personalised insults, electioneering remained peaceful. Notably, since independence, Namibia has not recorded a single politically motivated killing.
Despite early campaigning, party manifestos were released only from mid-September. These kept the media watching out for often dubious promises. Swapo wants to allocate about N$85.7 billion (U$4.9 billion) over five years for mass employment. It does not explain where the funds will come from. But it projects this will create 256,538 jobs.
The Landless People’s Movement claims to be Marxist, but includes a commitment to promoting a free market economy, and investment by multinationals. It also wants to send the first Namibian satellite into space.
Arguably, election manifestos have no serious impact on voting behaviour. For example, among the older generation, political party loyalties remain influenced to some extent by the liberation struggle history, and regional and ethnic identities.
In contrast, Namibians who were born after independence make up more than half of the country’s three million people, with an average age of 21 years. Many of the younger electorate live in urban areas, and have become an increasingly decisive factor. For them, the anti-colonial struggle and ethnicity provide little influence. This might be a factor in voting behaviour.
It seems that Swapo continues to attract the biggest crowds at rallies. However, it remains a matter of speculation if this signals huge electoral support, or is due to the entertainment by popular artists. Entertainment has always played a role in Namibian elections.
Free T-shirts, food and drinks are also incentives for people attending rallies, many of whom are not yet of voting age. While facing financial constraints, Swapo still has the most funds and donors. Another advantage is that it has a functioning operational structure throughout the country, with a regional and local presence of activists.
Something new or more of the same?
Swapo has comparative advantages but there is growing frustration among voters. Its dominance since independence has resulted in a form of democratic authoritarianism or authoritarian democracy. But voter support has still declined.
Similarly authoritarian leadership in the opposition parties and factional in-fighting provide no hope of alternative policies or political culture. Their political coalitions ended in disarray. This might come to Swapo’s rescue.
An unlikely but possible scenario would be an elected president coming from outside Swapo, while Swapo dominates the national assembly. The head of state has far-reaching executive powers. But he or she would then have to work with ministers and deputy ministers drawn from a parliament dominated by Swapo.
Such a constellation would complicate governance. It risks making a non-Swapo president a lame duck. It would be the biggest test for Namibia’s constitutional democracy and rule of law since independence.
As South Africa’s case shows, a former liberation movement can still have a future despite losing its outright majority.
Swapo could get beyond the nostalgic liberation struggle mindset and reinvent itself as a modern political party. This could – as happened in South Africa – pave the way to enter coalition politics in the best interest of the people.
– Namibia’s game-changing 2024 elections: Swapo might face defeat for the first time since independence in 1990 – https://theconversation.com/namibias-game-changing-2024-elections-swapo-might-face-defeat-for-the-first-time-since-independence-in-1990-241723
I am pleased to take part in the World Urban Forum.
It is fitting that you are gathering in Cairo – an enormously vibrant megacity and a magnet for innovation and creativity for over a thousand years.
I thank the Government of Egypt for hosting the 12th Forum.
Dear Friends,
You represent urban areas which are home to more than half of humanity.
You are on the frontlines of shaping a more inclusive, connected and resilient world.
And you are at the heart of where lasting change happens.
As your theme rightly puts it: “It all starts at home”.
Real progress begins at the local level.
On the ground.
In communities and people’s lives.
World leaders have just adopted the Pact for the Future.
It is an important new tool to advance our vital work, accelerate the SDGs, and address inequalities.
It calls for ensuring adequate, safe and affordable housing for all — and supporting developing countries to plan and implement just, safe, healthy, accessible, resilient and sustainable cities.
We need this more than ever.
Cities generate 70 per cent of greenhouse gas emissions. And municipal waste is set to rise by two-thirds within a generation.
Not only are cities powerful engines of social and economic development, they are also catalysts of sustainable solutions.
I see local and regional authorities as a crucial part of the answer on so many issues and at every level, including at the United Nations.
We can all benefit from your insights and ideas.
That’s why I created the UN Advisory Group on Local and Regional Governments.
I know over the next five days this Forum will have the chance to delve into the complexities and opportunities of sustainable urban development.
I invite you to seek innovations and inspiration and take them back to your communities.
And to help develop infrastructure and public services for all, including women and girls.
Local actions are the building blocks for future green, just and resilient cities.
Together, let’s make sustainable urbanization a reality.
And let’s ensure that no one and nowhere is left behind.
I am pleased to take part in the World Urban Forum.
It is fitting that you are gathering in Cairo – an enormously vibrant megacity and a magnet for innovation and creativity for over a thousand years.
I thank the Government of Egypt for hosting the 12th Forum.
Dear Friends,
You represent urban areas which are home to more than half of humanity.
You are on the frontlines of shaping a more inclusive, connected and resilient world.
And you are at the heart of where lasting change happens.
As your theme rightly puts it: “It all starts at home”.
Real progress begins at the local level.
On the ground.
In communities and people’s lives.
World leaders have just adopted the Pact for the Future.
It is an important new tool to advance our vital work, accelerate the SDGs, and address inequalities.
It calls for ensuring adequate, safe and affordable housing for all — and supporting developing countries to plan and implement just, safe, healthy, accessible, resilient and sustainable cities.
We need this more than ever.
Cities generate 70 per cent of greenhouse gas emissions. And municipal waste is set to rise by two-thirds within a generation.
Not only are cities powerful engines of social and economic development, they are also catalysts of sustainable solutions.
I see local and regional authorities as a crucial part of the answer on so many issues and at every level, including at the United Nations.
We can all benefit from your insights and ideas.
That’s why I created the UN Advisory Group on Local and Regional Governments.
I know over the next five days this Forum will have the chance to delve into the complexities and opportunities of sustainable urban development.
I invite you to seek innovations and inspiration and take them back to your communities.
And to help develop infrastructure and public services for all, including women and girls.
Local actions are the building blocks for future green, just and resilient cities.
Together, let’s make sustainable urbanization a reality.
And let’s ensure that no one and nowhere is left behind.
Contemporary economic challenges in Africa appear to be shifting the continent into a new era of development. From COVID-19 to war-induced inflation, many countries in Africa are facing significant economic challenges. The crises of recent years come on top of longer-term increases in debt, especially after the 2014 commodity price shock.
These circumstances have been the backdrop to recent conflicts, coups, and regime changes. But these contemporary crises follow a period of relatively successful state-led development in the first two decades of the 21st century, resulting in a hype about the new “African lions” and the emergence of an “Africa rising” narrative.
Two cases stand out as emblematic of this era: Rwanda’s vision of a Dubai-style financial and service hub, and Ethiopia’s rapid manufacturing and infrastructure ambitions.
Much has been written about the international factors behind this era of state-led development. The focus has been on the extension of private finance and the growth of “new” lenders such as China, India and Brazil. But these perspectives often overlook important questions. What has inspired ambitious African national plans over the last two decades? What assumptions were made about how development happens and how it should look?
In new research published in a special issue of a journal, we analyse these modernising visions. We unpick their differences and commonalities using cases from multiple countries.
Our emphasis is on understanding ideas, beliefs, and norms in shaping development plans. Such perspectives are often overlooked in the study of Africa. Scholars have often presumed that ruling elites are primarily interested in narrow material power or self-enrichment. We argue that ideas and beliefs underpin the goals and content of development plans.
The research covered in the special issue covers Angola, Eritrea and Tanzania, but in this article we will unpack our analysis of Ethiopia and Rwanda.
20th century modernist development
Many of the elements of development this century look like resurgent 20th century “high modernism”. This is a term coined by scholar James Scott to describe top-down, state-led, authoritarian programmes of economic development. These programmes typically used infrastructure and technology to engineer supposedly “backward”, “traditional” people and landscapes into efficient, modern, rational alternatives.
Perhaps the chief examples here are large dams. Historically, dams were viewed as the hallmark projects of modernisation. They could tame nature and deploy technology, whether electricity or irrigation, to found modern economies and workers. Ghana’s Akosombo Dam is one such project.
But building dams paused from the mid-1990s to the mid-2000s as the World Bank and other major funders withdrew. Dam projects were seen as having too-high social and economic costs and as not performing well. Such negative impacts also generated significant protests.
Rwanda’s case
Underpinning Rwanda’s model is a concentrated Leninist-style power structure. The president and associated elites chart the path to progress. The party, with its affiliated companies and investment funds, is all powerful – not solely the state. Rwanda also revived mid-century plans, from dams to an east African railway corridor. Electricity was deemed central, resulting in a rapid, but overambitious five-fold increase in over 15 years.
This recent period was not just a reproduction of the 1960s, however. It had new elements. A Dubai-style aesthetic is central to the reinvented capital, Kigali, where the goal is to create a new corporate service hub, replete with skyscraper, conference centres, shopping malls and a new international airport. This replaces the 20th century obsession with industrial sites and brutalist concrete.
Rather than the state-led programmes of the 20th century, pro-market reforms have been incorporated. There’s an embrace of private enterprise, a stock market and investment. The country’s electricity boom was largely enacted by private firms and Rwanda consistently ranks as one of the top countries in the Ease of Doing Business index. It takes hours, not weeks, to set up a company and there’s a speedy regulatory bureaucracy.
In some cases, “neoliberal” reforms have been brought in, with private enterprise and investment in previously state-controlled domains. Rwanda embraced corporate investment and ownership while making business-friendly, low-tax reforms. The private sector was given a big role in Rwanda’s boom to build over 40 microhydro plants in 15 years.
New public management techniques, with individual incentives and civil service targets, were adopted.
Ethiopia’s case
Ethiopia focused on investments in large agricultural plantations and industrial parks. The result evoked 20th century modernisation drives. A broad-based infrastructure boom and an industrialisation strategy that moved agricultural produce up the value chain would transform the structure of the economy. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, the Addis-Djibouti Railway and other megaprojects became symbols of this vision. The aim was to maintain state control of the commanding heights of the economy (electricity, water, telecommunications and aviation, among others), while building an industrial base that would absorb the surplus agricultural labour.
This was coupled with investments in education and health. In 2016, Ethiopia had the third highest ratio of public investment to GDP, but also one of the fastest economic growth rates globally.
Unlike Rwanda, this ideology has not survived. Progress in health, education and income was achieved but political tensions grew. By the mid 2010s, the material reality of people’s livelihoods could no longer keep up with the promises the ruling party had evoked. Dissent was not tolerated and led to mass protests, riots, and the eventual demise of the party. Since 2018, there has been a dramatic shift in ideology and vision with an openness to liberalisation, and a focus away from industrialisation to the service sector.
Continuity and change
Overall, our analysis reveals a combination of continuity and change during this period. It marks the triumph of an “African left”, with old titans like Tanzania’s Chama Cha Mapinduzi or Mozambique’s Frelimo joined by new revolutionary parties also inspired by Marxism.
The language of communism or socialism is not used explicitly. But a belief endures that top-down schemes and mega-infrastructure can catapult people into an “enlightened” future. Structural economic barriers are surmountable through technology and engineering.
Simultaneously, one cannot escape the language of the Davos establishment about the supremacy of markets, importance of foreign investment and pledges to tackle climate change and poverty. This illustrates the degree to which these illiberal modernisers are connected to international policymaking.
Our publication conceptualises this pattern of continuity and change, as a 10-point “illiberal modernisers” manifesto. Although holding considerable variation between countries, we argue that these these hegemonic ruling parties shared common goals of transforming society through an elite-defined programme.
Ultimately, the pattern of continuity and change demonstrates the importance of analysing ideas, beliefs, and values. Elites in Africa, just as elsewhere, are not only interested in power but are influenced by ideas about development.
Barnaby Joseph Dye receives funding from the Economic and Social Science Research Council (UK).
Biruk Terrefe received funding from the Heinrich Böll Foundation (Germany).
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Henning Melber, Extraordinary Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of Pretoria
The former liberation movement South West Africa People’s Organisation (Swapo) has been in firm political control of Namibia since independence in 1990.
Itula, contesting as an “independent candidate” without party nomination, managed to snatch 30% of the votes from Geingob. Swapo’s downward trend was confirmed by a dramatic decline in support in the 2020 regional and local elections.
Despite these shifting grounds, democracy stood the test of time. The smooth transition following the death of Geingob in February 2024 was a sign of political stability. Previous vice-president Nangolo Mbumba became interim president.
But Swapo faces a new quality of opposition.
I have followed and analysed policy in Namibia since independence. In my view, the national assembly and presidential elections of 27 November 2024 signify a new political scenario. For the first time a clear victory for Swapo seems less certain.
Swapo
The Swapo election manifesto pays tribute to Geingob. But it doesn’t mention his Harambee Prosperity Plan. Nor does it feature his metaphor of the “Namibian house”, in which nobody is left behind.
This signifies an abrupt closing of a chapter. Mbumba declared himself a caretaker, not interested in the position for a long term. He therefore does not feature prominently in the election manifesto.
As decided by the party congress in December 2023 the Swapo presidential candidate is Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah, also known as “NNN”. Born in 1952, she was a Swapo Youth League activist from her school days and joined Swapo in exile in the mid-1970s. As a liberation struggle veteran she became part of the party leadership and has been a cabinet member since independence.
Nandi-Ndaitwah would be the first female Namibian head of state if elected. But she faces strong competition from Itula.
Namibia’s president is directly elected by a 50% + 1 vote from the electorate. There are several presidential candidates nominated by parties with notable followings. This raises the possibility of no candidate achieving an absolute majority in the first round, for the first time. There would then be a second-round presidential election between the two candidates with most votes.
While not yet in parliament, Itula’s party, Independent Patriots for Change, made inroads in the 2020 regional and local government elections. In 2019, the Popular Democratic Movement won 16 out of the 96 parliamentary seats, becoming the official opposition. The newcomer Landless People’s Movement won four seats, making it the third strongest party.
Despite all these recent gradual shifts, hopes for visible transformation were largely unfulfilled. Namibian politics remained business as usual. As Rui Tyitende, a political scientist at the University of Namibia, recently wrote:
Namibia’s opposition parties are marred by political promiscuity, factionalism, internal conflicts and a perennial struggle for power … Even though Swapo is dysfunctional, the opposition needs to earn the right to govern.
The manifestos
This year’s election campaigns started much earlier than usual, testifying to new dynamics. While often lacking substance beyond personalised insults, electioneering remained peaceful. Notably, since independence, Namibia has not recorded a single politically motivated killing.
Despite early campaigning, party manifestos were released only from mid-September. These kept the media watching out for often dubious promises. Swapo wants to allocate about N$85.7 billion (U$4.9 billion) over five years for mass employment. It does not explain where the funds will come from. But it projects this will create 256,538 jobs.
The Landless People’s Movement claims to be Marxist, but includes a commitment to promoting a free market economy, and investment by multinationals. It also wants to send the first Namibian satellite into space.
Arguably, election manifestos have no serious impact on voting behaviour. For example, among the older generation, political party loyalties remain influenced to some extent by the liberation struggle history, and regional and ethnic identities.
In contrast, Namibians who were born after independence make up more than half of the country’s three million people, with an average age of 21 years. Many of the younger electorate live in urban areas, and have become an increasingly decisive factor. For them, the anti-colonial struggle and ethnicity provide little influence. This might be a factor in voting behaviour.
It seems that Swapo continues to attract the biggest crowds at rallies. However, it remains a matter of speculation if this signals huge electoral support, or is due to the entertainment by popular artists. Entertainment has always played a role in Namibian elections.
Free T-shirts, food and drinks are also incentives for people attending rallies, many of whom are not yet of voting age. While facing financial constraints, Swapo still has the most funds and donors. Another advantage is that it has a functioning operational structure throughout the country, with a regional and local presence of activists.
Something new or more of the same?
Swapo has comparative advantages but there is growing frustration among voters. Its dominance since independence has resulted in a form of democratic authoritarianism or authoritarian democracy. But voter support has still declined.
Similarly authoritarian leadership in the opposition parties and factional in-fighting provide no hope of alternative policies or political culture. Their political coalitions ended in disarray. This might come to Swapo’s rescue.
An unlikely but possible scenario would be an elected president coming from outside Swapo, while Swapo dominates the national assembly. The head of state has far-reaching executive powers. But he or she would then have to work with ministers and deputy ministers drawn from a parliament dominated by Swapo.
Such a constellation would complicate governance. It risks making a non-Swapo president a lame duck. It would be the biggest test for Namibia’s constitutional democracy and rule of law since independence.
As South Africa’s case shows, a former liberation movement can still have a future despite losing its outright majority.
Swapo could get beyond the nostalgic liberation struggle mindset and reinvent itself as a modern political party. This could – as happened in South Africa – pave the way to enter coalition politics in the best interest of the people.
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Shüné Oliver, Medical scientist, National Institute for Communicable Diseases
While the emergence of colourful butterflies is a welcome sign of summer, the constant buzzing of mosquitoes is an annoying part of the season.
Mosquitoes are more than just pests. They are the world’s most dangerous animal. Their presence signals the start of the malaria season in southern Africa.
It is for this reason that the Southern African Development Community recognises the first week of November as SADC Malaria Week, with 6 November as SADC Malaria Day.
During this week the dangers of malaria are highlighted. As South Africa edges closer towards malaria elimination, this has become more important as many South Africans are unaware of the malaria risk within the country’s borders.
Malaria is usually spread through a bite of an infected female Anopheles mosquito. In rare cases, malaria can spread through blood transfusions, organ transplants or sharing contaminated needles.
There is also the possibility that mothers can pass on the disease to their babies while pregnant or during delivery.
Mosquitoes that spread malaria are usually only active between dusk and dawn. Some mosquitoes, particularly the large black and white Aedes mosquitoes, are active during the day. These mosquitoes spread diseases like yellow fever and Zika.
Although malaria-spreading mosquitoes are active at night, they are not the mosquitoes that make the annoying buzzing sound that prevents you from getting a peaceful night’s sleep.
Instead, malaria mosquitoes are near-silent, often referred to as silent killers. Frequently, you only realise you have been bitten when it is too late.
Most malaria vectors tend to bite and rest outdoors. This means that you have to take extra care when outdoors.
Know your enemy’s whereabouts
Malaria mosquitoes require specific environmental conditions to breed and survive.
They are found in low-lying tropical areas in most southern African countries, with the exception of Lesotho and the Seychelles. Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe have regions of high malaria risk.
In South Africa, malaria is restricted to the low-lying border regions of northern KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga and Limpopo provinces.
Before visiting any of these areas, familiarise yourself with the malaria risk map for South Africa and take the appropriate precautions.
In the southern hemisphere, the malaria risk is particularly high over the December holidays. This is due to the warm, wet weather conditions that favour mosquito growth.
Over the past few years, the non-endemic South African province of Gauteng has reported a high number of cases. This can happen in any province: there have been incidents in the Eastern Cape and Western Cape, as well as the North-West.
Most of these cases are imported from high-risk regions within and outside South Africa.
A few rare cases are the result of odyssean malaria (also known as taxi or airport malaria).
This happens throughout Africa. It is largely associated with migration. This happens when one or more malaria-carrying mosquitoes are accidentally transported from their natural home. They can then randomly infect people outside the malaria-risk area.
When you have an unexplained fever in summer, think malaria. This is true even if you have not travelled to a malaria-risk area.
It is especially important if you stayed near a major transport route or transport hub. These include places such as taxi ranks or bus depots.
Know your enemy’s gameplan
Malaria is preventable and treatable. The odds of a complete recovery are very high if a malaria infection is detected early. This is aided by prompt treatment with effective antimalarial medication.
Symptoms of the milder version of malaria (uncomplicated malaria) are non-specific. This can include fever, headaches, sluggishness, nausea, and muscular/joint pains.
Loss of consciousness, convulsions, jaundice and kidney failure are associated with the more severe, life threatening form of malaria.
The easiest way to prevent yourself from getting malaria is to avoid being bitten by an infected mosquito.
If outdoors during the evening, wear long-sleeved shirts, trousers and socks, and use repellents that contain at least 30% of the insect repellent DEET.
Doors and windows should be screened. Where possible, sleep under a bednet or in an air-conditioned room.
In addition to these non-pharmaceutical measures, you can protect yourself by taking anti-malarial medications which you can get from a pharmacy or primary healthcare clinic.
Discuss your anti-malarial options with a healthcare professional.
Medication that prevents malaria does not mask the symptoms of the disease.
The recommended treatment in South Africa, artemether-lumefantrine (Coartem), is highly effective. This is the most widely used malaria treatment across Africa.
Know the myths about the enemy
You cannot get malaria from drinking contaminated water or eating rotten fruit.
There is limited evidence that vitamin-enriched products or home remedies containing natural products like citronella offer any protection against malaria.
In addition, tonic water contains a very low concentration of antimalarial ingredients. It is therefore not possible for one person to drink sufficient quantities to protect against malaria.
Crucially, one malaria infection will not keep you safe from future infections. You can get malaria more than once.
Finally, always be aware – although the malaria risk is higher in summer, you can also get the disease in the dry season. You could also potentially be infected in any province due to an infected travelling mosquito.
So if you have an unexplained fever, think malaria!
– Mosquito season in southern Africa: tonic water and vitamins won’t protect you but knowing where the hotspots are will – https://theconversation.com/mosquito-season-in-southern-africa-tonic-water-and-vitamins-wont-protect-you-but-knowing-where-the-hotspots-are-will-242620
As the Plateau State Local Government Elections approach, set for October 9, 2024, the Equity International Initiative, a civil society organization committed to advancing democracy and human rights, has called for a credible and transparent electoral process.
During a press conference held in Jos, Amb. Chris Iyama, the organization’s Team Lead, urged citizens to actively participate in the elections and appealed to the Plateau State Independent Electoral Commission (PLASIEC) to ensure a smooth electoral process free from intimidation, violence, or manipulation.
Iyama emphasized the importance of fairness in the electoral process and the significant roles played by various stakeholders.
. “We call on PLASIEC to be diligent in the deployment of materials and ensure that every voter has unhindered access to the polls.The integrity of our democracy hinges on this process, and we urge all political parties and candidates to respect existing rules and refrain from actions that could undermine the election’s credibility.” he stated.
He raised concerns about potential voter inducement, vote-buying, and the threats of violence on election day. Iyama revealed that Equity International Initiative plans to deploy both stationary and roving observers to monitor the election across all 17 Local Government Areas (LGAs).
“We will have trained observers at various polling units and roving observers to monitor the collation of results at ward levels. This strategy will enable us to compile a detailed report post-election, identifying areas for improvement in the electoral process,” he added.
Furthermore, the organization urged security personnel assigned to the election to maintain neutrality and professionalism. Iyama also called on other civil society organizations to join efforts in ensuring a peaceful and credible election. “Security personnel must act in accordance with their code of conduct and ensure that any attempts to interfere with the electoral process are swiftly addressed. Their role is to protect voters and uphold the integrity of the elections.”
“We believe that collaboration among civil society groups is vital for strengthening democracy. We are committed to working with others to ensure this election sets a standard for fairness and transparency,” he said.
Iyama particularly urged young voters to participate actively. “We encourage the youth to come out en masse and ensure their votes count. Your participation is crucial for the future of our democracy. Together, we can safeguard the integrity of this election,” he declared.
In the same vein, Dr. Chris Kwaja, Nigeria Country Director of the United States Institute of Peace (USIP), also highlighted the essential role that local government elections play in Nigeria’s political landscape.
He remarked, “In 2019, USIP launched a major report assessing the risks of election violence, and one of the key findings was that unresolved local conflicts often manifest in these elections.”
“When local government elections lack credibility, people often wait for general elections to vent their frustrations. This underscores the need for PLASIEC to ensure a fair, transparent election process at the grassroots level.”
Dr. Kwaja praised PLASIEC’s initiatives to promote an open and transparent electoral process, including the establishment of a Situation Room for monitoring election activities.
“I told the PLASIEC chairman that his integrity is on the line. This election is an opportunity for PLASIEC to demonstrate its credibility or risk falling back into the negative perceptions of the past. The media and civil society will be crucial in observing and validating the transparency of this process,” he noted.
He further stressed the need for civil society to remain vigilant, warning that a compromised civil society could undermine the credibility of the election.
The grouping which originally began with Brazil, Russia, India, China – was coined in 2001 by then Goldman Sachs chief economist Jim O’Neill – expanded to include South Africa in 2010.
The bloc was founded as an informal club in 2009 to provide a platform for its members to challenge a world order dominated by the United States and its Western allies.
Its creation was initiated by Russia.
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The group is not a formal multilateral organisation like the United Nations, World Bank or the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).
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The heads of state and government of the member nations convene annually with each nation taking up a one-year rotating chairmanship of the group.
It now represents around 3.5 billion people – 45 per cent of the world’s population.
Its combined economies are valued at over $28.5 trillion – nearly a third of the global economy.
But which countries have recently joined? Which want to join now and why? And what does the expansion mean for the West?
With Prime Minister Narendra Modi attending the 16th Brics Summit in Kazan, let’s take a closer look at how Brics is expanding.
Which countries joined recently?
Brics in 2023 invited six countries – Argentina, Egypt, Iran, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates – to become new members of the bloc.
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The formal invitation was made during a summit in August in Johannesburg.
While all BRICS members had publicly expressed support for growing the bloc, there were divisions among the leaders over how much and how quickly.
Members at the time said the move would help reshuffle a world order they view as outdated.
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In January, five of these nations – Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates – said they were joining the BRICS bloc.
Argentina declined the invitation to join.
As per Al Jazeera, this came after President Javier Milei took office.
Milei has vowed to increase ties with the West.
However, Saudi Arabia later said it is not yet joining the group and that the matter is being considered by its leadership.
Ultimately, Egypt, Iran, Ethiopia, and UAE joined the bloc.
Which want to join now and why?
Dozens of countries have voiced interest in joining the grouping.
Algeria, Bolivia, Cuba, Democratic Republic of Congo, Turkiye, Comoros, Gabon, Kazakhstan, Vietnam, Thailand and Malaysia have all expressed interest in joining the forum.
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Turkiye, a Nato member, formally requested to join BRICS in September.
As p_er Bloomberg,_ Turkiye is looking to become part of the bloc as it eyes increasing its global influence.
President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s administration is looking further than its time-tested allies in the West, people familiar with the development told the outlet.
Erdogan’s government believes the centre of geopolitics is moving away from the developed economies.
Turkiye is also eyeing improving its economic relationship with Russia and China.
Turkiye under President Tayyip Erdogan is looking to join Brics. Reuters
This is a departure for the NATO member nation which has historically been suspicious of Moscow and been a US ally.
Turkiye is also thought to be upset over the lack of forward movement in its decades-long attempt to join the European Union.
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According to Al Jazeera, Thailand said it was interested in joining the grouping during the BRICS Dialogue with Developing Countries held in Russia in June.
Malaysia too expressed interest in becoming a member ahead of a visit from Chinese Premier Li Qiang.
The bloc “can help Malaysia’s digital economy grow faster by allowing it to integrate with countries that have strong digital markets and also take advantage of best practices from other members,” Rahul Mishra, associate professor at the Center for Indo-Pacific Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi, told DW.
“Thailand would also be able to draw investments in important industries including services, manufacturing, and agriculture,” Mishra added.
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Bolivia’s President Luis Arce has expressed interest in BRICS membership.
His government has said it is determined to curb dependence on the US dollar for foreign trade, instead turning to the Chinese yuan, in line with BRICS leaders’ stated aim to reduce dependence on the US currency.
Algeria last July it has applied for BRICS membership and to become a shareholder in the New Development Bank, the so-called BRICS Bank.
The North African nation is rich in oil and gas resources and is seeking to diversify its economy and strengthen partnership with China and other countries.
The countries hope the bloc can level the global playing field. Most nations view BRICS as an alternative to global bodies viewed as dominated by the traditional Western powers and hope membership will unlock benefits including development finance, and increased trade and investment.
Dissatisfaction with the global order among developing nations was exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic when life-saving vaccines were hoarded by the rich countries.
“That so many countries are willing to go to Russia, deemed a pariah state not so long ago for having violated international law by invading Ukraine, confirms a trend followed by an increasing number of countries in the world: They don’t want to have to choose between partners,” Tara Varma, a visiting fellow at the Brookings Institute, told Al Jazeera.
Adam Gallagher, writing for USIP.org, noting the size of the bloc, said there are clear economic benefits to joining the grouping.
“Intra-BRICS trade is one area that the group has found its footing,” Gallagher said. He noted how the June 2024 BRICS foreign minister’s meeting encouraged “enhanced use of local currencies in trade and financial transactions” by Brics members.
Gallagher said that countries like Malaysia, who want to join the grouping, are looking to form alliances across the globe and preserve their strategic autonomy.
“For these countries, it’s not about taking sides. Some countries also believe BRICS membership will give them a greater voice and representation in international politics. It’s not all about anti-Western ideology,” Gallagher wrote.
James Chin, a professor of Asian Studies at the University of Tasmania told DW “both Thailand and Malaysia are seen as middle powers.”
“It’s better for them to join groups like BRICS so that they will have a larger voice in the international arena. But the major benefit will be trade,” Chin added.
What does the expansion mean for the West?
Experts say that these growing number of nations who want to join Brics shows that they want their financial independence – and that the established world order may be vulnerable.
“In the aftermath of the war in Gaza, Russia and China have more effectively harnessed this anti-Western sentiment, capitalising on frustrations over Western double standards as well as the use of sanctions and economic coercion by the West,” Asli Aydintasbas, a Turkish foreign policy expert, was quoted as telling the Brookings Institute as per Al Jazeera.
“It doesn’t mean that middle powers want to trade US dominance for Chinese, but it means they are open to aligning with Russia and China for a more fragmented and autonomous world.”
As per Al Jazeera, Brics members and their associates clearly want to decrease their reliance on the US dollar and Europe’s Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT) network.
Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim walks with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during Anwar’s ceremonial reception at India’s Presidential Palace Rashtrapati Bhavan in New Delhi, India, August 20, 2024. REUTERS
This comes after Russia was cut-off from the system in the aftermath of the invasion of Ukraine in 2022.
“China now has an alternative to the SWIFT payment system, though limited in use, and countries like Turkiye and Brazil increasingly restructure their dollar reserves into gold,” Aydintasbas added. “Currency swaps for energy deals are also a popular idea – all suggesting a desire for greater financial independence from the West.”
As per CFR.org, Western nations until now have talked down the bloc as a threat.
White House National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan has said Brics isn’t a geopolitical rival, while Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has downplayed the de-dollarisation strategy of Russia and China.
But some argue that the West needs to do some serious introspection.
“The accusation that the West is arrogant toward the needs of the Global South is serious. It cannot be answered by offering ‘value-based partnerships’ and a ‘rules-based’ multilateralism when the interest of the BRICS is focused on changing those rules in global finance, trade, and other standard-setting procedures,” Günther Maihold, senior fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, was quoted as saying by CFR.org.
“Ignoring BRICS as a major policy force—something the U.S. has been prone to do in the past—is no longer an option,” Tufts University scholars wrote in 2023.
It remains to be seen how the US-led West will react.
China has extended its dominance at home and abroad over critical minerals that are essential to future high-tech and renewable-energy industries. Amid intensifying geopolitical competition, Western countries are increasing their efforts to claw back market share while countries in the Global South, where many of these minerals are mined, are attempting to capitalize on growing global demand. A recent article on the subject by The Economist stated that in 2023 Chinese companies invested roughly $16 billion in foreign mines, the highest figure in a decade, up from less than $5 billion the year before. This month, Chinese companies have announced plans to invest billions of dollars in mines in Afghanistan, Ghana, Zambia, and the Philippines. Keith Bradsher at The New York Times reported that over the past few weeks, the Chinese government has enacted measures to increase its grip over the mining and refining of rare minerals within China by making it harder for foreign companies to purchase them:
As of Oct. 1, exporters must provide the authorities with detailed, step-by-step tracings of how shipments of rare earth metals are used in Western supply chains. That has given Beijing greater authority over which overseas companies receive scarce supplies.
China is also taking greater corporate ownership over the mining and production of the metals. In a deal that has received almost no attention outside the country, the last two foreign-owned rare earth refineries in China are being acquired by one of the three state-owned companies that already run the other refineries in China.
Beijing’s recent moves to take charge of the supply chain include other obscure chemical elements that are also needed by semiconductor manufacturers. On Sept. 15, China’s Ministry of Commerce restricted exports of antimony, a material used in semiconductors, military explosives and other weaponry. Last year, the ministry imposed export controls on two other chemical elements, gallium and germanium, also needed to make chips.
National security officials have tightened the flow of information about rare earths. They have labeled rare earth mining and refining as state secrets. Last month, the Ministry of State Security announced that two managers in the rare earths industry had been sentenced to 11 years in prison for leaking information to foreigners. [Source]
In September, a coalition of 14 Western countries and the European Commission formed the Minerals Security Partnership, a new financing network to support critical mineral projects and break China’s dominance over this sector. Despite initiatives like these, the U.S. has struggled to compete with China for critical minerals, for many reasons. One is that Chinese state-owned companies “have periodically flooded world markets with rare earths to drive down the price whenever Western producers try to ramp up production,” Bradsher wrote. Just this week, Chinese mining giant CMOC announced that it reached its full-year cobalt production target three months ahead of schedule. Eric Olander from the China-Global South Project argued that “CMOC’s strategy is unrelated to pricing conditions and more about keeping Western rivals on the sidelines [,…which] gives China an unrivaled advantage over its rivals in the U.S., Europe, and Asia that are moving aggressively to cut Chinese firms out of their supply chains — which, at least for cobalt, is not going to be possible for a very long time.” Eliot Chen at The Wire China wrote about how American policymakers are considering expanding the U.S. stockpile of critical minerals to compete with China, which has been “the master of the game” when it comes to leveraging its stockpiles:
“China’s stockpile has a dual purpose: one is defensive and the other is economic, to support domestic industry when prices get too high for downstream industries like the electricity sector, and then conversely when prices are too low and domestic producers like copper smelters have difficulty remaining profitable,” says [Gregory Wischer, principal at Dei Gratia Minerals, a critical minerals consultancy].
What, exactly, China stockpiles is not publicly known, and Chinese authorities are rarely transparent about when they buy up and sell down their stockpiles. But because of the country’s dominance over much of the critical mineral supply chain, even rumors of its intentions can produce wild swings in the price of metals. For example, while Chinese lithium producers account for less than 20 percent of mine production, China refines more than two-thirds of the metal. For other metals like graphite, which has vital defense applications, Chinese refiners control more than 90 percent of the market.
China’s outsized influence over the market, combined with its heavy investment in mining assets abroad, have helped it consolidate its control over global supply. An about-face by Chinese policymakers over electric vehicle subsidies in 2018, for example, resulted in a glut of lithium on the market. Chinese companies were then able to step in and acquire distressed lithium miners in Australia and Canada relatively cheaply. [Source]
China’s monopoly over various critical-mineral supply chains in Africa has motivated the U.S. government to increase engagement in the region. A major component of this U.S. strategy is the $4 billion Lobito Corridor project, which seeks to connect the Port of Lobito in Angola to Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, thereby facilitating American and European access to cobalt and copper. But some local observers see selfish motives in this engagement. “This rivalry-driven approach narrows the scope for a partnership with Africa based on mutual benefit and long-term development. The continent, and the DRC in particular, should not be seen merely as a resource base to fuel external interests,” said Carlos Lopes, a professor at the Nelson Mandela School of Public Governance at the University of Cape Town in South Africa. He added, “Without a genuine commitment to local development, [the Lobito Corridor project] risks perpetuating Africa’s role as a supplier of raw materials rather than fostering economic transformation on the continent.” Analyzing China-Africa critical mineral cooperation in an article last month for the U.S. Institute of Peace, Cobus van Staden explored the potential for U.S.-China cooperation and described how African nations are looking to navigate both sets of relationships to their own benefit:
The second factor complicating the narrative of direct competition [between the U.S. and China in the region] is the drive from African countries to locate more strategic mineral refining and related manufacturing in Africa. African critical mineral strategies, developed by continental bodies like the African Development Bank, emphasize local refining and value addition, an ambition now enjoying official Chinese support, as well as support from the U.S. through initiatives such as the Minerals Security Partnership among others. For example, the partners involved in the Lobito Corridor have similarly signed agreements with African countries to do more refining locally. These include EU agreements with Zambia and the DRC for mineral-driven value addition, and a trilateral agreement between Zambia, the DRC and the U.S. for domestic electric vehicle supply chain development.
[…] FOCAC 2024 put these complications [including whether Western nations can expand their refining capacities at home despite the potential for environmental and community pushback] in stark relief because it highlighted an increased sense of synergy and coordination around green energy and critical mineral value addition in the China-Africa relationship. A similar focus is developing between the continent and its Western partners. The question now is whether the continent will be able to wield both sets of relationships to its own benefit, even as great-power tensions over critical minerals heat up. [Source]
The UK Health Security Agency (UKHSA) confirms 2 additional cases of Clade Ib mpox.
Two cases of Clade Ib mpox have been detected in household contacts of the first case, the UK Health Security Agency (UKSHA) can confirm. This brings the total number of confirmed cases to 3.
The 2 patients are currently under specialist care at Guy’s and St Thomas’ NHS Foundation Trust in London. The risk to the UK population remains low.
There has been extensive planning underway to ensure healthcare professionals are equipped and prepared to respond to any further confirmed cases.
Professor Susan Hopkins, Chief Medical Adviser at UKHSA, said:
Mpox is very infectious in households with close contact and so it is not unexpected to see further cases within the same household.
The overall risk to the UK population remains low. We are working with partners to make sure all contacts of the cases are identified and contacted to reduce the risk of further spread.
Contacts of all 3 cases are being followed up by UKHSA and partner organisations. All contacts will be offered testing and vaccination as needed and advised on any necessary further care if they have symptoms or test positive.
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30 October 2024
The UK Health Security Agency (UKHSA) has detected a single confirmed human case of Clade Ib mpox. The risk to the UK population remains low.
This is the first detection of this Clade of mpox in the UK. It is different from mpox Clade II that has been circulating at low levels in the UK since 2022, primarily among gay, bisexual and other men-who-have-sex-with-men (GBMSM).
UKHSA, the NHS and partner organisations have well tested capabilities to detect, contain and treat novel infectious diseases, and while this is the first confirmed case of mpox Clade Ib in the UK, there has been extensive planning underway to ensure healthcare professionals are equipped and prepared to respond to any confirmed cases.
The case was detected in London and the individual has been transferred to the Royal Free Hospital High Consequence Infectious Diseases unit. They had recently travelled to countries in Africa that are seeing community cases of Clade Ib mpox. The UKHSA and NHS will not be disclosing any further details about the individual.
Close contacts of the case are being followed up by UKHSA and partner organisations. Any contacts will be offered testing and vaccination as needed and advised on any necessary further care if they have symptoms or test positive.
UKHSA is working closely with the NHS and academic partners to determine the characteristics of the pathogen and further assess the risk to human health. While the existing evidence suggests mpox Clade Ib causes more severe disease than Clade II, we will continue to monitor and learn more about the severity, transmission and control measures. We will initially manage Clade Ib as a high consequence infectious disease (HCID) whilst we are learning more about the virus.
Professor Susan Hopkins, Chief Medical Adviser at UKHSA, said:
It is thanks to our surveillance that we have been able to detect this virus. This is the first time we have detected this Clade of mpox in the UK, though other cases have been confirmed abroad.
The risk to the UK population remains low, and we are working rapidly to trace close contacts and reduce the risk of any potential spread. In accordance with established protocols, investigations are underway to learn how the individual acquired the infection and to assess whether there are any further associated cases.
Health and Social Care Secretary Wes Streeting, said:
I am extremely grateful to the healthcare professionals who are carrying out incredible work to support and care for the patient affected.
The overall risk to the UK population currently remains low and the government is working alongside UKHSA and the NHS to protect the public and prevent transmission.
This includes securing vaccines and equipping healthcare professionals with the guidance and tools they need to respond to cases safely.
We are also working with our international partners to support affected countries to prevent further outbreaks.
Steve Russell, NHS national director for vaccination and screening, said:
The NHS is fully prepared to respond to the first confirmed case of this clade of mpox.
Since mpox first became present in England, local services have pulled out all the stops to vaccinate those eligible, with tens of thousands in priority groups having already come forward to get protected, and while the risk of catching mpox in the UK remains low, if required the NHS has plans in place to expand the roll out of vaccines quickly in line with supply.
Clade Ib mpox has been widely circulating in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in recent months and there have been cases reported in Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, Kenya, Sweden, India and Germany.
Clade Ib mpox was detected by UKHSA using polymerase chain reaction (PCR) testing.
Common symptoms of mpox include a skin rash or pus-filled lesions which can last 2 to 4 weeks. It can also cause fever, headaches, muscle aches, back pain, low energy and swollen lymph nodes.
The infection can be passed on through close person-to-person contact with someone who has the infection or with infected animals and through contact with contaminated materials. Anyone with symptoms should continue to avoid contact with other people while symptoms persist.
The UK has an existing stock of mpox vaccines and last month announced further vaccines are being procured to support a routine immunisation programme to provide additional resilience in the UK. This is in line with more recent independent JCVI advice.
Working alongside international partners, UKHSA has been monitoring Clade Ib mpox closely since the outbreak in DRC first emerged, publishing regular risk assessment updates.
The wider risk to the UK population remains low.
UKHSA has published its first technical briefing on clade I mpox which provides further information on the current situation and UK preparedness and response.
On Monday, the International Trade and Constitutional Affairs committees questioned Šefčovič, Slovak candidate for Trade and Economic Security/ Interinstitutional Relations and Transparency.
The committee chairs and political group coordinators will meet without delay to assess the performance and qualification of the Commissioner-designate.
In his introductory statement, Mr Šefčovič reminded MEPs that trade is “marked by stark competition over disruptive new technologies, and the weaponisation of economic dependencies”, making trade a “geostrategic tool”. With the US election imminent, the Commissioner-designate said: “Regardless of the outcome of the US elections, I will put forward an offer of cooperation”. He added that the EU will have to solve its disputes with the US, citing steel and aluminium, and protectionist elements in the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA).
On inter-institutional relations, he committed to enhancing the Commission’s cooperation with Parliament, not least through the soon to be revamped Framework Agreement. Mr Šefčovič also referred to a Commission’s commitment to follow-up on Parliament’s indirect legislative initiatives, ensure that comprehensive justification would be provided for the use of the extraordinary procedure of Article 122, and facilitate progress on Parliament’s call for a full right of inquiry. Further, he announced an expansion of the EU’s Transparency Register’s scope “to all managers”.
China
Mr Šefčovič described China as the most challenging trading partner, one with which the EU needs to rebalance its relationship. He told MEPs that, after EU’s duties on electric vehicles made in China, in place since last week, Commission negotiators are now in talks with Chinese counterparts on price undertakings. “EU is not interested in trade wars, we are looking for rebalancing our relationship with China in areas where we feel our relationship is not fair,” Mr Šefčovič said, citing overcapacity, subsidies, and the lack of level playing field.
Mercosur, Israel and FTAs
MEPs grilled the Commissioner-designate over the ongoing negotiations with Mercosur countries, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay. Mr Šefčovič pledged to continue work on free trade agreements (FTA) with Mexico and Australia, and said he wants the EU to be more present in Thailand, the Philippines and India. Responding to MEPs, he pointed to the Sustainable Investment Facilitation Agreement (SIFA) with Angola and the Economic Partnership Agreement with Kenya as new types of agreements that could help the EU.
Asked by MEPs if the EU was breaching international law as it keeps its trade ties with Israel under the EU-Israel association agreement, Mr Šefčovič said that the agreement “can be changed only by unanimity” among member states.
Priorities for interinstitutional relations
Many MEPs highlighted the importance of treaty change based on Parliament’s proposals which were inspired by the Conference on the Future of Europe. The Commissioner-designate said that the key to moving forward on this is getting a clear position by the European Council: they will work with the new presidency of Antonio Costa to this aim.
The debate revolved around the need for reforms to prepare for enlargement and to activate the “passerelle” clause in key policy areas, as well as transparency, with some MEPs bringing up worrying reports about Commission practices. Other topics included better cooperation with national parliaments and applying the findings of the Draghi report in the EU’s institutional architecture.
Press point
At the end of the hearing, the Chair of the Committees of International Trade, Bernd Lange, and Constitutional Affairs, Sven Simon, held a press point outside the meeting room: watch it here.
Next steps
Based on the committee recommendations, the Conference of Presidents (EP President Metsola and political group chairs) is set to conduct the final evaluation and declare the hearings closed on 21 November. Once the Conference of Presidents declares all hearings closed, the evaluation letters will be published.
The election by MEPs of the full college of Commissioners (by a majority of the votes cast, by roll-call) is currently scheduled to take place during the 25-28 November plenary session in Strasbourg.
Question for written answer E-002186/2024 to the Commission Rule 144 Malika Sorel (PfE)
At the end of September, Commissioner Iliana Ivanova met ministers from the Western Balkans in Skopje[1] with a view to stepping up cooperation on education, research and innovation. She promised to support almost 400 research projects[2] under the European Research Area and the European Innovation Agenda.
This promise comes after the Faculty of Islamic Sciences in Skopje – which is close to Erdoğan[3] – became part of the Erasmus+ Network in early 2024: a development the dean welcomed as an opportunity to make a name for his faculty in the field of Islamic thought. In addition, the Hamas-linked Islamic University of Gaziantep in Türkiye[4], which is also part of the Erasmus+ Network, has recently been mired in scandal. These facts show how little attention the Commission pays when choosing its partners.
In the light of the above:
1.How has the EUR 140 million pledged for the Digital Innovation Hubs been distributed?
2.What are the 400 projects for which funding has been pledged?
3.Has the Commission taken these scandals into account with a view to withdrawing its support for partners that openly flout EU values? If so, which ones?
Headline: Thales: Launch of the 2024
Employee Share Ownership Plan
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Thales (Euronext Paris: HO) announces the launch of its 2024 employee share ownership plan, running from Monday 4 November to Friday 24 November 2024. This offer is available to Thales employees across 36 countries who are participants in the Group Savings Plan and have at least three months of seniority as of 24 November 24 2024, as well as to the company’s retirees.
The plan offers a 20% discount on the Thales share price, along with a 50% matching contribution on personal investment up to a maximum of €500, funded by Thales.
The objective of this plan is to strengthen the bond between Thales and its employees by providing them with the opportunity to become more closely associated with the Group’s goals, performance, and future successes.
Terms of the 2024 Employee Share Ownership Plan
This share offer is available to employees in France, South Africa, Germany, Saudi Arabia, Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, China, Colombia, Denmark, Egypt, United Arab Emirates, Spain, the United States, Finland, Hong Kong, India, Israel, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Mexico, Norway, the Netherlands, the Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Czech Republic, Romania, Singapore, Sweden, Switzerland, and Turkey who are eligible and participate in the Group Savings Plan.
In the United Kingdom, Thales shares will be offered through a Share Incentive Plan (SIP).
Offered Shares
The Thales share offer to Group employees will be conducted through the transfer of existing treasury shares previously repurchased by Thales under a share buyback programme authorised by the shareholders’ general meeting in accordance with Article L. 22-10-62 of the French Commercial Code. The transfer of shares to employees and retirees participating in the Group Savings Plan will be carried out under the provisions of Articles L. 3332-18 and following of the French Labour Code, except for the offer in the United Kingdom, where it will be conducted under an SIP.
On 3 April 2024, the Board of Directors decided to implement this employee share ownership plan and delegated the necessary powers to the Chairman and CEO for its execution. In line with the Board’s decision, the offer will cover a maximum of 600,000 shares, with a cost cap of €31 million (including the discount and matching contributions in the employee share ownership plan and SIP matching contributions).
The Chairman and CEO, by delegation from the Board of Directors, set the subscription period dates and acquisition price by decision on 28 October 2024. The acquisition price is set at 80% of the reference price.
The reference price, noted by the Chairman and CEO on 28 October 2024, is the average of Thales’s opening share prices on the Euronext Paris market over the twenty (20) trading days preceding this date, amounting to €149.61. Accordingly, the acquisition price for employees is €119.69. For the offer in the United Kingdom, the acquisition price will be determined in accordance with the applicable SIP rules.
The shares acquired by offer participants, being existing ordinary shares, are fully assimilated with the existing ordinary shares that make up Thales’s share capital.
Offer Conditions
Eligible Offer Participants: The offer is open to employees of the included companies who are part of the Group Savings Plan, regardless of their employment contract (permanent or fixed-term, full-time or part-time) and with a minimum of three months’ seniority. Retirees and early retirees from Thales’s French companies who joined the Group Savings Plan prior to their departure are also eligible, provided they have maintained holdings in the Group Savings Plan since retirement or early retirement.
Included Companies:
Thales, with share capital of €617 825 739, headquartered at 4 rue de la Verrerie, 92190 Meudon, France, and
Thales Group companies in which Thales holds, directly or indirectly, more than 50% of the share capital, with headquarters in France, South Africa, Germany, Saudi Arabia, Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, China, Colombia, Denmark, Egypt, United Arab Emirates, Spain, the United States, Finland, Hong Kong, India, Israel, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Mexico, Norway, the Netherlands, the Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Czech Republic, Romania, Singapore, Sweden, Switzerland, and Turkey, who are (or will be) participants in the Group Savings Plan.
Participation Methods: Shares will be acquired through employee mutual funds (FCPE) or directly, depending on the country, and via a Trust within the SIP framework.
Share Purchase Formula: Employees may acquire Thales shares through a classic subscription formula. Employees will receive a 50% matching contribution from their employer on their subscription amount, capped at a maximum contribution of €500.
Voting Rights: Voting rights attached to the shares will be exercised by the FCPE supervisory board in FCPE countries, and directly by employees in countries where shares are held directly.
Subscription Cap: Annual contributions by offer beneficiaries to the Group Savings Plan may not exceed a quarter of their gross annual salary, in accordance with Article L.3332-10 of the French Labour Code.
Share Retention Requirement: Employees participating in the offer must retain their corresponding FCPE shares or directly held shares for five years, except in cases of early release as defined by Article R. 3334-22 of the French Labour Code or local regulations. For shares acquired through the SIP in the United Kingdom, the retention conditions differ depending on the share type (partnership or matching shares).
Indicative Operation Timeline
Subscription Period: From 4 November 2024 (inclusive) to 24 November 2024 (inclusive).
Offer Settlement Delivery: Scheduled for 17 December 2024.
Listing
Thales shares are listed on the Euronext Paris market (ISIN Code: FR0000121329).
This press release has been prepared in accordance with the exemption from publication of a prospectus provided for in Article 1.4(i) of Prospectus Regulation 2017/1129.
International Notice
This release does not constitute a sales offer or a solicitation to acquire Thales shares. The Thales employee share offer will be conducted only in countries where such an offer has been registered or notified to the relevant local authorities and/or approved by a local authority prospectus, or where an exemption applies regarding the need for a prospectus or offer registration or notification.
More generally, the offer will only take place in countries where all required registration procedures and notifications have been completed, and necessary authorisations obtained. For residents of Israel, the offer is conducted in accordance with the Information Document available on the website dedicated to the offer.
About Thales
Thales (Euronext Paris: HO) is a global leader in advanced technologies specialized in three business domains: Defence & Security, Aeronautics & Space, and Cybersecurity & Digital identity.
It develops products and solutions that help make the world safer, greener and more inclusive.
The Group invests close to €4 billion a year in Research & Development, particularly in key innovation areas such as AI, cybersecurity, quantum technologies, cloud technologies and 6G.
Thales has close to 81,000 employees in 68 countries. In 2023, the Group generated sales of €18.4 billion.
The Israeli authorities on Saturday released 200 Palestinian prisoners as part of the second phase of a prisoner exchange deal with Hamas.
Abdullah Zaghari, head of the Palestinian Prisoners Club, said the prisoners were handed over to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
Some prisoners were released into the West Bank from Ofer Prison while others bound for Gaza or deportation abroad were released from Negev Prison in southern Israel.
Palestinian officials in the Ramallah Governorate also coordinated the release.
According to eyewitnesses, the prisoners were transferred from the ICRC to a medical center in Ramallah, where the Palestinian security forces were stationed in preparation for the release.
Among those released, 16 headed to Gaza. Palestinian security sources and eyewitnesses told Xinhua that the prisoners entered Gaza through the Kerem Shalom crossing southeast of the strip.
According to the Palestinian Prisoners’ Affairs Authority, the 200 prisoners included 121 who had been serving life sentences and 79 others with long sentences.
Egypt’s Al-Qahera News TV channel reported later in the day that some 70 Palestinian prisoners the Israeli authorities had released arrived in Egypt via the Rafah crossing. Türkiye, Tunisia, and Algeria have agreed to take in some prisoners while others will stay in Egypt.
Following the release of the prisoners, Hamas spokesperson Abdul Latif al-Qanou said in a press statement that the Palestinians in Gaza are waiting for the Israeli army to “withdraw according to the terms of the agreement and for the displaced residents to begin returning to their lands and homes.”
