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Category: Analysis

  • MIL-Evening Report: Resident-to-resident aggression is common in nursing homes. Here’s how we can improve residents’ safety

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joseph Ibrahim, Professor, Aged Care Medical Research Australian Centre for Evidence Based Aged Care, La Trobe University

    Wbmul/Shutterstock

    The Coroners Court of Victoria is undertaking an inquest into the deaths of eight aged care residents across six facilities, over a nine-month period in 2021.

    Each death occurred after an interaction between residents, known as resident-to-resident aggression.

    If your loved one is living in aged care, it’s natural to be distressed and concerned for their safety after hearing about these deaths.

    Here’s what we know about when and where it’s more likely to happen, how relatives can safeguard their loved ones, and what’s happening across the system to reduce the risk of it occurring.

    What does it look like?

    Resident-to-resident aggression refers to aggressive and intrusive interactions between long-term care residents that would likely be unwelcome and potentially cause the recipient physical or psychological distress or harm. It includes physical, sexual and verbal aggression.

    However, the term “aggression” is potentially misleading. In most cases, the residents involved are not consciously intending to cause harm.

    The prevalence of resident-to-resident aggression in aged care has been estimated at 20%, but is likely under-reported. This means that over a month, 20% of aged care residents are likely to experience an incident of resident-to-resident aggression. This is usually verbal abuse or an invasion of privacy.

    The variation in reported prevalence rates makes it hard to know if the rate is increasing.

    The consequences of resident-to-resident aggression range in seriousness from functional decline, to psychological or physical injury, to death.

    In 2017, we published a national study of deaths from resident-to-resident aggression in nursing home residents in Australia. Over 14 years, we identified 28 deaths.

    Almost 90% of residents involved – either as an “exhibitor” (often referred to as the aggressor) or a target – had dementia. Three-quarters of those diagnosed with dementia had a history of behavioural and psychological symptoms of dementia, including wandering and physical aggression.

    Exhibitors of aggressive behaviour were mostly male (85.7%), often younger, and more recently admitted to the aged care facility than the target.

    Resident-to-resident aggression leading to death was most likely to occur between two male residents.

    Half of all incidents leading to death involved a resident pushing and the target falling, leading to injuries such as hip fracture and head injury. This underscores the vulnerabilities posed by physical frailty among aged care residents.

    Incidents resulting in death occurred mostly in communal areas, reflecting the ongoing challenges of an aged care system that relies on residents living together.

    Learning from past incidents

    Resident-to-resident aggression was previously brought to national attention by the death of a resident at the Oakden facility in South Australia. This led to a coronial inquest and the facility closed in 2017.

    The case raised issues including the need for residents exhibiting potentially aggressive behaviour to have regular clinical reviews, accurate and detailed documentation, and adequate escalation and reporting of any incidents of aggression.

    Since 2021, facilities have been required to report incidents of “unreasonable use of force”. The Australian Aged Care Quality and Safety Commission monitors these events through the Serious Incident Response Scheme.

    The last report, from March 2023, provides a series of case studies and highlights the need for better approaches to behaviour support and risk assessment.

    However, prevention requires a broader systems-based approach to better understand the problem, and generate and evaluate interventions. This should include reviewing trends at the facility, provider and national level.

    Approaching individual situations

    Resident-to-resident aggression is expected to become more common as more people are diagnosed with dementia.

    Cognitive impairment in both the exhibitor of aggressive behaviour and targets makes this more complex, as a resident could become either one, depending on the precipitating circumstances.

    In one-third of the cases we analysed, the exhibitor of aggressive behaviour and the target had been involved in an earlier incident together in the past 12 months. This suggests there are opportunities for intervention.

    Are police involved?

    When serious injury or death occurs, it is the role of police to investigate the incident and refer to the Office of Public Prosecutions, if appropriate.

    Attributing legal responsibility is problematic and criminal charges are rarely filed. This may be because the residents involved are unfit for police interview or unfit to stand trial.

    Alternatively, prosecution may not be deemed in the public interest.

    Managing symptoms of dementia

    Dementia may impair a person’s ability to reason, express their needs and manage their emotions. It can also impair their ability to respond, in a socially acceptable way, to interpersonal conflict.

    Behaviour-management strategies to support the person with dementia include having a calm environment with a familiar routine and clear communication.

    Over the past decade, more formal services have become available to help manage behavioural and psychological symptoms of dementia.

    Dementia Support Australia operates a Severe Behaviour Response Team which is available 24/7, responding to referrals from health professionals within 48 hours.

    Specialist dementia care units also operate across Australia, as recommended by the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety final report.

    Managing dementia symptoms requires multidisciplinary expertise spanning the aged care, disability and mental health sectors. Yet integrating these services remains a challenge.

    The federal government has committed to addressing the sub-optimal management of residents living with dementia.

    Supporting your loved one

    If you’re worried about your loved one, the first step is to express these concerns directly to the facility staff, as you would with any other matter. Open communication helps the facility staff to get to know your loved one and provide more tailored support.

    Being better informed about the subject can help you to advocate for your loved one.

    The Older Persons Advocacy Network is available to residents for free, independent and confidential support. They can advocate for you if you feel your concerns aren’t being heard or your loved one’s care is compromised.

    What happens next with the inquest?

    The Coroners Court will investigate this important and distressing issue and aims to reduce the number of preventable deaths.

    The coroner will hear the evidence, and may make formal recommendations about how to improve resident safety. Government agencies are required to consider and respond to these recommendations.

    It’s clear we have a long way to go to safeguard the rights of older people living in residential care.

    Joseph Ibrahim is a medical specialist in geriatrics and an academic with over 30 years of clinical experience. He is a Professor with the Australian Centre for Evidence Based Aged Care, La Trobe University and an Adjunct Professor, Faculty of Medicine, Nursing and Health Sciences, Monash University. He previously received funding from state and national government for research into the safety and quality of aged care homes and resident-on-resident aggression. He has also been an expert witness for criminal and coroners court cases as well as the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety.

    Amelia Grossi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Resident-to-resident aggression is common in nursing homes. Here’s how we can improve residents’ safety – https://theconversation.com/resident-to-resident-aggression-is-common-in-nursing-homes-heres-how-we-can-improve-residents-safety-257818

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Is black mould really as bad for us as we think? A toxicologist explains

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Musgrave, Senior lecturer in Pharmacology, University of Adelaide

    Peeradontax/Shutterstock

    Mould in houses is unsightly and may cause unpleasant odours. More important though, mould has been linked to a range of health effects – especially triggering asthma.

    However, is mould exposure linked to a serious lung disease in children, unrelated to asthma? As we’ll see, this link may not be real, or if it is, it’s so rare to not be a meaningful risk. Yet we still hear mould in damp homes described as “toxic”.

    Indeed, mouldy homes can harm people’s health, but not necessarily how you might think.

    What is mould?

    Mould is the general term for a variety of fungi. The mould that people have focused on in damp homes is “black mould”. This forms unsightly black patches on walls and other parts of damp-affected buildings.

    Black mould is not a single fungus. But when people talk about black mould, they generally mean the fungus Stachybotrys chartarum or S. chartarum for short. It’s one of experts’ top ten feared fungi.

    The focus on this species comes from a report in the 1990s on cases of haemorrhagic lung disease in a number of infants. This is a rare disease where blood leaks into the lungs, and can be fatal. The report suggested chemicals known as mycotoxins associated with this species of fungus were responsible for the outbreak.

    What are mycotoxins?

    A variety of fungi produce mycotoxins to defend themselves, among other reasons.

    Hundreds of different chemicals are listed as myocytoxins. These include ones in poisonous mushrooms, and ones associated with the soil fungi Aspergillus flavus and A. parasiticus.

    The fungus typically associated with black mould S. chartarum can produce several mycotoxins. These include roridin, which inhibits protein synthesis in humans and animals, and satratoxins, which have numerous toxic effects including bleeding in the lungs.

    While the satratoxins, in particular, were mentioned in the report from the 90s in children, there are some problems when we look at the evidence.

    The amount of mycotoxins S. chartarum makes can vary considerably. Even if significant amounts of mycotoxin are present, getting them into the body in the required amount to cause damage is another thing.

    Inhaling spores in contaminated (mouldy) homes is the most probable way mycotoxins enter the body. For instance, we know mycotoxins can be found in S. chartarum spores. We also know direct injection of high concentrations of mycotoxin-bearing spores directly in the noses of mice can cause some lung bleeding.

    Stachybotrys chartarum mycotoxins have been blamed for lung issues after exposure to black mould.
    Kateryna Kon/Shutterstock

    But just because inhaling spores is the probable route of contamination doesn’t mean this is very likely.

    That’s because S. chartarum doesn’t release a lot of spores. Its spores are typically embedded in a slimy mass and it rarely produces the spore densities needed to replicate the animal studies.

    The original reports suggesting the US infants who were diagnosed with haemorrhagic lung disease were exposed to toxic levels of mycotoxins were also flawed.

    Among other issues, the concentrations of mould spores was calculated incorrectly. Subsequent correction for these issues resulted in the association between S. chartarum and this disease cluster basically disappearing.

    The American Academy of Asthma Allergy and Immunology states while there is a clear, well-established relationship between damp indoor spaces and detrimental health effects, there is no good evidence black mould mycotoxins are involved.

    But mould can cause allergies

    Moulds can affect human health in ways unrelated to mycotoxins, typically through allergic reactions. Moulds including black moulds can trigger or worsen asthma attacks in people with mould allergies.

    Some rarer but severe reactions can include allergic fungal sinusitis, allergic bronchopulmonary aspergillosis and rarer still, hypersensitivity pneumonitis.

    These can typically be controlled by removing the mould (or removing the person from the source of mould).

    People with impaired immune systems (such as people taking immune-suppressant medications) may also be prone to mould infections.

    In a nutshell

    There is sufficient evidence that household mould is associated with respiratory issues attributable to their allergic effects.

    However, there is no strong evidence mycotoxins from household mould – and in particular black mould – are associated with substantial health issues.

    Ian Musgrave has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council to study adverse reactions to herbal medicines and has previously been funded by the Australian Research Council to study potential natural product treatments for Alzheimer’s disease. He is currently a member of one of the Therapeutic Goods Administration’s statutory councils.

    – ref. Is black mould really as bad for us as we think? A toxicologist explains – https://theconversation.com/is-black-mould-really-as-bad-for-us-as-we-think-a-toxicologist-explains-258173

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Making it easier to build a granny flat makes sense – but it’s no solution to a housing crisis

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Timothy Welch, Senior Lecturer in Urban Planning, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    RyanJLane/Getty Images

    As part of its resource management reforms, the government will soon allow “super-sized granny flats” to be built without consent – potentially adding 13,000 dwellings over the next decade to provide “families with more housing options”.

    This represents genuine progress in reducing regulatory barriers. But the scale of the housing crisis means we have to ask whether incremental reforms can deliver meaningful change.

    The numbers provide important context. Against current consenting rates of 40,000 to 50,000 new dwellings per year, those projected 70-square-metre granny flats represent a 2.6% increase in housing supply.

    In Auckland, where housing pressure is most acute, 300 additional units might be built annually. For some, that’s likely to be useful. But for a country already facing a housing crunch, it’s insignificant.

    The costs of a granny flat

    The numbers also reveal who can participate in this proposed solution. Building a basic 70-square-metre granny flat will cost between NZ$200,000 and $300,000. Add site works, utility connections and mandatory licensed building practitioner supervision, and total project costs will be closer to the upper end of that range.

    At current interest rates, financing $250,000 requires approximately $480 weekly in loan payments. While rents of $500-$600 per week are achievable in urban markets, these thin margins assume optimal conditions.

    For property owners with existing equity, this presents a viable investment. For those seeking affordable housing – young families, essential workers, recent immigrants – the benefits remain largely theoretical.

    This dynamic illustrates a persistent challenge in market-based housing solutions: policies intended to improve affordability often primarily benefit those with capital to deploy.

    Pressure on the pipes

    Each granny flat requires full residential infrastructure – water, wastewater and stormwater connections. The development contributions – fees councils charge on new builds to fund infrastructure – will help fund network upgrades. But New Zealand already faces a $120-185 billion water infrastructure deficit over the next 30 years, just to fix existing systems.

    The challenge is particularly acute in established suburbs where these units are most likely to appear. Parts of Christchurch serviced by vacuum sewers already operate at capacity. Auckland’s combined sewer areas face overflow risks during heavy rainfall. Wellington’s ageing pipes struggle with current demand.

    Adding thousands of dispersed infill units to stressed networks poses genuine engineering challenges that funding alone cannot solve.

    Transport infrastructure faces similar pressures. With minimum parking requirements axed across the nation, these new granny flats will likely increase on-street parking demand and local traffic.

    While some granny flat residents may rely on public transport or active modes, New Zealand’s car ownership rates – 837 vehicles per 1,000 people – suggest most will own vehicles.

    Auckland’s sewer systems are already under pressure. New granny flats will add strain on the infrastructure.
    Janice Chen/Getty Images

    Approved but not always built

    International experience offers instructive parallels. California’s 2017 Accessory Dwelling Unit legislation provides the closest comparison. After removing similar regulatory barriers, California saw permits increase from 1,000 in 2016 to 13,000 in 2019.

    However, construction costs and infrastructure constraints limited actual completions to roughly 60% of approved units.

    Australian cities report similar patterns. Despite permissive regulations in many areas, only 13-23% of suitable properties actually added secondary dwellings. High construction costs and infrastructure limitations proved more binding than regulatory constraints.

    Closer to home, Auckland’s experience with minor dwellings under the Unitary Plan suggests cautious optimism. Since 2016, the city has averaged 300-400 secondary dwelling consents annually where permitted. The number of units actually constructed is unknown.

    Allowing one-storey detached 70-square-metre units without building consent may increase this modestly. But they are unlikely to dramatically accelerate production given persistent cost and capacity constraints.

    Another form of wealth transfer

    The policy’s benefits flow primarily to existing property owners. They will gain new development rights without competitive tender or public process. While perhaps justified by broader housing benefits, it’s worth acknowledging this is a form of wealth transfer.

    Granny flats typically add roughly their construction cost to property values, providing capital gains alongside rental income potential.

    For renters, benefits depend on how many units actually materialise and at what price point. Secondary units often rent at 20-30% below comparable standalone houses due to their size and backyard location.

    This could meaningfully expand options for singles and couples. But families requiring larger accommodation will see limited benefits.

    The policy’s design constraints also tell us what kind of urban density is acceptable. Single-storey height limits, two-metre boundary setbacks and standalone requirements essentially mandate the least efficient form of intensification.

    Units could share walls and services, and two-storey designs that use less land could be permitted. Instead, the granny flat exemption favours the one configuration that maintains suburban aesthetics while delivering minimal extra housing.

    A modest response to the housing crisis

    The granny flat exemption exemplifies New Zealand’s approach to housing challenges: acknowledging a crisis while implementing modest responses.

    Despite severe shortfalls in housing supply, the medium-density development common in comparable countries remains largely unrealised. An estimated 180,000 households could be accommodated through comprehensive densification.

    There are genuine benefits worth acknowledging, of course. The exemption reduces bureaucratic barriers, enables some additional housing and gives property owners new options.

    The question isn’t so much whether the new policy should be embraced. But rather whether the government is willing to complement it with larger changes the housing crisis demands.

    Timothy Welch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Making it easier to build a granny flat makes sense – but it’s no solution to a housing crisis – https://theconversation.com/making-it-easier-to-build-a-granny-flat-makes-sense-but-its-no-solution-to-a-housing-crisis-258185

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Deadly’ sports diplomacy: why Australia’s Indigenous people must be a part of our sports strategy

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Stuart Murray, Associate Professor, International Relations and Diplomacy, Bond University

    Sean Garnsworthy/ALLSPORT

    Since coming to power in 2022, the Albanese government has focused strongly on the Indo-Pacific.

    The prime minister’s recent trip to Indonesia was the latest high-level bilateral summit as Australia seeks to recalibrate relationships, enhance security and, where possible, win the battle for hearts and minds in the region.



    Read more:
    There’s no country more important to Australia than Indonesia. Trouble is, the feeling isn’t mutual

    In a world slipping further into “strategic atrophy,” art, music, food, culture, sport and other forms of soft power are no longer peripheral.

    In the foreword to the recently launched Australian Sports Diplomacy 2032+ strategy, for example, Labor MP Tim Watts stated:

    Sport is an important tool for Australia’s diplomatic engagement at a time when Australia needs to use every dimension of our national power to advance our interests.

    The First Nations of Australia are mentioned in this strategy but it fails to reflect the depth, power and influence Indigenous sports diplomats could bring.

    Arguably, our sports diplomacy would be more authentic, unique and effective (especially in the Pacific) if First Nations people, perspectives and programs were genuinely integrated from the outset – baked in, not bolted on.

    The epic history of First Nations sport

    Indigenous Australians were the first people to play sport on this land.

    Before colonisation, Australia’s population was around 750,000, divided into about 500 nations.

    Though sometimes hostile, these communities shared a common language: sport.

    Physical pursuits served, and still serve, many purposes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people: fostering communication, preserving lore, teaching youth to be effective providers and most importantly, practising survival skills.

    Sport was also a civilising force used for social, cultural and diplomatic ends. Games and carnivals increased contact between clans, easing tension, division, xenophobia and misunderstandings that could spark violence.

    Battendi (spear-throwing), Marngrook (football), Koolchee (ball games), and Prun (mock war) are examples of diplomatic games that predate the ancient Greek Olympics by tens of thousands of years.

    Sport became central to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander history, culture, identity and diplomacy.

    “Deadly” – a term meaning excellent – sports diplomacy is a more fitting way to describe this unique form of diplomacy. Done well, it offers a more accurate, authentic brand of Australia to the region and beyond.

    The battle for the Blue Pacific

    The “Blue Pacific” – a term describing a shared Pacific culture, identity and collective diplomatic strategy – offers an opportunity to harness the power of deadly sports diplomacy.

    If Australia hopes to win Pacific hearts and minds, it should send more Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander sports diplomats and teams to countries such as Fiji, Papua New Guinea (PNG) and New Zealand, because the nations of the Blue Pacific deeply respect the old, wise First Peoples of Australia.

    These relationships are built on shared values: culture, family, spirituality and sport.

    The Black Swans – Australia’s First Nations netball team, which debuted at the PacificAus Sports netball series in 2024 – are included as a case study in Sports Diplomacy 2032+. However, it’s the government’s A$600 million NRL project in PNG that has dominated headlines.



    Read more:
    Sports diplomacy: why the Australian government is spending $600 million on a new NRL team in PNG

    The Albanese government’s backing of this initiative has sparked criticism among supporters of other codes in Australia with strong ties to Pacific nations – especially rugby union, which until recently was the code of choice in Fiji and throughout Polynesia.

    A rise in Pacific Island interest in rugby league may impact rugby union, some argue.

    However, rugby league may be a more effective sports diplomacy tool. It enjoys growing popularity in those locations and has undisputed national sport status in PNG, the most populous Pacific nation by far.

    It’s also arguably more “deadly,” with its Indigenous All Stars team and an Indigenous Round.

    In the NRL, 48% of players have Pasifika heritage, and 12% identify as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander, compared to 3% across the Australian population.

    Should rugby union receive similar support? Perhaps, but first, it must address the absence of Indigenous players.

    Since Rugby Australia’s founding in 1949, only 15 Aboriginal men have played Test rugby for Australia.

    What about similar funding for soccer, the national obsession of strategically important near neighbours Solomon Islands and Vanuatu?

    It too has had a relative absence of Indigenous players at Australia’s highest levels, notwithstanding the pioneering careers of Charlie Perkins, John Moriarty, Archie Thompson and recent Matildas Lydia Williams and Mackenzie Arnold.

    Extra time

    Integrating the world’s oldest living culture in Australia’s sports diplomacy program can only enhance our relationships, diplomacy and national brand.

    The Australian Institute of Sport (AIS)’s Share a Yarn initiative is helping lead the way.

    Established in 2020, it connects elite First Nations athletes with respected Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mentors.

    Throughout the year, athletes and mentors meet online, attend monthly storytelling sessions and attend an annual cultural connection camp at the AIS campus.

    As Marissa Williamson Pohlman, the first Aboriginal woman to compete in boxing at the Olympics in 2024, noted:

    Mainstream sport can be challenging but having the unwavering support of mob keeps me grounded and focused on my goals.

    The fact Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders have practised sports diplomacy for more than 60,000 years is a powerful story. It is one that should be celebrated at every international sporting event we attend, bid for, or host.

    Including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, programs and perspectives would strengthen and innovate our strategies, add vital cultural iconography, inspire like-minded nations and help win hearts and minds from Honiara to Hawaii.

    The authors would like to thank Kombumerri woman Emily Pugin (DFAT) and Butchulla/Goreng Goreng Paul Martin for their contribution, teaching and help in commissioning and drafting the report that informs this article.

    Stuart Murray receives funding from The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade

    Narelle Bedford does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Deadly’ sports diplomacy: why Australia’s Indigenous people must be a part of our sports strategy – https://theconversation.com/deadly-sports-diplomacy-why-australias-indigenous-people-must-be-a-part-of-our-sports-strategy-257542

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s justifications for the latest travel ban aren’t supported by the data on immigration and terrorism

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Charles Kurzman, Professor of Sociology, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

    Taliban fighters guard the former U.S. Embassy in Kabul, Afghanistan, on June 5, 2025. AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi

    The Trump administration on June 4, 2025, announced travel restrictions targeting 19 countries in Africa and Asia, including many of the world’s poorest nations. All travel is banned from 12 of these countries, with partial restrictions on travel from the rest.

    The presidential proclamation, entitled “Restricting the Entry of Foreign Nationals to Protect the United States from Foreign Terrorists and Other National Security and Public Safety Threats,” is aimed at “countries throughout the world for which vetting and screening information is so deficient as to warrant a full or partial suspension on the entry or admission of nationals from those countries.”

    In a video that accompanied the proclamation, President Donald Trump said: “The recent terror attack in Boulder, Colorado, has underscored the extreme dangers posed to our country by the entry of foreign nationals who are not properly vetted.”

    The latest travel ban reimposes restrictions on many of the countries that were included on travel bans in Trump’s first term, along with several new countries.

    But this travel ban, like the earlier ones, will not significantly improve national security and public safety in the United States. That’s because migrants account for a minuscule portion of violence in the U.S. And migrants from the latest travel ban countries account for an even smaller portion, according to data that I have collected. The suspect in Colorado, for example, is from Egypt, which is not on the travel ban list.

    As a scholar of political sociology, I don’t believe Trump’s latest travel ban is about national security. Rather, I’d argue, it’s primarily about using national security as an excuse to deny visas to nonwhite applicants.

    Terrorism and public safety

    In the past five years, the U.S. has witnessed more than 100,000 homicides. Political violence by militias and other ideological movements accounted for 354 fatalities, according to an initiative known as the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data, which tracks armed conflict around the world. That’s less than 1% of the country’s homicide victims. And foreign terrorism accounted for less than 1% of this 1%, according to my data.

    The Trump administration says the U.S. cannot appropriately vet visa applicants in countries with uncooperative governments or underdeveloped security systems. That claim is false.

    The State Department and other government agencies do a thorough job of vetting visa applicants, even in countries where there is no U.S. embassy, according to an analysis by the CATO Institute.

    The U.S. government has sophisticated methods for identifying potential threats. They include detailed documentation requirements, interviews with consular officers and clearance by national security agencies. And it rejects more than 1 in 6 visa applications, with ever-increasing procedures for detecting fraud.

    Members of the Yemeni community and others wave American and Yemeni flags as they gather on the steps of Brooklyn’s Borough Hall to protest President Donald Trump’s first travel ban on Feb. 2, 2017, in New York.
    AP Photo/Kathy Willens

    The thoroughness of the visa review process is evident in the numbers.

    Authorized foreign-born residents of the U.S. are far less likely than U.S.-born residents to engage in criminal activity. And unauthorized migrants are even less likely to commit crimes. Communities with more migrants – authorized and unauthorized – have similar or slightly lower crime rates than communities with fewer migrants.

    If vetting were as deficient as Trump’s executive order claims, we would expect to see a significant number of terrorist plots from countries on the travel ban list. But we don’t.

    Of the 4 million U.S. residents from the 2017 travel ban countries, I have documented only four who were involved in violent extremism in the past five years.

    Two of them were arrested after plotting with undercover law enforcement agents. One was found to have lied on his asylum application. One was an Afghan man who killed three Pakistani Shiite Muslim immigrants in New Mexico in 2022.

    Such a handful of zealots with rifles or homemade explosives can be life-altering for victims and their families, but they do not represent a threat to U.S. national security.

    Degrading the concept of national security

    Trump has been trying for years to turn immigration into a national security issue.

    In his first major speech on national security in 2016, Trump focused on the “dysfunctional immigration system which does not permit us to know who we let into our country.”

    His primary example was an act of terrorism by a man who was born in the U.S.

    The first Trump administration’s national security strategy, issued in December 2017, prioritized jihadist terrorist organizations that “radicalize isolated individuals” as “the most dangerous threat to the Nation” – not armies, not another 9/11, but isolated individuals.

    If the travel ban is not really going to improve national security or public safety, then what is it about?

    Protesters wave signs during a demonstration against President Donald Trump’s revised travel ban on May 15, 2017, in Seattle.
    AP Photo/Ted S. Warren

    Linking immigration to national security seems to serve two long-standing Trump priorities. First is his effort to make American more white, in keeping with widespread bias among his supporters against nonwhite immigrants.

    Remember Trump’s insults to Mexicans and Muslims in his escalator speech announcing his presidential campaign in 2015. He has also expressed a preference for white immigrants from Norway in 2018 and South Africa in 2025.

    Trump has repeatedly associated himself with nationalists who view immigration by nonwhites as a danger to white supremacy.

    Second, invoking national security allows Trump to pursue this goal without the need for accountability, since Congress and the courts have traditionally deferred to the executive branch on national security issues.

    Trump also claims national security justifications for tariffs and other policies that he has declared national emergencies, in a bid to avoid criticism by the public and oversight by the other branches of government.

    But this oversight is necessary in a democratic system to ensure that immigration policy is based on facts.

    Charles Kurzman has received funding for research on terrorism from the National Institute of Justice and the National Science Foundation.

    – ref. Trump’s justifications for the latest travel ban aren’t supported by the data on immigration and terrorism – https://theconversation.com/trumps-justifications-for-the-latest-travel-ban-arent-supported-by-the-data-on-immigration-and-terrorism-255471

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The proposed Strong Borders Act gives police new invasive search powers that may breach Charter rights

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Robert Diab, Professor, Faculty of Law, Thompson Rivers University

    The new Liberal government has tabled its first bill in Parliament, the Strong Borders Act, or Bill C-2. Buried within it are several new powers that give police easier access to our private information.

    The bill responds to recent calls to beef up the enforcement of our border with the United States. It gives customs and immigration officials new powers: to search items being exported, like potentially stolen vehicles, and to deport migrants believed to be abusing Canada’s refugee protections.

    New police powers

    But while facing pressure from the U.S. to act, the Canadian government is using the apparent urgency of the moment to give police and intelligence agents a host of new powers to search our private data — powers that have nothing to do with the border.

    Some of them are already controversial and will no doubt be tested in the Supreme Court of Canada, if and when they’re passed. But many have also been on the wish list of previous governments, as part of “lawful access” bills that would make it easier for police to obtain details about a person’s online activity in cases involving child pornography, financial or gang-related crime.

    Why now? Why make another attempt to lower the barriers to police access to private data? And what is the controversy over these new powers?

    Gaps in the law

    The Charter of Rights and Freedoms protects the right to privacy of anyone in Canada. Police need authority — explicit permission set out somewhere in the law — to carry out a search or seizure of our private data for an investigative purpose.

    A law that allows police to do this must itself be reasonable, in the sense of striking the right balance between law enforcement and individual privacy.

    For the first 20 years of the web, it wasn’t clear what the police could or couldn’t do to gather information about us online.

    The Supreme Court held in 2014 that when police ask Shaw or Telus to give them a name attaching to an online account, this amounts to a search. While a person’s name and address may not reveal much on its own, the court held, it opens a door to something very private: a person’s entire search history.

    But the court in that case did not decide what kind of power police needed to make this demand, only that police need permission in law to make it.

    In Canadian law, requesting a name and address attached to an online account amounts to a search.
    (Shutterstock)

    In 2024, the Supreme Court held that when police ask for an internet protocol (IP) address linked to a person’s online activity, even that is private because it can open a window onto a lot more personal information.

    Police have been using warrant provisions in the Criminal Code to make a demand for an IP address, or the name and address linked to an online account. To get a warrant, in most cases, they need to show a judge they have reason to believe a crime has been committed that is linked to the account — in other words, they must show probable cause.

    Police have complained about how difficult this can be in some cases. They’ve long been calling for more tools.

    Expansive new powers

    The Strong Borders Act makes it easier for police and other state agents in a few ways.

    It will be easier to get a warrant because the new bill allows police to ask service providers like Shaw or Telus — without a warrant — whether they have information about an IP address or a person’s account.

    To then obtain that information, police need a warrant — but on the lower standard of reasonable suspicion of a crime, instead of probable cause. This can also apply to foreign entities like Google or Meta.

    Canadian Security Intelligence Service agents can ask a provider like Shaw or Google whether they have information about an account holder on no grounds at all. But in this case, the person of interest can’t be a citizen or a permanent resident.

    Compelling providers

    More concerning are powers in the bill compelling companies like Google or Apple, along with Shaw and Telus, to assist police in obtaining access to private data.

    Any company that provides Canadians with a service that stores or transmits information in digital form — pretty much anything we do on a phone or computer — can be ordered to help police gain immediate access to our data.

    The bill does this by stipulating that a company can be told to install “any device, equipment or other thing that may enable an authorized person to access information.”

    There are important limits on this. Police can only gain access if they have a warrant or other lawful permission. And a service provider need not comply with any order that would “introduce a systemic vulnerability,” like compelling them to install a backdoor to encryption.

    But the point is that these new powers compel companies to implement “capabilities” for “extracting… information that is authorized to be accessed.” They turn the brands we have an intimate relationship with — gmail, iCloud, Instagram and many others — into tools of the state.

    Future challenges

    For some of us, the thought that Apple or Google can now be conscripted to serve as a state agent to facilitate ready access to private data is unsettling. Even if there are safeguards.

    Courts will have to decide at some point whether searches conducted under these new powers strike a reasonable balance between law enforcement and personal privacy. Courts have held that our privacy interest in personal data is high.

    Whether police interest in quicker and easier access to that data in certain cases is equally high is an open question. But one thing is clear: it doesn’t seem to have much to do with the border.

    Robert Diab does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The proposed Strong Borders Act gives police new invasive search powers that may breach Charter rights – https://theconversation.com/the-proposed-strong-borders-act-gives-police-new-invasive-search-powers-that-may-breach-charter-rights-258257

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Labubus, Sonny Angels and Smiskis: Are blind toy boxes just child’s play or something more concerning?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eugene Y. Chan, Associate Professor of Marketing, Toronto Metropolitan University

    Collectible figurines on display at Pop Mart in Ivano-Frankivsk, Ukraine, on April 29, 2025. (Shutterstock)

    If you’ve seen videos of people tearing into tiny toy packages online, or noticed teens obsessing over pastel-coloured figurines at the mall, you’ve probably encountered the global craze for blind box toys.

    These small collectibles — usually figures of cartoonish characters — are sold in sealed packaging that hides which specific item is inside. You might get the one you want, or you might not. That uncertainty is part of the thrill.

    Unlike traditional toys, these figures are marketed as collectibles. Many are part of themed series, with some designs labelled as “rare” or “secret,” appearing in as few as one in every 144 boxes. This sense of exclusivity fuels repeat purchases and has spawned a resale market where rare figures can command hundreds of dollars.

    Popular among children and adults alike, blind box toys have grown into a billion-dollar industry. One of the more popular brands is Pop Mart, a Chinese toy company founded in 2010 known for its collectible designer toys sold in mystery packs.

    Gen Z consumers, in particular, have embraced blind box toys both as a nostalgic pastime and as a form of legitimate collecting. The proliferation of unboxing videos on platforms like TikTok and YouTube, where creators open dozens of blind boxes on camera, has added to their appeal.

    For many fans, these toys offer more than just cuteness: they also provide suspense, surprise and a rush of dopamine with every box opened. But how did this niche product become a global obsession?

    From Tokyo streets to western malls

    The origins of blind box toys trace back to East Asia. Capsule toy vending machines called gashapon originated in Japan in the 1960s. By the 1980s, they had become a cultural fixture. These machines dispense small toys in opaque plastic balls, with customers never quite sure which item they’ll receive.

    In the early 2010s, Chinese companies like Pop Mart adapted the gashapon model for the mainstream retail space. Instead of vending machines, they began selling artist-designed vinyl toys in blind boxes at dedicated boutiques.

    A tourist uses a gashapon machine in Osaka, Japan, in 2024. Gashapon machines are similar to the coin-operated toy vending machines seen outside grocery stores and other retailers in North America.
    (Shutterstock)

    Pop Mart’s success helped transform the blind box into a mainstream commercial phenomenon. Characters like Molly, Skullpanda and Dimoo became instant hits, combining Japanese kawaii esthetics with western pop art sensibilities.

    Pop Mart figures have since developed a cult-like following. Many consumers treat the toys as affordable art objects, displayed in cabinets, on purses or traded online.

    Today, blind box retail stores have expanded globally from Asia to Europe and North America. In October 2024, Pop Mart opened its first store in the Midwestern United States, located on Chicago’s Magnificent Mile at The Shops at North Bridge. The store offers exclusive products and taps into the growing demand for collectibles among American consumers.

    The psychology behind the mystery

    What makes blind box toys so hard to resist?

    Their success relies on a psychological principle known as variable-ratio reinforcement — the same reward pattern that makes slot machines so addictive.

    You never know exactly when you’ll score the item you’re after, but the possibility that the next box might contain it keeps people coming back. This unpredictability keeps people engaged, especially when the potential reward is framed as rare or valuable.

    Cconsumer psychology research also suggests that anticipation plays a major role. Studies show that dopamine, the brain’s reward chemical, spikes not just when we get what we want, but when we anticipate it. The sealed packaging, the suspense of unwrapping and the hope for a rare figure all heighten this effect.

    Sonny Angels on display in a store in Shenzhen, China, in March 2019.
    (Shutterstock)

    For younger collectors, the excitement of “the chase” can foster compulsive buying habits. This effect is amplified by the social influence of watching unboxings online or seeing friends complete their sets, and it becomes a powerful loop.

    Even when buyers don’t get the figure they want, the sunk cost fallacy — the feeling that they’ve already invested too much time or money to walk away — keeps them buying more.

    The hidden costs of blind boxes

    As blind box toys surge in popularity, they have drawn criticism from consumer advocates, psychologists and environmentalists alike.

    Some worry that blind boxes normalize gambling-like behaviours, especially among children. The randomness, excitement and promise of rare rewards closely mirror the mechanisms behind loot boxes in video games — another product that has sparked global concern over youth exposure to gambling psychology.

    Several countries, including Belgium and the Netherlands, have regulated loot boxes under gambling laws. Blind boxes, though currently unregulated, may be next in line for scrutiny.



    Read more:
    Blind bags: how toy makers are making a fortune with child gambling

    There are also environmental concerns. Many blind box toys come in excessive packaging — plastic wraps, foil bags, cardboard boxes — most of which is discarded immediately. The collectibles themselves are often made of non-recyclable plastics, raising questions about sustainability in an era of rising consumer awareness over waste.

    Even among adult fans, some critics question whether blind boxes are designed less to bring joy and more to trigger compulsive consumption. The joy of collecting, they argue, is increasingly overshadowed by the mechanics of engineered desire.

    What should we make of the blind box boom?

    Blind box toys are not inherently harmful, and for many, they’re a source of fun, nostalgia and self-expression. They also offer an accessible way for consumers to engage with designer art in a collectible, miniature form, as many of them are created by individual artists.

    But blind box toys also raise deeper questions about how modern marketing leverages psychological triggers associated with gambling, especially when it comes to children.

    As these toys continue to gain traction in the West, it’s worth asking more critical questions, like: are we buying into mystery or are we being sold obsession and compulsion?

    The blind box trend reflects broader shifts in how products are marketed, how value is perceived and how consumer behaviour is shaped in a digital, attention-driven economy. Understanding the forces at play may be the first step toward more informed — and perhaps more mindful — collecting.

    Eugene Y. Chan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Labubus, Sonny Angels and Smiskis: Are blind toy boxes just child’s play or something more concerning? – https://theconversation.com/labubus-sonny-angels-and-smiskis-are-blind-toy-boxes-just-childs-play-or-something-more-concerning-257611

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Trump’s ‘gold standard’ politicizes federal science

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By H. Christopher Frey, Glenn E. Futrell Distinguished University Professor of Environmental Engineering, North Carolina State University

    President Donald Trump holds up an executive order promoting coal production, with Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Lee Zeldin, left, and the secretaries of Interior and Energy behind him. AP Photo/Evan Vucci

    The first time Donald Trump was president, the head of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency developed a regulation known as the “science transparency” rule. The administration liked to call it the “secret science” rule.

    “Transparency” sounds positive, but this rule instead prevented the EPA from using some of the best available science to protect human health.

    For example, it required the EPA to ignore or downplay studies that established links between exposure to chemicals and health damage if those studies were based on confidential patient information that could not be released to the public. The problem: Many health studies, including those underpinning many U.S. pollution rules, rely on confidential patient information.

    A U.S. District Court struck down the rule on procedural grounds a few weeks after it was issued. But now, the idea is back.

    Trump’s so-called Restoring Gold Standard Science executive order of May 23, 2025, resurrects many features of the EPA’s vacated rule, but it applies them to all federal agencies.

    To many readers, the executive order might sound reasonable. It mentions “transparency,” “reproducibility” and “uncertainty.” However, the devil is in the details.

    What’s wrong with transparency and reproducibility?

    “Transparency” implies that scientists should adequately explain all elements of their work, including hypotheses, methods, results and conclusions in a way that helps others see how those conclusions were reached.

    “Data transparency” is an expectation that scientists should share all data used in the study so other scientists can recalculate the results. This is also known as “reproducibility.”

    Trump’s executive order focuses on reproducibility. However, if there are errors in the data or methods of the original study, being able to reproduce its results may only ensure consistency but not scientific rigor.

    More important to scientific rigor is “replicability.” Replicability means different scientists, working with different data and different methods, can arrive at consistent findings. For example, studies of human exposure to a set of pollutants at different locations, and with different populations, that consistently find relationships to health effects, such as illness and premature death, can increase confidence in the findings.

    Replicability doesn’t require releasing confidential health data, as reproducibility would. Instead, it looks for the same results broadly from other sources.

    During the first Trump administration, people in cities across the U.S. participated in marches for science, protesting the administration’s actions to cut the use of scientific evidence out of policymaking.
    Michael Siluk/UCG/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    The science transparency rule in the first Trump administration was intended to limit the EPA’s ability to consider epidemiologic studies like those that established the health harms from exposure to secondhand smoke and to PM2.5, fine particles often from pollution.

    Many large-scale studies that assess how exposure to pollution can harm human health are based on personal data collected according to strict protocols to ensure privacy. Preventing policymakers from considering those findings means they are left to make important decisions about pollution and chemicals without crucial evidence about the health risks.

    These attempts to create barriers to using valid science echoed tactics used by the tobacco industry from the 1960s well into the 1990s to deny that tobacco use harmed human health.

    Uncertainty: A matter of balance

    Trump’s new executive order also emphasizes “uncertainty.”

    In the first Trump administration, the EPA administrator and his hand-picked science advisers, none of whom were epidemiologists, focused on “uncertainty” in epidemiological studies used to inform decisions on air quality standards.

    The EPA’s scientific integrity policy requires that policymakers “shall not knowingly misrepresent, exaggerate, or downplay areas of scientific uncertainty associated with policy decisions.”

    That might sound reasonable. However, in the final 2020 rule for the nation’s PM2.5 air quality standard, EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler stated that “limitations in the science lead to considerable uncertainty” to justify not lowering the standard, the level considered unhealthy. PM2.5 comes largely from fossil fuel combustion in cars, power plants and factories.

    In contrast, an independent external group of scientific experts, which I was part of as an environmental engineer and former EPA adviser, reviewed the same evidence and came to a very different conclusion. We found clear scientific evidence supporting a more stringent standard for PM2.5.

    Skepticism versus denial

    The executive order also requires that science be conducted in a manner that is “skeptical of its findings and assumptions.”

    A true skeptic can be swayed to change an inference based on evidence, whereas a denialist holds a fixed view irrespective of evidence. Denialists tend to cherry-pick evidence, set impossible levels of evidence and engage in logical fallacies.

    The first Trump administration stacked the EPA Clean Air Scientific Advisory Committee, which advises EPA on setting health-protective air quality standards, with opponents of environmental regulation, including people connected to industries the EPA regulates. The committee then amplified uncertainties. It also shifted the burden of proof in ways inconsistent with the statutory requirement to protect public health with an adequate margin of safety.

    The current administration has been dismantling science advisory committees in various agencies again and purging key EPA committees of independent experts.

    Who decides when politics trumps science

    According to Trump, “violations” of his executive order will be determined by a “senior appointee designated by the agency head.” This means a political appointee accountable to the White House. Thus, science in each federal agency will be politicized.

    The political appointee is required to “correct scientific information.”

    Anyone can file a “request for correction” regarding a published agency report. During the first Trump administration, chemical companies or their representatives repeatedly filed requests for changes to final EPA toxicity assessments on ethylene oxide and chloroprene. The administration delayed health-protective actions, which were finally addressed during the Biden administration for both chemicals.

    The request for correction process is intended to correct errors, not to bias assessments to be more favorable to industry and to delay protective actions.

    The bottom line on Trump’s ‘gold standard’

    While the language of the executive order may seem innocuous based on a casual reading, it risks undermining unbiased science in all federal agencies, subject to political whims.

    Setting impossible bars for “transparency” can mean regulators ignore relevant and valid scientific studies. Overemphasizing uncertainties can be used to raise doubt and unduly undermine confidence in robust findings.

    A politicized process also has the potential to punish federal employees and to ignore external peer reviewers who have the temerity to advance evidence-based findings contrary to White House ideology.

    Thus, this executive order could be used to deprive the American public of accurate and unbiased information regarding chemicals in the environment. That would prevent the development of effective evidence-based policies necessary for the protection of human health, rather than advancing the best available science.

    H. Christopher Frey receives funding from the California Air Resources Board via a research grant to North Carolina State University. He was on leave from NCSU to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency from 2021 to 2024. From 2021 to 2022, he served as Deputy Assistant Administrator of Science Policy. From 2022-20224, he served as the senate-confirmed Assistant Administrator of the Office of Research and Development and concurrently served as the EPA Science Advisor. He was a member of the EPA Clean Air Scientific Advisory Committee from 2008 to 2012, and chaired CASAC from 2012 to 2015.

    – ref. How Trump’s ‘gold standard’ politicizes federal science – https://theconversation.com/how-trumps-gold-standard-politicizes-federal-science-258277

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Canada needs a law that gives workers the right to govern their workplace

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Tom Malleson, Associate Professor of Social Justice & Peace Studies, Western University

    Democratic worker co-operatives are workplaces where workers collectively own the firm and elect the governing board. (Shutterstock)

    A major fault line in contemporary society is that while our political lives are governed by democratic principles, our economic lives largely are not.

    At the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, for example, Maple Leaf Foods experienced an outbreak in its Brandon, Man. factory. Not only were workers ordered to keep working in unsafe conditions, they were forced to work overtime.

    Walmart has long been accused of forbidding its cashiers from sitting down, even during long shifts.

    At one of its warehouses in Pennsylvania, Amazon allowed the temperature to reach an unbearable 102 F in 2011. When employees pleaded to open the loading doors to let in fresh air, management refused, claiming this would lead to employee theft. Instead, Amazon parked ambulances outside and waited for employees to collapse from heat stroke. Employees who were sent home because of the heat were given demerits for missing work, and fired if they accumulated too many.

    These examples reflect the fact that, in most workplaces, employees have no say in who manages them or how major decisions are made. Entering the workplace typically means leaving the freedoms of democratic society behind and entering a private domain unilaterally controlled by an employer. For most workers who are not in senior management, the main job of every job is to follow orders. Functionally speaking, workers are servants.

    In its governance structure, the modern workplace operates as a kind of mini dictatorship. Although workplace discipline isn’t enforced with physical violence, supervisors still have the power to discipline or punish those who dissent.

    But what if there were an actual legal right to workplace democracy?

    My research scrutinized the pros and cons of such novel legislation by drawing on decades of research comparing conventional, top-down firms with democratic worker co-operatives (where workers collectively own the firm and elect the governing board).

    Why workplace democracy matters

    In large American firms, the average CEO-to-worker pay ratio is now a jaw-dropping 351 to one. As CEO, Jeff Bezos made roughly 360,000 times more than Amazon’s minimum wage workers. This inequality ripples across society with significant consequences.

    By contrast, most worker co-ops maintain a pay ratio of three to one and only very rarely exceed 10 to one.

    There’s also a stark difference in how workers are treated. While conventional firms lay off workers whenever it’s profitable to do so, co-ops do everything in their power to save jobs.

    Top-down decision-making also breeds degradation and disrespect. A 2016 Oxfam report, for instance, documented how some Tyson Foods employees were prevented from using the bathroom to the point where some urinated themselves and other felt compelled to wear diapers to work.

    A Gallup survey from 2021 found that across the American economy as a whole, only 20 per cent of workers strongly agreed with the statement that “my opinions seem to count.”

    In co-ops, workers are generally treated with more respect and dignity. They typically participate more in decision-making, have higher job satisfaction and have less antagonism with management.

    In conventional workplaces, many employees hate or fear their boss. Roughly 17 per cent of the workforce opt for self-employment in order to get away from the tyranny of the boss, even though self-employed workers typically earn about 15 per cent less than their salaried counterparts and receive less than half the benefits.

    Worker co-operatives are typically less dominating than conventional firms because workers elect their managers and can create self-managing teams where workers have more autonomy over matters like scheduling and how tasks are carried out. Though co-ops are far from perfect, with workers often feeling that they aren’t able to participate in decision-making as much as they would like.

    Most workers are trapped in undemocratic jobs

    Most workers have no viable alternative to undemocratic work, and so no choice but to suffer its harms. While in theory, workers can quit and rely on welfare or social assistance, in practice, this isn’t viable because welfare rates are often too low to live on.

    Starting a business or becoming self-employed is another theoretical option, but it’s too financially risky to be a serious alternative for most.

    Joining a worker co-operative is the most promising alternative, but there were less than 400 worker co-ops in Canada in 2022, representing less than one per cent of employment.

    Converting an existing workplace into a co-op faces serious barriers too. Even if the workers desperately want a conversion, if the employer doesn’t, they’re out of luck; their employer owns the organization and can simply say no.

    So what’s the solution?

    Canada needs a new law to expand democracy by granting workers the legal right to collectively buy into the firms they work for. The process would resemble how unionization works today.

    It would start after a majority of employees sign a declaration stating their intent to form a worker co-operative. After this threshold is reached, a formal process would be triggered: employers would be required to disclose all relevant financial documents with the workers, and workers would receive education on the managerial, technical and legal requirements of co-ops. Co-op development bankers would provide loans and financing options.

    Once this is done, workers would hold a final vote. If a simple majority (50 per cent plus one) votes in favour, the employer would be paid the fair market value for the firm and the business would be restructured as a worker co-operative.

    Importantly, the law would allow this transition even if the employer is opposed, just as collective bargaining legislation allows workers to unionize without employer approval. It would also ensure owners are fairly compensated; owners shouldn’t lose their property, but they should lose the right to unilaterally govern other human beings in perpetuity, especially when those others are willing and ready to govern themselves.

    Of course, this law might bring some economic disruption. It’s possible that certain owners might oppose democratic ownership so strongly that they would rather shut down the business altogether than work as equals, but such cases would likely be rare.

    On the other hand, research shows that worker co-ops are just as productive as conventional firms (if not more so) and they have similar survival rates. This is highly reassuring for the overall well-being of the economy.

    Moreover, workers would need to invest significant amounts of their own money in order to buy out the firm, so conversions will occur only after serious consideration.

    The bottom line is that while the costs of this legislation would likely be modest, the benefits to workers and society at large would be substantial: reduced inequality and domination, increased job security and respect. Canada should establish a right to buy-in as soon as possible.

    Tom Malleson has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

    – ref. Why Canada needs a law that gives workers the right to govern their workplace – https://theconversation.com/why-canada-needs-a-law-that-gives-workers-the-right-to-govern-their-workplace-257776

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Inside Ukraine’s remarkable drone attack

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor

    You can generally tell when Vladimir Putin appears rattled by an adverse event in his war on Ukraine. He (or one of his proxies) ramps up the bloodcurdling rhetoric. And so it is with Ukraine’s “Spiderweb” drone attack on four airbases inside Russia, which reportedly destroyed or damaged as many as 40 warplanes, a good chunk of Russia’s fleet of strategic nuclear-capable bombers.

    These aircraft have been used during the war to deliver cruise missiles at targets within Ukraine and have been kept on airbases far enough from Ukraine to be well out of range of anything Kyiv could fire at them. So Ukraine’s secret intelligence service, the SBU, hatched a plot to send truckloads of home-grown drones in vans to locations close to airbases as far away as Irkutsk in Siberia and Murmansk close to the top of Finland.

    Technological savvy aside, perhaps the most remarkable thing about the plan was that it was 18 months in the making and yet the SBU managed to keep it a secret shared by only a few, including Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky. Significantly, the plan was reportedly kept from the US government.

    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.

    An angry Putin is reported to have accused Ukraine of “organising terrorist attacks”, saying to aides: “How can we have meetings like this under these conditions? What is there to talk about? Who has negotiations with  … terrorists?”

    Nothing much has been revealed as to what was actually said about the drone attack when delegates for the two sides met on Monday, apparently for barely an hour, to continue their peace talks. But as Stefan Wolff and Tetyana Malyarenko suggest, the fact that both sides have continued to land blows against each other is hardly a sign of a sincere commitment to serious negotiations.

    As it is, both sides restated their maximalist positions. For Kyiv this means that any concessions over territory or sovereignty are out of the question. For Moscow this means Ukrainian and international recognition of Russian sovereignty over Crimea as well as four provinces it has partially occupied since 2014, no Ukrainian membership of Nato and limits to Ukraine’s armed forces.

    Wolff and Malyarenko, experts in international security and politics at the University of Birmingham and National University Odesa Law Academy, respectively, believe that little will change on the battlefield in the foreseeable future. A lot will now depend on Washington. And it should be noted that the US president had a lengthy chat with Putin on June 4, after which Trump delivered the Kremlin’s message that: “President Putin did say, and very strongly, that he will have to respond to the recent attack on the airfields.”

    We’ve already seen a blitz on the southern city of Kherson, where Russia launched glide bombs and attacked with drones and artillery this morning. But Trump’s envoy to Russia, Keith Kellog, among other senior officials have talked about the drone strike being an attack on part of Russia’s [nuclear] triad, impying the threat level is actually far greater.



    Read more:
    Ukraine ‘spiderweb’ drone strike fails to register at peace talks as both sides dig in for the long haul

    Ukraine gave up its nuclear arsenal in 1994 in return for an undertaking, signed by Russia, the US, UK and France, to guarantee the inviolability of Ukraine’s borders. So as Matthew Sussex of the Australian National University in Canberra writes, the drone attack was very much a case of a David striking a clever blow against a Goliath.

    Sussex says this and other missions, such as the targeting of the Kerch bridge – Putin’s pride and joy – and the relentless attacks on Russia’s power infrastructure, are an effective counter to Russia’s attritional style of warfare. This involves throwing as many men as possible at its objectives, something Ukraine cannot hope to compete directly with. The truth is, writes Sussex, that Kyiv “has focused on winning the war they are in, rather than those of the past”.



    Read more:
    The secret to Ukraine’s battlefield successes against Russia – it knows wars are never won in the past

    “This isn’t just asymmetric warfare, it’s a different kind of offensive capability,” concludes Michael A Lewis, an expert in autonomous vehicles at the University of Bath. Lewis notes that both sides have been using drones almost continuously on the frontlines of the war and each has developed their own strategy for countering the threat.

    But this operation combined the use of drones with smart intelligence planning. The key was getting the drones to where they could exploit vulnerabilities in Russia’s air defence systems. “In low-level airspace, visibility drops, responsibility fragments, and detection tools lose their edge,” he writes. “Drones arrive unannounced, response times lag, coordination breaks.”

    The attack will have defence planners around the world scratching their heads as to how to cope with this emerging threat. Lewis believes the operation exposed the problems with centralised airspace management which will require new and better detection systems and faster responses to counter. “Operation Spiderweb didn’t just reveal how Ukraine could strike deep into Russian territory,” he writes. “It showed how little margin for error there is in a world where cheap systems can be used quietly and precisely.”



    Read more:
    Ukraine drone strikes on Russian airbase reveal any country is vulnerable to the same kind of attack

    Not that Russia has exactly been standing still when it comes to drone warfare. As Marcel Plichta of the University of St Andrews writes, having initially relied on Iran for the supply of its Shahed drones, Russia has been quick to establish its own sizeable drone manufacturing industry. Plichta, a drone specialist and former US government intelligence analyst, walks us through some of the innovations that Russian-made drones are now employing, including Sim cards which can transmit data back to Russia via mobile networks, carbon coating to avoid radar detection, and enhanced incendiary and fragmentation warheads that can start fires or spread large volumes of shrapnel to make them more deadly.

    But also notable is the sheer volume of drones that Russia is deploying – 472 against Ukrainian cities on June 1, as well as large numbers of decoys – with the aim of simply exhausting Ukrainian air defences. Even if Ukraine manages to shoot down 80% as it claims, that still leaves enough to wreak utter havoc for the defenders.



    Read more:
    Russia has been working on creating drones that ‘call home’, go undercover and start fires. Here’s how they work

    From the Oval Office

    The latest controversial measure announced by the White House is the planned travel ban on people from 12 countries thought by the Trump administration to pose a threat. The ban is scheduled to come into effect on June 9.

    Less than a week later, the US will host – jointly with Mexico and Canada – the Fifa Club World Cup, which will feature players from some of these countries. Next year the US hosts the Men’s World Cup and in 2028 the Olympics are scheduled to be held in Los Angeles.

    The announcement of the ban said that “any athlete or member of an athletic team, including coaches, persons performing a necessary support role, and immediate relatives travelling for the World Cup, the Olympics, or other major sporting events as defined by the Secretary of State” will be exempted.

    But, as Eric Storm from Leiden University points out, this does not include fans who might have been planning to travel to these major sporting carnivals. Storm, a historian who has researched the intersection of politics and tourism, says that the way geopolitical tensions manifested themselves at big sporting events was a feature of the cold war, but that these sorts of tensions largely dissipated after 1991. Now we may see politics being played out on the pitch, once again.



    Read more:
    Trump’s travel ban casts shadow over the upcoming Fifa Club World Cup and other US-hosted sporting events

    South Korea’s new president

    Voters in South Korea backed the liberal candidate, Lee Jae-myung for the Democratic Party, by nearly 50% in the June 3 election. This gave the man who led the campaign to topple former president Yoon Suk Yeol a clear mandate in what is reported to have been the election with the highest turnout since 1997.

    But while women had been very prominent in the campaign to oust Yoon, there were no female presidential candidates and very little discussion of some of the massive gender issues besetting Korea, including structural inequality, harassment and domestic violence, write Ming Gao of Lund University and Joanna Elfving-Hwang of Curtin University, both experts in South Korean politics and society. In fact, some candidates actively campaigned in a manner they clearly hoped would engage with disenchanted young men who feel their position may be under threat from women.



    Read more:
    South Korea election: Lee Jae-myung takes over a country split by gender politics

    The new South Korean president will bring with him what he calls a “pragmatic” approach to foreign affairs. He has restated his commitment to the longstanding alliance with the US, but has also stressed the need for his country to improve relations with China and North Korea, believing that South Korea should not be wholly dependent on Washington.

    This, writes Christoph Bluth, could become a point of tension between Seoul and Washington. “The Trump administration has taken a hawkish approach towards China and wants its allies to do the same,” he says.

    Lee has made it quite clear that while Seoul’s relationship with Washington is the “basic axis of [South Korea’s] diplomacy,” the country “should not put all [its] eggs in one basket”. He has already signalled that he would resist any attempts by the US to draw South Korea into a conflict with China over Taiwan.



    Read more:
    Why South Korea’s new leader may be on a collision course with Trump

    Gaza: when aid is politicised

    There was yet more tragedy in Gaza this week as the new aid distribution scheme backed by Israel and the US got underway and quickly descended into chaos, with Israeli troops shooting at people it claimed were Hamas militants, resulting in the deaths of dozens of people.

    The new plan handed control of aid distribution to a private company called Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which established four depots, three in the very south of the Strip and one in the centre, close to Israeli checkpoints. As a result many people had to travel considerable distances to get desperately needed supplies.

    As Irit Katz of the University of Cambridge writes here, the GHF plan is similar in character to a scheme put forward last December by an Israeli veterans group that prioritises control over humanitarianism. She says the resulting chaos and violence should come as no surprise.



    Read more:
    Lethal humanitarianism: why violence at Gaza aid centres should not come as a surprise

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    – ref. Inside Ukraine’s remarkable drone attack – https://theconversation.com/inside-ukraines-remarkable-drone-attack-258326

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Japanese walking: the benefits of this fitness trend

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sean Pymer, Academic Clinical Exercise Physiologist, University of Hull

    A fitness trend known as Japanese walking is capturing attention online, promising major health benefits with minimal equipment and time.

    Based on interval-style bursts of fast and slow walking, Japanese walking was developed by Professor Hiroshi Nose and Associate Professor Shizue Masuki at Shinshu University in Matsumoto, Japan. It involves alternating between three minutes of walking at a higher intensity and three minutes at a lower intensity, repeated for at least 30 minutes, four times per week.

    The higher-intensity walking should be done at a level that is “somewhat hard”. At this level, it is still possible to talk, but holding a full conversation would be more difficult.

    The lower-intensity walking should be done at a level that is “light”. At this level, talking should be comfortable, though a little more laboured than an effortless conversation.

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    Japanese walking has been likened to high-intensity interval training or Hiit, and has been referred to as “high-intensity walking”, although it is less taxing than true Hiit and is performed at lower intensities.

    It is also easy to perform and requires only a stopwatch and space for walking. It requires little planning and is less time-consuming than other walking targets, such as achieving 10,000 steps a day. This makes it suitable for most people.

    What does the evidence show?

    Japanese walking offers significant health benefits. A 2007 study from Japan compared this method to lower-intensity continuous walking, with a goal of achieving 8,000 steps per day. Participants who followed the Japanese walking approach experienced notable reductions in body weight. Blood pressure also dropped – more so than in those following the lower-intensity continuous walking routine.

    Leg strength and physical fitness were also measured in this study. Both improved to a greater extent in those following the Japanese walking programme, compared to those completing moderate-intensity continuous walking.

    A longer-term study also found that Japanese walking protects against the reductions in strength and fitness that happen with ageing.

    These improvements in health would also suggest that Japanese walking can help people live longer, though this has not yet been directly studied.

    There are a few things to consider with this new walking trend. In the 2007 study, around 22% of people did not complete the Japanese walking programme. For the lower intensity programme, with a target of 8,000 steps per day, around 17% did not complete it. This means that Japanese walking may not be suitable for everyone, and it might not be any easier or more attractive than simple step-based targets.

    Achieving a certain number of steps per day has also been shown to help people live longer. For those aged 60 and older, the target should be around 6,000 to 8,000 steps a day and 8,000 to 10,000 for those aged under 60. Similar evidence does not appear to exist for Japanese walking… yet.

    So is this walking trend really the be-all and end-all? Or does it matter less about what exercise you do and more about how often and how hard you do it? The answer is likely to be the latter.

    Research tells us that people who regularly perform more bouts of moderate to vigorous physical activity live longer, regardless of how long each bout is.

    This means that we should focus on ensuring we perform regular moderate to vigorous physical activity and make it habitual. If that activity happens to be Japanese walking, then it’s a worthwhile choice.

    Sean Pymer receives funding from The National Institute for Health and Care Research.

    – ref. Japanese walking: the benefits of this fitness trend – https://theconversation.com/japanese-walking-the-benefits-of-this-fitness-trend-257302

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Dippy the dinosaur remains beloved, 120 years after arriving at the Natural History Museum

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael J. Benton, Professor of Vertebrate Palaeontology, University of Bristol

    Shutterstock/I Wei Huang

    Dippy – a complete cast of a diplodocus skeleton – is Britain’s most famous dinosaur. It has resided at the Natural History Museum in London since 1905 and is now on show in Coventry where it is “dinosaur-in-residence” at the Herbert Art Gallery & Museum.

    Dippy, the star attraction in the huge entrance hall of the Natural History Museum from 1979 to 2018, is now on tour around the UK, with Coventry as its latest stop. It had previously been shown in Dorchester, Birmingham, Belfast, Glasgow, Newcastle, Cardiff, Rochdale, Norwich and London.

    So what is it that makes Dippy so popular? I got a sense of the dino’s appeal in August 2021 when I gave a lecture under the Dippy skeleton in Norwich Cathedral.

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    The lecture was about dinosaur feathers and colours. It highlighted new research that identified traces of pigment in the fossilised feathers of birds and dinosaurs. I wanted to highlight the enormous advances in the ways we can study dinosaurs that had taken place in just a century.

    Before arriving, I thought that Dippy would fill the cathedral – after all the skeleton is 26 metres long and it had filled the length of the gallery at the Natural History Museum. However, Dippy was dwarfed by the gothic cathedral’s scale. In fact, the building is so large that five Dippys could line up, nose to tail, from the great west door to the high altar at the east end.

    This sense of awe is one of the key reasons to study palaeontology – to understand how such extraordinary animals ever existed.

    I asked the Norwich cathedral canon why they had agreed to host the dinosaur, and he gave three answers. First, the dinosaur would attract lots of visitors. Second, Dippy is from the Jurassic period, as are the rocks used to construct the cathedral. Finally, for visitors it shared with the cathedral a sense of awe because of its huge size. Far from being diminished by its temporary home, visitors still walked around and under Dippy sensing its grandeur.

    Dippy at the unveiling ceremony at the Reptile Gallery of the Natural History Museum in 1905.
    WikiMedia

    Dippy arrived in London in 1905 as part of a campaign for public education by the Scottish-American millionaire Andrew Carnegie (1835–1919). At the time, there was a debate in academic circles about the function of museums and how far professionals should go in seeking to educate the public.

    There was considerable reticence about going too far. Many professors felt that showing dinosaurs to the public would be unprofessional in instances where they moved from description of facts into the realm of speculation. They also did not want to risk ridicule by conveying unsupported information about the appearance and lifestyle of the great beasts. Finally, many professors simply did not see such populism as any part of their jobs.

    Henry Fairfield Osborn in 1916.
    Wiki Commons

    But, at that time, the American Museum of Natural History was well established in New York and its new president, Henry Fairfield Osborn (1857-1935) was distinctly a populist. He sponsored the palaeo artist Charles Knight (1874-1953), whose vivid colour paintings of dinosaurs were the glory of the museum and influential worldwide. Osborn was as hated by palaeontology professors as he was feted by the public.

    Carnegie pumped his steel dollars into many philanthropic works in his native Scotland and all over America, including the Museum of Natural History in Pittsburgh. When he heard that a new and complete skeleton of a diplodocus had been dug up in Wyoming, he bought it and brought it to his new museum. It was named as a new species, Diplodocus carnegiei.

    On a visit to Carnegie’s Scottish residence, Skibo Castle, King Edward VII saw a sketch of the bones and Carnegie agreed to donate a complete cast of the skeleton to Britain’s Natural History Museum.

    The skeleton was copied by first making rubber moulds of each bone in several parts, then filling the moulds with plaster to make casts and colouring the bones to make them look real. The 292 pieces were shipped to London in 36 crates and opened to the public in May 1905. Carnegie’s original Dippy skeleton only went on show in Pittsburgh in 1907, after the new museum building had been constructed.

    Illustration of the Brontosaurus by Charles Knight (1897).
    Wiki Commons

    Carnegie had got the royal bug and donated further complete Dippy casts to the great natural history museums in Berlin, Paris, Vienna, Bologna, St Petersburg, Madrid, Munich, Mexico City and La Plata in Argentina. Each of these nations, except France, had a king or tsar at the time. The skeletons went on show in all these locations, except Munich, and Dippy has been seen by many millions of people in the past 120 years.

    Dippy’s appeal

    Dippy’s appeal is manifold. It’s huge – we like our dinosaurs big. It has been seen up close by more people around the world than any other dinosaur. It also opens the world of science to many people. Evolution, deep time, climate change, origins, extinction and biodiversity are all big themes that link biology, geology, physics, chemistry and mathematics.

    Also, since 1905, palaeontology has moved from being a largely speculative subject to the realms of testable science. Calculations of jaw functions and limb movements of dinosaurs can be tested and challenged. Hypotheses about physiology, reproduction, growth and colour can be based on evidence from microscopic study of bones and exceptionally preserved tissues, and these analyses can be repeated and refuted.

    Dippy has witnessed over a century of rapid change and its appeal is sure to continue for the next.

    Dippy is on display at the Herbert Art Gallery & Museum in Coventry until February 21 2026.

    Michael J. Benton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why Dippy the dinosaur remains beloved, 120 years after arriving at the Natural History Museum – https://theconversation.com/why-dippy-the-dinosaur-remains-beloved-120-years-after-arriving-at-the-natural-history-museum-209945

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Mel Stride promises the Tories won’t repeat the mistakes of Liz Truss – except they already have

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tim Bale, Professor of Politics, Queen Mary University of London

    It’s a mistake to think that, when it comes to the UK economy, the Conservatives have always been seen by British voters as a safer pair of hands than Labour. But, notwithstanding the damaging austerity imposed on the country by David Cameron’s chancellor, George Osborne, it was, by and large, the case between 2008 and 2022. This was a period bookended by the global financial crisis that occurred under Gordon Brown’s watch as Labour chancellor and then prime minister, and by Liz Truss’s disastrous 49-day stint in the top job.

    In reality, people were already beginning to lose faith in the Tories’ economic competence when Truss beat Rishi Sunak in the race to succeed Boris Johnson in Number 10. But she right royally trashed whatever reputation the party still had on that score and, as a result, set it on the road that led to its cataclysmic defeat at the polls last July.

    Another leadership race duly followed that election. But instead of using it as an opportunity both to conduct a thorough postmortem and issue a full-throated apology for the mess they’d made of things across a whole range of domestic policy, the candidates stayed largely in the party’s comfort zone.

    The country’s crumbling public services got hardly a mention, any acknowledgement of their dire state drowned out by discussion of immigration and taxation. The eventual winner, Kemi Badenoch, was apparently convinced that the Conservatives had lost because they “talked right but governed left”.

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    Clearly that message doesn’t seem to have persuaded the public. The Tories are now even more unpopular than they were at the general election. They rarely break 20% in the opinion polls and consistently finish behind not just a very poorly-regarded Labour government but a surging Reform UK.

    Cue the decision by Mel Stride, a cabinet minister in Rishi Sunak’s doomed government and now Badenoch’s shadow chancellor, to issue an apology of sorts. This was, however, not an apology for the mess the Conservatives made of the country during 14 (arguably wasted) years in office – but for the month and half in which they were led by Truss.

    Sir Mel (as he is now) was never much of a fan, but he’s now taking public potshots at the former prime minister in a very well trailed speech. Apparently it was only during this short period, when Truss delivered her now legendary “mini-budget” that derailed the economy, that it all went wrong.

    “For a few weeks,” he declared, “we put at risk the very stability which Conservatives had always said must be carefully protected. The credibility of the UK’s economic framework was undermined by spending billions on subsidising energy bills and tax cuts, with no proper plan for how this would be paid for.”

    “Never again,” he continued, “will the Conservative party undermine fiscal credibility by making promises that we cannot afford.” Stride here seemed to be conveniently forgetting that, at least in the judgment of the respected Institute for Fiscal Studies, that was exactly what he and his colleagues did when they presented their manifesto to the country at last year’s general election – long after Truss had departed Downing Street.

    As such, Stride’s speech is unlikely to impress anyone. Rather than a confession of collective guilt and an acknowledgement of a pattern of behaviour stretching over years, it seeks to deflect the blame onto a one-off event and onto one already-derided individual (or maybe two if one includes the man who actually delivered the bungled mini-budget, Kwasi Kwarteng).

    Moreover, such is the presidentialised nature of British politics these days, that, unless a message is delivered by the party leader, it won’t be seen as representing its official position. Nor will it cut through to voters.

    More profoundly, Stride’s “contrition” (the closest he got to actually saying sorry) is meaningless because rather than challenge any of his party’s underlying assumptions, it actually doubles down on them.

    To stand a chance of signalling to a sceptical public that they’ve truly changed, the Tories need to break out of their essentially Thatcherite-cum-culture-warrior comfort zone. But obsessed (and in some ways understandably so) as they are with the potentially existential threat posed to them by Reform UK, that currently seems like a very distant prospect. And so, therefore, does another Tory government.

    Tim Bale does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Mel Stride promises the Tories won’t repeat the mistakes of Liz Truss – except they already have – https://theconversation.com/mel-stride-promises-the-tories-wont-repeat-the-mistakes-of-liz-truss-except-they-already-have-258324

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: UK looks to military gap years to boost recruitment in the face of growing geopolitical tension

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sarah Mills, Professor of Human Geography, Loughborough University

    Harrogate, 2019. Steve Gill – Visuals/Shutterstock

    The UK government recently endorsed proposals in its strategic defence review to consider the creation of military gap years for young people in the UK.

    It would potentially be similar to a scheme offered by the Australian Defence Force. Young Australian citizens can spend 12 months doing paid work in a variety of roles in the Navy, Army or Air Force.

    In Australia in 2023, 664 young people enlisted in the gap year programme, and 374 of these transferred on to a role in the permanent Australian Defence Force. Like in Australia, the gap year model in the UK would be optional and for over 18s to get a “taste” of military life.

    These gap years would be a part of recruitment strategy. The proposal comes at a time of global geopolitical crisis, national youth unemployment and a shortage of soldiers (a global problem).

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    Another key reason for the introduction of these gap years, highlighted in defence secretary John Healey’s oral statement on the review, is to “reconnect the nation with those who defend us”. Keir Starmer, in his speech, spoke of “a new spirit of service, flowing from every part of society … everyone benefiting, everyone playing their role”.

    Young people are seen as a key part of building these connections. Another avenue raised in the review is to increase the number of cadet forces, a voluntary uniformed national youth organisation for teenagers that can also be linked to schools.

    An evaluation of cadet forces in the UK has outlined significant positive outcomes for young people, including for their employment and career prospects.

    Air cadets at the Lord Mayor’s Show, London, 2021.
    Sandor Szmutko/Shutterstock

    The strategic defence review also proposed “working with the Department for Education to develop understanding of the armed forces among young people in schools”, but details of this are still unclear.

    These suggestions form part of a trend towards increasing military presence in children and young people’s lives. My research has found that, over the last decade, successive UK governments have encouraged programmes with a military ethos within schools and character education to foster grit and gumption.

    Watered-down national service?

    My research shows that calls to reintroduce some form of military service appear at times of political, social or economic crisis. It’s not surprising then, that in the last few years we have seen several proposals in this area. Most notable is previous prime minister Rishi Sunak’s election pledge in 2024 that school leavers would have to do a year of compulsory military or voluntary service.

    A voluntary gap year – national service “lite” – would be a more palatable approach compared to formal conscription, which is still active in several countries.

    Starmer has been keen to distance himself from the language of national service, especially as he has also committed to introducing votes at 16: compulsory national service doesn’t poll well with young people.

    The UK has also recently scrapped its voluntary National Citizen Service, a non-military, short-term youth programme centred on local community action that has cost over £1.5 billion since 2010.

    But the fact that two successive prime ministers in the space of one year have pitched some form of military experience for school leavers tells us that this is not necessarily about benefits for youth, but about the concerning geopolitical landscape and the urgent need to boost recruits.

    In 2025 compared to the last few decades, the state’s concern is less about youth crime, apathy or patriotism, but rather growing international security threats and the nation’s preparedness.

    It is important to remember that the debate about national service in the UK is fuelled by generational nostalgia. In the UK, formal national service ran from the late 1940s to early 1960s for men aged between 17 and 21. Ever since those final troops were discharged in 1963, there has been a debate about “returning” to national service.

    Research shows that those who were actually part of compulsory national service after the second world war generally don’t think we should bring it back. This debate is cyclical, and each time it happens, it reveals what the state and adults think about young people more generally, usually shaped by moral panics.

    Would a gap year be popular?

    Given the current economic climate, it could be that a paid short-term year of military service is more attractive to UK teenagers and their CVs than ever before. However, we must reflect on why it might be so attractive in the present moment and understand the wider, structural issues shaping the lives of children and young people today.

    The costs of austerity and inequality in the UK run deep for children and young people. These issues cannot be solved by a defence focused gap year and there are other pressing demands to support young people in this country. For example, youth sector representatives are urging the UK government to reverse the long-term decline in funding on youth services.

    The impetus for a military gap year in the report is strategic defence, not unemployment. But there is no guarantee the defence sector itself will be keen to embrace this idea.

    When Sunak proposed national service last year, defence experts and ministers raised concerns about the British Army and Navy’s current capacity and resources to deliver such a programme. They also highlighted the potential impact of such a scheme on the morale of professional, dedicated and highly-skilled force personnel.

    The actual feasibility of any new programme is uncertain, especially with the current fiscal situation. One thing my research suggests is certain though, is that this national debate will circle back around again and again.

    Sarah Mills has received research funding from UKRI (ESRC), the British Academy and the Royal Geographical Society. She is currently an unpaid member of the advisory ‘College of Experts’ group of researchers for the Department of Culture, Media and Sport (UK Government) https://www.gov.uk/government/groups/dcms-college-of-experts

    – ref. UK looks to military gap years to boost recruitment in the face of growing geopolitical tension – https://theconversation.com/uk-looks-to-military-gap-years-to-boost-recruitment-in-the-face-of-growing-geopolitical-tension-258207

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: UK brands are celebrating Eid – here’s what makes an effective and inclusive campaign

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Afshan Jalil, PhD Candidate in Consumer Behaviour and Muslim Fashion, University of the West of Scotland

    In the run-up to Eid al-Adha – a major Muslim festival that celebrates the prophet Ibrahim’s devotion and coincides with the end of the annual Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca – UK retailers are joining the celebrations.

    Big brands like Next have launched festive collections of clothing, accessories and gifts, sharing social media messages aimed at Muslim consumers. But while this growing recognition of Eid’s commercial importance reflects a welcome shift, some campaigns still fall flat.

    As a researcher of Muslim fashion and identity in the UK, I study how Muslim consumers express themselves through clothing and how brands respond to their values. Despite a rise in Eid-related marketing, much of it feels superficial or disconnected from the community it targets.

    So, what makes for effective marketing to Muslim consumers during Eid and where do brands go wrong?

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    Muslims account for around 6.5% of the UK population, and their economic impact continues to grow. In 2019, they contributed an estimated £31 billion to the UK economy, a figure that is rising steadily. Eid, like other major holidays such as Christmas or Diwali, drives increased spending on clothes, food, gifts and travel.

    More brands are recognising this potential. From supermarkets offering special Eid meal deals, to fashion retailers launching modest clothing lines, corporate participation is becoming more visible. This is a step forward, signalling acknowledgement of British Muslims as both part of society and valuable customers.

    Why performative marketing fails

    However, visibility alone is not enough. Eid campaigns often lean on cliches, crescent moons, calligraphy or generic Eid Mubarak messages. These may show representation, but do not necessarily demonstrate genuine cultural understanding.

    Consumer culture theory helps explain why. It shows that consumption is not just about buying products, it’s about identity, belonging and self-expression. My ongoing PhD research into Muslim fashion consumption reveals that clothing during Eid is closely tied to how people see themselves: as British, Muslim, and as individuals navigating both identities.

    This is especially true for younger Muslims. Eid is more than a religious event, it’s a chance to express identity through fashion, celebration and community. The choices they make in what to wear and where to shop reflect their values and heritage.

    When brands treat Eid as an afterthought, Muslim consumers notice. Campaigns that feel rushed, last minute, out of touch or simply performative can come across as exploitative rather than inclusive.

    Customers are frequently motivated to express their dissatisfaction with fashion businesses on social media. A brand could face public criticism if it releases new collections without involving Muslim designers, for example. In 2023, fashion retailer PrettyLittleThing also came under fire for an Eid range of clothing deemed inappropriate by many Muslims for modest dressing for women (the company said it didn’t intend to cause offence and celebrated multiple holidays as part of its attempt “to build a community of everybody”).

    Authentic engagement begins with listening

    Successful campaigns are created locally by the community rather than being run by outsiders. Brands that collaborate with Muslim content creators, seek community input and consider Eid’s traditions and significance typically deliver messages that are well received.

    Timing and action matter. Companies which prepare for Eid in advance are more likely to develop effective marketing or successful partnerships. For example, Tesco’s “Everyone’s Welcome” campaign in the UK is well known for its inclusive approach. In 2023 it launched its special Iftar range that could be bought in store and cooked for the special evening meal that marks the end of a day’s fasting during Ramadan.

    Beyond celebrations and festivals, brands that think carefully about what Muslims need, for example in sport, will more likely succeed with their messaging, because they demonstrate an understanding of cultural and identity issues. The Nike campaign featuring a Muslim athlete is frequently praised for presenting an open narrative.

    Brands like Aab and Inaya have a lot of devoted clients since they were created by designers who follow modest fashion. Their success depends more on their trust and cultural awareness than just their products alone.

    Eid al-Adha is a powerful symbol of faith, identity and community that goes beyond just a commercial opportunity. While occasion messages or seasonal messages may seem like respectful gestures, when done without real understanding, they can come across as hollow or insincere marketing. Ultimately, this can harm a brand’s reputation as people may feel disappointed.

    Around Eid al-Adha and Eid Al-Fitr, which marks the end of Ramadan, businesses and brands must go beyond token gestures. Building trust with Muslim communities requires ongoing respect and cultural knowledge, with meaningful engagement throughout the year. Authenticity, not aesthetics, is the key to forming lasting relationships with Muslim customers.

    Afshan Jalil currently serves as the Volunteer Marketing Manager for Hamilton Women Club, a community initiative for Muslim women, associated with Hamilton Mosque, South Lanarkshire UK.

    – ref. UK brands are celebrating Eid – here’s what makes an effective and inclusive campaign – https://theconversation.com/uk-brands-are-celebrating-eid-heres-what-makes-an-effective-and-inclusive-campaign-258107

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Four myths about ‘low-skilled’ migration busted

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gabriella Alberti, Professor of International Labour Migration, University of Leeds

    1000 Words/Shutterstock

    The UK government has outlined plans to reduce low-skilled migration to the country. A central aspect is linking skills and training to the immigration system. This, so the thinking goes, will mean that no industry is able to rely on immigration to fill skills gaps.

    Research I carried out with colleagues on employer strategies in the wake of Brexit shows that pitting legal routes for migrant workers against investment in the local workforce is based on flawed assumptions.

    Evidence from sectors historically reliant on migration, such as transport and storage, food manufacturing, hospitality and social care, debunks four myths about migration and the labour market that underpin the government’s immigration plans.

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    Myth 1: migration and training

    Under-investment in skills by both employers and the state is a long-term issue of the UK deregulated economy. But the idea that employers hire migrants instead of training local workers is, to say the least, contested.

    Our research shows that migration can benefit workplace learning and incentivise employers to invest in training. We undertook a survey of employers’ practices after Brexit. Firms investing more in training, or seeking diverse workforces, tended also to be those (usually larger firms) that have financial and HR capacity to deal with migration hurdles. For small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) especially, this system remains costly and bureaucratic.

    Previous research showed that employers that hired migrant workers after Brexit were also more likely to invest in the domestic workforce, or in technology. The government should view the recruitment of migrants as “supplementing, not supplanting” the domestic labour force.

    Myth 2: migrants v inactive youth

    The government’s plans, as well as other narratives, tend to play migrants against NEETs (young people who are not in education, employment or training). This suggests that the growing number of these young people is caused by employers using “low-skilled” migration.

    Engaging economically inactive people and complying with a workforce strategy that prioritises training local workers are set out as strict conditions for employers hoping to recruit from abroad. Yet the theory of replacing migrants with economically inactive people is a simplistic equation.

    One main finding of our research is that young people often refuse to work in these sectors because of poor conditions rather than because employers favour migrants. Our survey found that, despite marginal pay increases and other benefits to deal with staff shortages, pay across the four sectors remains benchmarked at the minimum wage.

    This fuels high staff turnover, intensive work and insecure contracts. These factors often make the jobs unattractive. But by introducing fair pay agreements in the care sector and by financially supporting local authorities and care providers, it should be possible to attract young people.

    Improving pay and conditions must be a priority, rather than closing the care worker visa, which could be devastating for the sector.

    Myth 3: temporary migration is a sustainable option

    The government proposes raising the skills threshold and including a “temporary shortage list”. For occupations with a skills requirement below degree level, employers will be able to use the immigration system only temporarily. This is not a substantive change from the occupational temporary schemes and tweaks to the skilled worker visa by the previous government.

    Our research shows that allowing migrants entry only through a limited number of schemes has led to the crowding of visa applications into one route (for example, the care worker visa). This contributed to abuse of the system, the proliferation of bogus employers and exploitative practices.

    Our research with migrant care workers who lost their sponsoring employer highlighted barriers to finding a new sponsor. Only a small number of care providers can guarantee full-time employment.

    Overall, reactive and temporary visa schemes have proven to be negative for both workers and businesses. This is confirmed by research on seasonal migration in other sectors like agriculture.

    Only a migration system that allows workers to stay and thrive in their jobs, bring their dependants and build stable lives can reduce labour turnover. This in turn can improve productivity and lead to a long-term workforce strategy.

    Myth 4: migration damages the economy

    The government’s newly unveiled immigration system risks putting the brakes on its plan for growth. Ministers have based their new plan on the assumption that increased net migration damages the UK, referring to the decrease in GDP per capita during the increase in net migration as a measure.

    But there is plenty of evidence that leaving the European common market and external shocks like the COVID pandemic and war in Ukraine have been the cause of UK economic decline. It recorded one of the largest slowdowns in productivity among the G7 in 2023.

    In contrast, our research shows that migrants are vital not just in sectors like social care, but also in those considered “low-skilled” by the government. Workers in logistics, hospitality and food manufacturing were treated as “essential” during COVID but soon forgotten and then apparently relegated to “low-value”.

    Once upon a time they were heroes.
    Lubo Ivanko/Shutterstock

    Our research calls for a re-evaluation of these foundational sectors, as they represent the backbone of industries considered pivotal by the government’s own industrial growth strategy.

    For a joined-up approach to be truly effective, employers associations, trade unions and migrant advocacy groups, together with national and local governments must contribute to longer-term migration plans. These should consider industry needs, migrant workers’ wellbeing as well as the viability of public services and other critical sectors affected by stricter migration requirements if numbers continue to decline.

    Telling firms they need to invest in the local workforce before they can hire from abroad appears blind to the reality. Training is not a quick fix, it requires time and investment from employers and the state. And ultimately, improved pay and working conditions are likely to make these sectors more attractive to the local population.

    Gabriella Alberti receives funding from the UKRI

    – ref. Four myths about ‘low-skilled’ migration busted – https://theconversation.com/four-myths-about-low-skilled-migration-busted-258046

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How to protect yourself from narcissists’ weapon of choice – passive aggression

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Daniel Waldeck, Assistant Professor in Psychology, Coventry University

    Nicoleta Ionescu/Shutterstock

    Imagine asking a coworker to help you on a project, and although they agree, they
    suddenly “forget” whenever the deadline approaches. Or a friend saying “you look
    beautiful today, I barely recognised you,” after you show them your new haircut.

    Perhaps you know all too well the feeling of a parent or partner ignoring you following some perceived slight.

    On the surface this behaviour may seem relatively minor. But if it happens often, this could indicate a narcissist is using passive-aggressive behaviour to try and hurt you.

    To protect yourself, it helps to know where a narcissist is coming from.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    The term “narcissist” can refer to people with high levels of narcissism, not necessarily that they have a clinical diagnosis of narcissistic personality disorder. There are generally two types: grandiose and vulnerable.

    Grandiose narcissists usually view themselves as special and superior to others and are likely to brag about their achievements. Vulnerable narcissists tend to be self-conscious, sensitive to the slightest criticism and have an insatiable need for external appreciation.

    Both can be self-centred and prone to aggression, though passive-aggressive behaviour may be more often used by vulnerable narcissists.

    One explanation for their behaviour could be their motivation to become dominant and gain status. For example, they may feel like belittling their competition strengthens chances of getting a promotion at work. Another reason is that they can be thin-skinned. Any negative evaluation against them, like being left out of a work social event, may trigger a defensive reaction to attack another person to try and maintain their self-esteem.

    They also have a tendency to feel ostracised even when it’s not true. Research has shown that when narcissists are provoked, they tend to respond with aggression. Subtly undermining someone is more deniable than overt ways of expressing their anger and resentment.

    Here are some examples to help you spot when it’s happening:

    • social exclusion – avoiding eye contact, ignoring messages, excluding
      you from their social media account or withholding affection to punish you

    • hostile undertone – making fun of others through jokes, backhanded
      compliments or sending messages that suggest you are at fault while minimising their role in a conflict

    • indirect criticism – sharing embarrassing stories, or trying to undermine you by gossiping to others

    • sabotage – regularly leaving tasks that are their responsibility to
      complete to the last minute, and making it your problem.

    Narcissists can leave you feeling confused and hurt.
    Roman Samborskyi/Shutterstock

    Such behaviour on its own might not be much bother, but being exposed to
    it regularly could cause distress. As an example, repeatedly being socially excluded at work has been linked to emotional exhaustion and reduced wellbeing.

    Research on victims of narcissistic behaviours is limited, perhaps because passive-aggressive behaviour is often hidden. But the research we do have has shown people on the receiving end of narcissistic abuse experience anxiety, depression, low self-worth and a tendency to prioritise others’ needs over their own.

    How you can protect yourself

    Given that narcissists react aggressively to criticism, it’s probably best not to fight fire with fire. The following approaches may help.

    Set clear boundaries. Make it clear you will not tolerate such behaviour. You could say something like: “I noticed you are not responding. I am willing to chat with you when you are ready to talk respectfully.”

    Emotional detachment. Narcissists will probably throw digs or sarcastic comments your way to get a reaction. Once they get a reaction, the cycle escalates. One helpful technique may be “grey rocking”, where you keep your interactions and responses as brief and as uninteresting as possible. When a sarcastic comment is made, you could just say “yep” or “noted”.

    Look after yourself. Prioritise your own needs and your wellbeing. For instance, immerse yourself in hobbies you enjoy or have fun with friends. Try also to make space for reflection so you can avoid internalising their comments. It’s about them, not you.

    Seek support. Reaching out to people you trust or seeking professional support from a counsellor may help to strengthen your resilience. In the context of work, you may reach out to HR if the passive-aggressive behaviour is persistent, but remember to document everything and be factual. This may help minimise a narcissist’s efforts to gaslight you or others.

    Power imbalance

    Not everyone can easily create distance between themselves and that narcissistic person they know. Some people may be living with a narcissist, work with one, or they could be part of their social circle.

    Given that narcissists often crave status, there’s a good chance there may be a power imbalance between you. This can be tricky as you may feel intimidated if they persistently use passive-aggressive behaviour, if they are senior to you at work for instance.

    In this situation, it’s even more important to save important email chains, log conversations and seek support from HR if needed. If there’s a power imbalance with someone outside work, take extra care to set clear boundaries with them.

    Each situation is different, and some things will be beyond your control.

    What you can do though is focus on what’s within your control: your reactions, your wellbeing, and the support systems around you.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How to protect yourself from narcissists’ weapon of choice – passive aggression – https://theconversation.com/how-to-protect-yourself-from-narcissists-weapon-of-choice-passive-aggression-258021

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Tories try to blame all their woes on Liz Truss, but Mel Stride’s mea culpa is destined to fall flat

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tim Bale, Professor of Politics, Queen Mary University of London

    It’s a mistake to think that, when it comes to the UK economy, the Conservatives have always been seen by British voters as a safer pair of hands than Labour. But, notwithstanding the damaging austerity imposed on the country by David Cameron’s chancellor, George Osborne, it was, by and large, the case between 2008 and 2022. This was a period bookended by the global financial crisis that occurred under Gordon Brown’s watch as Labour chancellor and then prime minister, and by Liz Truss’s disastrous 49-day stint in the top job.

    In reality, people were already beginning to lose faith in the Tories’ economic competence when Truss beat Rishi Sunak in the race to succeed Boris Johnson in Number 10. But she right royally trashed whatever reputation the party still had on that score and, as a result, set it on the road that led to its cataclysmic defeat at the polls last July.

    Another leadership race duly followed that election. But instead of using it as an opportunity both to conduct a thorough postmortem and issue a full-throated apology for the mess they’d made of things across a whole range of domestic policy, the candidates stayed largely in the party’s comfort zone.

    The country’s crumbling public services got hardly a mention, any acknowledgement of their dire state drowned out by discussion of immigration and taxation. The eventual winner, Kemi Badenoch, was apparently convinced that the Conservatives had lost because they “talked right but governed left”.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Clearly that message doesn’t seem to have persuaded the public. The Tories are now even more unpopular than they were at the general election. They rarely break 20% in the opinion polls and consistently finish behind not just a very poorly-regarded Labour government but a surging Reform UK.

    Cue the decision by Mel Stride, a cabinet minister in Rishi Sunak’s doomed government and now Badenoch’s shadow chancellor, to issue an apology of sorts. This was, however, not an apology for the mess the Conservatives made of the country during 14 (arguably wasted) years in office – but for the month and half in which they were led by Truss.

    Sir Mel (as he is now) was never much of a fan, but he’s now taking public potshots at the former prime minister in a very well trailed speech. Apparently it was only during this short period, when Truss delivered her now legendary “mini-budget” that derailed the economy, that it all went wrong.

    “For a few weeks,” he declared, “we put at risk the very stability which Conservatives had always said must be carefully protected. The credibility of the UK’s economic framework was undermined by spending billions on subsidising energy bills and tax cuts, with no proper plan for how this would be paid for.”

    “Never again,” he continued, “will the Conservative party undermine fiscal credibility by making promises that we cannot afford.” Stride here seemed to be conveniently forgetting that, at least in the judgment of the respected Institute for Fiscal Studies, that was exactly what he and his colleagues did when they presented their manifesto to the country at last year’s general election – long after Truss had departed Downing Street.

    As such, Stride’s speech is unlikely to impress anyone. Rather than a confession of collective guilt and an acknowledgement of a pattern of behaviour stretching over years, it seeks to deflect the blame onto a one-off event and onto one already-derided individual (or maybe two if one includes the man who actually delivered the bungled mini-budget, Kwasi Kwarteng).

    Moreover, such is the presidentialised nature of British politics these days, that, unless a message is delivered by the party leader, it won’t be seen as representing its official position. Nor will it cut through to voters.

    More profoundly, Stride’s “contrition” (the closest he got to actually saying sorry) is meaningless because rather than challenge any of his party’s underlying assumptions, it actually doubles down on them.

    To stand a chance of signalling to a sceptical public that they’ve truly changed, the Tories need to break out of their essentially Thatcherite-cum-culture-warrior comfort zone. But obsessed (and in some ways understandably so) as they are with the potentially existential threat posed to them by Reform UK, that currently seems like a very distant prospect. And therefore, with or without Stride’s mea culpa, so does another Tory government.

    Tim Bale does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Tories try to blame all their woes on Liz Truss, but Mel Stride’s mea culpa is destined to fall flat – https://theconversation.com/the-tories-try-to-blame-all-their-woes-on-liz-truss-but-mel-strides-mea-culpa-is-destined-to-fall-flat-258324

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Do people really resemble their dogs?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Renata Roma, Postdoctoral Fellow, Center of Behavioural Sciences and Justice Studies/Pawsitive Connections Lab, University of Saskatchewan

    Although people and their dogs sometimes resemble each other, research suggests that compatibility may be a key element to build a positive relationship with dogs. (Shutterstock)

    Many dog owners wonder whether they share similarities with their dogs, including characteristics like a calm temperament, a sociable personality or even a bit of stubbornness. The idea that people and dogs resemble each other is not just a joke. In fact, some researchers have explored this question.

    As a clinician and researcher who has been studying different aspects of the human–animal bond and works clinically with people grieving the loss of a pet, I understand how meaningful these relationships can be. I am particularly interested in how perceived similarities and emotional connections with dogs can shape the quality of the relationship.

    Understanding what is known so far about the similarities between people and dogs is crucial, as this can reveal whether perceptions of similar physical and personality traits play a role in the quality of the relationship people share with their dogs.

    What researchers says about it

    Research on perceived similarities between people and their dogs aims to understand whether such perceptions are accurate and how they affect the relationship between people and their dogs.

    A recent review synthesizes findings from 15 empirical studies that investigated similarities between dog-human pairs, both in appearance and personality. Regarding personality, the findings suggest that dogs and their guardians may have parallel traits, such as levels of extroversion, anxiety and sociability.

    Looking further, some people seem to choose dogs that physically resemble them, particularly when choosing a purebred dog. Interestingly, there seems to be a link between women’s hair length and their preference for dogs with similar ear length, while short-haired women seem to favour short-eared breeds.

    Another study suggests the similarity between guardians and their dogs may be particularly observed in the eye region. Other studies indicate a positive correlation between owners’ body mass index (BMI) and their dogs’ degree of overweight, possibly related to a shared lifestyle.

    Importantly, many of these studies use questionnaires that the guardians themselves answer. That could lead some people to argue the findings only reflect the perceptions of the guardians.

    However, a group of researchers asked participants who had never met the dog-guardian pairs to match photos of dogs and their guardians based on perceived similarities. Interestingly, the participants were able to correctly match most of the dog-guardian pairs. This finding suggests that similarity may not just be a matter of the guardian’s own perception.

    Comparison to our relationships with people

    But why does this happen? One hypothesis has to do with our evolutionary history, since we also tend to seek like-minded people.

    In evolutionary contexts, being in cohesive and predictable groups increased co-operation and survival. These patterns continue to influence our relationships with others, favouring connections with people who appear to align with our values, behaviours or even physical traits. Apparently, similar mechanisms influence how we relate to dogs.

    Similarities in are also observed for those living with purebred dogs. This might happen because people tend to choose breeds associated with certain behaviours and there is more behavioural predictability and stability in purebred dogs due to standardized breed characteristics.

    Other explanations for personality similarities may be linked to emotional exchanges between people and their dogs, mutual regulation, behavioural reinforcement and learning through observation and imitation.

    For example, people may reinforce certain behaviours in their dogs based on their own preferences or routines, and sometimes this may not even be intentional. At the same time, emotional exchanges between humans and dogs can also shape each other’s emotional states over time.

    More than a scientific curiosity, understanding how perceptions of similarity shape people’s relationships with their dog can help foster more fulfilling relationships for humans and dogs. Such perceptions can lead to greater emotional investment in the bond and may even influence how people interpret and manage challenging behaviours in their dogs. For example, they might be more tolerant of certain behaviours when they identify a similar pattern in themselves.

    On the other hand, while perceived similarities can strengthen the relationship, such perceptions may also shape people’s expectations, leading them to project human-like characteristics onto their dogs, rather than seeing them for who they truly are.

    Beyond similarity: What brings us together

    Even when the personalities of people and their dogs are not alike, they can still match perfectly. Imagine a dog who is playful and energetic, living with someone who may be more reserved or introverted.

    The dog’s energy can encourage the person to be more active, which can lead to healthier habits such as walking or spending time outdoors. Sharing moments of joy, frustration or even sadness with a beloved dog can also provide a sense of companionship and emotional support.

    Although people and their dogs sometimes resemble each other, research suggests that compatibility may be another key element to build a positive relationship with dogs. Factors such as attachment style and aspects of the human’s personality may be equally relevant.

    Also, the sense of similarity is not always immediate and may emerge through co-regulation and mutual reinforcement, similarly to what happens in close human relationships. In this context, compatibility can exist even when people and dogs are not alike.

    Just like in relationships between people, resemblance is not necessarily what holds us together. Although resemblance plays a role, sometimes the most meaningful bonds are not between those who are alike. What seems to matter the most is how well we connect, support each other, embrace potential differences and build mutual understanding.

    Renata Roma does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Do people really resemble their dogs? – https://theconversation.com/do-people-really-resemble-their-dogs-255088

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why South Korea’s new leader may be on a collision course with Trump

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Christoph Bluth, Professor of International Relations and Security, University of Bradford

    The new South Korean president, Lee Jae-myung, calls himself a foreign policy “pragmatist”. He says he is driven by South Korea’s national interest, rather than ideology, and has spoken of his desire to improve relations with China and North Korea.

    Under the former president, Yoon Suk Yeol, South Korea’s relationship with these countries came under increasing strain. Yoon adopted a confrontational stance toward North Korea, and openly sided with Washington in its rivalry with Beijing. Lee’s vision may bring his government into conflict with the Trump administration.

    On the campaign trail, Lee sought to dispel doubts about his commitment to the longstanding military alliance between the US and South Korea. He repeatedly described Seoul’s relationship with Washington as the “basic axis of our diplomacy”.

    But he signalled that there would be some rebalancing of relations under his leadership, stressing that South Korea should not rely solely on the US. This reflects the fundamental belief of liberal politicians in South Korea. While acknowledging the importance of ties with the US, they want a more balanced relationship with other regional powers like China.

    Lee says closer relations with China will occur within the framework of South Korea’s alliance with the US. But, with Washington and Beijing battling for global influence, this is still likely to become a major point of tension with the US. The Trump administration has taken a hawkish approach towards China and wants its allies to do the same.

    Lee, for his part, has stated that South Korea should not be forced to choose between the US and China, saying: “We should not put all our eggs in one basket”. And he has signalled that his government will resist efforts by Washington to draw South Korea into any conflict with China over Taiwan or territorial disputes in the South China Sea.

    The Lee government clearly has a delicate balancing act ahead when it comes to the two superpowers. Trump has previously criticised the amount South Korea pays for the US forces stationed on its soil, while recent reports suggest he is considering the withdrawal of about 4,500 US troops from the country.

    Relations with Pyongyang

    Another of Lee’s pressing foreign policy issues is how to deal with the North Korean threat. Yoon’s government avoided dialogue with the North and encouraged the spread of outside information across the border.

    Over the past decade, in response to North Korea’s improved nuclear and missile capabilities, public opinion in South Korea has shifted in favour of developing an independent nuclear weapons programme.

    This is not a strategy the Lee government will pursue. The Democratic party, of which Lee is a member, has historically advocated a policy of engagement and peaceful coexistence with North Korea.

    From 1998 to 2008, and then again from 2017 to 2022, liberal governments in South Korea pursued a so-called “sunshine policy” towards the North. The goal was to reduce tension through engagement, with the ultimate goal being to create the conditions for unification.

    In his inaugural address on June 4, Lee said his government would deal with North Korean aggression with “strong deterrence” – referring to the military alliance with the US. But he also elaborated on the need to again reopen channels of communication with North Korea to deliver peace through talks and cooperation. He added: “Peace is always cheaper than war”.

    In a signal of his intent for renewed engagement with the North, Lee has nominated the former unification minister, Lee Jong-seok, as chief of the National Intelligence Service. Lee Jong-seok was the architect of South Korea’s policy towards the North between 2003 and 2008, during the presidency of Roh Moo-hyun.

    However, the geopolitical landscape has changed in recent years. In January 2024, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un declared South Korea an “enemy” nation and said the North would no longer be working toward reunification. North Korea has since then stopped any contact with the South and has ceased any economic collaboration.

    South Korea’s sunshine policy had seen the development of projects such as the Kaesong Industrial Complex, which involved South Korean businesses establishing factories in North Korea and employing North Korean workers.

    North Korea is a foreign policy issue in which the Trump administration and the Lee government may pursue similar objectives. Trump has also signalled that he is seeking to renew dialogue with North Korea, and has hinted at the possibility of future summits to discuss a nuclear agreement.

    Trump’s first term saw him become the first US president to meet with a North Korean leader while in office, though he ultimately made no progress in restraining North Korea’s nuclear programme.

    Kim is very unlikely to be responsive to efforts by either country to engage in dialogue. North Korea has forged a close partnership with Russia in recent years, which has even seen it send troops to fight against Ukraine, and no longer considers engagement with the US or South Korea necessary.

    It is instead banking on making significant advances in military technology. Russian assistance has reportedly already contributed to improvements in North Korea’s missile guidance systems, while Russia has also supplied North Korea with advanced air defence systems.

    The new Lee government faces a very challenging international environment. The North Korean threat is growing, the US security guarantee is weakening, and it will have to resist Trump’s attempts to draw South Korea into a regional military network to contain China. How it meets all of these challenges will become clear in the months and years ahead.

    Christoph Bluth received funding from the Korea Foundation and the Academy of Korean Studies

    – ref. Why South Korea’s new leader may be on a collision course with Trump – https://theconversation.com/why-south-koreas-new-leader-may-be-on-a-collision-course-with-trump-258143

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: For both artists and scientists, slow looking allows surprising connections to surface

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Amanda Bongers, Assistant Professor, Chemistry Education Research, Queen’s University, Ontario

    Scientists need skills in visual analysis and critical thinking, but these skills aren’t being taught or practised nearly enough in our university classrooms.

    The fast pace and complex visuals in chemistry lectures can be overwhelming.
    (Lee Nachtigal/Flickr), CC BY

    One reason why science is hard to learn is because it relies on visuals and simulations for things we cannot see with the naked eye. In topics like chemistry, students struggle to translate complicated symbols to the atoms and molecules they are meant to represent.

    Surprisingly, most university chemistry classrooms are not helping students with these tasks. Students spend lectures passively viewing slides packed with images without engaging with them or generating their own. Relying on innate ability, rather than teaching visual thinking and analysis skills, leaves many students feeling lost in the symbols and resorting to arduous and unproductive memorization tactics.

    What can we do to help students analyze and learn from scientific visuals? Fortunately, we can look to the arts for inspiration. There are parallels between the skills learned in art history and those needed in science classrooms.

    Developing a trained eye

    Feeling baffled by a work of art is similar to the experience of many chemistry learners. In both scenarios, viewers might ask themselves: What am I looking at, where should I look and what does it mean?

    And while a portrait or landscape may seem straightforward in its message, these works of art are filled with information and messages hidden to the untrained eye.

    The longer a viewer takes to look at each image, the more information can be uncovered, and the viewer can ask more questions and explore further.

    For example, in the 18th-century painting Still Life with Flowers on a Marble Tabletop by Dutch painter Rachel Ruysch, looking beyond the flowers painted in full bloom reveals a swarm of insects, which art historians regard in a wider context of spiritual meditations upon mortality.

    Did you notice the insects in ‘Still Life with Flowers on a Marble Tabletop?’
    (Rijksmuseum)

    The field of art history is dedicated to exploring works of art, and emphasizes visual analysis and critical thinking skills. When an art historian studies a work of art, they explore what information may be contained within the work, why it was presented in that manner and what this means in a broader context.



    Read more:
    Mike Pence’s fly: From Renaissance portraits to Salvador Dalí, artists used flies to make a point about appearances

    Process of looking, asking questions

    This process of looking and asking questions about what you are looking at is needed at all levels of science, and is a useful general skill.

    The non-profit organization Visual Thinking Strategies has created resources and programs to support educators, from kindergarten to high school, in using art for discussion in their classrooms.

    These discussions about art help young learners develop skills for reasoning, communicating and coping with uncertainty. Another resource, “Thinking Routines” from Harvard’s Project Zero, includes more suggestions for leading engagement with art and objects to help students cultivate observation, interpretation and questioning.

    Critical viewing means slowing down

    Such approaches have also been embraced in medical education, where medical students learn critical viewing through close-looking activities with art, and explore themes of empathy, power and care.

    Viewing art can help teach people critical viewing, a skill essential for interpreting medical imaging.
    (Shutterstock)

    Medical humanities programs also help young professionals to respond to ambiguity. Learning how to analyze art changes how people describe medical images, such as photos of clinical interactions, and has been shown to improve their empathy scores.

    The skills needed for visual analysis of art works require us to slow down and let our eyes wander and brains think. Slow and deep looking involves taking four or five minutes to silently view a work of art, allowing surprising details and connections to surface. Students training in medical imaging in the field of radiology can learn this slow and critical viewing process by interacting with art.

    Students in classrooms

    Now imagine the difference between a leisurely setting like a gallery to a classroom, with the pressure to listen, look, copy and learn from visuals and prepare for exams.

    How long are students spending analyzing these complex chemistry diagrams? Research that colleagues and I conducted suggests very little.

    When we observed chemistry classrooms, we found that students either passively viewed images while the instructor discussed them, or copied visuals as the instructor drew them. In both cases, they are not engaging with the visuals or generating their own.

    When teaching chemistry, Amanda, the lead author of this story, has seen students feel pressure to find a “correct” answer quickly when solving chemistry problems, causing them to overlook important but less obvious information.

    Visual analysis in chemistry education

    Our team of artists, art historians, arts educators, chemistry teachers and students is working to bring arts-inspired visual analysis into university chemistry classrooms.

    Through mock lectures followed by in-depth discussions, our preliminary research has found intersections between the practices and teachings of the visual arts skills and the skills needed for chemistry education, and we’ve designed activities for teaching students these skills.

    A focus group with university science educators helped us refine the activities to work for educators’ classrooms and goals. Through this process, we’ve identified new ways of thinking about and engaging with visuals and as our research evolves, so may these activities.

    Example of a visual analysis activity pairing a work of art with a chemistry visual. Left: ‘Cubist Study of a Head’ by Elemér de Kóródy, 1913 (The Met). Right: Analysis of a cycloaddition reaction (Author provided).

    Many students in university science classrooms will not pursue a traditional career in science, and their programs rarely lead to a specific job, yet visual thinking skills are essential in the wide skill sets needed for their future careers.

    Visual analysis and critical thinking are becoming even more important in daily life now with the rise of AI-generated images and videos.

    Developing skills to slow down and look

    Integrating the arts into other disciplines can support critical thinking and introduce learners to new perspectives. We argue that the arts can help science students develop essential visual analysis skills by teaching them to slow down and simply look.

    “Thinking like a scientist” has come to mean asking questions about what you see, but this could easily be framed as thinking like an art historian:

    1. Look closely for details;

    2. Consider details together and in context (for example, by asking: “Who created this and why?”);

    3. Recognize the need for broad technical and fundamental knowledge to see the less obvious, and;

    4. Accept uncertainty. There may be more than one answer, and we may never know for sure!

    Amanda Bongers receives funding from SSHRC and NSERC.

    Madeleine Dempster receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council

    – ref. For both artists and scientists, slow looking allows surprising connections to surface – https://theconversation.com/for-both-artists-and-scientists-slow-looking-allows-surprising-connections-to-surface-252355

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s travel ban casts shadow over the upcoming Fifa Club World Cup and other US-hosted sporting events

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Eric Storm, Senior Lecturer in General History, Leiden University

    Donald Trump’s controversial announcement of a travel ban on people from 12 countries visiting the US, immediately sparked questions about the implications for the upcoming Fifa Club World Cup and next year’s men’s football World Cup, both hosted in the US, as well as the 2028 Olympics in Los Angeles.

    The Fifa Club World Cup starts on June 15 and is hosted at venues across the US including at stadiums in Miami, Los Angeles and New York. Teams will travel from across the world to the US for the tournament.

    The travel ban will start on June 9, just before the major tournament, which features some of the biggest football clubs in the world, will start.

    While the announcement says athletes competing will be exempt from the ban, it is not obvious that this will extend to fans. And further restrictions on who can enter the country may add to the fear many travellers are feeling of being stopped at the US border.

    The announcement states that “any athlete or member of an athletic team, including coaches, persons performing a necessary support role, and immediate relatives travelling for the World Cup, the Olympics, or other major sporting events as defined by the Secretary of State” will be exempted from the ban. There’s not yet a list of which sporting events will be included in the exemption, or clarification of how the phrase “support role” may be interpreted.

    Some teams that have qualified for the Club World Cup have players from countries listed in the travel ban, and Iran, which is listed, has already qualified for the 2026 World Cup. The countries listed in the travel ban are: Afghanistan, Myanmar, Chad, Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen. Nationals from Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, Turkmenistan and Venezuela may also face some restrictions.

    President Trump announces a travel ban on 12 countries.

    The US relationship with both of its co-hosts (Mexico and Canada) for the world cup in 2026 is already rather tense, because of the current geopolitics, rhetoric and US tariffs. There’s already been a significant downturn in Canadian travel to the US, and a boycott of US products, after Trump’s assertions that he could take over his northern neighbour. This has also resulted in some tension at sports matches.

    The rivalry against US teams is likely to be more intense than normal. And it’s possible that many foreign fans could take out their frustration with Trump on US sportspeople. The president, who chairs the taskforce for the 2026 footballing event, could take that personally. And hostilities between rival groups of fans might escalate during the event.

    In the current polarised atmosphere some artists may not want to participate in the opening ceremony, unless they are aligned with Trump’s politics.

    Historical sporting conflicts

    Historically, political tension has had some impact on international sporting events, and affected how they were carried out. During the cold war, 60 countries, including the US, boycotted the Moscow Olympic Games of 1980 in protest against the recent Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Four years later, 15 countries from the Soviet orbit responded by boycotting the Los Angeles games in 1984.

    After the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 brought an end to the cold war, international relations generally became more relaxed and this was also reflected in major sport events. Fifa sought to reconcile Japan and South Korea, who had a difficult shared history of colonisation and war-time exploitation, by pressuring them to host the 2002 World Cup together.

    The tournament became a great success, patching up relations between the two countries. Both national teams performed better than anticipated, leading to outbursts of feelgood patriotism. This was unprecedented for Japan, burdened by the memory of the second world war.

    Four years later, the world cup was held in a recently reunited Germany. Fans from around the world, dressed up in their national colours, were welcomed in the host cities. The German public threw off its generally restrained attitude – and celebrated by waving the national flag with enthusiasm. It was felt to be a symbol of a new positive phase of a reunified Germany.

    Since the reelection of Trump, the United States has signalled it is reviewing its support for many international organisations, and is largely disregarding traditional avenues for soft power, (influence through cultural means such as film, art or foreign aid). Trump has also shocked Nato partners by suggesting that the US may not be willing to defend them.

    In the shadow of these international events and the growing geopolitical tensions, the upcoming football world cups may find their atmosphere somewhat dampened.

    Eric Storm does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump’s travel ban casts shadow over the upcoming Fifa Club World Cup and other US-hosted sporting events – https://theconversation.com/trumps-travel-ban-casts-shadow-over-the-upcoming-fifa-club-world-cup-and-other-us-hosted-sporting-events-253496

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Harvard battle is Trump’s ‘Mao moment’: lessons from China’s state-sanctioned university crackdown

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Félix Valdivieso, Chairman of IE China Observatory, IE University

    Students, professors and staff protest against President Trump measures at the University of California, Berkeley.
    .     Phil Pasquini/Shutterstock

    During the 1966-1976 Cultural Revolution, Mao Zedong pushed for the closure of Chinese universities, seeing higher education as little more than a breeding ground for counterrevolutionary bourgeois intellectuals. After closing for a period, China’s universities reopened on a limited basis from 1970, with selection criteria based on class background, revolutionary devotion and connections to the communist party.

    It was not until 1977 that the national university entrance exam (gaokao) was reinstated and a merit system put back in place. This period had been China’s “Mao moment” in higher education, but Mao’s historic mistake appears to be repeating itself in the US today.

    Over 13 centuries of tradition

    Imperial China had a sophisticated system of examinations (kējǔ, 科举) for citizens to reach the status of civil servant, or mandarin. These tests date back to the 7th century, under the Sui dynasty (581-618), and lasted until 1905.

    Depending on the period, the exams lasted from one to three days. Candidates were locked in a room, identified by a number, and their tests were copied by a third party so that their identity could not be recognised by their handwriting. All this was to ensure a fair and impartial contest for candidates whose futures were at stake.

    MIT professor Yasheng Huang says that if he had to highlight one fundamental difference between China and other civilisations, it would be the existence of these imperial examinations. He adds that they were both a blessing and a curse.

    He also points out that they are directly to blame for the state’s ongoing monopolisation of human talent in China. Put simply, the best and brightest became mandarins under this system. By depriving society of access to the best talent, the state also denied its people the chance of having any kind of organised religion, commerce or intelligentsia.

    For Huang, the imperial examinations were a significant cause of the decline of collective social action in China, one of the distinctive features of a civil society. This is reflected in the title of his 2024 book “The Rise and Fall of the EAST”, where EAST is not a compass point but an acronym for China’s defining features: Exams, Autocracy, Stability and Technology.

    China prioritises universities

    “The ‘Chinese phenomenon’ is why this ancient civilization
    with a long history of more than 2,000 years has declined in the modern
    era. Why is it lagging behind the modern nations of the world?”

    This question was posed in 1991 by the Chinese politician and intellectual Wang Huning, in his book America against America.

    Ever since Deng Xiaoping came to power in 1978, it became increasingly clear to China that its progress depended on raising its population’s education level, especially after the ravages of the Maoist Cultural Revolution.

    To do this, China created the C9 League in 2009. Composed of nine universities and similar to the American Ivy League, its members account for 10% of China’s national research budget, 3% of its total number of researchers, and 20% of published studies.



    Leer más:
    US-China tensions are an opportunity – the EU could become the world’s third great power

    Defund Harvard?

    When I spoke of “barbarians” in my 2024 book China for the New Barbarians,(Nola editores, 2024), I did so to call attention to the fact that there is a certain ignorance when the West speaks about China. However, the Trump Administration’s ongoing attacks against Harvard, one of the world’s most renowned universities, can only be described as barbaric.

    Last week Harvard was barred from enrolling international students on the grounds of alleged leftist indoctrination and anti-Semitism. It has also revoked student visas and, as if that were not enough, it has demanded that universities hand over information on students who have participated in student protests.

    Students in Harvard protesting against president Donald J. Trump.
    Pietrorizzatoph/Shutterstock

    What the Trump Administration wants is for Harvard to cease foreign admissions, a move that would lock out 6,500 students. In addition to denying Harvard access to top international talent, it would also inflict enormous damage to the ever-weakening concept of the “American spirit”, made up of democratic values, freedom, generosity, equality of opportunity, universal education, courage and leadership.

    The measure has been temporarily blocked by a district judge, though this may not count for much – the Trump Administration has already set a precedent of disputing or ignoring court orders.

    The situation is so dire that Jerome Powell – the chair of the Federal Reserve who was appointed by Trump during his first term – has been unable to keep quiet. Addressing Princeton University students at the May 2025 commencement speech, he stressed that American universities are the envy of the world, and a crucial asset for the US to continue to lead in scientific innovation and economic dynamism.

    Powell’s speech to Princeton graduates in May 2025. Source: Princeton University, YouTube.

    Powell has himself been a target of Trump’s criticism. In response to Powell’s refusal to lower interest rates – which he has kept between 4.25% and 4.5% to contain inflation – the president has called him “Mr Too Late” and “Major loser”.



    Leer más:
    Harvard is suing the White House: here’s what Trump hopes to achieve by targeting universities

    What does the rest of the world think?

    The world watches in astonishment as the US federal administration attempts to dismantle the country’s university system, which for decades has been one of the US’ poles of attraction, and a bulwark of its economic and technological success.

    This was perhaps best expressed by Oriaku, a Nigerian taxi driver I met back in the nineties who ferried me and my colleague Juan Gordon around Lagos. He told us about his dream of sending his children to Harvard, and when Juan commented that this would be expensive he wisely replied “if you think education is expensive, try ignorance.” “Harvard, Harvard,” Oriaku continued, “that’s the only reason I work myself to the bone.”

    Moves are already being made elsewhere to pick up the slack and welcome academics. The Hong Kong government, for instance, has called on its universities to attract the foreign talent that the US now wants to reject.

    Meanwhile, the Chinese can only smirk: they already lived through Mao’s brutal onslaught against their universities during the Cultural Revolution and know that it will bring no benefits. America is living through its own “Mao moments”, but we may soon be able rename them “Trump moments”.

    Félix Valdivieso no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

    – ref. Harvard battle is Trump’s ‘Mao moment’: lessons from China’s state-sanctioned university crackdown – https://theconversation.com/harvard-battle-is-trumps-mao-moment-lessons-from-chinas-state-sanctioned-university-crackdown-258127

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A two-state solution is gaining momentum again for Israel and the Palestinians. Does it have a chance of success?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Andrew Thomas, Lecturer in Middle East Studies, Deakin University

    As Israel’s devastating war in Gaza has ground on, the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was thought to be “dead”. Now, it is showing signs of life again.

    French President Emmanuel Macron is reportedly pressing other European nations to jointly recognise a Palestinian state at a UN conference in mid-June, focused on achieving a two-state solution. Macron called such recognition a “political necessity”.

    Countries outside Europe are feeling the pressure, too. Australia has reaffirmed its view that recognition of Palestine should be a “way of building momentum towards a two-state solution”.

    During Macron’s visit to Indonesia in late May, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto made a surprising pledge to recognise Israel if it allowed for a Palestinian state.

    Indonesia is one of about 28 nations that don’t currently recognise Israel. France, Australia, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan and South Korea are among the approximately 46 nations that don’t recognise a Palestinian state.

    The UN conference on June 17–20, co-sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, wants to go “beyond reaffirming principles” and “achieve concrete results” towards a two-state solution.

    Most countries, including the US, have supported the two-state solution in principle for decades. However, the political will from all parties has faded in recent years.

    So, why is the policy gaining traction again now? And does it have a greater chance of success?

    What is the two-state solution?

    Put simply, the two-state solution is a proposed peace plan that would create a sovereign Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state. There have been several failed attempts to enact the policy over recent decades, the most famous of which was the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s.

    In recent years, the two-state solution was looking less likely by the day.

    The Trump administration’s decision in 2017 to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move the US embassy there signalled the US was moving away from its role as mediator. Then, several Arab states agreed to normalise relations with Israel in the the Abraham Accords, without Israeli promises to move towards a two-state solution.

    The Hamas attacks on Israel – and subsequent Israeli war on Gaza – have had a somewhat contradictory effect on the overarching debate.

    On the one hand, the brutality of Hamas’ actions substantially set back the legitimacy of the Palestinian self-determination movement in some quarters on the world stage.

    On the other, it’s also become clear the status quo – the continued Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank following the end of a brutal war – is not tenable for either Israeli security or Palestinian human rights.

    And the breakdown of the most recent ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the return of heavy Israeli ground operations in May and reports of mass Palestinian starvation have only served to further isolate the Israeli government in the eyes of its peers.

    Once-steadfast supporters of Israel’s actions have become increasingly frustrated by a lack of clear strategic goals in Gaza. And many now seem prepared to ignore Israeli wishes and pursue Palestinian recognition.

    For these governments, the hope is recognition of a Palestinian state would rebuild political will – both globally and in the Middle East – towards a two-state solution.

    Huge obstacles remain

    But how likely is this in reality? There is certainly more political will than there was before, but also several important roadblocks.

    First and foremost is the war in Gaza. It’s obvious this will need to end, with both sides agreeing to an enduring ceasefire.

    Beyond that, the political authority in both Gaza and Israel remains an issue.

    The countries now considering Palestinian recognition, such France and Australia, have expressly said Hamas cannot play any role in governing a future Palestinian state.

    Though anti-Hamas sentiment is becoming more vocal among residents in Gaza, Hamas has been violently cracking down on this dissent and is attempting to consolidate its power.

    However, polling shows the popularity of Fatah – the party leading the Palestinian National Authority – is even lower than Hamas at an average of 21%. Less than half of Gazans support the enclave returning to Palestinian Authority control. This means a future Palestinian state would likely require new leadership.

    There is almost no political will in Israel for a two-state solution, either. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has not been shy about his opposition to a Palestinian state. His cabinet members have mostly been on the same page.

    This has also been reflected in policy action. In early May, the Israeli Security Cabinet approved a plan for Israel to indefinitely occupy parts of Gaza. The government also just approved its largest expansion of settlements in the West Bank in decades.

    These settlements remain a major problem for a two-state solution. The total population of Israeli settlers is more than 700,000 in both East Jerusalem and the West Bank. And it’s been increasing at a faster rate since the election of the right-wing, pro-settler Netanyahu government in 2022.

    Settlement is enshrined in Israeli Basic Law, with the state defining it as “national value” and actively encouraging its “establishment and consolidation”.

    The more settlement that occurs, the more complicated the boundaries of a future Palestinian state become.

    Then there’s the problem of public support. Recent polling shows neither Israelis nor Palestinians view the two-state solution favourably. Just 40% of Palestinians support it, while only 26% of Israelis believe a Palestinian state can “coexist peacefully” alongside Israel.

    However, none of these challenges makes the policy impossible. The unpopularity of the two-state solution locally is more a reflection of previous failures than it is of future negotiations.

    A power-sharing agreement in Northern Ireland was similarly unpopular in the 1990s, but peace was achieved through bold political leadership involving the US and European Union.

    In other words, we won’t know what’s possible until negotiations begin. Red lines will need to be drawn and compromises made.

    It’s not clear what effect growing external pressure will have, but the international community does appear to be reaching a political tipping point on the two-state solution. Momentum could start building again.

    Andrew Thomas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A two-state solution is gaining momentum again for Israel and the Palestinians. Does it have a chance of success? – https://theconversation.com/a-two-state-solution-is-gaining-momentum-again-for-israel-and-the-palestinians-does-it-have-a-chance-of-success-257890

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ukraine’s Operation Spider Web destroyed more than aircraft – it tore apart the old idea that bases far behind the front lines are safe

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Benjamin Jensen, Professor of Strategic Studies at the Marine Corps University School of Advanced Warfighting; Scholar-in-Residence, American University School of International Service

    A sitting duck? A Russian Tu-160 strategic bomber on the ground on Feb. 22, 2024. Alexander KazakovAFP via Getty Images

    A series of blasts at airbases deep inside Russia on June 1, 2025, came as a rude awakening to Moscow’s military strategists. The Ukrainian strike at the heart Russia’s strategic bombing capability could also upend the traditional rules of war: It provides smaller military a blueprint for countering a larger nation’s ability to launch airstrikes from deep behind the front lines.

    Ukraine’s Operation Spider Web involved 117 remote-controlled drones that were smuggled into Russia over an 18-month period and launched toward parked aircraft by operators miles away.

    The raid destroyed or degraded more than 40 Tu-95, Tu-160 and Tu-22 M3 strategic bombers, as well as an A-50 airborne-early-warning jet, according to officials in Kyiv. That would represent roughly one-third of Russia’s long-range strike fleet and about US$7 billion in hardware. Even if satellite imagery ultimately pares back those numbers, the scale of the damage is hard to miss.

    The logic behind the strike is even harder to ignore.

    Traditional modern military campaigns revolve around depth. Warring nations try to build combat power in relatively safe “rear areas” — logistics hubs that are often hundreds if not thousands of miles from the front line. These are the places where new military units form and long-range bombers, like those destroyed in Ukraine’s June 1 operation, reside.

    Since the invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the Kremlin has leaned heavily on its deep-rear bomber bases — some over 2,000 miles from the front in Ukraine. It has paired this tactic with launching waves of Iranian-designed Shahed attack drones to keep Ukrainian cities under nightly threat.

    The Russian theory of victory is brutally simple: coercive airpower. If missiles and one-way drones fall on Kyiv often enough, civilian morale in Ukraine will crack, even as the advance of Russian ground forces get bogged down on the front line.

    For Kyiv’s military planners, destroying launch platforms undercuts that theory far more cheaply than the only other alternative: intercepting every cruise missile in flight, which to date has achieved an 80% success rate but relies heavily on Western-donated equipment coming increasingly in short supply.

    Airfield vulnerability

    Airfields have always been critical targets in modern warfare, the logic being that grounded bombers and fighters are more vulnerable and easier to hit.

    In the North African desert during World War II, the United Kingdom’s Special Air Service used jeep raids and delayed-action explosives to knock out an estimated 367 enemy aircraft spread across North Africa — firepower the Luftwaffe never regenerated. That same year, German paratroopers seized the airstrips on Crete, denying the British Royal Air Force a forward base and tipping an entire island campaign.

    A generation later in Vietnam, Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Army assault teams armed with satchel charges and mortars repeatedly penetrated U.S. perimeters at Phan Rang, Da Nang and Bien Hoa, burning fighters on the ramp and forcing the diversion of thousands of American soldiers to base security.

    The underlying playbook of hitting aircraft on the ground remains effective because it imposes cascading costs. Every runway cratered and every bomber torched obliges the military hit to pour money into ways to frustrate such attacks, be it hardened shelters or the dispersal of squadrons across multiple bases. Such air attacks also divert fighters from the front lines to serve as guards.

    U.S. soldiers look at wreckage of an Air Force B-57 Canberra bomber after Viet Cong mortars destroyed 21 planes at Bien Hoa airbase in 1964.
    AP Photo

    A new age of drone warfare

    In Operation Spider Web, Ukraine has sought to repeat that strategy while also leveraging surprise to achieve psychological shock and dislocation.

    But the Ukraine operation taps into a uniquely 21st-century aspect of warfare.

    The advent of unmanned drone warfare has increasingly seen military practitioners talk of “air littorals” — military speak for the slice of atmosphere that sits above ground forces yet below the altitude where high-performance fighters and bombers traditionally roam.

    Drones thrive in this region, where they bypass most infantry weapons and fly too low for traditional radar-guided defenses to track reliably, despite being able to incapacitate targets like fuel trucks or strategic bombers.

    By smuggling small launch teams of drones within a few miles of each runway, Kyiv created pop-up launchpads deep into Russia and were able to catch the enemy off guard and unprepared.

    The economic benefits of Ukraine’s approach are stark. Whereas a drone, a lithium-battery and a warhead cost well under $3,000, a Russian Tu-160 bomber costs in the region of $250 million.

    The impact on Russia

    Ukraine’s Operation Spider Web will have immediate and costly consequences for Russia, even if the strikes end up being less destructive than Kyiv currently claims.

    Surviving bombers will need to be relocated. Protecting bases from repeat attacks will mean erecting earthen revetments, installing radar-guided 30 mm cannons and electronic-warfare jammers to cover possible attack vectors. This all costs money. Even more importantly, the operation will divert trained soldiers and technicians who might otherwise rotate to the front line in support of the coming summer offensive.

    Russian MiG-31bm fighter jets, a Tu-160 strategic bomber and an Il-78 aerial refueling tanker fly over Moscow during a rehearsal for the WWII Victory Parade on May 4, 2022.
    Kirill Kudryavtsev/AFP via Getty Images

    The raid also punches a hole in Russia’s nuclear weapons capabilities.

    Losing as many as a dozen Tu-95 and Tu-160 aircraft, which double as nuclear-capable bombers, would be strategically embarrassing and may prod the Kremlin to rethink the frequency of long-range air patrols.

    Beyond the physical and financial damage to Russia’s fleet, Ukraine’s operation also comes with a potent psychological effect. It signals that Ukraine, more than three years into a war aimed at grinding down morale, is able to launch sophisticated operations deep into Russian territory.

    Ukraine’s security service operation unfolded in patient, granular steps: 18 months of smuggling disassembled drones and batteries across borders inside innocuous cargo, weeks of quietly reassembling kits, and meticulous scouting of camera angles to ensure that launch trucks would be indistinguishable from normal warehouse traffic on commercial satellite imagery.

    Operators drove those trucks to presurveyed firing points and then deployed the drones at treetop height.

    Because each of the drones was a one-way weapon, a dozen pilots could work in parallel either close to the launch site or remotely, steering live-video feeds toward parked bombers. Videos of the strike suggest multiple near-simultaneous impacts across wide swaths of runway — enough to swamp any ad hoc small-arms response from perimeter guards.

    A new front line?

    For Ukraine, the episode demonstrates a repeatable method for striking deep, well-defended assets. The same playbook can, in principle, be adapted to missile storage depots and, more importantly, factories across Russia mass-producing Shahed attack drones.

    Kyiv has needed to find a way to counter the waves of drones and ballistic missile strikes that in recent months have produced more damage than Russian cruise missiles. The Center for Strategic and International Studies’ Firepower Strike Tracker has shown that Shaheds are now the most frequent and most cost-effective air weapon in Russia’s campaign.

    But the implications of Operation Spider Web go far beyond the Russia-Ukraine conflict by undermining the old idea that rear areas are safe. Comparatively inexpensive drones, launched from inside Russia’s own territory, wiped out aircraft that cost billions and underpin Moscow’s long-range strike and nuclear signaling. That’s a strategy than can be easily replicated by other attackers against other countries.

    Anyone who can smuggle, hide and pilot small drones can sabotage an adversary’s ability to generate air attacks.

    Air forces that rely on large, fixed bases must either harden, disperse or accept that their runway is a new front line.

    Benjamin Jensen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ukraine’s Operation Spider Web destroyed more than aircraft – it tore apart the old idea that bases far behind the front lines are safe – https://theconversation.com/ukraines-operation-spider-web-destroyed-more-than-aircraft-it-tore-apart-the-old-idea-that-bases-far-behind-the-front-lines-are-safe-258056

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Kenya’s ride-hailing drivers say their jobs offer dignity despite the challenges

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Julie Zollmann, Digital Planet Fellow, The Fletcher School, Tufts University

    Many argue that gig work involves exploitation, as research and media coverage have highlighted. But that doesn’t seem to deter ride hailing drivers on platforms like Uber and Bolt.

    In Kenya, in fact, many new drivers continued to join platforms even as fares were slashed starting in 2016.

    As a PhD student studying the role of digitalisation in development, I spent several years trying to understand how digital drivers experienced the quality of their work. My research found that in 2019, a typical digital driver in Nairobi worked about 58 hours a week and earned well below the minimum wage on an hourly basis. What made this work attractive? Why did drivers stay?

    In a new paper, I draw on a 2019 survey of 450 drivers in Nairobi and 38 subsequent qualitative interviews in Nairobi and Kenya’s second largest ride hailing market, Mombasa, in 2021 that explored drivers’ experiences in detail.

    In addition to measuring working hours and incomes, my survey team asked drivers if they considered their work “dignified”. Nearly eight in ten (78%) of our survey participants said yes. While that specific share of drivers may have changed since then, the underlying reasons drivers found the work dignified remain unchanged.

    In the global north, scholars have rung alarm bells about what “gig work” means for the erosion of standard jobs with legal protections around working hours, minimum wage and other benefits. But the drivers my team and I spoke with in Kenya felt that digital driving was a step towards formalisation rather than a drift away from an ideal formal job. Driving had diginity in contrast to the indignities of low-wage work and the vast informal sector, which was their realistic alternative for making a living.

    My findings highlight that workers’ experiences on global platforms like Uber are not universal and that digitisation may deliver some improvements in work quality relative to informal work in African contexts.

    How did digital work deliver dignity?

    Drivers explained that app companies imposed rules and structure that provided “discipline” in a transport sector more broadly associated with rudeness, unruliness, and disrespect towards passengers. Requirements for things like driving licences, proof of insurance, and ratings seemed to make drivers feel more professional and make passengers see them as such.

    Drivers felt proud to be part of a driver community that behaved professionally under these conditions. A 38-year-old male driver in Nairobi who had been working on the platforms for three years told us:

    We are very respected … Everyone trusts you to carry them. It’s not like the old days, when the taxi driver might rob you and dump you or even kill you. We are getting attraction from the society, even in the slums. They know you are an app driver, and they trust you because app drivers are good people. They know you can deliver, that you will be honest.



    Read more:
    Zimbabwe’s economy crashed — so how do citizens still cling to myths of urban and economic success?

    On platforms, drivers were matched digitally with riders. Respondents said this brought dignity by ensuring drivers would receive a fairly steady stream of clients. This meant that a driver could rest assured he would earn money every day.

    The alternative was to “hustle” in the informal economy to shake loose opportunities and constantly solicit those who might use their labour and beg for payment after a job was done. Constant solicitation and bargaining were exhausting and degrading.

    One driver explained:

    Most of us are poor. I have never walked out every morning sure that I would do a job. But now I know that if my car has been serviced and my phone is charged and working, I am going to work and not to some charity job. I used to wait at the base all day without getting a customer. Now, ….. at least two, three days are going to be good for you.

    Digital matchmaking also meant that drivers were not limited to serving the few clients they already knew or who happened to pass them at a fixed base. They found themselves serving new parts of the city and carrying important people, including business people, celebrities and local politicians. Serving these high-end customers made them feel proud and important. Wealthy neighbourhoods, luxury hotels and high-end restaurants felt more open to them in otherwise exclusionary and segregated cities.

    Some drivers felt that digitalisation had removed barriers to entry for taxi driving, like paying to join a parking base and building a client list.

    The app did away with parking bases, and about half of drivers joined the system through a “partner”, paying a fixed weekly fee to rent their car instead of buying it themselves.

    In efforts to make rides cheaper, in 2018 app companies in Kenya allowed smaller, less expensive cars on their platforms, lowering costs of ownership. Drivers in our survey showed that both formal and informal financiers were willing to offer loans to digital drivers, knowing they would have regular revenue to service their debt.

    Buying a car was seen as a huge, dignifying accomplishment. One driver in the survey told us:

    Growing up, I thought vehicles were owned only by the rich, but now digital driving has provided a means for me to own one and earn the respect of society.

    David Muteru, then chairman of the Digital Taxi Association of Kenya, echoed this sentiment: “Owning a vehicle, that’s an asset”.

    Dignity not always guaranteed

    The dignifying value of order was only possible when app companies enforced their own rules and did so fairly. Drivers preferred the stringent rule enforcement of one major app over the lax enforcement of another, which made for more stressful and undignified interactions with riders.

    When the rules were enforced, drivers could be sure that the app company would help if a rider refused to pay or if there was a dispute with the client. Drivers felt the stricter environment kept bad actors out.

    Over time, though, app companies slashed prices, competing for market share. Drivers felt less respected by riders who saw them as desperate for money. Low fares pressed drivers to negotiate with riders for offline trips and higher rates, reintroducing the indignity of haggling.

    Lessons for the future

    Digitally mediated work raises many questions about labour standards.

    This research shows how important it is to keep local context in mind. Digital driving is not the same experience for drivers in every context. Where people suffer indignities and deprivations in the informal sector, digitalisation may offer gains. But this potential depends on rule enforcement and pay. Material and subjective dignity are intertwined.

    Julie Zollmann received funding from Mastercard Foundation.

    – ref. Kenya’s ride-hailing drivers say their jobs offer dignity despite the challenges – https://theconversation.com/kenyas-ride-hailing-drivers-say-their-jobs-offer-dignity-despite-the-challenges-257845

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How a postwar German literary classic helped eclipse painter Emil Nolde’s relationship to Nazism

    Source: The Conversation – France – By Ombline Damy, Doctorante en Littérature Générale et Comparée, Sciences Po

    Emil Nolde, _Red Clouds_, watercolour on handmade paper, 34.5 x 44.7 cm. Emil Nolde/Museo Nacional Thyssen-Bornemisza, Madrid, CC BY-NC-ND

    Paintings by German artist Emil Nolde (1867-1956) were recently on display at the Musée Picasso in Paris as part of an exhibition on what the Nazis classified as “degenerate art”. At first glance, his works fit perfectly, but recent research shows that Nolde’s relationship to Nazism is much more nuanced than the exhibition revealed.

    The German Lesson: a postwar literary classic

    While Nolde was one of the many victims of the Third Reich’s repressive responses to “degenerate art”, he was also one of Nazism’s great admirers. The immense popularity of The German Lesson (1968) by author Siegfried Lenz, however, greatly contributed to creating the legend of Nolde as a martyr of the Nazi regime.


    The cover of the French edition, which was on sale in the Musée Picasso bookstore, subtly echoes one of Nolde’s works, Hülltoft Farm, which hung in the exhibition.

    Set against the backdrop of Nazi policies on “degenerate art”, the novel is about a conflict between a father and son. It addresses in literary form the central postwar issue of Vergangenheitsbewältigung, a term referring to the individual and collective work of German society on coming to terms with its Nazi past.

    The German Lesson was met with huge success upon publication. Since then, it has become a classic of postwar German literature. Over 2 million copies have been sold across the world, and the novel has been translated into more than 20 languages. It is still studied in Germany as part of the national school curriculum. Adding to its popularity, the book was adapted for the screen in 1971 and in 2019. More than 50 years after its publication, The German Lesson continues to shape the way we think about Nazi Germany.

    Max Ludwig Nansen, a fictional painter turned martyr

    Set in Germany in the 1950s, the novel is told through the eyes of Siggi, a young man incarcerated in a prison for delinquent youths. Asked to pen an essay on the “joys of duty”, he dives into his memories of a childhood in Nazi Germany as the son of a police officer.

    He remembers that his father, Jens Ole Jepsen, was given an order to prevent his own childhood friend, Max Ludwig Nansen, from painting. As a sign of protest against the painting ban, Nansen created a secret collection of paintings titled “the invisible pictures”. Because he was young enough to appear innocent, Siggi was used by his father to spy on the painter.

    Siggi found himself torn between the two men, who related to duty in radically opposite ways. While Jepsen thought it his duty to follow the orders given to him, Nansen saw art as his only duty. Throughout the novel, Siggi becomes increasingly close to the painter, whom he sees as a hero, all the while distancing himself from his father, who in turn is perceived as a fanatic.

    The novel’s point of view, that of a child, demands of its reader that they complete Siggi’s omissions or partial understanding of the world around him with their adult knowledge. This deliberately allusive narrative style enables the author to elude the topic of Nazism – or at least to hint at it in a covert way, thus making the novel acceptable to a wide German audience at the time of its publication in 1968.

    Nevertheless, the book leaves little room for doubt on the themes it tackles. While Nazism is never explicitly named, the reader will inevitably recognize the Gestapo (the political police of the regime) when Siggi speaks of the “leather coats” who arrest Nansen. Readers will also identify the ban on painting issued to Nansen as a part of Nazi policies on “degenerate art”. And, what’s more, they will undoubtedly perceive the real person hiding behind the fictional character of Max Ludwig Nansen: Emil Nolde, born Hans Emil Nansen.


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    Emil Nolde, a real painter become legend

    Much like his fictional counterpart Max Ludwig Nansen, the painter Emil Nolde fell victim to Nazi policies aimed at artists identified as “degenerate”. More than 1,000 of his artworks were confiscated, some of which were integrated into the 1937 travelling exhibition on “degenerate art” orchestrated by the regime. Nolde was banned from the German art academy, and he was forbidden to sell and exhibit his work.

    A photograph of Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels’ visit to the exhibition titled Entartete Kunst (Degenerate Art) in Munich, 1937. At left, from top, two paintings by Emil Nolde: Christ and the Sinner (1926) and the Wise and the Foolish Virgins (1910), a painting that has disappeared.
    Wikimedia

    After the collapse of the Nazi regime, the tide turned for this “degenerate” artist. Postwar German society glorified him as a victim and opponent of Nazi politics, an image which Nolde carefully fostered. In his memoirs, he claimed to have been forbidden to paint by the regime, and to have created a series of “unpainted pictures” in a clandestine act of resistance.

    Countless exhibits on Nolde, in Germany and around the world, served to perpetuate the myth of a talented painter, fallen victim to the Nazi regime, who decided to fight back. His works even made it into the hallowed halls of the German chancellery. Helmut Schmidt, chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany from 1974 to 1982, and Germany’s former chancellor Angela Merkel decorated their offices with his paintings.

    The popularity of The German Lesson, inspired by Nolde’s life, further solidified the myth – until the real Nolde and the fictional Nansen became fully inseparable in Germany’s collective imagination.

    Twilight of an idol

    Yet, the historical figure and the fictional character could not be more different. Research conducted for exhibits on Nolde in Frankfurt in 2014 and in Berlin in 2019 revealed the artist’s true relationship to Nazism to the wider public.

    Nolde was indeed forbidden from selling and exhibiting his works by the Nazi regime. But he was not forbidden from painting. The series of “unpainted pictures”, which he claimed to have created in secret, are in fact a collection of works put together after the war.

    What’s more, Nolde joined the Nazi Party as early as 1934. To make matters worse, he also hoped to become an official artist of the regime, and he was profoundly antisemitic. He was convinced that his work was the expression of a “German soul” – with all the racist undertones that such an affirmation suggests. He relentlessly tried to convince Goebbels and Hitler that his paintings, unlike those of “the Jews”, were not “degenerate”.

    Why, one might ask, did more than 70 years go by before the truth about Nolde came out?

    Yes, the myth built by Nolde himself and solidified by The German Lesson served to eclipse historical truth. Yet this seems to be only part of the story. In Nolde’s case, like in many others that involve facing a fraught national past, it looks like fiction was a great deal more attractive than truth.

    In Lenz’s book, the painter Nansen claims that “you will only start to see properly […] when you start creating what you need to see”. By seeing in Nolde the fictional character of Nansen, Germans created a myth they needed to overcome a painful past. A hero, who resisted Nazism. Beyond the myth, reality appears to be more complex.

    Ombline Damy received funding from la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques (National Foundation of Political Sciences, or FNSP) for her thesis.

    – ref. How a postwar German literary classic helped eclipse painter Emil Nolde’s relationship to Nazism – https://theconversation.com/how-a-postwar-german-literary-classic-helped-eclipse-painter-emil-noldes-relationship-to-nazism-258310

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A new observatory is assembling the most complete time-lapse record of the night sky ever

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Noelia Noël, Senior Lecturer, School of Mathematics and Physics, University of Surrey

    On 23 June 2025, the world will get a look at the first images from one of the most powerful telescopes ever built: the Vera C. Rubin Observatory.

    Perched high in the Chilean Andes, the observatory will take hundreds of images of the southern hemisphere sky, every night for 10 years. In doing so, it will create the most complete time-lapse record of our Universe ever assembled. This scientific effort is known as the Legacy Survey of Space and Time (LSST).

    Rather than focusing on small patches of sky, the Rubin Observatory will scan the entire visible southern sky every few nights. Scientists will use this rolling deep-sky snapshot to track supernovae (exploding stars), asteroids, black holes, and galaxies as they evolve and change in real time. This is astronomy not as a static snapshot, but as a cosmic story unfolding night by night.

    At the heart of the observatory lies a remarkable piece of engineering: a digital camera the size of a small car and weighing over three tonnes. With a staggering 3,200 megapixels, each image it captures has enough detail to spot a golf ball from 25km away.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Each image is so detailed that it would take hundreds of ultra-high-definition TV screens to display it in full. To capture the universe in colour, the camera uses enormous filters — each about the size of a dustbin lid — that allow through different types of light, from ultraviolet to near-infrared.

    The observatory was first proposed in 2001, and construction at the Cerro Pachón ridge site in northern Chile began in April 2015. The first observations with a low-resolution test camera were carried out in October 2024, setting up the first images using the main camera, to be unveiled in June.

    Big questions

    The observatory is designed to tackle some of astronomy’s biggest questions. For instance, by measuring how galaxies cluster and move, the Rubin Observatory will help scientists investigate the nature of dark energy, the mysterious force driving the accelerating expansion of the Universe.

    As a primary goal, it will map the large-scale structure of the Universe and investigate dark matter, the invisible form of matter that makes up 27% of the cosmos. Dark matter acts as the “scaffolding” of the universe, a web-like structure that provides a framework for the formation of galaxies.

    The observatory is named after the US astronomer Dr Vera Rubin, whose groundbreaking work uncovered the first strong evidence for dark matter – the very phenomenon this telescope will explore in unprecedented detail.

    As a woman in a male-dominated field, Rubin overcame numerous obstacles and remained a tireless advocate for equality in science. She died in 2016 at the age of 88, and her name on this observatory is a tribute not only to her science, but to her perseverance and her legacy of inclusion.

    Closer to home, Rubin will help find and track millions of asteroids and other objects that come near Earth – helping warn astronomers of any potential collisions. The observatory will also monitor stars that change in brightness, which can reveal planets orbiting them.

    And it will capture rare and fleeting cosmic events, such as the collision of very dense objects called neutron stars, which release sudden bursts of light and ripples in space known as gravitational waves.

    What makes this observatory particularly exciting is not just what we expect it to find, but what we can’t yet imagine. Many astronomical breakthroughs have come from chance: strange flashes in the night sky and puzzling movements of objects. Rubin’s massive, continuous data stream could reveal entirely new classes of objects or unknown physical processes.

    The observatory is equipped with the world’s largest digital camera.
    RubinObs/NOIRLab/SLAC/DOE/NSF/AURA

    But capturing this “movie of the universe” depends on something we often take for granted: dark skies. One of the growing challenges facing astronomers is light pollution from satellite mega-constellations – a group of many satellites working together.

    These satellites reflect sunlight and can leave bright streaks across telescope images, potentially interfering with the very discoveries Rubin is designed to make. While software can detect and remove some of these trails, doing so adds complexity, cost and can degrade the data.

    Fortunately, solutions are already being explored. Rubin Observatory staff are developing simulation tools to predict and reduce satellite interference. They are also working with satellite operators to dim or reposition spacecraft. These efforts are essential – not just for Rubin, but for the future of space science more broadly.

    Rubin is a collaboration between the US National Science Foundation and the Department of Energy, with global partners contributing to data processing and scientific analysis. Importantly, much of the data will be publicly available, offering researchers, students and citizen scientists around the world the chance to make discoveries of their own.

    The “first-look” event, which will unveil the first images from the observatory, will be livestreamed in English and Spanish, and celebrations are planned at venues around the world.

    For astronomers, this is a once-in-a-generation moment – a project that will transform our view of the universe, spark public imagination and generate scientific insights for decades to come.

    Noelia Noël does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A new observatory is assembling the most complete time-lapse record of the night sky ever – https://theconversation.com/a-new-observatory-is-assembling-the-most-complete-time-lapse-record-of-the-night-sky-ever-258231

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Reform leads in voting intentions – but where does their vote come from?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul Whiteley, Professor, Department of Government, University of Essex

    Recent voting intention polling from YouGov (May 27) shows Reform UK in first place, 8% ahead of Labour and 10% ahead of the Conservatives, who are now in third place.

    The rising popularity of Nigel Farage’s party is an unprecedented threat to the major parties. This was driven home in recent local elections in England, where Reform won 677 seats and took control of 10 local authorities. But where does this support come from?

    The survey compares respondent voting intention to their votes in the 2024 general election.

    If we look at Conservative voters, 27% of them have switched to Reform in their voting intentions while 66% remain loyal. Alarmingly for Labour, only 60% of their 2024 voters have remained loyal and 15% intend to vote for Reform, while 12% switched to the Liberal Democrats and 9% to the Greens.

    Labour has been squeezed from both sides of the political spectrum, but the loss to the left is significantly larger than the loss to the right.

    In contrast, 73% of Liberal Democrat voters have remained loyal to the party with only 7% switching to Reform and 8% going to Labour. Not surprisingly, 91% of Reform voters have remained loyal, with 5% going to the Conservatives and 3% going to the Greens. None of the Reform voters have switched to Labour or the Liberal Democrats.

    Reform’s rise has led the Labour government to take more hardline stances on key issues, particularly immigration and asylum – which around half of YouGov respondents say is the most important issue facing the country.

    And with small boat crossings on the rise again, it remains to be seen whether the government’s recent proposals to reduce net migration will be enough to hold onto wavering supporters.



    Read more:
    What do MPs really think about immigration? We surveyed them to find out

    Social backgrounds and party support

    If we probe a bit further into the social characteristics of voters, only 8% of 18 to 24-year-olds support Reform, compared with 35% of 50 to 64-year-olds and 33% of the over-65s. Some 34% of the younger group support Labour, 12% the Conservatives, 15% the Liberal Democrats and 25% the Greens.

    As far as the 50 to 64-year-olds are concerned, 19% support Labour, 16% the Conservatives, 16% the Liberal Democrats and 9% the Greens. There is currently a significant age divide when it comes to party support.

    With respect to class (or “social grade” as it is described in contemporary surveys), 23% of the middle-class support Reform compared with 38% of the working class. The latter were the bedrock of Labour support a couple of generations ago, but now only 19% support Labour, with 17% supporting the Conservatives and 12% the Liberal Democrats.

    Current support for the parties among middle-class voters apart from Reform is 22% for Labour, 21% for the Conservatives and 17% for the Liberal Democrats. Again, the middle class used to be the key supporters of the Conservative party, but at the moment the party is running third behind its rivals in this group.

    Finally, the relationship between gender and support for the parties is also interesting. Some 35% of male respondents support Reform compared with only 24% of female respondents.

    In contrast, 21% of both men and women support Labour. The figures for the Conservatives are 16% of men and 22% of women, and Liberal Democrat support is 14% support from men and 16% from women.

    There is also notable support for Reform among those who voted Leave in the 2016 Brexit referendum in the YouGov survey. Altogether 53% of Leave voters in the EU Referendum opted for Reform and 24% supported the Conservatives, with 8% supporting Labour, 8% the Liberal Democrats and 4% the Greens. In the case of Remain voters, 10% chose Reform, 17% went for the Conservatives, 30% for Labour, 23% for the Liberal Democrats and 14% for the Greens.

    Not surprisingly, Reform takes the largest share of Brexit voters, but just over half of them – indicating that a lot of change has occurred in support since the 2016 referendum and Farage’s role in the Leave campaign. The fact that 10% of Remain voters switched to Reform and 20% of Leave voters have switched to Labour, the Liberal Democrats or the Greens shows that it is not just a simple case of support for Brexit leading to support for Reform.

    Voting and volatility

    Before Nigel Farage starts picking out curtains for Number 10, it is worth looking at another volatile moment in British political history. The chart below shows the effects of the split in the Labour party in 1981, when the Social Democratic Party was formed by the “gang of four” breakaway Labour politicians, Shirley Williams, Roy Jenkins, David Owen and Bill Rodgers.

    The newly formed party agreed an electoral pact with the Liberals, which continued until the 1983 election. A Gallup poll published in December 1981 shows a massive lead for the SDP-Liberal Alliance.

    And yet, Margaret Thatcher’s Conservatives won that election. Labour came second by a small margin ahead of the SDP-Liberal Alliance and remained the main opposition party.

    The point of this example is that a massive lead in the polls for the SDP-Liberal Alliance shortly after it was established did not provide a breakthrough in the general election two years later. Reform may be in the lead now, but this does not mean that it will win the general election of 2028-29.

    That said, there is a real risk for Labour continuing to lose support to both the left and the right – something which it needs to rapidly repair. Rachel Reeves’s “iron chancellor” strategy, in which the government announces fiscal rules which it claims to stand by at all costs, is no longer credible.

    As the Institute of Government points out, every single fiscal rule adopted since 2008 has subsequently been abandoned. A strategy of continuing austerity by making significant cuts in the welfare budget to calm financial markets is likely to fail, both in the economy and with voters.

    Paul Whiteley has received funding from the British Academy and the ESRC.

    – ref. Reform leads in voting intentions – but where does their vote come from? – https://theconversation.com/reform-leads-in-voting-intentions-but-where-does-their-vote-come-from-257754

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Rosemary has been linked to better memory, lower anxiety and even protection from Alzheimer’s

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dipa Kamdar, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy Practice, Kingston University

    Anna Nahabed/Shutterstock

    Rosemary (Rosmarinus officinalis), the aromatic herb native to the Mediterranean, has long been treasured in kitchens around the world. But beyond its culinary charm, rosemary is also gaining recognition for its impressive health benefits, especially when it comes to brain health, inflammation and immune function.

    Research suggests rosemary may even hold promise in the fight against Alzheimer’s disease, the leading cause of dementia worldwide.

    Historically, rosemary has been linked to memory and mental clarity. In ancient Greece and Rome, students and scholars used rosemary in the hope of sharpening concentration and recall.

    Modern science is finding there may have been something in this: in one study, people who inhaled rosemary’s scent performed better on memory tasks compared to those in an unscented environment.

    So how does rosemary work on the brain? There are several mechanisms at play. For starters, rosemary stimulates blood circulation, including to the brain, helping deliver more oxygen and nutrients, which may improve mental clarity. It also has calming properties; some studies suggest its aroma can reduce anxiety and improve sleep. Lower stress can mean better focus and memory retention.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Rosemary contains compounds that interact with the brain’s neurotransmitters. One such compound, 1,8-cineole, helps prevent the breakdown of acetylcholine, a brain chemical essential for learning and memory. By preserving acetylcholine, rosemary may help support cognitive performance, especially as we age.

    Another bonus? Rosemary is packed with antioxidants, which help protect brain cells from damage caused by oxidative stress – a major factor in cognitive decline.

    Rosemary is rich in phytochemicals, plant compounds with health-enhancing effects. One of the most powerful is carnosic acid, an antioxidant and anti-inflammatory agent that helps shield brain cells from harm, particularly from the kinds of damage linked to Alzheimer’s disease.



    Read more:
    Chronic stress contributes to cognitive decline and dementia risk – 2 healthy-aging experts explain what you can do about it

    In 2025, researchers developed a stable version of carnosic acid called diAcCA. In promising pre-clinical studies, this compound improved memory, boosted the number of synapses (the connections between brain cells), and reduced harmful Alzheimer’s related proteins like amyloid-beta and tau.

    What’s especially exciting is that diAcCA only activates in inflamed brain regions, which could minimise side effects. So far, studies in mice show no signs of toxicity and significant cognitive improvements – raising hopes that human trials could be next.

    Researchers also believe diAcCA could help treat other inflammatory conditions, such as type 2 diabetes, cardiovascular disease and Parkinson’s disease.

    Beyond brain health

    Rosemary’s benefits could extend well beyond the brain. It’s been used traditionally to ease digestion, relieve bloating and reduce inflammation.

    Compounds like rosmarinic acid and ursolic acid are known for their anti-inflammatory effects throughout the body. Rosemary may even benefit the skin – a review suggests it can help soothe acne and eczema, while carnosic acid may offer anti-ageing benefits by protecting skin from sun damage.

    Rosemary oil also has antimicrobial properties, showing promise in food preservation and potential pharmaceutical applications by inhibiting the growth of bacteria and fungi.

    For most people, rosemary is safe when used in food, teas or aromatherapy. But concentrated doses or extracts can pose risks. Consuming large amounts may cause vomiting or, in rare cases, seizures – particularly in people with epilepsy.

    There’s also a theoretical risk of rosemary stimulating uterine contractions, so pregnant people should avoid high doses. Because rosemary can interact with some medications – such as blood thinners – it’s best to check with a healthcare provider before taking large amounts in supplement form.

    Rosemary is more than just a kitchen staple. It’s a natural remedy with ancient roots and modern scientific backing. As research continues, particularly into breakthrough compounds like diAcCA, rosemary could play an exciting role in future treatments for Alzheimer’s and other chronic conditions.

    In the meantime, adding a little rosemary to your life – whether in a meal, a cup of tea, or a breath of its fragrant oil – could be a small step with big health benefits.

    Dipa Kamdar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Rosemary has been linked to better memory, lower anxiety and even protection from Alzheimer’s – https://theconversation.com/rosemary-has-been-linked-to-better-memory-lower-anxiety-and-even-protection-from-alzheimers-256920

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –