Category: Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Global: Five geoengineering trials the UK is funding to combat global warming

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Robert Chris, Honorary Associate, Geography, The Open University

    graphicwithart / shutterstock

    The UK government recently announced plans to fund five small-scale trials related to geoengineering. It’s the first time a state research funding body has put serious money into what’s known as solar radiation management, or SRM, which seeks to cool the planet by reflecting more of the Sun’s energy back into space.

    It’s easy to see why countries have been so hesitant to proceed with projects of this nature: SRM is highly controversial, even among scientists.

    Deliberately altering the atmosphere, a shared global resource, is fraught with ethical, geopolitical and practical problems. It is and always has been a crazy idea.

    However, many consider the failure to control carbon emissions means not intervening in this way is an even crazier idea. They consider it necessary to avert the collapse of ecosystems and society. Perhaps solar geoengineering is the price we must pay for our wholly inadequate climate change response to date.

    The good news is that SRM may be able to deliver some progress relatively quickly. Earth has become slightly less reflective over the past few decades. That’s mostly thanks to reduced cloud cover (warmer oceans cause clouds above them to evaporate), but also thanks to less snow and ice, and a significant reduction in nasty-but-reflective shipping fuel pollutants.

    By my calculations (based on data from US climate scientist James Hansen), this reduction in the reflectivity of Earth has caused as much warming as the 750 gigatonnes of CO₂ emitted since 2005. And while it will take decades to achieve significant global cooling through decarbonisation, it can be achieved relatively quickly by small increases in reflectivity.

    Of the 21 projects being funded by Aria, the UK government’s Advanced Research and Invention Agency, five are likely to involve small-scale outdoor experiments. They account for about half the £57 million programme.

    Three of the projects concern brightening clouds over the ocean, one explores a method of refreezing the Arctic and the fifth looks at a specific detail of injecting reflective aerosols into the stratosphere.

    The other projects concern how to govern these technologies and model and monitor their effects. They could also yield insights vital for securing the public and governmental support necessary if these technologies are ever to be deployed on a much larger scale.

    Marine cloud brightening

    Marine cloud brightening seeks to make clouds over the ocean more reflective. This is done by turning seawater into an aerosol spray and allowing air currents to loft salt crystals into the clouds, where they enhance the creation of reflective water droplets.

    Clouds above the ocean could become a key battleground in the fight against climate change.
    G_O_S / shutterstock

    The greatest challenge with this method is making enough seawater mist in which the droplets are of a uniform size, about 1 micron in diameter. The Reflect project led by the University of Manchester has received £6.1 million to explore “the technical feasibility and optimal methods” for generating these droplets.

    A team from the University of Reading has developed a process using drones to fire electric charges through fog to alter the size of its water droplets. Their Brightspark project has been awarded £2 million to determine whether this process would be viable and safe if applied to clouds. A second phase involving small-scale testing in the UK is contingent on further approval by Aria.

    Daniel Harrison, an oceanographer at Southern Cross University in Australia, has been researching marine cloud brightening for several years for the limited purpose of protecting the corals of the Great Barrier Reef. Preliminary results are positive.

    His previous work will be extended to assess if, and how, marine cloud brightening could work safely and effectively, but still only as a regional intermittent intervention to protect coral from marine heatwaves.

    This will also be a two-phase project (£1 million and £5 million respectively) in which the research will initially deal with modelling and spray design. Subject to further approvals, it will then test the newfound knowledge over the Great Barrier Reef.




    Read more:
    Could ‘marine cloud brightening’ reduce coral bleaching on the Great Barrier Reef?


    The remaining two projects are both from teams led by the Centre for Climate Repair at Cambridge University (I’m an associate researcher of the centre but I have no involvement in either of these projects).

    Arctic refreezing

    Engineer Shaun Fitzgerald has been awarded £9.9 million to extend an existing research project to examine the feasibility of thickening Arctic sea ice by pumping seawater from below the ice on to the surface, where it freezes. The idea is to increase the extent and thickness of sea ice in winter so that it endures longer through the summer.

    Thicker, longer-lasting sea ice may help keep global warming in check.
    Mozgova / shutterstock



    Read more:
    Arctic ice is vanishing – our bold experiment is trying to protect it


    The project also includes modelling to assess the impact this would have on a range of climate phenomena. Most significantly, this includes the Atlantic meridional overturning circulation, an ocean current that some fear is in imminent danger of weakening sufficiently to bring Siberian winters to north-west Europe.

    Stratospheric aerosol injection

    The final project being funded looks at the injection of aerosols into the stratosphere – higher than clouds – where they would reflect a little of the Sun’s energy back to space.

    Many regard this as the form of geoengineering most likely to happen. It is the most studied, as it replicates the natural cooling effect of certain big volcanic eruptions that put massive amounts of sulphate-based aerosols into the stratosphere. Scaling it to be climatically significant is thought to be relatively straightforward, and would probably be the cheapest cooling option.

    One significant concern is the health and environmental impact of these aerosols as they fall back to the planet’s surface. Hugh Hunt, also an engineering professor at Cambridge, has been awarded £5.5 million to examine a range of alternative aerosol compounds. The plan is to send tiny samples into the stratosphere in specially designed gondolas attached to balloons. The gondolas will later be recovered, so that the effect of the stratosphere on the samples can be examined. Nothing will be released into the atmosphere.

    A small step towards something much bigger

    Aria is treading a fine line with this programme.

    On the one hand, the organisation recognises that further interventions might be needed to mitigate the harm from the continuing failure to phase out fossil fuels. On the other, it recognises how controversial such interventions are. It is clearly anxious not to provoke a public furore that could undermine the research effort.

    In isolation, it is unlikely that this programme will fill any knowledge gaps that might encourage policymakers to push climate intervention up the international agenda. What it could demonstrate, however, is that with appropriate controls in place, it is safe to test these options.

    Perhaps the next funding round will support bigger outdoor experiments. These would help determine which technologies can eventually become the safe and effective climate interventions we desperately need.


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    Robert Chris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Five geoengineering trials the UK is funding to combat global warming – https://theconversation.com/five-geoengineering-trials-the-uk-is-funding-to-combat-global-warming-256515

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Social media’s push for the perfect muscular body is fuelling a new form of disordered eating — and young men are most at risk

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alison Fixsen, Senior Lecturer Psychology, University of Westminster

    Young men are most likely to follow eating habits consistent with Mode. Elkhophoto/ Shutterstock

    From celebrities and influencers to everyday people, social media is full of content that showcases perfectly toned, muscular bodies – and how to achieve them. Having a muscular physique is no longer confined to elite athletes and body builders – it has become a widely popular aspiration.

    But alongside the rising popularity of this kind of content has been an increase in the pressure that both men and women are feeling to achieve a more athletic, muscular physique. This seemingly healthy trend has coincided with the detection of a new form of disordered eating.

    Muscularity oriented disordered eating (Mode) refers to a set of disordered eating habits driven by an excessive focus on lean muscle gain. This includes excessive consumption of protein supplements and drinks, rigid diet patterns, meticulous tracking of macronutrients (protein, carbs and fat in food) and frequent muscle checking.

    Unlike eating disorders such as anorexia and bulimia, Mode is specifically related to muscularity and predominantly affects young men. But, as with other forms of disordered eating, Mode can disrupt daily life, harm social relationships and diminish emotional wellbeing.


    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.


    Social media plays a significant and multifaceted role in Mode. While social media can sometimes offer helpful health and fitness information, social media algorithms also amplify content of extreme or visually striking bodies that garner attention.

    Platforms such as Instagram and TikTok are saturated with “fitspiration” content. Posed shots and before and after photos suggest that “fitspiration” content may be about appearance rather than health. These highly curated depictions of idealised, muscular bodies not only reinforce unrealistic body ideals, they can also foster dissatisfaction with body image, increase muscle fixation and lead to disordered forms of eating.




    Read more:
    Body dysmorphic disorder: what to know about this mental health condition


    Many social media influencers also promote unattainable body standards, unsustainable lifestyles and extreme eating habits. These include the daily use of protein supplements, rigorous tracking of macronutrients, extreme workouts and the use of drugs (including anabolic steroids) to enhance performance.

    Some influencers even partner with fitness supplement companies, becoming the image for a specific brand or food product. This can incentivise social media users to purchase those products and follow similar dietary habits without seeking professional advice or examining the risks.

    While not every fitness enthusiast is at risk of developing Mode, this intense preoccupation with muscle growth is growing. According to one 2019 study, 22% of males and 5% of females aged 18–20 reported engaging in behaviour consistent with Mode.

    College students may be particularly at risk of Mode due to their high use of social media and because they’re often in control of their diet for the first time.

    Mode has been closely associated with preoccupation with body image, which is known to be linked with unhealthy, body-changing behaviours.

    Obsessively tracking protein intake, consuming supplements and following a rigid diet are all associated with Mode.
    George Rudy/ Shutterstock

    Several other factors have also been associated with Mode. These include exercising specifically to gain weight, perceiving oneself as underweight, having a lower body mass index (BMI), practising weightlifting and using anabolic steroids. Among males, alcohol consumption is linked to Mode, while depressive symptoms were a notable factor for females.

    Mode has also been reported at comparable rates in many countries around the world – including the United States, Canada and Iran.

    Risk of harm

    There are many physical and mental harms that may be associated with Mode.

    For instance, the condition is associated with a variety of disordered eating patterns. Fixation on muscle development can trigger or exacerbate eating disorders, notably binge eating. Orthorexia nervosa – a pathological and potentially harmful focus on “healthy eating” – is also frequently recorded in fitness communities.

    While women were once the main audience for the health food market, health supplements and protein products are increasingly targeted at men.

    According to a US study, more than 80% of male college students reported using whey protein powders or shakes, and more than 50% used the supplement creatine monohydrate to increase muscle mass and strength. Alarmingly, 82% of anabolic-androgenic steroid users in the study were also from this demographic. Steroid use is associated with serious side effects, including mood swings and sexual dysfunction.

    Over-consumption of protein products can be harmful to health. While it’s true your body needs more protein when you are more active, not all muscle-building products are necessarily healthy. Protein shakes, for example, can be highly processed.

    Some products contain artificial sweeteners and thickeners. They may also contain potentially harmful chemicals such as heavy metals (including lead and aluminium).

    Over-consumption of protein products has also been linked to gut and metabolic disturbances. It’s important that protein shakes and bars aren’t used as replacements for natural protein sources, such as pulses, meat, fish or dairy foods.

    On a social and emotional level, Mode is associated with disruptions to daily life and social isolation, with the person prioritising diet and fitness plans over work, school and relationships. In one study, male bodybuilders who followed an extreme, muscle-focused diet reported they felt guilty and disappointed in themselves if they deviated from their lifestyle – with their dietary needs affecting their work.

    Women with Mode have reported significant levels of depression and anxiety, and were more likely to feel socially isolated.




    Read more:
    Body image issues are rising in men – research suggests techniques to improve it


    Recognising Mode as a legitimate public health concern is essential for cultivating a more inclusive and healthy fitness culture. While continuing to support efforts to exercise more and stay healthy, schools, colleges, gyms and fitness instructors should be mindful of the potential for Mode among people who are excessively focused on their physical appearance or over-frequenting the gym.

    More work needs to be done to identify Mode risk factors and prevent further escalation. The fitness industry should also be held to greater account for the products and lifestyles they promote.

    Alison Fixsen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Social media’s push for the perfect muscular body is fuelling a new form of disordered eating — and young men are most at risk – https://theconversation.com/social-medias-push-for-the-perfect-muscular-body-is-fuelling-a-new-form-of-disordered-eating-and-young-men-are-most-at-risk-254157

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Autocrats don’t act like Hitler or Stalin anymore − instead of governing with violence, they use manipulation

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel Treisman, Professor of Political Science, University of California, Los Angeles

    Autocrats today tend to govern by manipulation of the public, among other tactics, rather than solely using violence. Nanzeeba Ibnat/iStock/Getty Images Plus

    President Donald Trump’s critics often accuse him of harboring authoritarian ambitions. Journalists and scholars have drawn parallels between his leadership style and that of strongmen abroad. Some Democrats warn that the U.S. is sliding toward autocracy – a system in which one leader holds unchecked power.

    Others counter that labeling Trump an autocrat is alarmist. After all, he hasn’t suspended the Constitution, forced school children to memorize his sayings or executed his rivals, as dictators such as Augusto Pinochet, Mao Zedong and Saddam Hussein once did.

    But modern autocrats don’t always resemble their 20th-century predecessors.

    Instead, they project a polished image, avoid overt violence and speak the language of democracy. They wear suits, hold elections and talk about the will of the people. Rather than terrorizing citizens, many use media control and messaging to shape public opinion and promote nationalist narratives. Many gain power not through military coups but at the ballot box.

    The softer power of today’s autocrats

    In the early 2000s, political scientist Andreas Schedler coined the term “electoral authoritarianism” to describe regimes that hold elections without real competition. Scholars Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way use another phrase, “competitive authoritarianism,” for systems in which opposition parties exist but leaders undermine them through censorship, electoral fraud or legal manipulation.

    In my own work with economist Sergei Guriev, we explore a broader strategy that modern autocrats use to gain and maintain power. We call this “informational autocracy” or “spin dictatorship.”

    These leaders don’t rely on violent repression. Instead, they craft the illusion that they are competent, democratic defenders of the nation – protecting it from foreign threats or internal enemies who seek to undermine its culture or steal its wealth.

    President Donald Trump appears at an Air Force base in Doha, Qatar, on May 15, 2025.
    Win McNamee/Getty Images

    Hungary’s democratic facade

    Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán exemplifies this approach. He first served from 1998 to 2002, returned to power in 2010 and has since won three more elections – in 2014, 2018 and 2022 – after campaigns that international observers criticized as “intimidating and xenophobic.”

    Orbán has preserved the formal structures of democracy – courts, a parliament and regular elections – but has systematically hollowed them out.

    In his first two years he packed Hungary’s constitutional court, which reviews laws for constitutionality, with loyalists, forced judges off the bench by mandating a lower retirement age and rewrote the constitution to limit judicial review of his actions. He also tightened government control over independent media.

    To boost his image, Orbán funneled state advertising funds to friendly news outlets. In 2016, an ally bought Hungary’s largest opposition newspaper – then shut it down.

    Orbán has also targeted advocacy groups and universities. The Central European University, which was registered in both Budapest and the U.S., was once a symbol of the new democratic Hungary. But a law penalizing foreign-accredited institutions forced it to relocate to Vienna in 2020.

    Yet Orbán has mostly avoided violence. Journalists are harassed rather than jailed or killed. Critics are discredited for their beliefs but not abducted. His appeal rests on a narrative that Hungary is under siege – by immigrants, liberal elites and foreign influences – and that only he can defend its sovereignty and Christian identity. That message resonates with older, rural, conservative voters, even as it alienates younger, urban populations.

    A global shift in autocrats

    In recent decades, variants of spin dictatorship have appeared in Singapore, Malaysia, Kazakhstan, Russia, Ecuador and Venezuela. Leaders such as Hugo Chávez and the early Vladimir Putin consolidated power and marginalized opposition with minimal violence.

    Data confirm this trend. Drawing from human rights reports, historical records and local media, my colleague Sergei Guriev and I found that the global incidence of political killings and imprisonments by autocrats dropped significantly from the 1980s to the 2010s.

    Why? In an interconnected world, overt repression has costs. Attacking journalists and dissidents can prompt foreign governments to impose economic sanctions and discourage international companies from investing. Curbing free expression risks stifling scientific and technological innovation – something even autocrats need in modern, knowledge-based economies.

    Still, when crises erupt, even spin dictators often revert to more traditional tactics. Russia’s Putin has cracked down violently on
    protesters and jailed opposition leaders. Meanwhile, more brutal regimes such as those in North Korea and China continue to rule by spreading fear, combining mass incarceration with advanced surveillance technologies.

    But overall, spin is replacing terror.

    America too?

    Most experts, myself included, agree that the U.S. remains a democracy.

    Yet some of Trump’s tactics resemble those of informational autocrats. He has attacked the press, defied court rulings and pressured universities to curtail academic independence and limit international admissions. His admiration for strongmen such as Putin, China’s Xi Jinping and El Salvador’s Nayib Bukele alarms observers. At the same time, Trump routinely denigrates democratic allies and international institutions such as the United Nations and NATO.

    Some experts say democracy depends on politicians’ self restraint. But a system that survives only if leaders choose to respect its limits is not much of a system at all.
    What matters more is whether the press, judiciary, nonprofit organizations, professional associations, churches, unions, universities and citizens have the power – and the will – to hold leaders accountable.

    Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán delivers a speech at a hotel in Madrid on Feb. 8, 2025.
    Thomas Coex/AFP via Getty Images

    Preserving democracy in the US

    Wealthy democracies such as the U.S., Canada and many Western European countries benefit from robust institutions such as newspapers, universities, courts and advocacy groups that act as checks on government.

    Such institutions help explain why populists such as Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi or Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu, although accused of bending electoral rules and threatening judicial independence, have not dismantled democracy outright in their countries.

    In the U.S., the Constitution provides another layer of protection. Amending it requires a two-thirds majority in both houses of Congress and ratification by three-quarters of the states – a far steeper hurdle than in Hungary, where Orbán needed only a two-thirds parliamentary majority to rewrite the constitution.

    Of course, even the U.S. Constitution can be undermined if a president defies the Supreme Court. But doing so risks igniting a constitutional crisis and alienating key supporters.

    That doesn’t mean American democracy is safe from erosion. But its institutional foundations are older, deeper and more decentralized than those of many newer democracies. Its federal structure, with overlapping jurisdictions and multiple veto points, makes it harder for any one leader to dominate.

    Still, the global rise of spin dictatorships should sharpen awareness of what is happening in the U.S. Around the world, autocrats have learned to control their citizens by faking democracy. Understanding their techniques may help Americans to preserve the real thing.

    Daniel Treisman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Autocrats don’t act like Hitler or Stalin anymore − instead of governing with violence, they use manipulation – https://theconversation.com/autocrats-dont-act-like-hitler-or-stalin-anymore-instead-of-governing-with-violence-they-use-manipulation-256665

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Preventing the next pandemic: One Health researcher calls for urgent action

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Hung Nguyen-Viet, Program Leader (ai), HEALTH at ILRI / CGIAR, International Livestock Research Institute

    The world is facing daunting health challenges with the rise of zoonotic diseases – infections that are transmissible from animals to humans. These diseases – which include Ebola, avian flu, COVID-19 and HIV – show how the health and wellbeing of humans, animals and ecosystems are closely connected.

    Zoonotic diseases have become more and more common due to factors such as urbanisation, deforestation, climate change and wildlife exploitation. These dangers are not limited by borders: they are global and demand a coordinated response.

    By looking at health holistically, countries can address the full spectrum of disease control – from prevention to detection, preparedness, response and management – and contribute to global health security.

    The World Health Organization has a basis for such an approach: One Health. This recognises the interdependence of the health of people, animals and the environment and integrates these fields, rather than keeping them separate.

    I lead the health programme at the International Livestock Research Institute, where we are looking for ways to effectively manage or eliminate livestock-related diseases, zoonotic infections and foodborne illnesses that disproportionately affect impoverished communities.

    My work focuses on the link between health and agriculture, food safety, and infectious and zoonotic diseases.

    For example in Kenya we are part of an initiative of the One Health Centre in Africa to roll out canine vaccination and have so far vaccinated 146,000 animals in Machakos county.

    In Ethiopia and Vietnam we worked in a programme to improve the hygiene practices of butchers in traditional markets.

    In another project we work in 11 countries to strengthen One Health curricula in universities.

    The lessons from the One Health projects implemented with partners across Asia and Africa are that there’s an urgent need for action on three fronts. These are: stronger cross-sectoral collaboration; greater engagement with policymakers to translate research findings into actionable strategies; and the development of adaptable and context-specific interventions.

    But, having been active in this area for the last decade, I am impatient with the slow pace of investment. We know that prevention is better than cure. The cost of prevention is significantly lower than that of managing pandemics once they occur. Urgent steps, including much higher levels of investment, need to be taken.

    What’s in place

    In 2022 the World Health Organization, the Food and Agriculture Organisation, the United Nations Environment Programme and the World Organisation for Animal Health developed a joint One Health plan of action. They identified key areas to respond more efficiently to health threats. These included:

    • Reducing risks from emerging and re-emerging zoonotic epidemics. Actions include, for example, tightening regulations around farming and trade in wildlife and wild animal products.

    • Controlling and eliminating endemic, zoonotic, neglected tropical and vector-borne diseases by understanding the attitudes and knowledge of communities bearing the greatest burdens of these diseases. And boosting their capacity to fight them.

    • Strengthening action against food safety risks by monitoring new and emerging foodborne infections.

    • Curbing the silent pandemic of antimicrobial resistance, one of the top 10 global public health threats facing humanity.

    Other collaborations include the Prezode (Preventing Zoonotic Disease Emergence) initiative to research all aspects of diseases of animal origin. This was launched in 2021 by French president Emmanuel Macron.

    The Africa One Health University Network operates in ten African countries to address One Health workforce strengthening in Africa.

    One Health has gained traction globally. But there’s still a great deal to be done.

    The cost of inaction

    According to a 2022 World Bank estimate, preventing a pandemic would cost approximately US$11 billion per year, while managing a pandemic can run up to US$31 billion annually. So the investment return of 3:1 is an important reason to call for investment in One Health.

    The Pandemic Fund was launched in November 2022 by leaders of the Group of 20 nations and hosted by the World Bank Group to help low- and middle-income countries prepare better for emerging pandemic threats. US$885 million has been awarded to 47 projects to date through the two rounds in the last three years.

    However, relative to the US$11 billion per year required for prevention, this investment is modest. Urgent investment in One Health needs to be made by countries themselves, in particular low- and middle-income countries.

    The last two World One Health congresses (in Singapore in 2022, and in Cape Town in 2024) called for investment in One Health. There were also calls for investment in One Health at regional level to prevent zoonotic diseases and the next pandemic.

    At the 78th World Health Assembly in Geneva, member states of the World Health Organization (WHO) formally adopted by consensus the world’s first Pandemic Agreement. The landmark decision culminates more than three years of intensive negotiations launched by governments in response to the devastating impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic.

    This is major global progress in One Health and disease prevention.

    But the lessons of COVID-19 have shown us that the cost of inaction is incalculable in terms of lives lost, economic turmoil and societal disruption. To date, there have been over 777 million cases of COVID-19, including more than 7 million deaths worldwide.

    According to estimates by the International Monetary Fund, COVID will have caused a cumulative production loss of US$13.8 trillion by 2024.

    The choice is clear: invest today to prevent tomorrow’s pandemics, or pay a heavy price in the future.

    Hung Nguyen-Viet does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Preventing the next pandemic: One Health researcher calls for urgent action – https://theconversation.com/preventing-the-next-pandemic-one-health-researcher-calls-for-urgent-action-255229

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australia’s lowest paid workers just got a 3.5% wage increase. Their next boost could be even better

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Buchanan, Professor, Discipline of Business Information Systems, University of Sydney Business School, University of Sydney

    Carlos Castilla/Shutterstock

    A week ago, the Australian Financial Review released this year’s “Rich List”. It reported the number of billionaires in Australia increased from 150 to 166 between 2024 and 2025.

    A very different story is happening at the other end of the market. On Tuesday the Fair Work Commission awarded the lowest paid 20% of wage earners a 3.5% increase as a result of its annual review.

    The commission acknowledged even with this increase, our lowest paid employees will not be earning as much in real terms as they did before the post-COVID inflationary surge of 2021-2022.

    Why such a meagre increase?

    In Australia it has long been accepted that – all things being equal – wages should move with both prices and productivity.

    Adjusting them for inflation ensures their real value is maintained. Adjusting them for productivity means employees share in rising prosperity associated with society becoming more productive over time.

    This “prices plus productivity” model of wage rises is, however, subject to economic circumstances. In recent times the key circumstance of concern has been inflation.

    Depending how it is measured it peaked at between 6.5% and 9.6% in 2022-2023.

    Since 2022, economic agencies such as the Reserve Bank and state treasuries, along with finance sector economists, have been preaching about the threat of inflation persisting.

    Cutting real wages to control inflation

    Interest rates were increased to tame the inflation dragon. And these
    agencies all issued dire warnings about the threat of long-term inflationary pressure if wages were adjusted to maintain lower and middle income earners living standards.

    In its last three decisions the Fair Work Commission accommodated this narrative. Since July 2021 it ensured wages for the lowest paid 20% of employees did not keep up with inflation.

    Unsurprisingly, real wages for award-dependent employees fell.

    The commission has done its best to look after those on the absolute lowest rates: that is the 1% or so on the national minimum wage.

    Their wages have fallen by 0.8% over the period since July 2021. For those in the middle of the bottom 20% of employees dependent on awards the fall has been in the order of 4.5%.

    For example, this is the fall experienced by an entry level tradesperson in manufacturing dependent on an award.

    Because inflation is currently running at about 2.4%, the 3.5% increase marks a modest 1% real wage gain for a worker on or close to the entry level manufacturing tradesperson rates.

    In making this increase, the commission argued if real wage cuts continued, the entrenchment of lower minimum award rates was likely. It noted the economy is in pretty good shape – not just in terms of inflation and employment – but also many firms are turning a profit.

    What about productivity?

    The other striking feature of the post-COVID economic recovery has been poor productivity performance. It initially went backwards and more recently has flatlined.

    The commission rejected arguments recent poor performance in national productivity numbers should prevent raising the minimum award higher than inflation.

    It did this because it distinguished between productivity in the market and non-market sectors. In the former, productivity growth has been modest, but positive.

    Poor numbers in the non-market sector like health and social services were an artefact of both measurement problems and the need for more workers per unit output to boost the quality of these services.

    Silver linings?

    It is always a judgement call as to what is the appropriate scale of any wage increase. Given low paid workers were not the source of recent inflationary pressure, it is reasonable to claim now is the time to reverse the recent trends of cutting their real wages.

    Whether the increase had to be so modest is something the commission has
    indicated it is open to considering in future hearings. It has sent this signal by floating two novel arguments.

    The first argument concerns how cuts in real pay are calculated. In its decision it makes the very important point that conventional measures of real wage movements use monthly measures of inflation but wages only increase annually.

    It’s on this basis the 4.5% cut for the benchmark entry level trade worker in manufacturing was calculated.

    The commission notes, however, that if you take into account wages only rise once a year and inflation rises continuously, the overall loss of earnings power for such workers has been 14.4% since July 2021.

    This is a much higher account of real wage cuts than has previously informed debates on wages policy.



    FairWork Commission Annual Wage Review 2025, CC BY-NC-ND

    Secondly, the commission has noted consideration should be given to phasing out some of the lowest classifications in the award system. This is something it has done in the past.

    In this way it does not have to “increase rates” for low paid
    classifications as such. Rather, it just eliminates the possibility of having rates for exceptionally low paid jobs – and so raises the base rates dramatically for the lowest paid workers.

    Next year, things could be better. Australia has a long history of having a wages system that takes seriously the needs of all workers, and especially the low paid. This decision marks a break with the recent habit of using the lowest paid workers as a shock absorber for macroeconomic policy.

    The 3.5% rise is a modest increase but an important one. More important is the framework the commission has set up for decisions in future years. Devising a more accurate measure of real wage cuts and noting the importance of abolishing whole classifications of low paid work lays the foundations for potentially very exciting developments in Australian wages policy in coming years.

    John Buchanan has undertaken research on wages policy for over forty years. His most recent work has been supported by funding provided by the Electrical Trades Union, the NSW Nurses and Midwives Association, the Queensland Nurses and Midwives Union and the Australian Salaried Medical Officers Federation (NSW Branch). He is member of the National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU) and Branch Council Member of that union at the University of Sydney.

    ref. Australia’s lowest paid workers just got a 3.5% wage increase. Their next boost could be even better – https://theconversation.com/australias-lowest-paid-workers-just-got-a-3-5-wage-increase-their-next-boost-could-be-even-better-258072

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: The Queensland government is cancelling renewable energy projects. Can the state still reach net zero?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tony Wood, Program Director, Energy, Grattan Institute

    Johan Larson/Shutterstock

    On the surface, Queensland’s new government is doing exactly what it pledged before winning office in October – repealing the state’s ambitious renewable energy targets and cancelling a huge pumped hydro project near Mackay.

    But since the start of the year, the Crisafulli LNP government has gone further, and it’s less clear where it’s heading.

    Last week, the government abruptly cancelled the A$1 billion Moonlight Ridge wind farm proposal, citing insufficient consultation and a lack of community support.

    At the same time, the government announced it would open another 16,000 square kilometres of the state for gas exploration. The government is also planning to open new gas peaking plants and keep its coal plants open longer.

    So, is the Queensland government backsliding on renewables and climate change?

    The Crisafulli government is still committed to net zero by 2050. Because Queensland still owns its own transmission infrastructure and power plants, the state could shift to clean energy faster than other states. But at present, they don’t appear to be in a rush.

    Many solar farms have already been built in the Sunshine State.
    Lakeview Images/Shutterstock

    Slowdown under way

    Previous Labor governments in Queensland announced plans for large pumped hydro installations as a way to store energy to be available when intermittent wind and solar are not. The largest of these pumped hydro projects was the Pioneer-Burdekin proposal near Mackay, which the government has now canned.

    The Crisafulli government has also asked the Queensland Investment Corporation to examine the financial viability of two other major proposals, the Borumba pumped hydro scheme inland from the Sunshine Coast and the Copperstring transmission project linking Townsville and Mount Isa. This isn’t unusual – new governments often review projects announced by their predecessors.

    Another recent announcement is drawing stronger criticism, however. In April, the Crisafulli government announced plans to make sure large solar and wind farms have the social licence to operate. This, the government announced, would bring the “same rigorous approval processes as other major developments” to bear on renewables.

    If these plans become law, they are likely to make it substantially harder and slower to build large renewables projects.

    The cancellation of the Moonlight Ridge wind farm proposal is instructive. Of the 508 individuals who wrote in response to the development, only 142 were local. In his decision, planning minister Jarrod Bleijie noted: “the representations that I received evidence that the project has not acquired overriding community acceptance”.

    What’s being proposed looks messy. The peak body for renewables in Queensland is highly sceptical, while miners and farmers have also signalled concern.

    But while the Moonlight Ridge cancellation drew headlines, two other wind farm proposals have been approved after being asked to show they had consulted adequately.

    No is easy, yes is hard

    It’s easy to take office and reject the work of predecessors. It’s far harder to outline what will replace it.

    In contrast to other east coast states, Queensland has largely kept control of its sprawling electricity system. The government owns most large coal and gas power plants and all the transmission infrastructure.

    While the new government has indicated renewed support for private sector energy investment, it has provided support for government-owned corporations to develop new gas peaker plants. By contrast, there are very few proposals for new gas plants further south.

    In one sense, it’s no surprise Queensland’s new government has eased off on renewables. Its coal plants are relatively new, and largely owned by the government. This may reduce the urgency for developing a new energy plan, but only for a few years. Planning for a smooth energy transition is a major task, as demonstrated by southern states.

    The state has also profited hugely from gas exported from Gladstone. The government now receives around $1 billion from oil and gas royalties a year.

    Go-fast federally, go-slow at state?

    The thumping Labor majority at this year’s federal election means, at a national level, work on the clean energy transition will accelerate. But this transition is only possible if state and federal governments coordinate well.

    The responsibility for building and maintaining electricity systems in Australia largely falls to the states and territories. But managing large power grids on the east and west coasts requires national-level coordination.

    What the federal government can do, by and large, is set a goal and stump up the cash. As former Labor prime minister Paul Keating once quipped, “never get between a state premier and a bucket of money”.

    The federal government is running a funding program to support renewable generation and storage projects across the country. Three Queensland renewable projects have been approved under this program, including solar farms with battery storage.

    It’s hard to see the state government moving to block these projects.

    Where does this leave us?

    Queensland is signalling it’s not enthused about having an open gate for new renewable projects. Adding time consuming and expensive new consultation hurdles may cause prospective renewable developers to pack up and head south or west.

    Yet the policy’s strategic intent is unclear and is not necessarily against clean energy for the state. Many projects are already under way. The Crisafulli government has shown interest in smaller scale pumped hydro schemes as a way to store energy. And gas peaking plants will be a necessary evil in a high-renewables grid, acting like an emergency diesel generator for the rare periods without enough wind, sun or water.

    The big test will come later this year in the form of the state government’s five year energy plan. Will it deliver the investment to meet the net zero objective while maintaining affordable and reliable power? Right now, many in the clean energy industry are taking a wait-and-see attitude.

    Tony Wood may own shares through his superannuation in companies impacted by energy sector policies

    ref. The Queensland government is cancelling renewable energy projects. Can the state still reach net zero? – https://theconversation.com/the-queensland-government-is-cancelling-renewable-energy-projects-can-the-state-still-reach-net-zero-257958

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  • MIL-Evening Report: What’s a ‘Strombolian eruption?’ A volcanologist explains what happened at Mount Etna

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Teresa Ubide, ARC Future Fellow and Associate Professor in Igneous Petrology/Volcanology, The University of Queensland

    Fabrizio Villa / Getty Images

    On Monday morning local time, a huge cloud of ash, hot gas and rock fragments began spewing from Italy’s Mount Etna.

    An enormous plume was seen stretching several kilometres into the sky from the mountain on the island of Sicily, which is the largest active volcano in Europe.

    While the blast created an impressive sight, the eruption resulted in no reported injuries or damage and barely even disrupted flights on or off the island. Mount Etna eruptions are commonly described as “Strombolian eruptions” – though as we will see, that may not apply to this event.

    What happened at Etna?

    The eruption began with an increase of pressure in the hot gases inside the volcano. This led to the partial collapse of part of one of the craters atop Etna.

    The collapse allowed what is called a pyroclastic flow: a fast-moving cloud of ash, hot gas and fragments of rock bursting out from inside the volcano.

    Thermal camera images show the eruption and flows of lava down the side of Mount Etna.
    National Institute of Geophysics and Volcanology, CC BY

    Next, lava began to flow in three different directions down the mountainside. These flows are now cooling down. On Monday evening, Italy’s National Institute of Geophysics and Volcanology announced the volcanic activity had ended.

    Etna is one of the most active volcanoes in the world, so this eruption is reasonably normal.

    What is a Strombolian eruption?

    Volcanologists classify eruptions by how explosive they are. More explosive eruptions tend to be more dangerous, because they move faster and cover a larger area.

    At the mildest end are Hawaiian eruptions. You have probably seen pictures of these: lava flowing sedately down the slope of the volcano. The lava damages whatever it runs into, but it’s a relatively local effect.

    As eruptions grow more explosive, they send ash and rock fragments flying further afield.

    At the more explosive end of the scale are Plinian eruptions. These include the famous eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79AD, described by the Roman writer Pliny the Younger, which buried the Roman towns of Pompeii and Herculaneum under metres of ash.

    In a Plinian eruption, hot gas, ash, and rock can explode high enough to reach the stratosphere – and when the eruption column collapses, the debris falls to Earth and can wreak terrifying destruction over a huge area.

    What about Strombolian eruptions? These relatively mild eruptions are named after Stromboli, another Italian volcano which belches out a minor eruption every 10 to 20 minutes.

    In a Strombolian eruption, chunks of rock and cinders may travel tens or hundreds of metres through the air, but rarely further. The pyroclastic flow from yesterday’s eruption at Etna was rather more explosive than this – so it wasn’t strictly Strombolian.

    Can we forecast volcano eruptions?

    Volcanic eruptions are a bit like weather. They are very hard to predict in detail, but we are a lot better than we used to be at forecasting them.

    To understand what a volcano will do in the future, we first need to know what is happening inside it right now. We can’t look inside directly, but we do have indirect measurements.

    For example, before an eruption magma travels from deep inside the Earth up to the surface. On the way, it pushes rocks apart and can generate earthquakes. If we record the vibrations of these quakes, we can track the magma’s journey from the depths.

    Rising magma can also make the ground near a volcano bulge upwards very slightly, by a few millimetres or centimetres. We can monitor this bulging, for example with satellites, to gather clues about an upcoming eruption.

    Some volcanoes release gas even when they are not strictly erupting. We can measure the chemicals in this gas – and if they change, it can tell us that new magma is on its way to the surface.

    When we have this information about what’s happening inside the volcano, we also need to understand its “personality” to know what the information means for future eruptions.

    Are volcanic eruptions more common than in the past?

    As a volcanologist, I often hear from people that it seems there are more volcanic eruptions now than in the past. This is not the case.

    What is happening, I tell them, is that we have better monitoring systems now, and a very active global media system. So we know about more eruptions – and even see photos of them.

    Monitoring is extremely important. We are fortunate that many volcanoes in places such as Italy, the United States, Indonesia and New Zealand have excellent monitoring in place.

    This monitoring allows local authorities to issue warnings when an eruption is imminent. For a visitor or tourist out to see the spectacular natural wonder of a volcano, listening to these warnings is all-important.

    Teresa Ubide does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. What’s a ‘Strombolian eruption?’ A volcanologist explains what happened at Mount Etna – https://theconversation.com/whats-a-strombolian-eruption-a-volcanologist-explains-what-happened-at-mount-etna-258060

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Samoa parliament formally dissolved after months of uncertainty

    RNZ Pacific

    Samoa’s Parliament has been formally dissolved, and an early election is set to take place within three months.

    After months of political instability and two motions of no confidence, Prime Minister Fiāme Naomi Mata’afa said she would call for the dissolution of Parliament if cabinet did not support her government’s budget.

    MPs from both the opposition Human Rights Protection Party and Fiāme’s former FAST party joined forces to defeat the budget with the final vote coming in 34 against, 16 in support and 2 abstentions.

    Fiāme went to the Head of State and advised him to dissolve Parliament, and her advice was accepted.

    This all came from a period of political turmoil that kicked off shortly after New Year.

    A split in the FAST Party in January saw Fiāme remove FAST Party chairman La’auli Leuatea Schmidt and several FAST ministers from her cabinet.

    In turn, he ejected her from FAST, leaving her leading a minority government.

    Minority government defeated
    Earlier this year, over a two-week period, Fiāme and her minority government defeated two back-to-back leadership challenges.

    On February 25, with La’auli’s help, she defeated a no-confidence vote moved by Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi, 34 votes to 15.

    Then on March 6, this time with Tuilaepa’s help, she defeated a challenge mounted by La’auli, 32 votes to 19.

    Parliament now enters caretaker mode, until the election and the formation of a new government.

    Samoa’s Electoral Commissioner said his office has filed an affidavit to the Supreme Court, seeking legal direction and extra time to complete the electoral roll ahead of an early election.

    A hearing on this is set to be held on Wednesday.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

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  • MIL-Evening Report: PNG’s Namah calls for tighter bio controls, patrols on Indonesian border

    By Scholar Kassas in Port Moresby

    A Papua New Guinea minister has raised concerns about “serious issues” at the PNG-Indonesia border due to a lack of proper security checkpoints.

    Culture and Tourism Minister Belden Namah, who is also the member for the border electorate Vanimo-Green, voiced these concerns while supporting a new Biosecurity for Plants and Animals Bill presented in Parliament by Agriculture Minister John Boito.

    He said Papua New Guinea was the only country in the Pacific Islands region that shared a land border with another nation.

    According to Namah, the absence of proper quarantine and National Agriculture Quarantine and Inspection Authority (NAQIA) checks at the border allowed people bringing food and plants from Indonesia to introduce diseases affecting PNG’s commodities.

    Minister Namah, whose electorate shares a border with Indonesia, noted that while the PNG Defence Force and police were present, they were primarily focused on checking vehicles coming from Indonesia instead of actively patrolling the borders.

    He clarified the roles, saying, “It’s NAQIA’s job to search vehicles and passengers, and the PNGDF’s role is to guard and patrol our borders.”

    Namah expressed concern that while bills were passed, enforcement on the ground was lacking.

    Minister Namah supported the PNG Biosecurity Authority Bill and called for consistency, increased border security, and stricter control checks.

    Republished from the PNG Post-Courier with permission.

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  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Unfair and unreasonable’ – report finds $1.9 billion in unpaid child support in system rife with financial abuse

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kay Cook, Professor and Associate Dean Research, School of Social Sciences, Media, Film and Education, Swinburne University of Technology

    Tar Pichet/Shutterstock

    The Commonwealth ombudsman has released his long-awaited report into the “weaponisation” of the child support program.

    He has identified widespread financial abuse throughout the system. This includes parents not making payments, lying to reduce their income and being abusive or violent to stop ex-partners seeking help.

    The ombudsman has found Services Australia, which administers the scheme, is not using its available powers to stop the abuse and force ex-partners to support their children. As a result, 153,000 parents have a combined A$1.9 billion in unpaid child support.

    The report adds to the growing evidence the child-support scheme is failing families, especially women. The system hasn’t been working for a very long time, if it ever did.

    Ombudsman’s report

    More than 1.2 million separated parents have child-support arrangements for an estimated one million children. Some 84% of parents receiving payments are women.

    According to the report, 32% of complaints about the child-support scheme reported it was being weaponised by ex-partners. This figure only includes people who were persistent enough to proceed all the way to the ombudsman.

    In addition, these complainants were women who braved possible repurcussions from ex-partners, who may be abusive. Given the context of fear, the statistic is undeniable.

    Ombudsman Iain Anderson has found the abuse is being made worse by the tax system, which calculates income assuming all support payments have been made, even if they haven’t.

    Preventing weaponisation is really important because child support is all about children – vulnerable children – who need to be financially supported while they are growing up.

    The same problems with the tax system were identified by a report earlier this year by the Inspector General of Taxation and Tax Ombudsman Ruth Owen.

    Toothless tiger

    The report finds Services Australia, the government agency responsible for Centrelink, is acting in an “unfair and unreasonable” manner by not using its available powers to enforce payments.

    This passive approach is unfair. It allows some paying parents to manipulate the system to avoid their financial responsibility in raising heir children largely without consequences.

    The report recommends Services Australia:

    • publicly outline its plan to tackle financial abuse through the child support system

    • introduce a range of measures to enforce child support payments

    • refine data collection approaches

    • review its Lodgement Enforcement Program

    • support its staff to undertake training on financial abuse through the child-support system

    • review its change of assessment process.

    The report notes the legislative provisions underpinning Services Australia are also “unfair and unreasonable”.

    Recommendations for government action include

    • amending legislation to overcome legal roadblocks to enforcing child support payments

    • providing the ombudsman with a comprehensive progress report within the next 12 months.

    Circuit breaker

    There have been countless reviews calling to rebalance the system in the interests of women and children.

    They include our 2023 report on child-support weaponisation and the government’s financial abuse inquiry in 2024.

    Yet there has been scant action to date. Indeed our survey of 540 women exposed the scale of the problem for the first time.

    This new ombudsman’s report might be the final push to action that the government needs due to its timing and specifics.

    First, both Minister for Women Katy Gallagher and newly appointed Minister for Social Services Tanya Plibersek have acknowledged the need for change.

    The 2024 women’s budget statement acknowledged child support was being abused. An internal review had been taking place to examine how the child support, family tax benefit and taxation systems are being weaponised.

    Second, the ombudsman’s report draws on Services Australia data to shed light on the issue. Much of this information has not previously been made public. Some statistics have been reluctantly released due to dogged questioning in Senate Estimates over many years by the new Greens leader, Larissa Waters.

    The ombudsman used his legislative powers to request and obtain information from Services Australia, as well as attending its offices to furnish his report. The data adds substantial weight to the findings.

    A safer system

    Many of the root problems with the child-support program stem from reforms brought in during the Howard era, compounded by the welfare to work measures which targeted single parents.

    Immediately after separation can be the most dangerous time for women. Perpetrators can use mandatory government systems, such as child support, to financially control and harm ex-partners and their own children.

    The ombudsman’s report will give some hope to the 12% of Australian families headed by single mothers that the government will take action to make the system safe and fair for all women and children.

    Kay Cook receives funding from the Australian Research Council in the form of a Discovery Project grant on, ‘Prioritising women’s financial safety: Developing institutional interventions for intimate partner financial abuse’.

    She is a member of the Economic Inclusion Advisory Committee.

    Adrienne Byrt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. ‘Unfair and unreasonable’ – report finds $1.9 billion in unpaid child support in system rife with financial abuse – https://theconversation.com/unfair-and-unreasonable-report-finds-1-9-billion-in-unpaid-child-support-in-system-rife-with-financial-abuse-258063

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  • MIL-Evening Report: 1 in 3 men report using intimate partner violence. Here’s how we can better protect women – and help men

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anastasia Powell, Professor of Family and Sexual Violence, RMIT University

    One in three men (32%) aged 18 to 57 years report using emotional abuse towards a partner. One in ten (9%) say they have used physical violence.

    These are some of the statistics from the latest report of the Australian Longitudinal Study on Male Health – the Ten to Men study.

    The report also shows 2% of men have engaged in sexual abuse towards an intimate partner. Overall, among the 120,000 men surveyed, one in three (35%) said they’d used a form of violence towards an intimate partner in their adult life.

    The findings give us important new insights into men’s use of partner violence. It is among the first Australian studies to explore the factors linked with men’s use of partner violence in a large, general community sample.

    Being a longitudinal study – which surveys the same men at different points in time – also gives unique insights into the onset of intimate partner violence.

    And crucially, it points to some key priorities for policy and programs to prevent this violence.

    Which men use partner violence?

    Young men (aged 18–24) reported the lowest rates of using violence towards an intimate partner.

    As the report notes, this is not surprising, as younger men will have had less time in intimate relationships.

    Importantly, the use of intimate partner violence increased over time for all age groups between the two surveys.

    This suggests previously non-violent men can still start to use intimate partner violence later in their lives. However, it is worth noting that some men’s understanding and willingness to disclose use of violence may have also improved since the earlier survey.

    A crucial result of the Ten to Men report is that men’s use of violence does not differ meaningfully according to demographic background.

    It didn’t matter whether men were from culturally or linguistically diverse backgrounds, whether they had high or low incomes, whether they lived in cities or regions, and whether they were heterosexual or not. The overall rate of using intimate partner violence was the same.

    This is a highly important finding as it shows us that we cannot assume intimate partner violence is more or less likely among particular regions, classes, sexualities or cultures.

    What factors contributed to violence?

    Perhaps the most important findings from the report are the crucial roles mental health, social connections, and positive relationships with fathers and father-like figures, play in men’s risk of using partner violence.

    While much research has shown that mental health is linked with men’s likelihood of using violence, this study goes further. Because it surveyed men at different points in time, it can tell us that men who were depressed or experiencing suicidal thoughts in the earlier survey (2013), were more likely to report the onset of using partner violence in the later survey (2022).

    This was not the case for men with other mental health concerns, such as anxiety diagnoses, nor for measures of men’s overall life satisfaction.

    Another important trend was found for social supports and connection. Those men who described feeling that they had social support around them “all of the time” in the earlier survey, were less likely to have started using intimate partner violence by the time of the later survey.

    Receiving affection from a father or father-like figure when growing up was also associated with significantly less risk of using partner violence in later life.

    This finding is of particular relevance to our national policies and programs that are aiming for generational change to prevent partner violence.

    Where to from here?

    The findings of the Ten to Men report really point to a need for violence prevention and early intervention with men at different points in their life.

    For example, programs that support men’s parenting and positive father-child emotional connection not only have a role to play in violence prevention, but are known to have beneficial outcomes for children’s development more generally.

    Part of these programs often involves breaking down traditional and rigid ideas about gender roles that place more responsibility for emotional caregiving with mothers than with fathers.

    Supporting men’s mental wellbeing is also crucial. Research has long shown many men experience barriers to seeking help and support for mental health, partly due to expectations of men as needing to be “tough”, “independent” and “resilient”. These expectations can cause shame and fear in turning to others for support.

    Programs such as The Man Box have further shown how such rigid gender expectations can have a negative impact on men and boys’ mental wellbeing, as well as their risk for using violence.




    Read more:
    Aggressive? Homophobic? Stoic? Here’s what thousands of Australian men told us about modern masculinity


    We need to continue to break down the barriers to men’s access to mental health and wellbeing supports. Yet the Ten to Men findings also suggest knowledge of how to identify and work with people using violence, or at risk of using violence, may be especially important among health and mental health practitioners.

    Much of our policy addressing intimate partner violence talks about accountability and improving responses to men’s use of violence. And it is urgent that we respond to – and not make excuses for – men’s use of violence.

    But there is a lot more we could be doing to work with men throughout their lives before they use violence.

    Supporting men’s positive parenting relationships, breaking down rigid gender expectations, encouraging men to connect socially and seek support, as well as identifying men at risk, all have a role to play in ending partner violence.

    Anastasia Powell receives funding from the Australian Research Council. Anastasia is also a director of Our Watch (Australia’s national organisation for the prevention of violence against women), and a member of the National Women’s Safety Alliance (NWSA). Anastasia teaches family violence specialist casework in the Graduate Certificate in Domestic & Family Violence at RMIT University.

    ref. 1 in 3 men report using intimate partner violence. Here’s how we can better protect women – and help men – https://theconversation.com/1-in-3-men-report-using-intimate-partner-violence-heres-how-we-can-better-protect-women-and-help-men-258058

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Why do some people need less sleep than others? A gene variation could have something to do with it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kelly Sansom, Research Associate, College of Medicine and Public Health, Flinders University; Research Associate, Centre for Healthy Ageing, Murdoch University

    Maria Korneeva/Getty Images

    Have you ever noticed how some people bounce out of bed after just a few hours of sleep, while others can barely function without a solid eight hours?

    Take Margaret Thatcher, for example. The former British prime minister was known for sleeping just four hours a night. She worked late, rose early, and seemed to thrive on little sleep.

    But for most of us, that kind of sleep schedule would be disastrous. We’d be groggy, unfocused, and reaching for sugary snacks and caffeinated drinks by mid-morning.

    So why do some people seem to need less sleep than others? It’s a question that’s fascinated scientists for years. Here’s what we know so far.

    Natural short sleepers

    There is a small group of people who don’t need much sleep. We call them natural short sleepers. They can function perfectly well on just four to six hours of sleep each night, often for their entire lives.

    Generally they don’t feel tired, they don’t nap, and they don’t suffer the usual negative consequences of sleep deprivation. Scientists call this the natural short sleep phenotype – a biological trait that allows people to get all the benefits of sleep in less time.

    In 2010 researchers discovered genetic mutations that help explain this phenomenon. Natural short sleepers carry rare variants in certain genes, which seem to make their sleep more efficient.

    More recently, a 2025 study assessed a woman in her 70s with one of these rare mutations. Despite sleeping just six hours a night for most of her life, she remained physically healthy, mentally sharp, and led a full, active life. Her body, it seems, was simply wired to need less sleep.

    We’re still learning about how common these genetic mutations are and why they occur.

    Not everyone who sleeps less is a natural short sleeper

    But here’s the catch: most people who think they’re natural short sleepers aren’t. They’re just chronically sleep-deprived. Often, their short sleep is due to long work hours, social commitments, or a belief sleeping less is a sign of strength or productivity.

    In today’s hustle culture, it’s common to hear people boast about getting by on only a few hours of sleep. But for the average person, that’s not sustainable.

    The effects of short sleep build up over time, creating what’s known as a “sleep debt”. This can lead to poor concentration, mood swings, micro-sleeps (brief lapses into sleep), reduced performance and even long-term health risks. For example, short sleep has been linked to an increased risk of obesity, diabetes, high blood pressure and cardiovascular disease (heart disease and stroke).

    The weekend catch-up dilemma

    To make up for lost sleep during the week, many people try to “catch up” on weekends.

    This can help repay some of the sleep debt that has accumulated in the short term. Research suggests getting one to two extra hours of sleep on the weekend or taking naps when possible may help reduce the negative effects of short sleep.

    However, it’s not a perfect fix. Weekend catch-up sleep and naps may not fully resolve sleep debt. The topic remains one of ongoing scientific debate.

    A recent large study suggested weekend catch-up sleep may not offset the cardiovascular risks associated with chronic short sleep.

    Catching up on sleep on the weekends may not fully resolve your ‘sleep debt’.
    Ground Picture/Shutterstock

    What’s more, large swings in sleep timing can disrupt your body’s internal clock, and sleeping in too much on weekends may make it harder to fall asleep on Sunday night, which can mean starting the working week less rested.

    Increasing evidence indicates repeated cycles of irregular sleep may have an important influence on general health and the risk of early death, potentially even more so than how long we sleep for.

    Ultimately, while moderate catch-up sleep might offer some benefits, it’s no substitute for consistent, high-quality sleep throughout the week. That said, maintaining such regularity can be particularly challenging for people with non-traditional schedules, such as shift workers.

    So, was Thatcher a true natural short sleeper?

    It’s hard to say. Some reports suggest she napped during the day in the back of a car between meetings. That could mean she was simply sleep-deprived and compensating for an accumulated sleep debt when she could.

    Separate to whether someone is a natural short sleeper, there are a range of other reasons people may need more or less sleep than others. Factors such as age and underlying health conditions can significantly influence sleep requirements.

    For example, older adults often experience changes in their circadian rhythms and are more likely to suffer from fragmented sleep due to conditions such as arthritis or cardiovascular disease.

    Sleep needs vary from person to person, and while a lucky few can thrive on less, most of us need seven to nine hours a night to feel and function our best. If you’re regularly skimping on sleep and relying on weekends to catch up, it might be time to rethink your routine. After all, sleep isn’t a luxury – it’s a biological necessity.

    Peter Eastwood has previously received funding from Research Funding Organisations (e.g. NHMRC, MRFF, NHRIF, Raine Study) and has been a consultant for several sleep-related biomedical device companies. He is currently involved in several initiatives with the World Sleep Society, including its Global Sleep Health Taskforce.

    Kelly Sansom does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why do some people need less sleep than others? A gene variation could have something to do with it – https://theconversation.com/why-do-some-people-need-less-sleep-than-others-a-gene-variation-could-have-something-to-do-with-it-256342

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Censorship into art: why Iranian director Jafar Panahi’s subversive stories are getting the world’s attention

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Habib Moghimi, Academic, University of Sydney

    Iranian director Jafar Panahi has spent his career turning barriers into creative inspiration.

    Working under travel bans, house arrests and periodic detention, he had made powerful films that show everyday life in Iran through quiet moments, daily struggles, and small talk on streets under surveillance. He shows people who are restricted by repressive rules, yet who hold onto hope – albeit fragile.

    Although Panahi is banned from making films in Iran, he has managed to make a new film “underground” almost every two years. He recently stood triumphant as he received the prestigious Palme d’Or at the Cannes Film Festival for his thriller It Was Just an Accident (2025).

    The 2025 Sydney Film Festival’s retrospective Jafar Panahi: Cinema in Rebellion provides a valuable opportunity to look deeper into Panahi’s work, and understand how he makes impossible cinema possible through his unique position.

    A slice of life under censorship

    Panahi is one of Iran’s most important filmmakers – both because of the international recognition he has received, and because of the symbolic power he has gained through his fight for freedom of speech.

    His form of storytelling is rooted in the tradition of Iranian “social films”: dramas and melodramas focusing on everyday, ordinary life.

    He blends this tradition with the style and aesthetics of late director Abbas Kiarostami (who he worked with for some years), using elements such as long sequences, vehicles as a recurring motif, and self-reflexive approaches to storytelling.

    Panahi’s films not only focus on daily life, but treat cinema as part of that life. In other words, the filmmaking process becomes part of the narrative.

    He sometimes places himself within his films. In No Bears (2022), he plays a version of himself to explore the complexities of trying to tell a story while battling surveillance, the threat of exposure, and extreme cultural dogma.

    Panahi’s films feature characters rarely seen other works. For instance, in the short film Hidden (2020), the protagonist is a young woman who must perform out of sight due to restrictions on female voices in public.

    Similarly, in 3 Faces (2018), a girl from a small village sends a video to a famous actress, begging for help to study acting because her family won’t allow her.

    And Offside (2006) follows a group of girls who try to enter a football stadium by dressing up as boys to watch a World Cup qualifying match – highlighting Iran’s historical ban on women attending men’s football matches.

    Cinema as reality

    Panahi’s films try and look behind the curtains to construct a filmic representation of daily life in Iran. In doing so, they often blur the line between fiction and reality.

    In The Mirror (1997), a young actress suddenly stops acting and refuses to follow the script. Although this moment is not actually unscripted, it challenges the viewer’s sense of what is real and what is performed. The film turns into a kind of documentary as the cameras follows the girl on her journey home.

    His work also investigates how external forces can shape one’s internal world. In Closed Curtain (2013), a man hides his dog inside a dark house as dogs are viewed as “impure” by the public authorities.

    Halfway through the film, Panahi himself appears – again in the form of a filmmaker facing bans. While the film remains fictional, Panahi’s presence turns the narrative into a reflection on cinema and lived experience.

    We also see this approach in his subversive documentary This Is Not a Film (2011). Forced into house arrest, and facing a 20 year ban on filmmaking, Panahi films himself inside his apartment while exploring what it means to be banned from filmmaking – and whether filmmaking is possible without a crew or script.

    The tragedy in small hurts

    Panahi’s films are full of small moments that build into bigger truths – part of the heritage of Iranian social cinema.

    In The Circle (2000), different women move through Tehran facing rules that limit their freedom. At the end, the film loops back to its start, showing how their problems don’t end, but simply repeat.

    In Crimson Gold (2003), co-written with Abbas Kiarostami, a deliveryman is repeatedly humiliated throughout his daily life because of his social status. The film begins by showing the man attempting to rob a jeweller, before taking his own life – then moves backward to show how he built-up enough despair to commit the act.

    The real shock isn’t the act itself, but everything that led to it.

    Vehicles as a safe space

    Vehicles are everywhere in Panahi’s work: mobile spaces reside on the boundary between public and private life.

    In Taxi (2015), Panahi plays a cab driver whose taxi becomes a small stage for passengers to share their stories and opinions.

    In No Bears (2022), although Panahi is largely confined to a rural village setting, cars and motorbikes function as transitional spaces between different zones of privacy and publicity.

    Nothing onscreen is unintentional

    Panahis’s work resists simplistic ideas of the oppressed and the oppressor. These are not just stories about a heroic artist against an authoritarian state. They prompt us to ask: who really benefits from this binary? And what deeper political and cultural dynamics are at play?

    And he does this by using the restrictions imposed on him – and even his silence – as narrative tools. Censorship becomes part of the creative process. Not an obstacle, but a resource.

    Habib Moghimi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Censorship into art: why Iranian director Jafar Panahi’s subversive stories are getting the world’s attention – https://theconversation.com/censorship-into-art-why-iranian-director-jafar-panahis-subversive-stories-are-getting-the-worlds-attention-255221

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: As government cuts bite, public service unions can use ‘soft power’ as well as strikes to win support

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jim Arrowsmith, Professor, School of Management, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University

    Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

    Cuts to the public service, the decision to halt all pay equity claims, and the tight 2025 budget mean public service workers are facing an uncertain future.

    Nowhere is this more apparent than in the health sector. Since the 2024 budget, Health NZ has faced several reductions across its workforce. Nurses and rest home workers were also among the 33 pay equity cases stopped to save nearly NZ$13 billion over four years.

    Last week, doctors at Gisborne Hospital announced plans to strike due to staffing shortages.

    Industrial unrest could well be a feature of the next 18 months and an influence on the current government’s fortunes.

    My ongoing research with union leaders, to be published later this year, maps out how they could emerge as a major force mobilising public opinion ahead of the 2026 general election – and how using “soft power” rather than just strikes could be key to success.

    This research is part of an international project looking at health sector union strategies in Australia, Canada and the United Kingdom.

    The power of unions

    Public sector unions have the power to influence change thanks to their concentrated membership in certain sectors, and their ability to cause significant disruptions with strikes. The New Zealand Nurses Organisation, for example, represents 77% of the registered nurse workforce.

    But the potential power of New Zealand’s public service unions is tempered by their members’ commitment to the needs of the people they serve – for example, ensuring sick people still receive care.

    Public service unions also need support from the public, given the state is their ultimate employer. This means unions first have to use the soft power available to them before deciding to strike.

    For unions, soft power includes using employment rules and laws (“institutional” sources of power), alliances with groups representing people who use the sector’s services (“coalitional” sources), and messaging (“ideational”).

    In the fight over pay equity, for example, unions are using institutional means (equal pay legislation) to fight for increased wages. They are also building coalitions with groups that use their services, and are articulating a clear case of fairness and efficiency to build wider support.

    Even some lobby groups, such as Aged Care Association which represents aged-care facilities, have publicly supported union efforts towards pay equity, recognising the need for higher wages to address labour shortages.

    Many people in the public service such as nurses face a tension between industrial action while still meeting their commitment to caring for New Zealanders.
    Hannah Peters/Getty Images

    Healthcare is a political frontline

    In healthcare, the government pledged $8.2 billion in funding over four years in its first budget in 2024. In 2025, it set aside an extra $447 million for primary and out-of-hours care.

    But unions representing doctors and nurses say the government is “just treading water”, identifying 4,800 vacancies in the current plan.

    According to the unions, gaps include one in five senior hospital doctor positions and a quarter of hospital shifts lack sufficient nurses or midwives (the government has disputed these figures).

    The situation is exacerbated by Australia and other countries actively recruiting for healthcare staff. Rising living costs also make New Zealand a less attractive proposition to new migrants.

    Recent surveys by other major health unions focus on the impact of staff shortages on worker wellbeing and patient care. The scientific and technical union APEX reports a “workforce in survival mode” and the Public Service Association talks of “healthcare in crisis”.

    In the care sector, members of trade union E tū have detailed how chronic understaffing leads to work intensification and insufficient time to care for residential or home-based clients.

    A battle of messaging

    The unions’ message is one of a vicious circle where staff shortages increase workloads in already demanding jobs, accelerating the number of departures and damaging the provision of care.

    Addressing this, unions argue, requires better pay and more staff, including investment to grow the domestic pipeline of healthcare staff over the longer term.

    The government’s message, however, refers to past blowouts, fiscal discipline and the need for more private sector involvement, and longer hours to meet its targets.

    The question for unions is whether they will be able to get their messaging out to voters more effectively than the government.

    In general, the profile of healthcare workers in people’s lives can create a more sympathetic message. Unions have also begun a coordinated strategy to unify and actively engage members as a platform for political outreach.

    Campaigns such as the nurses union “Marangi Mai” (Rise Up) and E tū’s “Transforming Care” speak to workers more effectively than remote and protracted equal pay negotiations.

    Finally, legal action and protests marshal media attention.

    Cases filed under employment and health and safety laws expose “good employer” obligations and the need to ensure safe working conditions. “Informational pickets”, market stalls and alliances with user groups also get the message out, as do short sharp work stoppages.

    Amid the ongoing debate around healthcare and what the sector needs, it is clear unions will need to use soft power tactics as well as strikes to advocate for workers. The strategies implemented in the public sector may also provide a road map for private sector workers considering their own actions.

    Jim Arrowsmith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. As government cuts bite, public service unions can use ‘soft power’ as well as strikes to win support – https://theconversation.com/as-government-cuts-bite-public-service-unions-can-use-soft-power-as-well-as-strikes-to-win-support-257006

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why do our pupils dilate when we’re aroused? Anatomy experts explain

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amanda Meyer, Senior Lecturer, Anatomy and Pathology in the College of Medicine and Dentistry, James Cook University

    His gaze softens as he draws closer to you. With one hand around your waist and the other cradling your jaw, he pulls you in. You look into his eyes, and notice his pupils have grown large and hungry.

    So the story goes in every other romance novel, where enlarged pupils are commonly enlisted as imagery to indicate sexual arousal. And it’s not unusual to read advice online suggesting dilated pupils are a sure sign someone you like also likes you back.

    But what does the science say?

    In fact, it’s true: our pupils really do tend to grow large when we’re aroused. Here’s why.

    What is the pupil?

    The pupil is an opening in the iris (the coloured part of the eye) which directs light through the eyeball and onto the retina.

    Typically this opening is 2-4 millimetres in diameter in bright light, and 4-8 millimetres in darkness.

    The black colour of the pupil is the colour of the inside of your eye. Surrounding the pupil are two tiny muscles of the iris which are under separate control.

    The muscle around the edge of the pupil acts like a sphincter. When stimulated by the parasympathetic nervous system (sometimes known as the “rest and digest” system), it contracts to close down the pupil.

    On the outside of the sphincter, another muscle acts like the springs holding the trampoline mat.

    When stimulated by the sympathetic nervous system (the “fight or flight” system), it shortens to enlarge the pupil.

    The pupil is an opening in the iris.
    rtem/Shutterstock

    Your pupils and the six ‘fs’

    There are two different mechanisms to make the pupils dilate.

    The first is by direct sympathetic nervous system stimulation causing the pupil to dilate (enlarge). This is triggered when you need or want to:

    1. fight
    2. flee
    3. feed
    4. fornicate
    5. get a “fix” (of illicit drugs such as cocaine or methamphetamine)

    The second is by stopping the signals of the parasympathetic nerves going to the sphincter muscle of the pupil. This is triggered when you need or want to focus (number 6).

    Together, these are sometimes known as “the six f’s”.

    So, is it the same for all of us?

    A meta-analysis of 550 heterosexual men, 403 heterosexual women, 132 lesbian women, 124 bisexual men and 65 gay men reported that pupil dilation is related to your sex and your sexual preferences.

    Overall, the study found men’s pupils dilate strictly according to their sexual preferences, and women’s pupils dilate more variably.

    The study found that heterosexual men’s pupils dilated more in response to erotic imagery of women, and gay men’s pupils dilated more in response to erotic imagery of men.

    However, lesbian women’s pupils also dilated more in response to erotic imagery of men, and heterosexual women’s pupils dilated for erotic imagery of men and women.

    Pupil dilation triggers can be different for different people.
    Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

    Are large pupils more attractive?

    Interestingly, a study of 60 young adults (aged between 18 and 26) found pupils of 5 millimetre diameter most attractive.

    A pupil of 5 millimetres is abnormal for situations in bright light. Could it be that we’re attracted to the types of pupils we’ve seen before in the relative darkness of an intimate setting?

    The idea of large pupils being attractive isn’t new. During the Renaissance in Italy, women used eye drops made from a poisonous plant called Atropa belladonna (belladonna means “beautiful woman” in Italian) to make their pupils dilate. This gave them a wide-eyed, “seductive” look (it also, unfortunately, was rather dangerous).

    The plant contains a chemical called atropine, which is still (safely) used today by ophthalmologists and optometrists to dilate the pupils for eye exams or surgery.

    Getting in sync

    Pupil dilation also plays a role in social and interpersonal interactions. Studies have found administration of oxytocin (a hormone associated with bonding and trust) enhances pupil responses to emotional expressions, suggesting increased sensitivity to social cues.

    Pupil dilation synchrony between people has been linked to better teamwork and mutual attraction, reflecting shared arousal states.

    This phenomenon, sometimes referred to as “pupil mimicry” or “pupil contagion”, aligns with other autonomic synchronisations such as heart rate.

    It all goes to show that so much of connection and attraction is subconscious.

    So much of attraction is subconscious.
    RZ Images/Shutterstock

    What else can make the pupils dilate?

    Various substances and medical conditions can also affect pupil size. Stimulants such as Ritalin and Adderall, anticholinergics (often used to treat Parkinson’s disease and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease), and certain medications such as phenylephrine (Sudafed PE), and benzodiazepines such as alprazolam (Xanax) can all cause pupil dilation.

    So too can illicit drugs such as cocaine, ketamine, MDMA, LSD and cannabis.

    Some neurological conditions or closed angle glaucoma, as well as stressful situations, can cause the pupils to stay dilated (a condition known as mydriasis).

    If you have prolonged dilation of your pupils, you should speak to your doctor.

    Does intellectual or emotional arousal cause pupil dilation?

    When you are trying to solve a mathematics problem, listening carefully as you take notes, or listening to your favourite singer’s music, your pupils will enlarge.

    Anticipation of rewards, emotional conflict, and processing of emotionally charged stimuli – such as scary movies or certain trigger sounds – also lead to increased pupil size.

    Anxiety, pain, and even conditions such as fibromyalgia have also been linked to dilated pupils.

    Context is everything

    It is crucial to emphasise pupil dilation doesn’t automatically mean someone is aroused. Interpreting pupil dilation requires context, and you can’t assume big pupils means the person is attracted to you.

    Verbal consent and other behavioural cues are essential.

    If you’re wondering if the other person likes you, why not just ask?

    Amanda Meyer is affiliated with the Australian and New Zealand Association of Clinical Anatomists, the American Association for Anatomy, and the Global Neuroanatomy Network.

    Monika Zimanyi is affiliated with the Global Neuroanatomy Network

    ref. Why do our pupils dilate when we’re aroused? Anatomy experts explain – https://theconversation.com/why-do-our-pupils-dilate-when-were-aroused-anatomy-experts-explain-257452

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for June 3, 2025

    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on June 3, 2025.

    In her memoir, Jacinda Ardern shows a ‘different kind of power’ is possible – but also has its limits
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Grant Duncan, Teaching Fellow in Politics and International Relations, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau Getty Images Imagine getting a positive pregnancy test and then – just a few days later – learning you’ll be prime minister. In hindsight, being willing and able to deal with the

    Google’s SynthID is the latest tool for catching AI-made content. What is AI ‘watermarking’ and does it work?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By T.J. Thomson, Senior Lecturer in Visual Communication & Digital Media, RMIT University HomeArt/Shutterstock Last month, Google announced SynthID Detector, a new tool to detect AI-generated content. Google claims it can identify AI-generated content in text, image, video or audio. But there are some caveats. One of them

    What parents and youth athletes can do to protect against abuse in sport
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Fanny Kuhlin, PhD candidate in Sport Management (Sport Science), Örebro University Ron Alvey/Shutterstock From the horrific Larry Nassar abuse scandal in United States gymnastics to the “environment of fear” some volleyball athletes endured at the Australian Institute of Sport, abuse in sport has been well documented in

    Astronomers thought the Milky Way was doomed to crash into Andromeda. Now they’re not so sure
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ruby Wright, Forrest Fellow in Astrophysics, The University of Western Australia Luc Viatour / Wikimedia, CC BY-SA For years, astronomers have predicted a dramatic fate for our galaxy: a head-on collision with Andromeda, our nearest large galactic neighbour. This merger – expected in about 5 billion years

    Is the private hospital system collapsing? Here’s what the sector’s financial instability means for you
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yuting Zhang, Professor of Health Economics, The University of Melbourne lightpoet/Shutterstock Toowong Private Hospital in Brisbane is the latest hospital to succumb to financial pressures and will close its doors next week. The industry association attributes the psychiatric hospital’s closure to insufficient payments from and delayed funding

    Trump’s steel tariffs are unlikely to have a big impact on Australia. But we could be hurt by what happens globally
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Scott French, Senior Lecturer in Economics, UNSW Sydney Shestakov Dymytro/Shutterstock Just one day after the US Court of Appeals temporarily reinstated the Trump Administration’s Liberation Day tariffs of between 10% and 50% on nearly every country in the world, Trump announced tariffs on all US imports of

    Tax concessions on super need a rethink. These proposals would bring much needed reform
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Murphy, Visiting Fellow, Economics (modelling), Australian National University fizkes/Shutterstock The federal government has proposed an additional tax of 15% on the earnings made on super balances of over A$3 million, the so-called Division 296 tax. This has set off a highly politicised debate that has often

    The surprising power of photography in ageing well
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tricia King, Senior Lecturer in Photography, University of the Sunshine Coast Marcia Grimm Older adults are often faced with lifestyle changes that can disrupt their sense of place and purpose. It may be the loss of a partner, downsizing their home, or moving to residential aged care.

    What birds can teach us about repurposing waste
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Farrier, Professor of Literature and the Environment, University of Edinburgh Some birds use deterrent spikes to make their nests. Chemari/Shutterstock Modern cities are evolution engines. Urban snails in the Netherlands and lizards in Los Angeles have developed lighter shells and larger scales to cope with the

    Human Rights Watch warns renewed fighting threatens West Papua civilians
    Asia Pacific Report An escalation in fighting between Indonesian security forces and Papuan pro-independence fighters in West Papua has seriously threatened the security of the largely indigenous population, says Human Rights Watch in a new report. The human rights watchdog warned that all parties to the conflict are obligated to abide by international humanitarian law,

    Will surging sea levels kill the Great Barrier Reef? Ancient coral fossils may hold the answer
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jody Webster, Professor of Marine Geoscience, University of Sydney marcobriviophoto.com In the 20th century, global sea level rose faster than at any other time in the past 3,000 years. It’s expected to rise even further by 2100, as human-induced climate change intensifies. In fact, some studies predict

    Pro-Trump candidate wins Poland’s presidential election – a bad omen for the EU, Ukraine and women
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam Simpson, Senior Lecturer, International Studies, University of South Australia Poland’s presidential election runoff will be a bitter pill for pro-European Union democrats to swallow. The nationalist, Trumpian, historian Karol Nawrocki has narrowly defeated the liberal, pro-EU mayor of Warsaw, Rafał Trzaskowski, 50.89 to 49.11%. The Polish

    Australia’s latest emissions data reveal we still have a giant fossil fuel problem
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Lovell, Senior Lecturer in Chemical Engineering, UNSW Sydney According to Australia’s Climate Change and Energy Minister Chris Bowen, the latest emissions data show “we are on track to reach our 2030 targets” under the Paris Agreement. In 2024, Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions were “27% below 2005

    What is retinol? And will it make my acne flare? 3 experts unpack this trendy skincare ingredient
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Laurence Orlando, Senior Lecturer, Product Formulation and Development, Analytical Methods, Monash University Irina Kvyatkovskaya/Shutterstock Retinol skincare products suddenly seem to be everywhere, promising clear, radiant and “youthful” skin. But what’s the science behind these claims? And are there any risks? You may have also heard retinol can

    Pasifika recipients say King’s Birthday honours not just theirs alone
    By Teuila Fuatai, RNZ Pacific senior journalist, Iliesa Tora, and Christina Persico A New Zealand-born Niuean educator says being recognised in the King’s Birthday honours list reflects the importance of connecting young tagata Niue in Aotearoa to their roots. Mele Ikiua, who hails from the village of Hakupu Atua in Niue, has been named a

    Eugene Doyle: Writing in the time of the Gaza genocide
    COMMENTARY: By Eugene Doyle I want to share a writer’s journey — of living and writing through the Genocide.  Where I live and how I live could not be further from the horror playing out in Gaza and, increasingly, on the West Bank. Yet, because my country provides military, intelligence and diplomatic support to Israel

    Decades of searching and a chance discovery: why finding Leadbeater’s possum in NSW is such big news
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Lindenmayer, Distinguished Professor of Ecology, Fenner School of Environment and Society, Australian National University Until now, Victorians believed their state was the sole home for Leadbeater’s possum, their critically endangered state faunal emblem. This tiny marsupial is clinging to life in a few pockets of mountain

    In Bradfield, the election is not yet over. What happens when a seat count is ultra close?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Graeme Orr, Professor of Law, The University of Queensland Election day was over four weeks ago. Yet the outcome in one House of Representatives remains unclear. That is the formerly Liberal Sydney electorate of Bradfield. In real time, you can watch the lead tilt between Liberal hopeful,

    Is there a right way to talk to your baby? A baby brain expert explains ‘parentese’
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jane Herbert, Associate Professor in Developmental Psychology, University of Wollongong 2p2play/Shutterstock You might have seen those heartwarming and often funny viral videos where parents or carers engage in long “talks” with young babies about this and that – usually just fun chit chat of no great consequence.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Global: What is retinol? And will it make my acne flare? 3 experts unpack this trendy skincare ingredient

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Laurence Orlando, Senior Lecturer, Product Formulation and Development, Analytical Methods, Monash University

    Irina Kvyatkovskaya/Shutterstock

    Retinol skincare products suddenly seem to be everywhere, promising clear, radiant and “youthful” skin.

    But what’s the science behind these claims? And are there any risks?

    You may have also heard retinol can increase your risk of sunburn and even make acne worse.

    For some people, retinol may help reduce the appearance of fine lines. But it won’t be suitable for everyone. Here’s what you need to know.

    What is retinol?

    Retinol is part of a family of chemical compounds called retinoids. These are derived from or related to Vitamin A, a nutrient essential for healthy skin, vision and immune function.

    All retinoids work because enzymes in our skin convert them into their “active” form, retinoic acid.

    You can buy retinol in creams and other topical products over the counter.

    These are often promoted as “anti-ageing” because retinol can help reduce the appearance of fine lines, wrinkles and even out skin tone (for example, sun spots or acne scars).

    It also has an exfoliating effect, meaning it can help unclog pores.

    Stronger retinoid treatments that target acne will require a prescription because they contain retinoic acid, which is regulated as a drug in the United States, European Union, United Kingdom and Australia.

    How is retinol used in skincare?

    One of the most common claims about retinol is that it helps to reduce visible signs of ageing.

    How does this work?

    With age, the skin’s barrier becomes weaker, making it more prone to dryness, injury and irritation.

    Retinol can help counteract this natural thinning by stimulating the proliferation of keratinocytes – cells that form the outer skin layer and protect against damage and water loss.

    Retinol also stimulates the production of collagen (a key protein that creates a scaffolding that keeps skin firm and elastic) and fibroblasts (cells that produce collagen and support skin structure).

    It also increases how fast the skin sheds old cells and replaces them with new ones.

    Over time, these processes help reduce fine lines, fade dark spots and even out skin tone. It can also make skin appear clearer.

    While effective, this doesn’t happen overnight.

    You may have also heard about a “retinol purge” – a temporary flare of acne when you first start using topical retinoids.

    Studies have found the skin may become irritated and acne temporarily worsen in some cases. But more research needs to be done to understand this link.

    The idea of a retinol purge is popular on social media.
    TikTok, CC BY-NC-ND

    So, is retinol safe?

    At typical skincare concentrations (0.1–0.3%), side effects tend to be mild.

    Most people who experience irritation (such as redness, dryness, or peeling) when starting retinol are able to build tolerance over time. This process is often called “retinisation”.

    However, retinol increases the skin’s sensitivity to UV radiation (known as photosensitivity). This heightened reactivity can lead to sunburn, irritation and an increased risk of hyperpigmentation (spots or patches of darker colour).

    For this reason, daily use of broad-spectrum sunscreen (SPF30 or higher) is strongly recommended while using retinol products.

    Who should avoid retinol?

    Teenagers and children generally don’t need retinol unless specifically prescribed by a doctor, for example, for acne treatment.

    People with sensitive skin or conditions such as eczema (dry, itchy and inflamed skin) and rosacea (chronic redness and sensitivity) may find retinol too irritating.

    Using retinol products alongside other skincare treatments, such as alpha-hydroxy acids, can over-exfoliate your skin and damage it.

    Importantly, the active form of retinol, retinoic acid, is teratogenic (meaning it can cause birth defects). Over-the-counter retinol products are also not recommended during pregnancy or breastfeeding.

    Choose and store retinol products wisely

    Since retinol is classified as a cosmetic ingredient, companies are not required to disclose its concentration in their products.

    The European Union is expected to introduce new regulations that will cap the concentration of retinol in cosmetic facial products to 0.3%.

    These are precautionary measures aimed to limit exposure for vulnerable groups, such as pregnant women, given the risk of birth defects.

    It’s therefore recommended to use products that clearly state the retinol concentration is between 0.1% and 0.3%.

    Retinol is also a notoriously unstable molecule that degrades with exposure to air, light or heat.

    Choosing a product with airtight, light-protective packaging will help with potential degradation problems that could lead to inactivity or harm.

    What’s the safest way to try retinol?

    The key is to go low and slow: a pea-sized amount of a low-concentration product (0.1%) once or twice a week, preferably at night (to avoid UV exposure), and then the frequency and concentration can be increased (to a maximum of 0.3%) as the skin adjusts.

    Using a moisturiser after retinol helps to reduce dryness and irritation.

    Wearing sunscreen every day is a must when using retinol to avoid the photosensitivity.

    If you experience persistent redness, burning, or peeling, it’s better to stop using the product and consult your doctor or a dermatologist for personalised advice.

    Laurence Orlando is affiliated with the Australian Society of Cosmetic Chemists.

    Professor Ademi currently serves as a member of the Economics Sub Committee of the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee within the Department of Health, Australia which assesses clinical and economic evaluations of medicines submitted for listing on the PBS. She leads the global economics initiative for the Lp(a) International Task Force and Member of Professional Advisory Board of Familial Hypercholesterolemia (FH) Australia. Zanfina Ademi receives funding from FH Europe Foundation to understand the population screening for LP(a), globally. Received funding from National Health and Medical Research Council, Medical Research Future Fund not in relation to to this work, but work that relates to health economics of prevention and cost-effectiveness.

    Zoe Porter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. What is retinol? And will it make my acne flare? 3 experts unpack this trendy skincare ingredient – https://theconversation.com/what-is-retinol-and-will-it-make-my-acne-flare-3-experts-unpack-this-trendy-skincare-ingredient-256074

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Astronomers thought the Milky Way was doomed to crash into Andromeda. Now they’re not so sure

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Ruby Wright, Forrest Fellow in Astrophysics, The University of Western Australia

    Luc Viatour / Wikimedia, CC BY-SA

    For years, astronomers have predicted a dramatic fate for our galaxy: a head-on collision with Andromeda, our nearest large galactic neighbour. This merger – expected in about 5 billion years – has become a staple of astronomy documentaries, textbooks and popular science writing.

    But in our new study published in Nature Astronomy, led by Till Sawala from the University of Helsinki, we find the Milky Way’s future might not be as certain previously assumed.

    By carefully accounting for uncertainties in existing measurements, and including the gravitational influence of other nearby galaxies, we found there is only about a 50% chance the Milky Way and Andromeda will merge in the next 10 billion years.

    Why did we think a collision was inevitable?

    The idea that the Milky Way and Andromeda are on a collision course goes back more than a century. Astronomers discovered Andromeda is moving toward us by measuring its radial velocity – its motion along our line of sight – using a slight change in the colour of its light called the Doppler shift.

    But galaxies also drift sideways across the sky, a movement known as proper motion or transverse velocity. This sideways motion is incredibly difficult to detect, especially for galaxies millions of light years away.

    Earlier studies often assumed Andromeda’s transverse motion was small, making a future head-on collision seem almost certain.

    What’s different in this study?

    Our study did not have any new data. Instead, we took a fresh look at existing observations from the Hubble Space Telescope and the Gaia mission.

    Unlike earlier studies, our work incorporates the uncertainty in these measurements, rather than assuming their most likely values.

    We simulated thousands of possible trajectories for the Milky Way and Andromeda trajectories, slightly varying the assumed initial conditions – things such as the speed and position of the two galaxies – each time.

    When we started from the same assumptions the earlier studies made, we recovered the same results. However, we were also able to explore a larger range or possibilities.

    We also included two additional galaxies that influence the future paths of the Milky Way and Andromeda: the Large Magellanic Cloud, a massive satellite galaxy currently falling into the Milky Way, and M33, also known as the Triangulum Galaxy, which orbits Andromeda.

    The new study took into account the gravitational effect of the Triangulum Galaxy, which orbits Andromeda.
    ESO, CC BY

    These companion galaxies exert gravitational tugs that change the motions of their hosts.

    M33 nudges Andromeda slightly toward the Milky Way, increasing the chance of a merger. Meanwhile, the Large Magellanic Cloud shifts the Milky Way’s motion away from Andromeda, reducing the likelihood of a collision.

    Taking all of this into account, we found that in about half of the simulated scenarios, the Milky Way and Andromeda do not merge at all within the next 10 billion years.

    What happens if they do – or don’t – collide?

    Even if a merger does happen, it’s unlikely to be catastrophic for Earth. Stars in galaxies are separated by enormous distances, so direct collisions are rare.

    But over time, the galaxies would coalesce under gravity, forming a single, larger galaxy – probably an elliptical one, rather than the spirals we see today.

    If the galaxies don’t merge, they may settle into a long, slow orbit around each other – close companions that never quite collide. It’s a gentler outcome, but it still reshapes our understanding of the Milky Way’s distant future.

    Other galaxies show examples of three future scenarios for the Milky Way and Andromeda: galaxies passing in the night, a close encounter, a full collision and merger.
    NASA / ESA

    What comes next?

    The biggest remaining uncertainty is the transverse velocity of Andromeda. Even small changes in this sideways motion can make the difference between a merger and a near miss. Future measurements will help refine this value and bring us closer to a clearer answer.

    We don’t yet have a definitive answer about our own galaxy’s future. But exploring these possibilities shows just how much we’re still learning about the universe – even close to home.

    Ruby Wright receives funding from the Forrest Research Foundation.

    Alexander Rawlings receives funding from the University of Helsinki Research Foundation and the European Research Council.

    ref. Astronomers thought the Milky Way was doomed to crash into Andromeda. Now they’re not so sure – https://theconversation.com/astronomers-thought-the-milky-way-was-doomed-to-crash-into-andromeda-now-theyre-not-so-sure-257825

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Will surging sea levels kill the Great Barrier Reef? Ancient coral fossils may hold the answer

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jody Webster, Professor of Marine Geoscience, University of Sydney

    marcobriviophoto.com

    In the 20th century, global sea level rose faster than at any other time in the past 3,000 years. It’s expected to rise even further by 2100, as human-induced climate change intensifies. In fact, some studies predict a rise of up to 1.6 metres and possibly more due to the rapid melting of the Antarctic ice sheets.

    These changes will have huge impacts on coastal ecosystems around the world, including coral reefs. To understand these future impacts, it can be useful to understand similar events from history.

    Our new research, published today in Nature Communications, does just that. It reveals how the Great Barrier Reef in northern Australia responded to a dramatic rise in sea level some 13,000 to 10,000 years ago.

    A hotly debated event

    Several “meltwater pulse events” have been documented in the past. These occur when ice sheets disintegrate in a catastrophic fashion, resulting in a rapid surge in global sea levels.

    One of these events, known as “meltwater pulse 1B”, remains hotly debated. It occurred roughly 11,500 years ago.

    Early evidence from reef cores in Barbados suggested a sharp sea-level rise of approximately 14 metres between 11,450 and 11,100 years ago, with rates of roughly 40 millimetres per year.

    Remarkably, this rate is about ten times faster than the current global rise.

    However, this record conflicts with others, including from Tahiti and now from the Great Barrier Reef, which suggests a more gradual rise in sea levels.

    Learning from geological archives

    Somewhat paradoxically shallow-water reef systems can “drown” because corals, and other reef organisms, depend on light for photosynthesis. If the water gets too deep too fast, the reef will no longer keep up with the rise and it will drown.

    But drowning can also occur due to other factors, such as increased temperature, sediment and nutrients, which can also add extra environmental stress to the reef – again making it more difficult to grow vertically and keep up with sea level rise.

    Cores gathered from drowned fossil coral reefs preserved along the continental shelf edge of the Great Barrier Reef contain crucial information about historic corals, coralline algae and microbial reef structures known as microbialites. They offer a unique geologic time machine to better understand how past periods of rapid global sea level rise affected reef growth.

    These geological archives also provide important clues about how ice sheets behaved in response to rapid global warming.

    In 2010, an expedition of the Integrated Ocean Drilling Program used a geotechnical drill ship to sample below the seafloor and reconstruct the growth and demise of the Great Barrier Reef over the past roughly 30,000 years. Five distinct stages were identified in response to major global climatic and oceanographic disturbances.

    In this new study, we focused on a key reef stage called Reef 4. It formed between 13,000 and 10,000 years ago, just prior to the start of the modern reef as we know it.

    We refer to this reef as the “proto-Great Barrier Reef”. Once a shallow-water barrier reef system, it now exists in a fossilised form at roughly 50 metres water depth and is now the home to deeper reef communtites in the mesophotic zone 30 to 150 metres below the surface.

    The RV Great Ship Maya was used to recover fossil reef samples from the Great Barrier Reef in 2010.
    G.Tulloch/European Consortium for Ocean Research Drilling/Integrated Ocean Drilling Program

    An impressive ability to keep pace

    Our study shows the Great Barrier Reef didn’t drown during meltwater pulse 1B. In fact, it continued to thrive with clear evidence of healthy, shallow-water reef assemblages (living in waters less than ten metres deep) persisting right through the rise in sea levels.

    The reef not only survived but continued to grow upwards at rates between 4–6 millimetres per year. This rate of growth is comparable to modern healthy reef growth rates, demonstrating an impressive ability to keep pace.

    We also calculated that the maximum possible sea-level rise during meltwater pulse 1B was between 7.7 and 10.2 metres over roughly 350 years. This equates to between 23 and 30 millimetres per year, but was likely less.

    This is less than the Barbados estimate, and more consistent with observations from Tahiti where no sharp sea-level jump was found.

    Importantly, this indicates that even the upper sea level rise bounds are within the survival limits of resilient reef systems such as the Great Barrier Reef – especially when environmental stressors, such as ocean warming, ocean acidification and sedimentation are low.

    UNESCO’s World Heritage Committee recently expressed utmost concern about the current state of the Great Barrier Reef.
    Darkydoors/Shutterstock

    Limits to a reef’s resilience

    Although the Great Barrier Reef survived sea level rise roughly 11,000 years ago, the world was very different back then.

    Coral reefs faced less stress from human impacts. And ocean temperatures were rising more slowly.

    But today’s reefs are already struggling, with UNESCO’s World Heritage Committee recently expressing “utmost concern” about the state of the Great Barrier Reef in particular.

    This is due to warming, acidification and pollution. And these additional challenges decrease reefs’ ability to cope with rapid sea-level rise.

    Our findings suggest abrupt sea-level jumps of more than 11 metres are unlikely to occur without major instabilities in ice sheets. The fact that such collapses likely didn’t happen during meltwater pulse 1B offers some reassurance. But we’re in uncharted territory now, particularly with the Antarctic ice sheet displaying early signs of instability.

    Our study also shows the Great Barrier Reef has been remarkably resilient, adapting to changing sea levels and continuing to grow even as the ocean rose rapidly. This resilience, however, had limits. Ultimately, the reef we examined drowned roughly 10,000 years ago, likely due to a combination of environmental stressors, including increased sediment flux. At this time the shallow water reef ecosystem migrated landward to form the modern Great Barrier, leaving behind only deeper, mesophotic reef communities.

    The lessons from the past are clear: reefs can adapt to environmental changes but there are limits.

    Protecting modern reefs will require more than understanding their past. It means reducing emissions and limiting other environmental stresses such as sediment and nutrient runoff where possible.

    Jody Webster receives funding from the Australian Research Council and ANZIC IODP.

    Juan Carlos Braga receives funding from the Australian Research Council and Spanish Government.

    Marc Humblet receives funding from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science.

    Stewart Fallon receives funding from the Australian Research Council and ANZIC IODP.

    Yusuke Yokoyama receives funding from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science and Japan Science and Technology Agency.

    ref. Will surging sea levels kill the Great Barrier Reef? Ancient coral fossils may hold the answer – https://theconversation.com/will-surging-sea-levels-kill-the-great-barrier-reef-ancient-coral-fossils-may-hold-the-answer-257830

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Girl power and girl bosses might be ‘feminist’ – but we can’t consume our way to equality

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jessica Ford, Senior Lecturer in Media, University of Adelaide

    In Girl on Girl, journalist Sophie Gilbert crafts a compelling narrative about how movies, TV, celebrities and pop stars construct a culture that encourages women to internalise misogyny – and even rewards them for it. She traces how this manifests over time, from the 1990s to now, through the sexualisation of young girls in teen “sex” comedies, reality TV makeovers, the mainstreaming of pornography and more.

    The book is a useful primer on how largely white, American-centric popular culture makes women’s exploitation commonplace.

    It moves swiftly between examples, which could be confusing for readers unfamiliar with the different worlds inhabited by various figures. They include socialite and early reality star Paris Hilton; musician Amy Winehouse, who made headlines with her addiction challenges; and “riot grrrl” feminist rocker Kathleen Hanna.


    Girl on Girl: How Pop Culture Turned a Generation of Women Against Themselves – Sophie Gilbert (John Murray)


    Girl on Girl does not necessarily break new ground. It does, however, bring together disparate strands of our cultural conversation, largely relying on existing research and cultural commentary. Western popular culture, it argues, provides women with a narrow set of ideals.

    Gilbert’s book depicts popular culture as a vehicle for teaching women what kinds of behaviour are acceptable and desirable. These lessons are packaged in alluring parcels, like the Real Housewives, Lindsay Lohan, Britney Spears and Pamela Anderson. Gilbert cleverly draws a line from Madonna as provocateur to the hatred of women oozing from early 2000s rom-coms, the TikTok Trad Wives and Hillary Rodham Clinton’s failed presidential bids.

    In the book’s early pages, Gilbert shows how Hanna’s punk slogan of “Girl Power” was “appropriated” by the Spice Girls (who she describes as “sexy women who behaved like toddlers at a wedding”) in 1996. In the process, “Girl Power” went from signalling a movement charged by anger at “diminishment and abuse”, to a feminism of individual empowerment that “made you want to immediately go shopping”. It was then “almost instantly appropriated by brands”.

    Packaging empowerment

    Popular culture may seem fluffy and inconsequential, but Gilbert emphatically connects it to the material consequences of misogyny. This includes the rolling back of abortion rights in the United States, the election of alt-right men who openly despise women and the normalisation of gendered harassment, violence and abuse.

    Gilbert persuasively argues “popular culture is a strikingly predictive and transformative force with regard to the status of women and other historically marginalised groups”.

    It’s not just that women are routinely degraded and dehumanised for entertainment. It’s that this cruel spectacle has been normalised over many decades – and has been packaged and sold as empowering and “good for women”.

    Gilbert draws connections between the exploitation behind supermodel Kate Moss’s rise to prominence in the 1990s (she was bullied into posing for topless photographs), the ritualised humiliation of early 2000s reality TV and the 2010 publication of “crotch shots” of an 18-year-old Miley Cyrus. In doing so, she charts the varied ways popular media normalises women’s exploitation.

    Her investigation complicates the seemingly effortless and empowering facade of these models of femininity. For instance, the stylist for Moss’ 1990 topless shoot for The Face magazine cover that launched her to fame remembers it as “fun” and “instinctual”, while decades later, Moss recalls crying when coerced into taking her top off.

    She also remembers feeling “vulnerable and scared” during the 1992 topless Calvin Klein shoot with Mark Wahlberg. “I think they played on my vulnerability,” she said.

    Girl on Girl effectively translates the ideas feminist scholars have been unpicking for decades. Its sustained and thoughtful engagement with these ideas is what distinguishes it from similar books of journalism on the gender politics of popular culture.

    A common limitation of such books is the false assumption that these ideas are new. However, Gilbert weaves together Rosalind Gill’s postfeminism as a sensibility, Brenda Weber’s work on makeover TV and Kate Manne’s theorisation of misogyny with popular media examples.

    In a chapter on the impossible expectations of contemporary femininity, Gilbert applies Gill’s concept of “midriff advertising”, or “low-slung hipster jeans and ten inches of tanned, taut stomach”, to 2000s “it-girl” Nicole Richie. She explains how she was variously shamed for being too fat and then too thin. This led, Gilbert writes:

    to her elevation in status from Paris’s sassy sidekick to size-double-zero aughts fashion emblem, a frail, childlike figure whose accessories were so big they threatened to topple her.

    Feminism: everywhere and nowhere

    Gilbert’s book is not wholly negative. She also charts the rise (and often fall) of those who push back against the status quo.

    In a chapter on “confessional auteurs”, she considers Girls creator Lena Dunham. In another, which considers extreme, violent sex in art, she looks at French filmmaker and novelist Catherine Breillat. In Breillat’s 1999 film, Romance, about a young woman “driven almost to madness” by her boyfriend’s refusal to have sex with her, Gilbert writes:

    Breillat stages what she seems to understand as stereotypical male ideals – a woman desperate for sex, a woman bound and gagged – and renders them in ways that make them both psychologically explosive and wholly unsexy.

    In the final chapter on “rewriting the path towards power”, she explores the impact of recent feminist-leaning TV, such as Phoebe Waller-Bridge’s Fleabag and Michaela Coel’s I May Destroy You.

    Rather than ignoring feminism’s paradoxes and inconsistencies, Gilbert leans into how it is at once everywhere (in advertisements, behind Beyoncé at the VMAs, on t-shirts) and nowhere (rendered toothless, depoliticised, neoliberal).

    Gilbert thoughtfully teases apart the contradictions and schisms in women’s culture (both popular and everyday) to consider the mixed messaging around sexuality, empowerment, femininity and success.

    The challenge of interrogating influential celebrities like Kim Kardashian and Taylor Swift is that they tend to embody extreme versions of idealised femininity. Their bodies are at once an instrument of their work and a canvas, on which much is projected. Culturally, they uphold and promote very narrow ideas of heterosexual desirability, perfection and beauty.

    Gilbert grapples with how the elevation of beauty as a defining feminine virtue results in fat shaming and fashion policing of everyday women. Discussing the Kardashian-Jenners, she writes:

    Their constantly changing faces and bodies present the human form as a perfectible project ready to be molded and painted and tucked in any way that will encourage engagement and sell products.

    It is hard to look at the increase in plastic surgery procedures and the prevalence of weight-loss medication usage and not blame celebrities, reality TV and social media influencers. But these women didn’t create this world, they just figured out how to succeed in it. Should we expect them to dismantle the system that empowers them?

    Gilbert’s book zeroes in on how popular feminist thinking expects women to change, rather than systems. The responsibility for inequitable institutions – like unpaid parental leave, restricted reproductive healthcare and hostile work cultures – is moved onto individual women to solve. They are expected to bear the burden, rather than society being expected to invest in systemic change. For instance: paid parental leave, affordable accessible healthcare and employment quotas.

    The effects are twofold, absolving institutional responsibility and inscribing narcissistic, individualistic ways of thinking.

    Consuming our way to enlightenment

    Girl on Girl circles around, but never directly takes on a crucial question: should we expect popular culture to do the work of feminism? Can we consume our way to equal pay, reproductive rights, freedom from violence and respect in the workplace? We are encouraged – by popular media itself – to think so.


    There are seemingly endless articles that canonise “feminist TV shows and moments” that “every woman needs to watch”. They encourage viewers to think of themselves as “pop culture-loving feminists”.

    This is particularly prominent across online media aimed at women. It views content through the lens of feminism and curates “feminist popular culture” as a recognisable category. This is used to tell us contemporary audiences can – and should – be feminist consumers.

    The idea of consuming our way to enlightenment has been sold to us on multiple fronts. Yet feminism was never mainstream. From its early days to now, it has been a scrappy insurgency.

    The prominence of “girl power” and “girl bosses” may have lulled us into a false sense of security, but conditions for women (globally and locally) still need improving.

    Despite its limitations, we need feminism in media and everyday culture. Kristen Stewart recently reflected, on her directorial debut at Cannes: “having a female body is an overtly political act, if you can get out of bed in the morning and not hate yourself”.

    Jessica Ford does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Girl power and girl bosses might be ‘feminist’ – but we can’t consume our way to equality – https://theconversation.com/girl-power-and-girl-bosses-might-be-feminist-but-we-cant-consume-our-way-to-equality-255410

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: In her memoir, Jacinda Ardern shows a ‘different kind of power’ is possible – but also has its limits

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Grant Duncan, Teaching Fellow in Politics and International Relations, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    Getty Images

    Imagine getting a positive pregnancy test and then – just a few days later – learning you’ll be prime minister. In hindsight, being willing and able to deal with the unexpected would become the hallmark of former New Zealand prime minister Jacinda Ardern’s political career.

    She had always stood out as a leader, but her tumultuous political journey followed none of the predictable pathways. Readers of her memoir will relive what this was like, from her feelings about motherhood through to meeting world leaders.


    Review: A Different Kind of Power – Jacinda Ardern (Penguin Random House)


    The title of her book promises more than just that, however. Many people hope for a different kind of leader, but what personal qualities or strengths do such leaders need? More generally, can the personal qualities that contribute to great leadership be learned and applied by others?

    The answer seems to be a qualified yes. Since leaving office, Ardern has become something of a global influencer. But as her career pivots towards celebrity appearances and international agencies, her memoir also serves as a leadership manifesto – especially for women, or aspirants of any gender, who suffer self-doubt.

    The limits of empathy

    In her formative years, working as an assistant to Labour leader Helen Clark, Ardern relates how she let political opponents get under her skin. Was she “too thin-skinned” for politics? She soon learned “you could be sensitive and survive”. Better still, she could use her sensitivity as a strength.

    But “it is different for women in the public eye”, she writes. Derogatory terms were used against her, such as the “show pony” epithet coined by a senior woman journalist. There were questions about whether she had “substance”. These things could undermine people’s belief in her competence – perhaps even her own self-belief.

    What she did about this is instructive. Lashing out at jibes and cartoon images would make her look “humourless and too sensitive”. The “trick” was to respond in a way that would “take the story nowhere”. She became adept at that, deflecting comments aimed at putting her down.

    This also meant being a feminist but not using feminism as her ideological platform. Other than admonishing a TV presenter that it was “unacceptable” for him to ask whether a sitting prime minister could take maternity leave, she generally let others do the outrage and avoided becoming an even bigger target for culture warriors.

    But A Different Kind of Power asks the question: different from what? Ardern’s political career has been a challenge, if not a rebuke, to leaders who indulge in egotistical, competitive, always-be-winning behaviour. Need one even mention Donald Trump?

    Instead, Ardern offers kindness and empathy. The approach showed its true strength in the days following the terrorist atrocity in Christchurch in 2019. At a time when anti-immigrant and Islamophobic sentiments were growing, Ardern embraced the victims. “They are us”, she declared. Emotions that could have generated a cycle of blame were guided by her towards sharing of grief and aroha.

    Like any political virtue, though, empathy has limitations: it touches those whose suffering commands our attention, but it is partial. Effective social policy also requires an impartial administration and redistribution of resources. Leaders must ensure public goods are delivered equitably to those in need, which calls for rational planning.

    And sometimes a national emergency may call for actions that feel unfair or insensitive to some.

    Pandemic politics

    COVID-19 was that emergency. It created deep uncertainty for governments, and there was no “kind” pathway forward. The Ardern government did an exemplary job, saving many lives, and the Labour Party was rewarded at the 2020 election with an unprecedented 50% of the party vote. But Ardern’s retelling of that time is surprisingly brief, especially given her pivotal role.

    She put herself daily at the centre of it all, patiently explaining the public health responses. During this battle with a virus, however, she couldn’t inoculate against the political consequences and shifts in public opinion.

    As the pandemic wore on, many New Zealanders whose businesses had been shut down, who had been isolated in their homes, who had difficulty returning home from abroad or who’d been ostracised for not getting vaccinated, weren’t feeling much empathy or kindness from their government. And they felt they were being silenced. This sentiment grew far beyond the activists who had made themselves heard on parliament grounds in early 2022.

    Ardern refused to meet with those protestors. “How could I send a message that if you disagree with something, you can illegally occupy the grounds of parliament and then have your demands met?”

    But she (or a senior minister) could have heard their demands and explained why they couldn’t be met. Her refusal to listen left the field open to veteran populist Winston Peters, who exploited the opportunity, launching his campaign to return to parliament – in which he now sits and Ardern doesn’t.

    While vaccine mandates were a key concern for protestors, it’s disappointing that, to this day, Ardern blames the dissenters, as if they were “not us” – kicked out of the “team of five million”. She attributes the dissent solely to their “mistrust”. Refusing to listen – not just to protestors, but to deeper shifts in public opinion – would cost Labour dearly.

    Induced by the pandemic fiscal stimulus, inflation peaked at 7.3% in June 2022. By that time, two switches had occurred: the National Party was ahead in polls and a majority were saying the country was heading in the wrong direction. In January 2023, then, Ardern resigned as prime minister. She believed, probably correctly, that it would be “good for my party and perhaps it would be good for the election”.

    Power and parenthood: Jacinda Ardern with her partner Clarke Gayford and their baby daughter, 2018.
    Getty Images

    The toll of leadership

    But she also reveals in her memoir that a cancer scare influenced the decision – a false alarm, but a sign perhaps that the job was taking its toll. Her leaving could “take the heat out of the politics”, she reasoned. And anyway, she was tired, stressed and losing her patience.

    The leadership change to Chris Hipkins – and a devastating cyclone – boosted Labour’s polling for a while. But their 1,443,545 party votes in 2020 fell to 767,540 in the October 2023 election.

    Hundreds of thousands of voters had turned their backs on the Labour Party, and the COVID response wasn’t solely to blame. There were also controversial or failed policies – such as restructuring water services, a proposed unemployment insurance scheme, and Māori co-governance initiatives – that were ruthlessly exploited by the political opposition. These were all initiated under Ardern, although unmentioned in her memoir.

    Her book is more about subjective self-doubt and empathy. She doesn’t critically examine her own policies. Nor does she express empathy for those who felt disadvantaged or excluded by them – granting as always that emergency measures had been necessary. And, as she heads further into an international career, there’s no expression of empathy for those who now need it most, be they children in Gaza or refugees in South Sudan.

    It’s disappointing Ardern doesn’t define key words: empathy, leadership or power, for example. There are different ways to understand them, and definitions carry assumptions. But she’s not addressing academics or political analysts. Her audience is primarily American – a much larger and more lucrative market than her home country. With the Democrats struggling to find direction and leadership after last year’s losses, Ardern – who poses no threat to anyone’s political ambitions there – offers some inspiration.

    Some may fault it for avoiding those harder questions about her time at the top, but Ardern’s memoir interweaves an authentically retold personal story with high political drama. It tells of one woman’s struggle with morning sickness, childbirth, breastfeeding and motherhood, even while taking on extraordinary public responsibilities and media exposure. It’s still amazing how she managed to do all that.

    I was a personal acquaintance of Jacinda, when she was a list MP in Auckland Central.

    ref. In her memoir, Jacinda Ardern shows a ‘different kind of power’ is possible – but also has its limits – https://theconversation.com/in-her-memoir-jacinda-ardern-shows-a-different-kind-of-power-is-possible-but-also-has-its-limits-257944

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Can ASEAN build a sustainable data centre future? Malaysian legal lessons may offer a wake-up call

    Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Professor Dr. Nuarrual Hilal Md Dahlan, School of Law, Universiti Utara Malaysia

    Southeast Asia is embracing a digital revolution. With the meteoric rise of artificial intelligence, e-commerce, and cloud computing, the region is now home to some of the most ambitious data centre developments in the world.

    But while digital technology is transforming Southeast Asia’s economy, ASEAN’s legal and regulatory systems remain stuck in the pre-digital era.

    This raises a critical question: Can ASEAN truly build a sustainable, resilient data centre industry without modernising its laws?

    Malaysia: Digital ambition vs outdated laws

    Malaysia offers a vivid case in point. In 2024, Malaysia attracted more than US$23.3 billion in data centre investments from Microsoft, Google, and Amazon Web Services.

    These investments are seen as driving Malaysia’s modern digital economy. This new development is set to place Malaysia firmly in place as Southeast Asia’s tech hub.
    However, while the infrastructure may be cutting-edge, the laws behind it are far from ready.

    Here where the problems lie:

    1. Malaysia’s National Land Code (Revised 2020)–which governs zoning, land use planning, land administration and registration, was drafted in a time when the concept of data centres didn’t even exist – The law gives state and land authorities greater power than the planning authority over conditions and restrictions.

    2. The Town and Country Planning Act 1976 (Act 172) gives local planning authorities wide control, even over the technical professional agencies such as the Department of Environment, Department of Public Works, Department of Irrigation and Drainage and Department of Mineral and Geoscience creating approval bottlenecks and confusion for developers. Bypassing the process can result in fines or demolition.

    This law needs a revision to better reflect today’s planning priorities and public needs. Today, investors may encounter regulatory challenges in Johor, as evidenced by the state’s recent rejection of nearly 30% of data centre applications to conserve water and electricity.

    3. Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA), as required under the Environmental Quality Act 1974 (Act 127), are critical for large-scale developments, including data centres which have potential environmental impact. While enforcement is generally consistent, challenges can arise in ensuring compliance across all projects due to weak oversight and different standards or interpretations from one state to another in Malaysia.

    4. Data centres must also meet 1974 and 1984 rules on street, drainage, building and fire safety to be sustainable and operationally safe. Ongoing commitments to modernise these regulations cater to the evolving needs of contemporary infrastructure, public needs and national aspirations.

    5. The Planning Guidelines for Data Centres introduced in 2024 to address the environmental shortcomings, provide clearer direction on land use, energy, and water requirements– but they remain advisory and are not legally binding.

    Worse still, it cannot overcome the country’s dual governance structure, where federal and state authorities often work in silos—especially on administrative matters—due to how powers are divided under the Federal Constitution. The conflicting legal environment has caused uncertainty for investors, bottlenecks for regulators and developers, and extra economic costs.

    For the public, this can mean slower progress in building digital infrastructure, which affects internet speed, access to services, and job opportunities in the tech industry.

    Similar issues across ASEAN

    Other ASEAN countries face similar problems. Indonesia, Thailand, and the Philippines struggle with fragmented regulations, outdated zoning laws, and weak environmental oversight.

    This concern is highlighted in the ASEAN Digital Masterplan 2025, which warns that without legal and regulatory reform, ASEAN could fall behind in the global digital race. Similarly, the ASEAN Economic Community Blueprint 2025 calls for predictable, transparent, and harmonised regulations to attract infrastructure investments. Yet progress has been glacial.

    The ASEAN Smart Cities Framework also calls for more sustainable digital infrastructure. It urges member states to break down bureaucratic silos by adopting cross-sector governance models.

    The ASEAN Environmental Rights Framework is starting to promote environmental fairness in infrastructure planning—including data centres.

    But these regional policies will only work if member states are fully committed to enforcing them. Without this, they remain aspirational rather than actionable.

    Singapore has enforced sustainability through its Code for Environmental Sustainability of Buildings, adapting cooling systems to tropical climates.

    Meanwhile, Abu Dhabi uses the Estidama Pearl Rating System, ensuring high energy and water efficiency in all large-scale developments.

    These examples show that sustainable data centres are possible—but only with clear rules, strong enforcement, and cooperation across all levels of government.

    A strategic move for ASEAN

    So, what can ASEAN do?

    First, ASEAN should align its laws on land administration, planning, environment, and construction to make it easier for data systems to connect across borders and attract international investment. This would help ASEAN move closer to the goals set in the ASEAN Digital Masterplan 2025 and the ASEAN Economic Community Blueprint.

    Second, countries like Malaysia and Indonesia need better coordination between federal/central, state and local governments to accelerate land approvals and give investors more clarity.

    Third, ASEAN could create shared sustainability standards for data centres, linking them to its land use planning and environmental rights goals and aligning them with global ESG benchmarks.

    Data centres are fast becoming the beating heart of ASEAN’s digital economy. But this heart cannot be supported by legal frameworks that belong to a bygone era. If ASEAN wants a truly sustainable digital future, it needs laws that balance growth, environmental concerns, and public interests.

    If ASEAN learns from Malaysia’s experience, it could become a global model for smart, sustainable digital infrastructure. But ignoring these lessons could lead to long-term costs—for its people, investors, and the environment.

    Professor Dr. Nuarrual Hilal Md Dahlan tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

    ref. Can ASEAN build a sustainable data centre future? Malaysian legal lessons may offer a wake-up call – https://theconversation.com/can-asean-build-a-sustainable-data-centre-future-malaysian-legal-lessons-may-offer-a-wake-up-call-256263

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: In her memoir, Jacinda Ardern shows a ‘different kind of power’ is possible – but also has its limits

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Grant Duncan, Teaching Fellow in Politics and International Relations, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    Getty Images

    Imagine getting a positive pregnancy test and then – just a few days later – learning you’ll be prime minister. In hindsight, being willing and able to deal with the unexpected would become the hallmark of former New Zealand prime minister Jacinda Ardern’s political career.

    She had always stood out as a leader, but her tumultuous political journey followed none of the predictable pathways. Readers of her memoir will relive what this was like, from her feelings about motherhood through to meeting world leaders.


    Review: A Different Kind of Power – Jacinda Ardern (Penguin Random House)


    The title of her book promises more than just that, however. Many people hope for a different kind of leader, but what personal qualities or strengths do such leaders need? More generally, can the personal qualities that contribute to great leadership be learned and applied by others?

    The answer seems to be a qualified yes. Since leaving office, Ardern has become something of a global influencer. But as her career pivots towards celebrity appearances and international agencies, her memoir also serves as a leadership manifesto – especially for women, or aspirants of any gender, who suffer self-doubt.

    The limits of empathy

    In her formative years, working as an assistant to Labour leader Helen Clark, Ardern relates how she let political opponents get under her skin. Was she “too thin-skinned” for politics? She soon learned “you could be sensitive and survive”. Better still, she could use her sensitivity as a strength.

    But “it is different for women in the public eye”, she writes. Derogatory terms were used against her, such as the “show pony” epithet coined by a senior woman journalist. There were questions about whether she had “substance”. These things could undermine people’s belief in her competence – perhaps even her own self-belief.

    What she did about this is instructive. Lashing out at jibes and cartoon images would make her look “humourless and too sensitive”. The “trick” was to respond in a way that would “take the story nowhere”. She became adept at that, deflecting comments aimed at putting her down.

    This also meant being a feminist but not using feminism as her ideological platform. Other than admonishing a TV presenter that it was “unacceptable” for him to ask whether a sitting prime minister could take maternity leave, she generally let others do the outrage and avoided becoming an even bigger target for culture warriors.

    But A Different Kind of Power asks the question: different from what? Ardern’s political career has been a challenge, if not a rebuke, to leaders who indulge in egotistical, competitive, always-be-winning behaviour. Need one even mention Donald Trump?

    Instead, Ardern offers kindness and empathy. The approach showed its true strength in the days following the terrorist atrocity in Christchurch in 2019. At a time when anti-immigrant and Islamophobic sentiments were growing, Ardern embraced the victims. “They are us”, she declared. Emotions that could have generated a cycle of blame were guided by her towards sharing of grief and aroha.

    Like any political virtue, though, empathy has limitations: it touches those whose suffering commands our attention, but it is partial. Effective social policy also requires an impartial administration and redistribution of resources. Leaders must ensure public goods are delivered equitably to those in need, which calls for rational planning.

    And sometimes a national emergency may call for actions that feel unfair or insensitive to some.

    Pandemic politics

    COVID-19 was that emergency. It created deep uncertainty for governments, and there was no “kind” pathway forward. The Ardern government did an exemplary job, saving many lives, and the Labour Party was rewarded at the 2020 election with an unprecedented 50% of the party vote. But Ardern’s retelling of that time is surprisingly brief, especially given her pivotal role.

    She put herself daily at the centre of it all, patiently explaining the public health responses. During this battle with a virus, however, she couldn’t inoculate against the political consequences and shifts in public opinion.

    As the pandemic wore on, many New Zealanders whose businesses had been shut down, who had been isolated in their homes, who had difficulty returning home from abroad or who’d been ostracised for not getting vaccinated, weren’t feeling much empathy or kindness from their government. And they felt they were being silenced. This sentiment grew far beyond the activists who had made themselves heard on parliament grounds in early 2022.

    Ardern refused to meet with those protestors. “How could I send a message that if you disagree with something, you can illegally occupy the grounds of parliament and then have your demands met?”

    But she (or a senior minister) could have heard their demands and explained why they couldn’t be met. Her refusal to listen left the field open to veteran populist Winston Peters, who exploited the opportunity, launching his campaign to return to parliament – in which he now sits and Ardern doesn’t.

    While vaccine mandates were a key concern for protestors, it’s disappointing that, to this day, Ardern blames the dissenters, as if they were “not us” – kicked out of the “team of five million”. She attributes the dissent solely to their “mistrust”. Refusing to listen – not just to protestors, but to deeper shifts in public opinion – would cost Labour dearly.

    Induced by the pandemic fiscal stimulus, inflation peaked at 7.3% in June 2022. By that time, two switches had occurred: the National Party was ahead in polls and a majority were saying the country was heading in the wrong direction. In January 2023, then, Ardern resigned as prime minister. She believed, probably correctly, that it would be “good for my party and perhaps it would be good for the election”.

    Power and parenthood: Jacinda Ardern with her partner Clarke Gayford and their baby daughter, 2018.
    Getty Images

    The toll of leadership

    But she also reveals in her memoir that a cancer scare influenced the decision – a false alarm, but a sign perhaps that the job was taking its toll. Her leaving could “take the heat out of the politics”, she reasoned. And anyway, she was tired, stressed and losing her patience.

    The leadership change to Chris Hipkins – and a devastating cyclone – boosted Labour’s polling for a while. But their 1,443,545 party votes in 2020 fell to 767,540 in the October 2023 election.

    Hundreds of thousands of voters had turned their backs on the Labour Party, and the COVID response wasn’t solely to blame. There were also controversial or failed policies – such as restructuring water services, a proposed unemployment insurance scheme, and Māori co-governance initiatives – that were ruthlessly exploited by the political opposition. These were all initiated under Ardern, although unmentioned in her memoir.

    Her book is more about subjective self-doubt and empathy. She doesn’t critically examine her own policies. Nor does she express empathy for those who felt disadvantaged or excluded by them – granting as always that emergency measures had been necessary. And, as she heads further into an international career, there’s no expression of empathy for those who now need it most, be they children in Gaza or refugees in South Sudan.

    It’s disappointing Ardern doesn’t define key words: empathy, leadership or power, for example. There are different ways to understand them, and definitions carry assumptions. But she’s not addressing academics or political analysts. Her audience is primarily American – a much larger and more lucrative market than her home country. With the Democrats struggling to find direction and leadership after last year’s losses, Ardern – who poses no threat to anyone’s political ambitions there – offers some inspiration.

    Some may fault it for avoiding those harder questions about her time at the top, but Ardern’s memoir interweaves an authentically retold personal story with high political drama. It tells of one woman’s struggle with morning sickness, childbirth, breastfeeding and motherhood, even while taking on huge public responsibilities and media exposure. It’s still amazing how she managed to do all that.

    I was a personal acquaintance of Jacinda, when she was a list MP in Auckland Central.

    ref. In her memoir, Jacinda Ardern shows a ‘different kind of power’ is possible – but also has its limits – https://theconversation.com/in-her-memoir-jacinda-ardern-shows-a-different-kind-of-power-is-possible-but-also-has-its-limits-257944

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: What parents and youth athletes can do to protect against abuse in sport

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Fanny Kuhlin, PhD candidate in Sport Management (Sport Science), Örebro University

    Ron Alvey/Shutterstock

    From the horrific Larry Nassar abuse scandal in United States gymnastics to the “environment of fear” some volleyball athletes endured at the Australian Institute of Sport, abuse in sport has been well documented in recent years.

    This abuse in elite sport sport has been particularly visible but it is not just happening at the top level. Abusive and harmful practices are happening in all sports, at all ages and at all competition levels.

    While sport can have many wonderful benefits for young people, it can also have a dark side, one where abuse can flourish, leading to serious psychological and physical harm.

    How can parents ensure their children are safe?




    Read more:
    The 3 changes Australian sport must make after Volleyball Australia’s shocking abuse report


    Abuse in sports

    A 2022 Australian study showed 82% of children had experienced physical, psychological or sexual abuse during their time participating in community sport. This makes the abuse prevalence similar to that found in elite sport environments.

    The line between abuse and acceptable behaviour is blurred more in sport than in many other environments.

    For example, in school, it would be unacceptable for a teacher to scream at a child who performed poorly on a test but in sports, screaming is a commonly used strategy by a coach to correct a young athlete’s behaviour.

    Research from earlier this year shows athletes often justify the behaviours of their coaches.

    The following quote from an elite-level gymnast in an ongoing research project demonstrates how athletes often learn to accept abusive behaviours as necessary for their performance:

    (He) was a strict coach. He spoke loudly […] but I’m a gymnast, I need that. I don’t know if everybody needs that but if I did something really bad, he screamed at me and this kind of gave me motivation to push myself more, so for me this type of coaching style was really good.

    Challenges and changes

    The “win-at-all-costs” mentality in many sports is also problematic.

    When winning is everything, abusive practices are not seen as a problem to be stamped out but rather as legitimate strategies to motivate and toughen up the participants.

    Athletes are not the only ones who normalise these practices. Parents, coaches and administrators might also come to tolerate, accept or even celebrate abusive behaviours and cultures as a “natural” part of sport.

    This means experiences of abuse may flourish in such environments.

    Thankfully, some sports organisations have in recent years made significant changes to reduce the likelihood of abuse and deal with cases as soon as they arise.

    Sport Integrity Australia (SIA), for example, is implementing national policies for safeguarding and whistleblowing, where abuse and harmful behaviour can be reported.

    SIA has also recently co-developed a course with other leading sport agencies to help coaches working with young athletes better navigate the complexities of physical, emotional and psychological development.

    While these are potentially steps in the right direction, researchers have pointed out that similar efforts have achieved mixed results and there are no guarantees of athlete safety.

    Parents may therefore rightly ask what they might do to protect their child(ren) from abuse and maximise the positive gains from participating in sport.

    Tips for parents and caregivers

    Firstly, parents and caregivers have the right to be included in their childrens’ sporting participation.

    This involves being informed about training times and competition schedules, training content, coaching style and behavioural expectations.

    Parents should also be welcomed to watch their children’s training sessions at any time and unannounced.

    Denying parents information or access to facilities have been identified as a potential risk factors.

    The right for inclusion also refers to decision-making. Sport is often hierarchical with authoritarian leadership styles, which are significant risk factors for abuse in sports.

    So it is important children and their parents are provided with spaces and opportunities to have a say in matters related to their (child’s) sporting participation.

    Secondly, young athletes and their parents/caregivers should be made aware of the policies and safety measures put in place to keep children safe.

    If these are not clearly communicated, parents/caregivers are encouraged to ask what actions a club has put in place.

    If protection and prevention are not developed, or considered limited or ineffective, parents are recommended to raise their concerns.

    Lastly, parents should be conscious of the “win-at-all-costs” mentality found in many sports and consider how this can lead to abusive practices being accepted as a “natural” part of sport.

    By staying informed, involved and attentive, parents can play a powerful role in supporting safer sporting environments for all children.

    Natalie Barker-Ruchti is affiliated with Safesport Sweden.

    Fanny Kuhlin, Jessica Lee, and Steven Rynne do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. What parents and youth athletes can do to protect against abuse in sport – https://theconversation.com/what-parents-and-youth-athletes-can-do-to-protect-against-abuse-in-sport-255614

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Google’s SynthID is the latest tool for catching AI-made content. What is AI ‘watermarking’ and does it work?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By T.J. Thomson, Senior Lecturer in Visual Communication & Digital Media, RMIT University

    HomeArt/Shutterstock

    Last month, Google announced SynthID Detector, a new tool to detect AI-generated content. Google claims it can identify AI-generated content in text, image, video or audio.

    But there are some caveats. One of them is that the tool is currently only available to “early testers” through a waitlist.

    The main catch is that SynthID primarily works for content that’s been generated using a Google AI service – such as Gemini for text, Veo for video, Imagen for images, or Lyria for audio.

    If you try to use Google’s AI detector tool to see if something you’ve generated using ChatGPT is flagged, it won’t work.

    That’s because, strictly speaking, the tool can’t detect the presence of AI-generated content or distinguish it from other kinds of content. Instead, it detects the presence of a “watermark” that Google’s AI products (and a couple of others) embed in their output through the use of SynthID.

    A watermark is a special machine-readable element embedded in an image, video, sound or text. Digital watermarks have been used to ensure that information about the origins or authorship of content travels with it. They have been used to assert authorship in creative works and address misinformation challenges in the media.

    SynthID embeds watermarks in the output from AI models. The watermarks are not visible to readers or audiences, but can be used by other tools to identify content that was made or edited using an AI model with SynthID on board.

    SynthID is among the latest of many such efforts. But how effective are they?

    There’s no unified AI detection system

    Several AI companies, including Meta, have developed their own watermarking tools and detectors, similar to SynthID. But these are “model specific” solutions, not universal ones.

    This means users have to juggle multiple tools to verify content. Despite researchers calling for a unified system, and major players like Google seeking to have their tool adopted by others, the landscape remains fragmented.

    A parallel effort focuses on metadata – encoded information about the origin, authorship and edit history of media. For example, the Content Credentials inspect tool allows users to verify media by checking the edit history attached to the content.

    However, metadata can be easily stripped when content is uploaded to social media or converted into a different file format. This is particularly problematic if someone has deliberately tried to obscure the origin and authorship of a piece of content.

    There are detectors that rely on forensic cues, such as visual inconsistencies or lighting anomalies. While some of these tools are automated, many depend on human judgement and common sense methods, like counting the number of fingers in AI-generated images. These methods may become redundant as AI model performance improves.

    Logical inconsistencies, such as extra fingers, are some of the visual ‘tells’ of the current era of AI-generated imagery.
    T J Thomson, CC BY-NC

    How effective are AI detection tools?

    Overall, AI detection tools can vary dramatically in their effectiveness. Some work better when the content is entirely AI-generated, such as when an entire essay has been generated from scratch by a chatbot.

    The situation becomes murkier when AI is used to edit or transform human-created content. In such cases, AI detectors can get it badly wrong. They can fail to detect AI or flag human-created content as AI-generated.

    AI detection tools don’t often explain how they arrived at their decision, which adds to the confusion. When used for plagiarism detection in university assessment, they are considered an “ethical minefield” and are known to discriminate against non-native English speakers.




    Read more:
    Can you spot the AI impostors? We found AI faces can look more real than actual humans


    Where AI detection tools can help

    A wide variety of use cases exist for AI detection tools. Take insurance claims, for example. Knowing whether the image a client shares depicts what it claims to depict can help insurers know how to respond.

    Journalists and fact checkers might draw on AI detectors, in addition to their other approaches, when trying to decide if potentially newsworthy information ought to be shared further.

    Employers and job applicants alike increasingly need to assess whether the person on the other side of the recruiting process is genuine or an AI fake.

    Users of dating apps need to know whether the profile of the person they’ve met online represents a real romantic prospect, or an AI avatar, perhaps fronting a romance scam.

    If you’re an emergency responder deciding whether to send help to a call, confidently knowing whether the caller is human or AI can save resources and lives.

    Where to from here?

    As these examples show, the challenges of authenticity are now happening in real time, and static tools like watermarking are unlikely to be enough. AI detectors that work on audio and video in real time are a pressing area of development.

    Whatever the scenario, it is unlikely that judgements about authenticity can ever be fully delegated to a single tool.

    Understanding the way such tools work, including their limitations, is an important first step. Triangulating these with other information and your own contextual knowledge will remain essential.

    T.J. Thomson receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is an affiliated researcher with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making & Society.

    Elif Buse Doyuran receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is a research fellow at the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making and Society.

    Jean Burgess receives funding from the Australian Research Council including the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society (ADM+S), and from the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Council.

    ref. Google’s SynthID is the latest tool for catching AI-made content. What is AI ‘watermarking’ and does it work? – https://theconversation.com/googles-synthid-is-the-latest-tool-for-catching-ai-made-content-what-is-ai-watermarking-and-does-it-work-257637

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Global: Reducing American antisemitism requires more than condemning opposition to Israel and targeting elite universities

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By David Mednicoff, Associate Professor of Middle Eastern Studies and Public Policy, UMass Amherst

    Law enforcement officials dress in protective gear to investigate after an attack on a march in Boulder, Colo., on June 1, 2025, calling for the release of Israeli hostages held in Gaza. AP Photo/David Zalubowski

    Violent antisemitism in the U.S. isn’t limited to the far right wing of the political spectrum. This was tragically obvious in two recent events – the June 1, 2025, attack using Molotov cocktails to burn participants in a Boulder, Colorado, march supporting Israeli hostages in Gaza, and the murders of two Israeli embassy staffers, an American Jew and an Israeli, on May 21, 2025, outside the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, D.C.

    As an expert on the Middle East, including Israel, my research and administrative work have included contributing to a global effort to define antisemitism and addressing antisemitism on my own campus.

    Antisemitism can be defined simply as “discrimination, prejudice, hostility or violence against Jews as Jews (or Jewish institutions as Jewish).” What actually constitutes it is more contested, especially with respect to links between Jews and the state of Israel.

    President Donald Trump claims he is taking “unprecedented” steps to combat antisemitism.

    American Jews perceive antisemitism as rising since 2016, largely because, as one study put it, “people who hold anti-Semitic views now feel more free to express them.” But the current federal fight against antisemitism in the U.S. may have more to do with the agendas of members of the American and Israeli governments than with the concerns of most American Jews.

    First, the Trump administration’s attacks on antisemitism center on elite universities, where the president claims antisemitism runs rampant. Second, the current Israeli government tries to blur the lines between pro-Palestinian activism and antisemitism.

    These factors polarize and complicate the landscape for combating antisemitism effectively.

    GOP nominee for president Donald Trump speaks to prominent Jewish donors at an event called Fighting Anti-Semitism in America on Sept. 19, 2024, in Washington, D.C.
    Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

    Targeting speech at universities by charging ‘antisemitism’

    Trump’s administration has taken dramatic actions in the name of curbing antisemitism. Yet, his policies are notable for what they ignore as well as what they target.

    Right-wing antisemitism was responsible for the deadliest attack on a Jewish community in U.S. history in Pittsburgh in 2018. Yet the administration’s model for fighting antisemitism is not based in fighting white supremacist hatred toward Jews, which relates back to the Nazis in Germany.

    In fact, members of Trump’s administration, including senior adviser Stephen Miller and former Department of Government Efficiency chief Elon Musk, have supported white supremacist ideas or groups. Trump’s own words have evoked right-wing antisemitic tropes, such as assuming American Jews are loyal to Israel or adept at making money.

    Trump administration policies on antisemitism are most vocal around punishing leading American universities as unsafe for Jews. As the leading target of the president’s ire, Harvard University has acknowledged that some activism against Israel’s war with Hamas in Gaza has contributed to antisemitism on campuses.

    However, federal actions targeting Harvard ostensibly seek to punish antisemitism by demanding sweeping federal oversight of Harvard’s curriculum and self-governance. Billions of dollars in research funds have been cut. Neither action connects clearly to Harvard’s patterns or policies around antisemitism.

    Given this, Harvard sued the government in April.

    Many American Jews believe that Trump’s true purpose is to use the antisemitism issue as one means to curb free expression at universities.

    Defending Israeli policy by charging ‘antisemitism’

    National governments naturally seek political and material support from powerful allies. Israel’s efforts to encourage Americans to champion that support fit this pattern.

    Israel receives more U.S. aid than any other country. Thus, its government has an interest in enlisting diverse people and organizations in a sustained way to support its policies.

    The Israeli intervention has grown because Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s far-right government is unpopular in both Israel and the U.S. Its war in Gaza, provoked by Hamas, is highly destructive and globally unpopular.

    Most experts and policymakers now argue that Israel, along with Hamas, has committed international war crimes.

    The Israeli government recently increased its funding to US$150 million for global public relations efforts. This is a major acceleration of policies that Israeli has pursued for decades known in Hebrew as “hasbara,” which translates to “explanation.”

    Documenting specific links between Israel’s government and groups promoting its agenda in the U.S. can be difficult. This may be a deliberate strategy by Israeli leaders to conceal their efforts.

    Yet, mainstream Israeli-run organizations such as the Jewish Agency have played up links between pro-Palestinian activism and antisemitism since Hamas triggered the war in Gaza. Groups whose funding and leadership are hard to trace maintain public blacklists labeling vocal pro-Palestine activists as antisemites. Those lists have been used by Israeli government bureaucrats to bar visitors to the country.

    U.S.-based groups aligned with Israeli government messaging engage in persistent strategies to discredit opposition voices. Some attack publicly vocal activists, including some American Jews. Others press organizations, political bodies and institutions to adopt a definition of antisemitism that makes it easy to conflate criticism of Israeli policy with antisemitism.

    Anti-Israel behavior in the U.S. can be antisemitic, such as asserting that American Jews, because they are Jews, are responsible for Israeli state actions. And some American Jews support crackdowns on pro-Palestinian activists.

    However, characterizing antisemitism in the U.S. mostly in terms of speech and activism against the Israeli government augments the Trump administration’s neglect of dangerous right-wing antisemitism.

    Presidential adviser Elon Musk interviews via video the German right-wing party AfD leader Alice Weidel at AfD’s election campaign launch on Feb. 23, 2025.
    Hendrik Schmidt/picture alliance via Getty Images

    Polarization and antisemitism in the US

    Taken together, the politics pursued by Trump and the Netanyahu government combine to target legally protected speech in the U.S. more than they deter antisemitism.

    By contributing to polarization, the conflation of antisemitism with a wide range of speech critical of Israel could add to threats faced by Jews and other religious minorities. Those who wish to undermine work toward Palestinian-Israeli coexistence benefit from the charge that most pro-Palestinian activists are antisemitic. This worsens already visible divides among American Jews over how Israel’s mistreatment of Palestinians squares with their Jewish identities.

    Supported by the most aggressive pro-Netanyahu groups, the Trump administration links concerns against antisemitism to efforts to deport immigrants who have expressed pro-Palestine views, such as Tufts doctoral student Rümeysa Öztürk. Deporting people in the name of policing speech critical of Israel also runs a risk that Jews will be blamed for government actions many Americans find objectionable.

    Let’s be clear. Some pro-Palestinian activism embraces Jew-hatred, as the attacks in Washington and Boulder highlight. But lumping together as antisemitic most pro-Palestinian speech, as current American and Israeli leaders do, complicates seeing antisemitism clearly and countering it.

    In addition, most Americans – and Israelis – seek an end to the war, mounting deaths and humanitarian disaster in Gaza. Any potential to blur this with antisemitism augments the few, loud American voices that support one side in the conflict by dehumanizing the other side.

    Americans believe other minority groups face greater discrimination than Jews. Yet, antisemitism from diverse directions is the worst I have seen in my lifetime.

    As with any policy problem, the way to deal with this issue is to focus on all facets of the problem, including right-wing racism and Christian nationalism.

    Current national politics around antisemitism may serve many purposes. Yet most American Jews doubt that these policies actually protect them.

    David Mednicoff does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Reducing American antisemitism requires more than condemning opposition to Israel and targeting elite universities – https://theconversation.com/reducing-american-antisemitism-requires-more-than-condemning-opposition-to-israel-and-targeting-elite-universities-257290

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: The surprising power of photography in ageing well

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tricia King, Senior Lecturer in Photography, University of the Sunshine Coast

    Marcia Grimm

    Older adults are often faced with lifestyle changes that can disrupt their sense of place and purpose. It may be the loss of a partner, downsizing their home, or moving to residential aged care. And these changes can come with loss of identity, uncertainty, disconnect and isolation.

    But what if I told you a simple camera could help alleviate some of these pains? I’ve been working with older adults for the past decade, using photography as a way of connecting with place, and the results have been transformational.

    The value of creative ageing

    Research has shown arts engagement can significantly enhance the mental wellbeing and overall health of older adults.

    Australia has responded by developing Creative Ageing Frameworks and the National Arts Health Framework, which position creative activity as valuable components of productive and healthy ageing.

    But while creative ageing programs are expanding, there are still many barriers to participation, including cost, accessibility, participants’ self-doubt, and a lack of skilled facilitators.

    This highlights a need for more inclusive approaches that use familiar tools – and that’s where photography comes in. Photography is a multi-sensory embodied practice. It allows us to be mindful, slow down, and look for beauty in everyday life. It can also prompt us to see the world differently.

    Recent research by my colleagues and I documents how taking photographs can increase older adults’ connection to place, creativity and overall wellbeing.

    Specifically, we explored the impact of photography as not so much a structured “art activity”, but as a practice of connecting to place and other people through group photo walks.

    Over the past 18 months we’ve been working with several groups of older adults who live in aged care and community settings. We found that framing the world through a lens can powerfully transform a photographer’s relationship to the environment, and their sense of agency within it.

    This practice of intentional “seeing” creates opportunities for discovery in even the most familiar surroundings.

    As one aged care resident, Kathleen, put it:

    It’s given me a new sense of enjoyment and purpose and changed how I look at both life and seeing places in here that I’ve never seen before.

    An image by Kathleen shows some colourful flowers in a window.

    Easy, meaningful and social

    So what makes photography particularly suited to older adults? Our research highlights some key factors.

    It’s accessible and familiar

    Photography has become one of the most democratic of creative pursuits. Most people carry a camera via their phone or tablet and know how to operate it. Older adults are no exception.

    This familiarity removes common barriers, such as the need to learn a new skill, and instead builds on existing knowledge. This makes photography an ideal creative expression; it requires no special training or equipment, and there is little room for doubt one’s capability.

    It’s meaningful

    Unlike many other creative activities offered to pass time, photography constitutes a meaningful activity for older adults. According to research, “meaningful” activities for older adults are those that are enjoyable, engaging, suited to individual skills, related to personal goals, and connected to identity.

    Photography can be exploratory, fun, and deeply personal. The outcomes can be shared with others, discussed, displayed and privately revisited, allowing connection to one’s self and the surrounding world.

    Seeing the familiar differently

    Photography honours a photographer’s life experience and perspectives. Each photograph becomes both a creative expression, and validation, of their unique viewpoint – and allows them to see the world through new eyes.

    During group photo walk sessions held for my research, participants expressed delight in sharing the same experience of visiting a familiar place, while capturing their own distinct vision of it.

    When we returned to discuss the sessions, the group formed collective narratives, with each person adding their own unique contribution. Photography offers social and community connection while celebrating individual creativity and perspective.

    The different versions of Russell Anderson’s “iDIDIT!” sculpture on a walk on the Sunshine Coast.

    Different images of Russell Anderson’s ‘iDIDIT!’ sculpture, taken on a walk on the Sunshine Coast.

    Being outside in the world

    While photography can be done anywhere, most people will head outside when exploring with a camera. This was particularly important for people living in aged care, who often didn’t venture out into the gardens.

    One participant, Margaret, was relearning how to walk after a stroke, and enjoyed our creative walks together.

    Margaret’s photograph of the mystery resident knitter’s work in the gardens.

    She grew more confident with each walk, her purpose being to see parts of the residential aged care facility that she’d never accessed and photographed before. Going outside with a camera allowed her to connect to her new home.

    Putting it into practice

    The beautiful thing about photography is that anyone can do it, and there is no right or wrong. You can simply start by slowing down and looking for interesting shadows, textures, or details.

    For those working with older adults, photography is an adaptable, low-cost activity that works across various settings and abilities. You can do it indoors, from a wheelchair, sitting on a wheelie walker, or while getting some exercise.

    Photo walks, in particular, are a great way for photographers to share experiences and connect.

    Focusing on various shadows can be a fun activity to do while on photo walks.
    Tricia King

    The author would like to acknowledge the contribution of Dr Daniel Wadsworth and Dr Leah Barclay for work which has supported some of the research in this article.

    ref. The surprising power of photography in ageing well – https://theconversation.com/the-surprising-power-of-photography-in-ageing-well-257344

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Tax concessions on super need a rethink. These proposals would bring much needed reform

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Murphy, Visiting Fellow, Economics (modelling), Australian National University

    fizkes/Shutterstock

    The federal government has proposed an additional tax of 15% on the earnings made on super balances of over A$3 million, the so-called Division 296 tax. This has set off a highly politicised debate that has often shed more heat than light.

    Yet back in 2009, the wide-ranging Henry Review of the tax system cogently identified the three main problems with the super tax system and recommended reforms to fix them. The Henry Review recommendations, after some updating, are a better, more comprehensive solution than the controversial Division 296 tax.

    The three problems are:

    1. tax concessions for contributions are heavily skewed to high income earners

    2. with an ageing population, it is unsustainable to keep the retirement phase tax-free

    3. the system is so complex that most people do not fully understand it.

    It is critical to properly address these problems with how super is taxed because Australians now have a massive $4.1 trillion in superannuation savings.

    Let us look at the main Henry Review recommendations and then see how the proposed Division 296 tax stacks up. Unlike some super tax systems, our system does not tax super pension payments, so the two key issues are how we tax contributions and earnings.

    Tax concessions are skewed to high income earners

    Employers pay workers in two ways.

    First, they directly pay a cash salary that is taxed under a progressive income tax scale. The effective marginal tax rates, including the Medicare levy, rise in steps with income from 18% through to 32% (for the average wage earner), 39% and 47%.

    Second, employers pay a contribution on workers’ behalf into their superannuation fund. From July 1, under the superannuation guarantee charge (SGC), this contribution will rise to 12% of cash salary. The contribution is taxed at a flat 15% when it is made into a fund, regardless of what income tax bracket the worker is in.

    The way contributions are taxed is a massive concession for high income earners. They pay 47% tax on additional cash salary – but only 15% on their super contributions. In contrast, low income earners receive a tiny concession because the contributions tax rate of 15% is only just below their usual effective marginal tax rate of 18%.

    The Henry Review recommended that instead, everyone should receive the same rate of tax concession as the average wage earner. This is how that idea would work today.

    First, super contributions would be taxed in the hands of employees alongside their cash salary, rather than this tax being deducted by the super fund as is currently the case. Second, everyone would receive the same tax offset calculated as 17% of their contributions as their super tax concession.

    One side effect of this Henry recommendation is that the average wage earner would now be paying the 15% contributions tax out of their own pocket, instead of the super fund paying this tax on the member’s behalf.

    However, this loss of cash income can be avoided by tweaking the Henry recommendation.

    Under my modified recommendation, the superannuation guarantee rate would be reduced to 10%, employers would be encouraged to fully pass on their savings from this by increasing wages by 1.8%, and the tax offset rate would be lifted to 20%. These policy settings would maintain both cash incomes and super balances for the average wage earner.

    Pension mode should not be tax-free with an ageing population

    In accumulation mode, the current system taxes fund earnings at 15%, with a lower effective rate of 10% on capital gains. However, after you retire and your account changes from accumulation mode to pension mode, the tax on earnings stops and your pension benefits are also tax-free.

    The Henry Review recommended that earnings should continue to be taxed in pension mode in the same way as in accumulation mode. That way, retirees make a contribution to income tax revenue, which is important with an ageing population. A uniform earnings tax would also simplify what is an overly complex super tax system.

    The Henry Review also recommended the earnings tax rate be reduced to 7.5% because long-term saving through superannuation is desirable. However, that proposal is probably unaffordable today because of the budget deficit.

    The proposed change is just a patch-up job

    The proposed Division 296 tax further complicates the tax system by introducing a third tax treatment for earnings, whereas the Henry Review simplifies the system with a uniform earnings tax. The complexities of Division 296 can be seen from the 304-page explanatory memorandum.

    The new tax also raises less revenue than the Henry Review recommendations yet we are experiencing a structural budget deficit. The new tax is more open to avoidance than the Henry recommendations. The new tax also does nothing to address the problem that tax concessions for contributions are heavily skewed to high income earners.

    Taxing unrealised capital gains under the new tax may cause financial hardship for some retirees who are asset rich but income poor. The $3 million threshold for the new tax is not indexed, unlike all of the other super tax system thresholds.

    Overall, the proposed Division 296 tax is best seen as a rough attempt to counteract past policy errors that allowed excessive contributions into super.

    The federal government should first address the main problems with the super tax system by implementing the Henry Review recommendations, suitably updated. Then, a considerably reworked Division 296 tax could potentially play a useful supporting role.




    Read more:
    New taxes on super didn’t get much attention in the election campaign. But they could be tricky to implement


    Chris Murphy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Tax concessions on super need a rethink. These proposals would bring much needed reform – https://theconversation.com/tax-concessions-on-super-need-a-rethink-these-proposals-would-bring-much-needed-reform-257716

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Trump’s steel tariffs are unlikely to have a big impact on Australia. But we could be hurt by what happens globally

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Scott French, Senior Lecturer in Economics, UNSW Sydney

    Shestakov Dymytro/Shutterstock

    Just one day after the US Court of Appeals temporarily reinstated the Trump Administration’s Liberation Day tariffs of between 10% and 50% on nearly every country in the world, Trump announced tariffs on all US imports of steel and aluminium will increase from 25% to 50%.

    He told the rally of steel workers in Pennsylvania the increase would come into effect Wednesday US time.

    Trump said the increase “will even further secure the steel industry in the United States.” But Australia’s trade and tourism minister, Don Farrell, called them “unjustified and not the act of a friend” and “an act of economic self-harm that will only hurt consumers and businesses who rely on free and fair trade.”

    There was hope Australia would obtain an exemption from the original tariffs introduced in February. But it now seems clear Trump is intent on applying the tariffs across the board. And, unlike the Liberation Day tariffs, these are unlikely to face significant legal challenges.

    So, how will the steel tariffs affect Australians? To understand this, it is important to understand how it will affect the US and its other trading partners.

    The direct effect will be small

    As with the original 25% tariffs, the direct effect on Australian steel and aluminium producers will not be profound.

    Only about 10% of Australia’s steel and aluminium exports, and less than 1% of its overall production, goes to the US. Australia’s own BlueScope Steel’s North Star mill in Ohio is actually set to benefit from the tariffs.

    But most Australians will feel the effects of the tariffs through the indirect effects on US manufacturing and America’s trading partners.

    Impact on the US

    We know a lot about how US manufacturing will be affected because this has all happened before. In 2002, George W. Bush imposed tariffs of 8%-30% on steel products, before withdrawing them less than two years later. And Trump imposed tariffs of 25% on steel and 10% on aluminium in his first term.

    Research has shown the tariffs did slightly increase US metal production but at great cost. In addition to increasing prices for US consumers, as tariffs typically do, the Bush steel tariffs reduced overall employment, as manufacturers that use steel as an input laid off workers or went out of business.

    Further, while these tariffs were only in place for a short time, the affected US industries took years to recover, and many never have.

    The same thing happened with the tariffs from Trump’s first term, where any gains in steel and aluminium production were more than offset by losses in metal-consuming industries.

    For Australians, this means many products we buy from the US are going to get more expensive. This includes vehicles and aircraft as well as machinery and medical equipment used by Australian producers. And if the past is a guide, many products will simply become unavailable.

    Effects on trading partners

    While Australia does not export large amounts of steel and aluminium to US, other countries do. The higher tariffs will further depress the Canadian and Mexican metals industries, which can affect Australian industry in several ways.

    First, if North American consumers are buying less of everything, that reduces demand for Australia’s exports, both directly and indirectly as the reduced spending makes is way down the supply chain.

    Australia exports very little steel to the US so is less likely to be hurt by the direct impact of the tariffs.
    IndustryViews/Shutterstock

    Second, the affected metals manufacturers will look for other markets for their products. Canada is not likely to flood Australia with cheap aluminium, but it may, for example, displace some of our exports to South Korea. And this is happening as the OECD is warning of excess steel capacity, driven in part by China’s outsized steel subsidies.

    But this is not all bad news for Australians. While local steel and aluminium producers will suffer from the diversion of supply from the US, a temporary fall in prices would offer some relief after the post-pandemic rise in building and infrastructure costs.

    Retaliatory tariffs

    On top of all these effects are the effects of retaliatory tariffs by other countries, as the EU has already threatened. Like the US tariffs, these tariffs will make consumers on both sides poorer, reducing demand for Australian exports. But they will open new markets as well. For example, China’s retaliatory tariffs on US almonds have caused a boom in Australian exports.

    The big question for Australia is how this will affect the price of iron ore, by far our largest export. So far, we have not seen major price swings. But if the latest salvo in Trump’s trade war causes the global economy to slow significantly, or if China backs off its steel subsidies, this could change.

    State of uncertainty

    And perhaps the most significant impact of the latest change in US tariff policy is the effect of ongoing uncertainty over US and global trade policy. Trade policy uncertainty reduces international trade flows and chills business investment.

    Whether a business is considering a venture dependent on an input that will be affected by tariffs or, like BlueScope’s Ohio steel mill, might stand to benefit from US tariffs, the uncertainty over what the policy will be tomorrow, let alone five years from now, will make any company hesitant to commit major funds.

    A case in point is Whyalla Steelworks, which has received a $2.4 billion rescue package and is currently in administration and seeking a buyer.

    With Donald Trump able to upend the global steel industry again at any moment, buyers will be thinking twice before investing billions of dollars, which is bad news for nearly everyone, not least of which the residents of Whyalla, who await the fate of a major local employer.

    Scott French does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Trump’s steel tariffs are unlikely to have a big impact on Australia. But we could be hurt by what happens globally – https://theconversation.com/trumps-steel-tariffs-are-unlikely-to-have-a-big-impact-on-australia-but-we-could-be-hurt-by-what-happens-globally-257959

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Is the private hospital system collapsing? Here’s what the sector’s financial instability means for you

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yuting Zhang, Professor of Health Economics, The University of Melbourne

    lightpoet/Shutterstock

    Toowong Private Hospital in Brisbane is the latest hospital to succumb to financial pressures and will close its doors next week. The industry association attributes the psychiatric hospital’s closure to insufficient payments from and delayed funding negotiations with private insurers.

    Meanwhile, the future of Australia’s second-largest provide hospital provider, Healthscope, remains uncertain, after its parent company went into receivership last week.

    Healthscope’s 37 private hospitals are being kept afloat with a A$100 million loan and will continue to operate for now. But the hospitals will be sold to repay lenders, so their future depends on who buys and what the new owners decide to do.

    Across the board, private hospitals are struggling with soaring costs for staff and supplies, while private health insurance isn’t paying enough to cover these expenses.

    These underlying issues will not disappear magically. More private hospitals will face similar financial troubles and some will be forced to close. But we’re unlikely to see the collapse of the entire private sector.

    A mix of public and private

    Australia operates a unique public-private health-care mix, with around 700 public and 647 private hospitals.

    Public hospitals are largely government-owned and provide free care, funded by taxes. Private hospitals are owned and managed by private organisations, some of which are non-profit.

    The private health-care sector plays a large role in Australia, providing 41% of all hospitalisations, however 74% are same-day stays.

    Private hospitals are often smaller than public hospitals, without emergency departments, focusing on simpler, same-day care, and are more likely in cities. Some 83% of private hospitals are in metropolitan, 9% in regional centres and 8% in rural towns.

    In contrast, 27% of public hospitals are in the major cities, 57% in regional areas and 16% in remote areas.

    The role of private health insurance

    Access to private hospitals requires private health insurance.

    In 2022-23, the total A$21.5 billion was spent on private hospitals. Private health insurance covered about 45% ($9.7 billion), which comes from members’ premiums. Patients contributed 11% ($2.4 billion) in out-of-pocket costs.

    The government contributed a substantial 37% ($8 billion) mainly through Medicare. This is separate from the additional $8 billion the government provides annually as rebates to individuals for buying private health insurance.

    The majority of private hospitals are in metro areas.
    Ground Picture/Shutterstock

    A key issue is this rebate money doesn’t directly flow to private hospitals, leaving them vulnerable in negotiations with insurers, as we saw with Toowong Private Hospital.

    Evidence suggests these rebates might not be the most effective government investment. Experts, including me, have argued for direct funding into hospitals instead.

    So, as more private hospitals face troubles, what does this mean?

    Less choice and access for patients

    Patients will experience less choice and potentially harder access for specific types of care.

    In larger metropolitan areas with numerous private and public hospitals (including private wings in public hospitals), patients might switch to other private facilities or seek care as private patients in public hospitals.

    However, in smaller or rural areas with limited or no other private hospitals, choice diminishes significantly. In this case, you will need to reconsider whether you need to buy private health insurance.

    Currently, people earning over $97,000 (or families over $194,000 face an additional Medicare Levy Surcharge if they don’t hold private health insurance.

    This policy is not fair to those who have no access to private hospitals and should be changed.




    Read more:
    Who really benefits from private health insurance rebates? Not people who need cover the most


    While there might be slightly longer waits in the short-term for elective surgeries due to shifting patient loads, our analysis suggests this won’t be a major long-term problem. The primary constraint for wait times is often personnel, not facilities.

    If private hospitals close, doctors and nurses could potentially shift to public hospitals, helping to alleviate staffing shortages and reduce overall wait times.

    Impacts for the public system

    The impact on public emergency departments will be minimal, as most private hospitals lack them.

    Many private hospital admissions are same-day and for simpler procedures. So public hospitals and remaining private hospitals (that are not operating at full bed capacity) should be able to absorb this extra demand in the long run, if they can attract more staff previously employed (or even facilities) in the closing private hospitals.

    These hospitals will also receive additional revenue for these additional procedures.

    Public hospitals should be able to absorb the extra demand.
    Shutterstock

    Consequently, the effect on public hospital wait times for most conditions should not be substantial.

    However, some complex, long-stay, or specific mental health cases (such as those from Toowong) may be hard to absorb without additional supply of specialists and funding.

    What about health budgets?

    In areas where patients are absorbed into existing public hospital capacity or other private facilities, the direct impact on the health budget would be minimal.

    With more patients, the remaining private hospitals may gain more power to negotiate better funding contracts with insurance companies and achieve better supplier costs through economies of scale.

    In areas where private hospitals (or public hospitals offering private care) cease to be viable, and people drop their private health insurance cover to use public hospitals, the government would pay more directly into public hospitals. However, this increased cost would be partially offset by reduced expenditure on private health insurance rebates.

    Patients would also save money on premiums and out-of-pocket costs in private hospitals, though they would lose the choice of private care.

    Ultimately, where a private model isn’t financially sustainable, the government or taxpayers often end up bearing the cost anyway.

    Investing more directly in public hospitals in these areas, rather than relying on inefficient rebates, could be a more effective solution.




    Read more:
    Does private health insurance cut public hospital waiting lists? We found it barely makes a dent


    Yuting Zhang has received funding from the Australian Research Council (future fellowship project ID FT200100630), Department of Veterans’ Affairs, the Victorian Department of Health, National Health and Medical Research Council and Eastern Melbourne Primary Health Network. In the past, Professor Zhang has received funding from several US institutes including the US National Institutes of Health, Commonwealth fund, Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, and Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. She has not received funding from for-profit industry including the private health insurance industry.

    ref. Is the private hospital system collapsing? Here’s what the sector’s financial instability means for you – https://theconversation.com/is-the-private-hospital-system-collapsing-heres-what-the-sectors-financial-instability-means-for-you-257886

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