Category: Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Global: US solar manufacturers lag skyrocketing market demand

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Mojtaba Akhavan-Tafti, Associate Research Scientist, University of Michigan

    Americans continue to want solar energy. AP Photo/Sue Ogrocki

    U.S. consumer demand for renewable energy continues to grow, with more solar panel capacity installed in 2024 than in 2023, which saw more than in 2022. But U.S. trade policy is in flux, and high tariffs have been imposed on imported solar panels, which may cause shortages.

    I am a scholar who studies the Sun, as well as an entrepreneur who is working to harness its power here on Earth by creating new designs for generating solar electricity. As part of that effort, I’ve studied market trends and manufacturing capabilities in the U.S. and abroad. Right now, U.S. manufacturers do not produce enough solar panels to meet the nation’s demand, but industry investments and federal tax incentives have been making progress, though recent federal moves have created uncertainty.

    In 2024, U.S. installers put up enough solar panels to generate 50 gigawatts of electricity – enough to power New York City for a year.

    U.S. manufacturers made only a small fraction of that – 4.2 GW of solar modules in the first half of 2024. That was a big boost, though – a 75% increase compared with the same period in 2023. And the prices were roughly three times the cost of imports.

    A look at recent imports

    In 2024, the U.S. imported far more panels than the country needed, suggesting developers may be stockpiling panels for future projects.

    Most of those imported panels were made in Asia, particularly Malaysia, Vietnam and Thailand. In fact, nearly all of the U.S.-made panels used at least some components from overseas. China currently makes about 97% of the world’s supply of photovoltaic wafers, which are building blocks of solar panels.

    The effects of proposed U.S. trade policies on the solar industry remain unclear. Through 2024, manufacturing continued a yearslong ramp-up to take advantage of government policies favoring domestic manufacturing. And imported panels seem slated to suffer from ever-increasing tariffs, which drive up costs.

    Domestic production rises

    Since 2010, U.S. solar panel production has increased about eightfold. But U.S.-made panels are more expensive than imported alternatives. In 2024, U.S.-made panels typically cost 31 cents per watt, but imported panels, even including tariffs that existed before President Donald Trump’s second term, cost about one-third of that: 11 cents per watt.

    But domestic manufacturers are bringing costs down by ramping up production while relying on the government to maintain or increase tariffs on imports, which may make U.S. panels more competitive domestically in the future.

    Reliance on overseas sources

    Despite that increase in domestic production, U.S. demand for solar panels has grown even faster. To meet demand, the U.S. imports a substantial portion of its solar photovoltaic modules.

    Tariffs, including a 30% tariff on solar cells and solar panels starting in 2018, aimed to boost domestic manufacturing.

    But those tariffs and falling global prices made solar installations more costly in the U.S. than in the rest of the world. The average global cost of installed solar systems dropped from $1.15 per watt in 2012 to $0.72 per watt in 2016, nearly half that of U.S. installations.

    The 2018 tariffs, as well as earlier rounds in 2012 and 2014, have shifted the source of U.S. imports of solar panels – from China and Taiwan to Malaysia and South Korea. Manufacturers are also building solar panels in Singapore and Germany to maintain access to the U.S. market. And Chinese companies are even investing in U.S. solar manufacturers to take advantage of federal incentives and avoid tariffs.

    New tariffs emerge

    Trump’s proposal for new tariffs on foreign-made solar goods, including panels and components, particularly target Chinese-owned companies in Southeast Asia.

    They could include a potential 375% tariff on Thai products – nearly quadrupling prices – and a 3,500% tariff on products from Cambodia.

    In contrast, U.S.-made solar panels will be cheaper. But a reduced supply of solar panels will raise prices even of domestic-made panels, at least until U.S. manufacturing can catch up with the demand. Some developers have begun to delay or cancel solar installations to address rising costs.

    Domestic investment

    Due in large part to the Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act, enacted in 2022, the U.S. solar panel industry has seen significant investments.

    Since the law’s enactment, more than 95 GW of manufacturing capability have been added across the solar supply chain in the U.S., including new facilities that in a year can construct enough solar panels to produce nearly 42 GW, beyond existing manufacturing levels. This growth in manufacturing capabilities is largely located in Texas and Georgia.

    Still, the new administration’s shifting priorities and trade policies make the landscape uncertain. Before Trump began discussing various solar-related trade policies, the industry projected it would install an average of 45 GW of solar panels every year for the next decade.

    Mojtaba Akhavan-Tafti owns shares in APT Solar Solutions Inc. in Ann Arbor, Michigan. He receives funding from public and private organizations to develop and commercialize three-dimensional solar modules.

    ref. US solar manufacturers lag skyrocketing market demand – https://theconversation.com/us-solar-manufacturers-lag-skyrocketing-market-demand-256944

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: In 2025, Tornado Alley has become almost everything east of the Rockies − and it’s been a violent year

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel Chavas, Associate Professor of Atmospheric Science, Purdue University

    A deadly tornado hit London, Ky., on May 16, 2025, just a few weeks after another tornado outbreak in the state. Allison Joyce/AFP/Getty Images

    Violent tornado outbreaks, like the storms that tore through parts of St. Louis and London, Kentucky, on May 16, have made 2025 seem like an especially active, deadly and destructive year for tornadoes.

    The U.S. has had more reported tornadoes than normal – over 960 as of May 22, according to the National Weather Service’s preliminary count.

    That’s well above the national average of around 660 tornadoes reported by that point over the past 15 years, and it’s similar to 2024 – the second-most active year over that same period.

    The National Weather Service tracks reported tornadoes based on local storm reports, allowing for comparisons throughout the year. The red line shows 2025 through May 22.
    NOAA National Storm Prediction Center

    I’m an atmospheric scientist who studies natural hazards. What stands out about 2025 so far isn’t just the number of tornadoes, but how Tornado Alley has encompassed just about everything east of the Rockies, and how tornado season is becoming all year.

    Why has 2025 been so active?

    The high tornado count in 2025 has a lot to do with the weather in March, which broke records with 299 reported tornadoes – far exceeding the average of 80 for that month over the past three decades.

    March’s numbers were driven by two large tornado outbreaks: about 115 tornadoes swept across more than a dozen states March 14-16, stretching from Arkansas to Pennsylvania; and 145 tornadoes hit March 31 to April 1, primarily in a swath from Arkansas to Iowa and eastward. The 2025 numbers are preliminary pending final analyses.

    While meteorologists don’t know for sure why March was so active, there were a couple of ingredients that favor tornadoes:

    By April and May, however, those ingredients had faded. The weak La Niña ended and the Gulf waters were closer to normal.

    April and May also produced tornado outbreaks, but the preliminary count over most of this period, since the March 31-April 1 outbreak, has actually been close to the average, though things could still change.

    A tornado on May 18, 2025, tore apart homes in Bennett, Colorado.
    Helen H. Richardson/MediaNews Group/The Denver Post via Getty Images

    What has stood out in April and May is persistence: The jet stream has remained wavy, bringing with it the normal ebb and flow of stormy low-pressure weather systems mixed with sunny high-pressure systems. In May alone, tornadoes were reported in Colorado, Minnesota, Delaware, Florida and just about every state in between.

    Years with fewer tornadoes often have calm periods of a couple of weeks or longer when a sunny high-pressure system is parked over the central U.S. However, the U.S. didn’t really get one of those calm periods in spring 2025.

    Tornado Alley shifts eastward

    The locations of these storms have also been notable: The 2025 tornadoes through May have been widespread but clustered near the lower and central Mississippi Valley, stretching from Illinois to Mississippi.

    That’s well to the east of traditional Tornado Alley, typically seen as stretching from Texas through Nebraska, and farther east than normal. April through May is still peak season for the Mississippi Valley, though it is usually on the eastern edge of activity rather than at the epicenter. The normal seasonal cycle of tornadoes moves inland from near the Gulf Coast in winter to the upper Midwest and Great Plains by summer.

    Where local forecast centers reported tornadoes in 2025, through May 22. Data is preliminary, pending final analysis.
    NOAA Storm Prediction Center

    Over the past few decades, the U.S. has seen a broad shift in tornadoes in three ways: to the east, earlier in the year and clustered into larger outbreaks.

    Winter tornadoes have become more frequent over the eastern U.S., from the southeast, dubbed Dixie Alley for its tornado activity in recent years, to the Midwest, particularly Kentucky, Illinois and Indiana.

    Meanwhile, there has been a steady and stark decline in tornadoes in the “traditional” tornado season and region: spring and summer in general, especially across the Great Plains.

    It may come as a surprise that the U.S. has actually seen a decrease in overall U.S. tornado activity over the past several decades, especially for intense tornadoes categorized as EF2 and above. There have been fewer days with a tornado. However, those tornado days have been producing more tornadoes. These trends may have stabilized over the past decade.

    Deadlier tornadoes

    This eastward shift is likely making tornadoes deadlier.

    Tornadoes in the Southeastern U.S. are more likely to strike overnight, when people are asleep and cannot quickly protect themselves, which makes these events dramatically more dangerous. The tornado that hit London, Kentucky, struck after 11 p.m. Many of the victims were over age 65.

    The shift toward more winter tornadoes has also left people more vulnerable. Since they may not expect tornadoes at that time of year, they are likely to be less prepared. Tornado detection and forecasting is rapidly improving and has saved thousands of lives over the past 50-plus years, but forecasts can save lives only if people are able to receive them.

    Average number of tornadoes by month, 2000-2024. Source: NOAA

    This shift in tornadoes to the east and earlier in the year is very similar to how scientists expect severe thunderstorms to change as the world warms. However, researchers don’t know whether the overall downward trend in tornadoes is driven by warming or will continue into the future. Field campaigns studying how tornadoes form may help us better answer this question.

    Remember that it only takes one

    For safety, it’s time to stop focusing on spring as tornado season and the Great Plains as Tornado Alley.

    Tornado Alley is really all of the U.S. east of the Rockies and west of the Appalachians for most of the year. The farther south you live, the longer your tornado season lasts.

    Forecasters say it every year for hurricanes, and we badly need to start saying it for tornadoes too: It only takes one to make it a bad season for you or your community. Just ask the residents of London, Kentucky; St. Louis; Plevna and Grinnell, Kansas; and McNairy County, Tennessee.

    Listen to your local meteorologists so you will know when your region is facing a tornado risk. And if you hear sirens or are under a tornado warning, immediately go to your safe space. A tornado may already be on the ground, and you may have only seconds to protect yourself.

    Daniel Chavas receives funding from the National Science Foundation, NASA, and NOAA. He is a member of the American Geophysical Union and American Meteorological Society.

    ref. In 2025, Tornado Alley has become almost everything east of the Rockies − and it’s been a violent year – https://theconversation.com/in-2025-tornado-alley-has-become-almost-everything-east-of-the-rockies-and-its-been-a-violent-year-257169

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How abortion laws focusing on fetal viability miss the mark on women’s experiences

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Katrina Kimport, Professor of Sociology, University of California, San Francisco

    Abortion policy in the U.S. often focuses on fetal viability and fails to address the concerns of actual pregnant people. John Fedele/Tetra Images via GettyImages

    During the 2024 presidential campaign, politicians and their surrogates repeatedly raised concerns about abortion later in pregnancy. The topic grabbed media attention and continues to inspire strong emotions, but most of the discussions include numerous misunderstandings.

    These debates tend to focus almost exclusively on the status of a presumed healthy fetus: Does it have a heartbeat? Can it feel pain? Can it survive outside of the pregnant person’s body? Laws in the U.S. routinely use these fetal development markers to restrict abortion rights.

    The problem with this framing, however, is that the preoccupation with these fetal development markers originated in law and politics, not in science or medicine. And, most importantly, not from the lives, needs and experiences of pregnant people.

    We are medical sociologists who specialize in research on abortion. We noticed that fetal development markers shape the experience of pregnant patients. But that doesn’t mean these markers feel meaningful to people who get abortions.

    We wanted to understand how patients who have abortions later in pregnancy, including from states with laws banning abortion after specified markers like “viability,” thought about their pregnancy and abortion. Do they think about abortion in terms of the development of their fetus? We analyzed interviews with 30 women who obtained abortions later in pregnancy to answer this question.

    A history of limitations

    Long before the 2022 U.S. Supreme Court’s Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision overturned the constitutional right to abortion, thousands of people each year in the U.S. were denied abortion services. Often, this was because they were beyond the pregnancy gestational limit imposed by their state’s abortion laws.

    These limits were rooted in fetal development markers. For instance, some states such as Maine and Washington allow abortion until a particular developmental point, such as presumed fetal viability. This is the point in pregnancy when the fetus might survive outside the uterus. Even in states considered supportive of abortion rights, such as California and Illinois, limits based on fetal development are still in force today.

    Since the Dobbs ruling, more abortion seekers are being denied the chance to get the procedure or facing long delays because of laws based on ideas about fetal development markers. But in fact, laws focused on fetal markers often end up jeopardizing the life and health of pregnant patients and furthering suffering, our study shows.

    Fetal development markers explained

    Fetal development markers sound like they are established clinical terms, but they aren’t. Some, like “potential fetal viability,” are concepts that started in legal thinking in the early 1970s. Then, when they were incorporated into limits on legal abortion, clinicians had to figure out how to apply them in a health care setting.

    Laws premised on fetal development markers around the U.S. have led to a host of lawsuits and general confusion among medical practitioners, as the language they use often doesn’t translate into medical contexts.

    It’s worth noting that common shorthand is to assign a specific gestation to a particular marker – for example, saying that viability starts at 24 weeks. But this ignores the fact that fetal viability depends on many factors, including fetal weight, sex, genetics and availability of neonatal intensive care resources.

    Only about half of infants born at 24 weeks of gestation will even survive long enough to be discharged from the hospital. Among infants born at 28 weeks, that rises to more than 90%. And of course, just looking at whether a baby was discharged from the hospital does not capture the acute impairments that babies born this prematurely experience and ongoing medical care they will require for much, if not all, of their lives.

    Focusing on the fetus’s viability overlooks the baby’s viability

    When we interviewed women who had abortions after 24 weeks of pregnancy, it became evident that these legal definitions were entirely irrelevant to the realities of their fetuses’ health.

    Some described carrying a fetus with a serious health issue that doctors told them would lead to its death soon after birth, just not during pregnancy. For instance, one woman we interviewed learned that a child with her fetus’s diagnosis would be born alive but would have regular seizures, cognitive disabilities and an inability to control its own movement.

    “I couldn’t imagine bringing a child into this world who would suffer and not have cognition of why, or be able to understand a good day from a bad day,” she said. To her, having an abortion was a way to protect her son: “I can’t give him that life of pain if I have a choice.”

    Women in similar situations struggled with the way their states’ laws focused on fetal viability but ignored the fact that the life their baby would have would be very brief and characterized by deep, sometimes constant pain. To them, the law reduced “viability” to the ability to survive birth, without consideration of the quality of their child’s life and the degree of its suffering.

    Overlooking women’s health

    Research and journalism have documented harrowing obstetric emergencies and their physical consequences in states where abortion has been banned. These traumatic events are often directly linked to laws that, in effect, leave little to no room to protect the pregnant patient’s life and health. The women in our study repeatedly highlighted that when a state’s law emphasizes “fetal viability” at the time an abortion is sought, the pregnant patient’s future health – both emotional and physical – takes a back seat.

    One woman we interviewed explained that she was so desperate not to be pregnant that she considered suicide because the fetal development-based law in her state meant she would not have access to a needed abortion. She had to travel out of state for her abortion. In her interview, she said the staff at the abortion clinic “saved my life. They definitely did. If it wasn’t for them, I probably wouldn’t be here.”

    We also interviewed a woman who had a medical condition that made pregnancy and laboring very dangerous for her, but she decided to take that risk to start a family. Once it was clear that her fetus had a serious health issue and would die in utero or shortly after birth, she no longer wanted to risk her own health.

    “Never mind the suffering, like needless suffering for the baby — I would also have to go through a cesarean surgery for that,” she said. But in her state, a fetal development-based law prohibited her from receiving an abortion. She, too, had to travel in order to get one.

    Ultimately, the women we interviewed found the laws based in fetal development markers to be nonsensical and cruel when applied to their pregnancies. One woman we interviewed, whose fetus’s severe medical condition was only diagnosable by doctors after her state’s 24-week viability cutoff, put the issue in stark terms.

    She was denied an abortion even after multiple specialists told her there was “100% certainty” her baby would have a bad outcome – an outcome that one specialist gently told her “no parent wants.” She had to fly halfway across the country to get the abortion she needed, far away from her support system.

    She said, “What sense does that make? I can’t imagine anybody looking at that and saying, ‘Yes, that was the desired outcome of this policy.’”

    Katrina Kimport receives funding from the Society of Family Planning and an anonymous private foundation.

    Tracy A. Weitz receives funding from the Society of Family Planning, Education Foundation of America, and William and Flora Hewlett Foundation. She is affiliated with Cambridge Reproductive Health Consultants, Fund Access Forward, Democracy Forward, Abortion Bridge Collaborative (Women’s Donors Network), Breast Cancer Action.

    ref. How abortion laws focusing on fetal viability miss the mark on women’s experiences – https://theconversation.com/how-abortion-laws-focusing-on-fetal-viability-miss-the-mark-on-womens-experiences-245998

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Like many populist leaders, Trump accuses judges of being illegitimate obstacles to safety and democracy

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Michael Gregory, Assistant Professor of Philosophy, Clemson University

    The front entrance of the E. Barrett Prettyman United States Court House, the workplace of Judge James Boasberg, along with other federal and appeals court judges, is seen in Washington, D.C. Philip Yabut/Getty Images

    Federal judges and at times Supreme Court justices have repeatedly challenged – and blocked – President Donald Trump’s attempts to reshape fundamental aspects of American government.

    Many of Trump’s more than 150 executive orders, including one aimed at eliminating the Department of Education, have been blocked by injunctions and lawsuits.

    When a majority of Supreme Court justices ruled on May 16, 2025, that the Trump administration could not deport a group of Venezuelan immigrants without first giving them the right to due process in court, Trump attacked the court.

    “The Supreme Court of the United States is not allowing me to do what I was elected to do,” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “This is a bad and dangerous day for America!” he continued in the post.

    As the Trump administration faces other orders blocking its plans, the president and his team are framing judges not just as political opponents but as enemies of democracy.

    Trump, for example, has called for the impeachment of James Boasberg, a federal judge who also issued orders blocking the deportation of immigrants in the U.S. to El Salvador. Attorney General Pam Bondi has said that Boasberg was “trying to protect terrorists who invaded our country over American citizens,” and Trump has also called Boasberg and other judges who ruled against him or his administration “left-wing activists.”

    “We cannot allow a handful of communist, radical-left judges to obstruct the enforcement of our laws and assume the duties that belong solely to the president of the United States,” Trump said at a rally in April 2025. “Judges are trying to take away the power given to the president to keep our country safe.”

    As a scholar of legal and political theory, I believe this kind of talk about judges and the judicial system is not just misleading, it’s dangerous. It mirrors a pattern seen across many populist movements worldwide, where leaders cast independent courts and judges as illegitimate obstacles to what they see as the will of the people.

    By confusing the idea that the people’s will must prevail with what the law actually says, these leaders justify intimidating judges and their sound legal rulings, a move that ultimately undermines democracy.

    President Donald Trump shakes hands with Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts at his inauguration on Jan. 20, 2025, in Washington, D.C.
    Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

    Thwarting ‘the will of the American people’?

    In the face of judicial rulings against them, Trump and other administration officials have suggested on multiple occasions that judges are antagonistic to what the American people voted for.

    Yet these rulings are merely a reflection of the rule of law.

    Trump and supporters such as Elon Musk have characterized the rulings as a sign that a group of elite judges are abusing their power and acting against the will of the American people. The rulings that enforce the law, according to this argument, stand in opposition to the popular mandate American voters give to elected officials like the president.

    “If ANY judge ANYWHERE can stop EVERY Presidential action EVERYWHERE, we do NOT live in a democracy,” Elon Musk posted on X in February 2025. “When judges egregiously undermine the democratic will of the people, they must be fired,” Musk added.

    And U.S. Rep. Mike Johnson, the Republican speaker of the House of Representatives, said in March 2025, “We do have the authority over the federal courts, as you know. We can eliminate an entire district court.”

    Framing judges as enemies of democracy or as obstacles to the people’s will departs sharply from the traditional view – held across political lines – that the judiciary is an essential, nonpartisan part of the American constitutional system.

    While previous presidents have expressed frustration with specific court decisions or judges’ political leanings, their critiques mostly focused on specific legal reasoning.

    Supreme Court Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson warned against the Trump administration’s charge that judges were actively undermining democracy. In late April 2025, she said during a conference for judges that “relentless attacks on judges are an attack on democracy.”

    So, are judges obstructing democracy – or protecting it?

    Are unelected judges a sign of democracy?

    The U.S. Constitution established an independent judiciary as a coequal branch of government, alongside the legislative and executive branches. Federal judges are appointed for life and cannot be removed for political reasons. The country’s founders thought this protection could insulate judges from political pressures and ensure that courts uphold the Constitution, not the popularity of a given policy.

    Yet as the federal judiciary has expanded in size and power, the arguments about the relationship between democracy and judicial independence have become louder among some political scientists and legal philosophers.

    Some critics take issue with the fact that federal judges are appointed by politicians, not elected to their positions – a fact that others argue contributes to their independence.

    Federal judges often serve longer on the bench than many elected officials.

    Why, some critics argue, should a small group of unelected experts be allowed to overturn decisions made by elected officials?

    Other democratic theorists, however, say that federal judges can act as a check on elected leaders who may misuse or abuse their power, or pass laws that violate people’s legal rights. This indirectly strengthens democracy by giving people a meaningful way to have recourse against laws that go against their rights and what they actually voted for.

    A common story across countries

    The argument that judges are an enemy to democracy is not unique to the U.S.

    Authoritarian leaders from across the world have used similar language to justify undermining the courts.

    In the Philippines, then-President Rodrigo Duterte in 2018 told Maria Lourdes Sereno, a top judge who was an outspoken critic of Duterte’s war on drugs, “I am now your enemy.” Shortly after, the Philippines Supreme Court voted to oust Sereno from the court. These judges cited Sereno’s failure to disclose personal financial information when she was first appointed to the court as the reason for her removal.

    Filipino protesters and outside critics alike viewed Sereno’s removal as politically motivated and said it undermined the country’s judicial independence.

    El Salvador President Nayib Bukele’s allies in the legislative assembly similarly voted in May 2021 to remove the government’s attorney general as well all five top judges for obstructing Bukele’s plans to imprison, without proper due process, large numbers of people. Bukele replaced the attorney general and judges with political loyalists, violating constitutional procedure.

    Kamala Harris, then vice president of the U.S., was among the international observers who said the removal of judges in El Salvador made her concerned about El Salvador’s democracy. Bukele justified the judges’ removal by saying he was right and that he refused to “listen to the enemies of the people” who wanted him to do otherwise.

    And in April 2024, a minister in Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Cabinet called Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara an “enemy of the people,” blaming her for protests outside Netanyahu’s home. This disparagement was part of Netanyahu’s broader efforts to weaken judges’ role and independence and to remove judicial constraints on executive power.

    Judge James Boasberg is one example of a judge who was personally attacked by President Donald Trump for issuing various rulings on the administration’s plans to deport Venezuelan immigrants.
    Drew Angerer/AFP via Getty Images

    Pushing against democracy

    In the name of weakening what they call undemocratic institutions, these and other leaders try to discredit independent judges. This attempt helps these leaders gain power and silence dissent.

    Their attempts to disparage and discredit judges misrepresent judges’ work by asserting that it is political in nature – and thus subject to political criticism and even intimidation. But in the U.S., judges’ constitutionally mandated work takes place in the realm of law, not politics.

    By confusing the idea that the people’s will must prevail with what the law actually says, these leaders justify intimidating judges and their rulings, a move that ultimately undermines democracy.

    Independent judges may not always make perfect decisions, and concerns about their interpretations or potential biases are legitimate. Judges sometimes make decisions that are objectionable from a moral and legal standpoint.

    But when political leaders portray judges as the problem, I believe it’s crucial to ask: Who truly benefits from silencing judges?

    Michael Gregory does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Like many populist leaders, Trump accuses judges of being illegitimate obstacles to safety and democracy – https://theconversation.com/like-many-populist-leaders-trump-accuses-judges-of-being-illegitimate-obstacles-to-safety-and-democracy-255472

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: From furry friends to fish, turning up the heat helps animals fight germs − how Mother Nature’s cure offers humans a lesson on fever

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Phil Starks, Associate Professor of Biology, Tufts University

    Sick animals often move to warmer places to raise their body temperature. GK Hart/Vikki Hart/Stone via Getty Images

    Why do people get fevers when we get sick?

    It’s a common misconception that pathogens, such as SARS-CoV-2 or the flu, cause fevers. But as biology professors, we know it’s not that simple. Pathogens cause fevers only indirectly.

    When your immune system detects harmful microbes, your body raises its internal temperature to create a hostile environment. Turning up the heat suppresses the proliferation of invaders. In short, the fever is the body’s way of fighting back.

    Although many people don’t understand fever’s purpose, animals certainly utilize it. Even so-called “simple creatures,” such as lizards, fish and insects, use fever to recover from illness.

    The body’s response

    Suppose you catch a virus. The immune system responds by releasing molecules called pyrogens, which induce fever. They signal the brain’s hypothalamus to raise the body’s set point temperature – like adjusting a thermostat.

    Normal body temperature hovers around 98.6 degrees Fahrenheit (37 degrees Celsius), but fevers commonly increase temperatures to 100.4-104 F (38-40 C).

    When that happens, your muscles contract, causing shivers, and blood vessels constrict to retain heat. You’ll feel cold until your body reaches the new set point, often prompting you to add clothes or snuggle into blankets. When the infection subsides, pyrogens decrease and the hypothalamus resets the temperature. You sweat, your blood vessels dilate, and you cool off. You’re feeling better.

    There’s a reason why you shiver when you have a fever.
    Edwin Tan/E+ via Getty Images

    Mammals, lizards, fish and insects

    Humans are not special in this regard; all mammals are capable of generating fevers. Even without taking their temperature, you might recognize the signs in a familiar companion. When dogs have a fever, they often lose their appetite, become lethargic and may shiver − behaviors that closely resemble how people respond when they’re running a fever.

    This adaptive response to infection is widespread in nature. Even cold-blooded animals, which rely on the environment for warmth, raise their temperature behaviorally.

    Lizards move to warmer areas when sick. If they’re blocked from doing so − or given fever-reducing drugs − their survival rates drop. Zebrafish swim to warmer waters during infection; a rise of just 5.4 F (3 C) correlates with improved gene expression, stronger antiviral responses and higher survival. Naked mole rats – a social, subterranean cold-blooded mammal that looks like a hot dog with teeth – generate fevers in response to infection, despite their unusual physiology.

    Insects, too, show remarkable responses. Desert locusts elevate their body temperature when infected, doing so in a dose-dependent manner: more pathogen, higher temperature. This behavior increases their chance of survival and reproduction.

    Honeybees have a unique way of fighting a fever.
    Joannis S. Duran/Moment via Getty Images

    Honeybees are among the most sophisticated. These social insects regulate brood temperature with extraordinary precision, keeping it between 90-95 F (32-35 C). They warm the hive by contracting flight muscles and cool it by fanning wings, sometimes spreading water on the comb to induce evaporative cooling.

    If their larvae are exposed to heat-sensitive fungal spores, the colony raises the temperature − essentially giving itself a fever. The increased heat prevents spore germination and protects the next generation. Once the threat has passed, the bees restore their normal hive temperature.

    If fevers don’t wind down within 24 to 36 hours, it’s time to see a doctor.

    Treating a fever

    These examples show that evolution has favored the fever response. Yet when humans get a fever, our instinct is often to bring it down – using aspirin, removing blankets or applying cold compresses. And sometimes that’s appropriate. Adults should seek medical attention if fever exceeds 103 F (39.4 C); children at 102 F (38.9 C); and infants younger than three months at 100.4 F (38 C).

    But mild to moderate fevers often help more than they hurt. Reducing a fever too soon − via medication or environmental cooling − may interfere with the body’s natural defense, prolonging illness.

    This isn’t a new idea. Nearly a century ago, Austrian physician Julius Wagner-Jauregg pioneered an extreme method called malariotherapy: infecting syphilis patients with malaria. The high fever induced by malaria killed the syphilis-causing bacteria. Once the bacteria was eliminated, doctors treated the malaria with quinine.

    The approach was risky but effective enough to win Wagner-Jauregg the Nobel Prize in 1927. Although some patients died from the treatment, and many others relapsed, it remained in use for about two decades, until replaced by penicillin. Think of Wagner-Jauregg’s treatment like using a sledgehammer to drive a nail; it worked, though the wall didn’t always survive.

    Much remains to be discovered about how fever affects the immune response. Still, the underlying message holds: Fever fights infection.

    The fact that so many diverse creatures developed similar fever responses suggests a powerful pattern known as convergent evolution − when different species with enormously complex evolutionary histories converge on a similar solution. Despite different evolutionary paths, all these organisms faced the same challenge − infection − and arrived at the same solution: fever.

    Phil Starks received past funding from the NSF for providing research experiences for undergraduates (REU).

    Harry Bernheim had grants from the NIH in the 1980’s.

    ref. From furry friends to fish, turning up the heat helps animals fight germs − how Mother Nature’s cure offers humans a lesson on fever – https://theconversation.com/from-furry-friends-to-fish-turning-up-the-heat-helps-animals-fight-germs-how-mother-natures-cure-offers-humans-a-lesson-on-fever-229078

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Five ways to inspire ocean connection: reflections from my 40-year marine ecology career

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Martin Attrill, Professor of Marine Ecology, University of Plymouth

    For 40 years, I’ve worked as a marine ecologist and, since 1992, I’ve been based in Plymouth, Devon – a global hub for coastal marine research and teaching. As I think back to how our understanding of life in our oceans has changed over that time, here are five lessons I have learnt.

    1. Start with the basics

    Back in the 1970s, the band America wrote: “The ocean is a desert with its life underground, and the perfect disguise above”. Many people I speak to actually don’t see much beyond that grey-blue surface.

    Back in 2014 my colleagues and I were quite shocked at the response to a big survey we did on public perception of the marine environment in the UK, particularly when we break out of our marine bubbles. If an organism was remotely colourful or interesting, most people assumed it didn’t live in UK waters.

    That reminded me not to underestimate how little most people know, or care, about UK seas. Make no assumptions.

    While Blue Planet and other beautiful TV series have undoubtedly helped raise the profile of the world’s seas, some have potentially reinforced this view of local waters – that you have to travel to far-off exotic locations to find any interesting and spectacular life.

    2. Inspire deep connection

    Research shows the almost unparalleled restorative power of being in, on, under or by the sea. You do not need to dive to feel a strong ocean connection – building sandcastles, catching crabs on a line in a harbour, skimming stones or letting the cold water wash over your feet can work wonders.

    Rockpooling is also an incredible window into the underwater world – suddenly all this weird and wonderful life opens up to us in a small, simple and accessible puddle.

    Rockpooling is a fun and easy way to explore marine life.
    Laura Schwormstedt/Shutterstock

    People need to be given more opportunities to form lasting connections with the ocean. Organisations such as Plymouth’s Ocean Conservation Trust and Devon Wildlife Trust are bringing young people to the sea, sometimes for the first time.

    Enabling ocean connection is just as important for people who don’t have the chance or ability to physically be there, for example through virtual reality. I’ve also been involved in transforming Plymouth Sound into the UK’s first national marine park – this concept is all about engaging people with this stretch of coastline, getting them connected to the ocean and inspiring them to care. And the marine park model could be replicated around the UK.



    Local science, global stories.

    This article is part of a series, Secrets of the Sea, exploring how marine scientists are developing climate solutions.

    In collaboration with the BBC, Anna Turns travels around the West Country coastline to meet ocean experts making exciting discoveries beneath the waves.


    3. Take the pressure off

    If you leave the ocean alone, it can recover. Very few shallow areas of our global ocean remain untouched. But, as demonstrated so well in David Attenborough’s latest film, Ocean, if you remove all the most damaging impacts (particularly physical fishing damage), then the sea has great powers of recovery.

    In the UK, bluefin tuna and humpback whales have returned as the pressure to hunt them has been better managed. The cold water reefs on the seabed in Lyme Bay off the south coast of England have recovered remarkably just four years after a ban on towed fishing gear was introduced.

    Today, there are so few properly protected areas where all damaging or extractive activities are completely removed to give nature a chance, particularly in the UK. Some habitats may need a bit of help from us – active restoration or replanting of seagrass beds and oyster reefs will help kickstart regrowth.

    What is seagrass? The Ocean Conservation Trust explains.

    4. Plastic is a distraction

    The flow of plastics into the ocean must certainly be stopped. But I worry that the plastic pollution problem is a bandwagon that so many businesses, media outlets and governments have jumped on. Has a decade-long focus on “solving” the plastic crisis been a troublesome distraction? Banning single-use straws can seem like an easy win because leaders can be seen to be taking action – but it does little to solve the ocean’s biggest problems.

    Meanwhile, the most complex and hard to resolve activities that seriously harm our seas, such as industrial overfishing, are still not being dealt with. The most damaging fishing practices such as trawling and dredging continue legally, astonishingly even within designated marine protected areas. Such highly damaging activities have no place near sensitive habitats and this has been so well demonstrated in Ocean.

    The recent UK ban on sandeel fishing gives me hope. This landmark decision was made to benefit nature (protecting food supply for seabirds), restricting a fishery that does not even supply food for humans. Sandeels are used to make fishmeal and fish oil to feed farmed fish and livestock.

    Yet, damaging fishing practices such as trawling and dredging continue legally, even within designated marine protected areas. Such highly damaging activities have no place near sensitive habitats.

    I firmly believe that the most effective and straightforward solution for the UK is to prohibit all towed fishing gear from within at least three miles of the coast – including developing a series of fully protected marine reserves.

    In Lyme Bay, this approach has led to a real win-win because the seas are now recovering, and local fishers, holidaymakers and coastal communities are benefiting too.




    Read more:
    David Attenborough’s Ocean reveals how bottom trawling is hurting sealife in horrifying detail


    5. Add a dose of ocean optimism

    Rising eco-anxiety, particularly in younger people, is not surprising given the state of the world. Faced with the nature and climate crisis, it is easy to feel utter despair.

    Climate change will undoubtedly change our planet. Yet, without oceans absorbing most of the carbon (while producing half the oxygen we breathe), this planet would already be uninhabitable for human civilisation. Making our oceans as healthy and resilient as possible is therefore crucial.

    Right now, we need some ocean optimism. Sharing the stories of progress and innovation that show how patches of the sea are recovering can demonstrate what’s possible and inspire further positive action. By showcasing areas now rich with diverse marine life now that industrial-scale damage has been stopped or whale populations that are booming now that harpoons are a thing of the past, a vision for a better, bluer future can become reality at scale.

    Listen to episode one of Secrets of the Sea here on BBC Sounds, presented by Anna Turns for The Conversation.


    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.


    Martin Attrill receives and has received funding from a series of government, NGO and private sector bodies, all of which is directed to the University of Plymouth, not personally. Current and recent funding includes from UK Government (NEIRF), Heritage Lottery Fund, Natural Environmental Research Council, EU INTERREG and ERDF. He is affiliated with Ocean Conservation Trust (Chief Scientific Advisor) and a trustee of the Manta Trust.

    ref. Five ways to inspire ocean connection: reflections from my 40-year marine ecology career – https://theconversation.com/five-ways-to-inspire-ocean-connection-reflections-from-my-40-year-marine-ecology-career-250162

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: West Nile virus found in the UK for the first time – what you need to know

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul Hunter, Professor of Medicine, University of East Anglia

    Kwangmoozaa/Shutterstock.com

    For the first time, traces of the West Nile virus have been found in mosquitoes in the UK, according to a report published this week by the UK Health Security Agency.

    Here’s what you need to know about the virus and the disease it causes.

    What is West Nile virus?

    West Nile virus is a mosquito-borne virus first identified in Uganda in 1937. It belongs to the same viral family as dengue and yellow fever. The virus is most commonly transmitted by Culex mosquitoes, particularly the species Culex pipiens, which mainly feeds on birds.

    Birds are the primary host for West Nile virus, and the virus spreads in a cycle from infected birds to mosquitoes and then back to birds. Occasionally, mosquitoes can transmit the virus to humans or other animals.

    Most human infections – around 80% – cause no symptoms. When symptoms do occur, they are usually mild: fever, fatigue, headaches, body aches and sometimes nausea. But in rare cases, around one in 150 infections, the virus can cause severe illness, including encephalitis (inflammation of the brain) or meningitis. Older adults, especially those over 50, are most at risk of serious complications.

    The virus cannot normally be spread from person to person, though rare cases of transmission have occurred through blood transfusions or from mother to baby during pregnancy.


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    How did it get to the UK?

    Although the exact route isn’t known, experts believe the virus may have arrived in the UK via migratory birds infected elsewhere. The mosquitoes probably picked up the virus after feeding on these birds during their northward journey.

    The detection was made as part of a routine mosquito surveillance programme run by the Animal and Plant Health Agency. Mosquitoes collected from marshlands in south-east England tested positive in PCR (polymerase chain reaction) tests, which detect fragments of the virus’s genetic material.

    It’s important to note that a positive PCR test doesn’t necessarily mean the virus is infectious. After a mosquito becomes infected, the virus needs time – several days – to multiply inside the mosquito before it can be transmitted. And this process is highly temperature dependent.

    Can the virus spread in the UK?

    The UK’s relatively cool climate has, until now, helped keep mosquito-borne diseases at bay. At summer temperatures of around 15°C, it can take up to 100 days for the virus to develop inside a mosquito – longer than the insect’s lifespan. In contrast, in hotter climates (above 30°C), this process can take just a few days.

    For a local outbreak to occur, there would need to be a critical mass of infected birds and mosquitoes, with enough warm weather to sustain multiple cycles of transmission. So far, that hasn’t happened in the UK.

    But climate change could alter the equation. With rising global temperatures and longer, hotter summers, the conditions that allow viruses such as West Nile to spread may become more common in the UK.

    What’s happening elsewhere?

    West Nile virus was once limited to Africa and the Middle East but has spread significantly in recent decades. Large outbreaks have been recorded in countries including Greece, Romania, Israel, Russia and the US.

    The US outbreak began in New York City in 1999 when an unusual number of birds were found dead in a city zoo. A veterinary pathologist at the Bronx Zoo, Tracey McNamara, helped link the bird deaths to the human illnesses being reported.

    Since then, the virus has spread across most of the US, Canada and parts of South America, resulting in over 60,000 reported human cases, 28,000 hospitalisations and more than 3,000 deaths.

    In 2024, 19 European countries reported a total of 1,436 local cases, most in men over 65, with 125 deaths. Most were in Italy, Greece and Spain – countries with hot, mosquito-friendly summers.

    Outbreaks were also reported in birds and horses, which are both susceptible to the virus.

    Should UK residents be concerned?

    While the detection of West Nile virus in UK mosquitoes is noteworthy, experts emphasise that the public health risk remains very low. No human cases have been reported in the UK to date, and current summer temperatures are not yet conducive to sustained transmission.

    The greater risk for most British people probably comes from travel – particularly to southern Europe, where cases are rising.

    Travellers are advised to take standard mosquito precautions: wear light-coloured clothing, long sleeves and trousers, and use insect repellent, especially in the evening when mosquitoes are most active.

    For now, the virus is unlikely to spread widely in the UK. But as climate patterns shift, continued surveillance and public awareness will be key to staying ahead of the risk.

    Paul Hunter consults for the World Health Organization. He receives funding from National Institute for Health Research and has received funding from the World Health Organization and the European Regional Development Fund.

    ref. West Nile virus found in the UK for the first time – what you need to know – https://theconversation.com/west-nile-virus-found-in-the-uk-for-the-first-time-what-you-need-to-know-257295

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: What’s it like being a raven or a crow?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Walter Veit, Lecturer, Department of Philosophy, University of Reading

    Corvids are no birdbrains. Mimmo Lusito/Pexels, CC BY-SA

    Many of us as children may have wondered what’s going on inside the mind of an animal – what are they thinking and feeling? Most animal researchers study science because of their fascination with animals, but for a long time scientific norms made it impossible to even raise the question of animal consciousness without losing scientific credibility.

    Fortunately, those days have ended, thanks in large part to pioneering work by scientists such as Donald Griffin, who argued from the 1980s to his death in 2003 that animal minds should be a topic for scientific study.

    We are philosophers who study consciousness, and in our recent research we worked with other scientists to explore what the world might be like from the point of view of corvids, the family of birds that includes ravens, crows, jays and magpies.

    “Birdbrain” used to be a common insult but corvids have such surprising intelligence that they are sometimes described by scientists and journalists as “feathered apes”. But we wanted to go beyond intelligence. To do this we examined five dimensions of their experience by combing through studies on their behaviour, cognition, brains, emotions and consciousness.


    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.


    Corvids’ eyes have incredibly sharp resolution that allows them to navigate while flying at high speeds and to find potential sources of food. Their hearing is excellent, perhaps unsurprising for songbirds, allowing them to even distinguish reliable from unreliable group members by assessing and remembering their alert calls.

    They also have a good sense of smell, which they use to help them find nuts and other food they have hidden. Unfortunately, we do not know how their smell compares to a lot of other animals, because there are not enough studies on corvids’ sense of smell yet.

    Emotional lives

    Corvids show cognitive biases, similar to humans. They have negative moods and show signs of pessimism after observing similar states in others.

    But they also show positive moods after successfully using tools – just like humans. And they can also show neophobia – wariness of new objects.

    Even if you come with treats to give them, corvids are reluctant to fly close to someone they haven’t met before, but are confident with humans they know well – another common human trait.

    It is common for people to only attribute emotional lives to mammals, but corvids show that we should study the emotions of birds in more detail.

    Integrated experiences

    We humans have one stream of consciousness. But birds lack a corpus callosum, the structure that connects the two brain hemispheres in us and other mammals.

    Their brain halves show a lot of division of labour, such as using their different eyes to focus on different tasks. However, that doesn’t necessarily mean that their experience is split into two selves – it could suggest a kind of partial unity different from our own.

    Perhaps their consciousness is more like split-brain human patients who have had their corpus callosum cut to reduce the effects of seizures. When two pictures are presented in their respective left and right visual fields, these people will draw what they see on the left side with their left hand, whereas they will verbally describe what is on the right, giving the appearance of two selves in one body.

    Consciousness across time

    Corvids show remarkable abilities in their sense of self across time. Because they often hide food (scientists call this caching), they can remember not just where they hid food, but also what kind of food it was and how long ago they hid it – which is relevant for more perishable foods such as insects, compared to longer-lasting nuts.

    Here their memory far outstrips our own or, for that matter, most other animals when it comes to hiding objects, with some corvids caching and remembering over a thousand food items in a month for later consumption. No human would be able to remember that many hiding spots.

    Corvids can even plan, collecting and storing a tool such as a spoon for future use.

    Is this magpie waiting for the photographer to go away before it hides its nut?
    Fercast/Shutterstock

    A rich sense of self

    They not only recognise themselves in mirrors, but also understand other minds. Research has shown corvids go back to remove cached food and hide it elsewhere if they know they have been observed – but only if they have stolen from others in the past.

    Male jays will watch the feeding behaviour of a female they want to court, so they can bring their preferred food. Even more solitary corvids, such as ravens, seem to have well-developed social skills, which scientists used to think were largely restricted to mammals.

    In all of this, there is still a great deal of uncertainty. Learning about the minds of other animals requires a great deal of inference from sparse and often ambiguous data. But we believe that there is scientific evidence for rich conscious experiences in corvids. For most species, it is a lack of research, not a lack of capacity, that keeps us silent on what their subjective experiences are like.

    This research also has implications for corvid welfare. Understanding what the world is like for an animal means understanding what feels good and bad for them. Their good memories may mean they suffer longer from a negative experience, neophobia will mean novel objects should be introduced slowly, their social abilities mean they should be housed in groups. Giving them tools could allow them enriching experiences.

    All this should be taken into account when deciding how to care for these birds when kept in cavity, and how to minimise welfare risks in other interactions with them.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. What’s it like being a raven or a crow? – https://theconversation.com/whats-it-like-being-a-raven-or-a-crow-257171

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Oscar Wilde’s The Ballad of Reading Gaol is a work of art activism beloved by Banksy

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sondeep Kandola, Senior Lecturer in English Literature and Cultural History, Liverpool John Moores University

    Oscar Wilde photographed by Napoleon Sarony (c. 1882). Library of Congress

    In 2021, Banksy revealed a mural of Oscar Wilde, clad in prisoner garb, making an escape from the abandoned Reading jail. The artist claimed that he would donate profits from the sale of the stencil he used to create the work (a projected £10 million) to set up an arts hub in the Grade II listed building.

    This hasn’t yet taken place, but speaking about the work at the time, Banksy dubbed Wilde “the patron saint of smashing two contrasting ideas together to create magic. Converting the place that destroyed him into a refuge for art feels so perfect we have to do it.”

    In 1895, Wilde was sentenced to two years of hard labour for “gross indecency” after being convicted of “homosexual acts”. He was posthumously pardoned in 2017 under the Turing Law.

    The Ballad of Reading Gaol, which he wrote two years after his release, hypnotically details the psychological and physical horrors of living in isolation in unsanitary single-cells for 23 hours a day.

    It also reveals the mind-numbing conditions and physically exhausting jobs that were relentlessly inflicted on prisoners in Wilde’s day. They were required to ascend 56 steps a minute for nine hours a day on a treadmill, break stones and pick oakum (fibres from the ropes used on ships). And to do so in complete silence.


    This article is part of Rethinking the Classics. The stories in this series offer insightful new ways to think about and interpret classic books and artworks. This is the canon – with a twist.


    In the poem, Wilde details the intense surveillance techniques and harsh punishments adopted by the prison wardens against the “outcast men”.

    Oscar Wilde’s prison cell in Reading Gaol as it appears today.
    Jack1956/Wiki Commons

    “Like ape or clown, in monstrous garb,” he writes, the inmates silently trudge the prison yard in their one allotted hour of exercise per day. The poem focuses on one prisoner in particular, named only as CTW, who is sentenced to death for murdering his wife. It traces his walk to the “hideous” shed where he is to be executed, which ghoulishly sees him “cross his own coffin”.

    More gothic images abound. CTW’s impending burial in an unhallowed and anonymous grave is described as “with yawning mouth the horrid hole / Gaped for a living thing” while “the very mud cried out for blood”.

    Wilde also references a scene from Coleridge’s 1797 masterpiece The Rime of the Ancient Mariner as he envisions phantoms dancing a “grisly masque” in which they sing of inexorable triumph of sin in prison, “the Secret House of Shame”.

    Moreover, Wilde denies that the sacrifice that CTW has offered to the prison with his execution is ultimately redemptive for him as:

    He did not pass in purple pomp

    Nor ride a moon-white steed

    Three yards of cord and a sliding board

    Are all the gallows need.

    In the ballad, Wilde represents the prison experience as sadistic and unrelenting. Much like Banksy over a century later, Wilde used the degree of anonymity the poem afforded (he published it under his cell number, C33) to berate an inhumane society and the distressing penal policy of “hard labour, hard fare, hard board” that he was forced to endure.

    The Ballad of Reading Gaol can ultimately be read as a celebration of compassion, resilience and art activism. Through the poem and letters he wrote to the Daily Chronicle, Wilde publicly attempted to “try and change [prison life] for others”.

    Wilde and his lover, Lord Alfred Douglas in 1893.
    British Library

    Despite Wilde’s public notoriety, Irish MPs Michael Davitt and T.P. O’Connor even went as far as to quote the ballad in parliamentary debates, which led to the adoption of some of the recommendations that Wilde had made in his letters in the 1898 Prison Reform Act.

    Although Wilde, himself, was to suffer the psychological and physical effects of his imprisonment until the end of his short life two years later, the 1898 Act saw the treadmill abolished, ensured solitary confinement could only be used for a maximum of 28 days and children were separated from adult prisoners. And yet, sadly, Wilde’s description of “the foul and dark latrine” of “humanity’s machine” continues to reverberate today.

    On August 22 2024, “independent monitors” into the conditions at Wandsworth Prison (where Wilde was briefly held) found it to be “crumbling, overcrowded and vermin-infested, with inmates living in half the cell space available when it was first opened in 1851”.

    While Wilde’s “swan song” joins with Banksy’s escaped prisoner to expose the failings of modern penal practices, it also reminds us of the enduring power of art and imagination to foster change.

    Beyond the canon

    As part of the Rethinking the Classics series, we’re asking our experts to recommend a book or artwork that tackles similar themes to the canonical work in question, but isn’t (yet) considered a classic itself. Here is Sondeep Kandola’s suggestion:

    If you are looking for further reading on the topic of prison life and the prison experience, Andy West’s memoir The Life Inside (2022) offers a sobering and often witty reflection on living in the carceral state today. A philosophy teacher in prison, West explores the notion of freedom, redemption and our broken prison system.

    You might also be interested to read Brendan Behan’s powerful 1958 autobiography Borstal Boy and Bobby Sands’ courageous Writings from Prison (2020), two incarcerated Irish writers who shared Wilde’s republican sympathies and similarly questioned the ethics and integrity of the British government who imprisoned them.

    Sondeep Kandola does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Oscar Wilde’s The Ballad of Reading Gaol is a work of art activism beloved by Banksy – https://theconversation.com/oscar-wildes-the-ballad-of-reading-gaol-is-a-work-of-art-activism-beloved-by-banksy-237581

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Split Supreme Court blocks Oklahoma’s Catholic charter school − but future cases could hinge on whether charters are, at their core, public or private

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Preston Green III, John and Maria Neag Professor of Urban Education, University of Connecticut

    The Supreme Court building is seen on April 30, 2025, in Washington, D.C. AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein

    In April 2025, the Supreme Court heard arguments about whether the nation’s first religious charter school could open in Oklahoma. The St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School would have been funded by taxpayer money but run by a local archdiocese and diocese. Several justices appeared open to the idea during questioning, leading some analysts to predict a win for the school.

    They were proved wrong on May 22, 2025, when the court blocked St. Isidore. The one-sentence, unsigned order did not indicate how individual justices had voted, nor why, simply declaring it was a split 4-4 decision that leaves in place the Oklahoma Supreme Court’s ruling against the school. Justice Amy Coney Barrett recused herself from the case. Her former employer, the University of Notre Dame, runs a law clinic representing the school’s supporters.

    Ever since the proposed school started making headlines, attention has focused on religion. Critics warned a decision in the school’s favor could allow government dollars to directly fund faith-based charter schools nationwide. In part, the justices had to decide whether the First Amendment’s prohibition on government establishing religion applies to charter schools.

    But the answer to that question is part of an even bigger issue: Are charters really public in the first place?

    The Supreme Court’s order applies only to Oklahoma, so similar cases attempting to open religious charter schools may emerge down the road. As two professors who study education law, we believe future court decisions could impact more than issues of religion and state, determining what basic rights students and teachers do or don’t have at charter schools.

    Dueling arguments

    In June 2023, the Oklahoma Statewide Virtual Charter School Board approved St. Isidore’s application to open as an online K-12 school. The following year, however, the Oklahoma high court ruled that the proposal was unconstitutional. The justices concluded that charter schools are public under state law, and that the First Amendment’s establishment clause forbids public schools from being religious. The court also found that a religious charter school would violate Oklahoma’s constitution, which specifically forbids public money from benefiting religious organizations.

    The Oklahoma Supreme Court in the Oklahoma State Capitol in Oklahoma City, May 19, 2014.
    AP Photo/Sue Ogrocki, File

    On appeal, the charter school claimed that charter schools are private, and so the U.S. Constitution’s establishment clause does not apply.

    Moreover, St. Isidore argued that if charter schools are private, the state’s prohibition on religious charters violates the First Amendment’s free exercise clause, which bars the government from limiting “the free exercise” of religion. Previous Supreme Court cases have found that states cannot prevent private religious entities from participating in generally available government programs solely because they are religious.

    In other words, while St. Isidore’s critics argued that opening a religious charter school would violate the First Amendment, its supporters claimed the exact opposite: that forbidding religious charter schools would violate the First Amendment.

    Are charters public?

    The question of whether an institution is public or private turns on a legal concept known as the “state action doctrine.” This principle provides that the government must follow the Constitution, while private entities do not have to. For example, unlike students in public schools, students in private schools do not have the constitutional right to due process for suspensions and expulsions – procedures to ensure fairness before taking disciplinary action.

    Charter schools have some characteristics of both public and private institutions. Like traditional public schools, they are government-funded, free and open to all students. However, like private schools, they are free from many laws that apply to public schools, and they are independently run.

    Because of charters’ hybrid nature, courts have had a hard time determining whether they should be considered public for legal purposes. Many charter schools are overseen by private corporations with privately appointed boards, and it is unclear whether these private entities are state actors. Two federal circuit courts have reached different conclusions.

    In Caviness v. Horizon Learning Center, a case from 2010, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit held that an Arizona charter school corporation was not a state actor for employment purposes. Therefore, the board did not have to provide a teacher due process before firing him. The court reasoned that the corporation was a private actor that contracted with the state to provide educational services.

    In contrast, the 4th Circuit ruled in 2022 that a North Carolina charter school board was a state actor under the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. In this case, Peltier v. Charter Day School, students challenged the dress code requirement that female students wear skirts because they were considered “fragile vessels.”

    The court first reasoned that the board was a state actor because North Carolina had delegated its constitutional duty to provide education. The court observed that the charter school’s dress code was an inappropriate sex-based classification, and that school officials engaged in harmful gender stereotyping, violating the equal protection clause.

    If the Supreme Court had sided with St. Isidore – as many analysts thought was likely – then all private charter corporations might have been considered nonstate actors for the purposes of religion.

    But the stakes are even greater than that. State action involves more than just religion. Indeed, teachers and students in private schools do not have the constitutional rights related to free speech, search and seizure, due process and equal protection. In other words, if charter schools are not considered “state actors,” charter students and teachers may eventually shed constitutional rights “at the schoolhouse gate.”

    Amtrak: An alternate route?

    People ride an Amtrak Acela train through Pennsylvania, en route from New York City to Washington, in 2022.
    AP Photo/Ted Shaffrey

    When courts have held that charter schools are not public in state law, some legislatures have made changes to categorize them as public. For example, California passed a law to clarify that charter school students have the same due process rights as traditional public school students after a court ruled otherwise.

    Likewise, we believe states looking to clear up charter schools’ ambiguous state actor status under the Constitution can amend their laws. As we explain in a recent legal article, a 1995 Supreme Court case involving Amtrak illustrates how this can be done.

    Lebron v. National Railroad Passenger Corporation arose when Amtrak rejected a billboard ad for being political. The advertiser sued, arguing that the corporation had violated his First Amendment right to free speech. Since private organizations are not required to protect free speech rights, the case hinged on whether Amtrak qualified as a government agency.

    The court ruled in the plaintiff’s favor, reasoning that Amtrak was a government actor because it was created by special law, served important governmental objectives and its board members were appointed by the government.

    Courts have applied this ruling in other instances. For example, the 10th Circuit ruled in 2016 that the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children was a governmental agency and therefore was required to abide by the Fourth Amendment’s protection from unreasonable search and seizure.

    Since the Supreme Court did not release any reasoning for its order, we do not know how the justices viewed the “government actor” question in the case from Oklahoma. That said, we believe charter schools fail the test set out in the Amtrak decision. Charter schools do serve the governmental purpose of providing educational choice for students. However, charter school corporations are not created by special law. They also fall short because most have independent boards instead of members who are appointed and removed by government officials.

    However, we would argue that states can amend their laws to comply with Lebron’s standard, ensuring that charter schools are public or state actors for constitutional purposes.

    This is an updated version of an article originally published on Feb. 27, 2025.

    Preston Green III is affiliated with the National Education Policy Center.

    Suzanne Eckes does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Split Supreme Court blocks Oklahoma’s Catholic charter school − but future cases could hinge on whether charters are, at their core, public or private – https://theconversation.com/split-supreme-court-blocks-oklahomas-catholic-charter-school-but-future-cases-could-hinge-on-whether-charters-are-at-their-core-public-or-private-257438

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: International Booker prize 2025: six experts review the shortlisted novels, including winner Heart Lamp

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Helen Vassallo, Associate Professor of French and Translation, University of Exeter

    Heart Lamp by Banu Mushtaq has won the 2025 International Booker prize. Here, our literature experts review the book and the other five novels that were shortlisted for the prize.

    Heart Lamp by Banu Mushtaq, translated by Deepa Bhasthi

    Banu Mushtaq’s Heart Lamp shines a light on the lives of Muslim women in rural India. In a bold and memorable translation from Kannada by Deepa Bhasthi, this quietly powerful collection of short stories opens up the intimate space of domestic rituals and family tensions.

    Mushtaq’s fervent advocacy of women’s rights is evident in the compassion with which she brings to life the women in the stories: from the lack of autonomy suffered by young girls forced into wedlock to the indignity of an older woman obliged to accept her husband taking a second wife or a widow whose son arranges a new marriage for her, the women’s lives are dictated by men.

    Heart Lamp is perhaps best summed up in the final story, “Be a Woman Once, O Lord!” Throughout these stories, Mushtaq invites us – and whichever male deity might be listening – to walk in the shoes of women overlooked by an unquestioned patriarchal hierarchy.

    Helen Vassallo, Associate Professor of French and Translation




    Read more:
    Heart Lamp by the Indian writer Banu Mushtaq wins 2025 International Booker prize – a powerful collection of stories inspired by the real suffering of women


    Under the Eye of the Big Bird by Hiromi Kawakami, translated by Asa Yoneda

    Hiromi Kawakami’s Under the Eye of the Big Bird offers us glimpses of one imagined future for earth and humanity.

    Its vision could be described as post-apocalyptic. After unspecified cataclysmic events, humans exist only in tiny, scattered communities and extinction seems imminent. But this is also a beautiful, if dreamlike, world and one in which humanity still has the potential for astonishing growth and change.

    Each chapter introduces something new and startling to the reader. Many of the tropes are familiar – cloning, superpowers, mutation, AI. Yet they are configured in unfamiliar ways and prompt reflections on the nature of humanity and our relationship with the rest of creation – as well as on time, religion and the possibility of an afterlife.

    Despite grappling with so many huge questions, Under the Eye of the Big Bird is an accessible and absorbing novel. And, although tragedy is never far away, there remains humour – and hope.

    Sarah Annes Brown, Professor of English Literature

    A Leopard-Skin Hat by Anne Serre, translated by Mark Hutchinson

    Published in France in 2008 as Un chapeau léopard, A Leopard-Skin Hat is a novel about a friendship spanning 20 years between a woman called Fanny and a man known throughout only as “the Narrator”. He is not, though, the narrator of the novel. Rather, an unknown storyteller tells us how the Narrator sees Fanny gradually lose the fight against madness (the novel’s word) and, in the end, death.

    This is a novel about the mystery of other people, about how unknowable others are to us. It explores how we narrate to try to understand people who are not us, but whom we love. What is most extraordinary about Serre’s novel is the way it shows us two friends doing very ordinary things – going out for dinner, going on holiday, walking in the countryside and swimming in lakes – but shows us through this the strangeness and complexity of friendship, love and life.

    Leigh Wilson, Professor of English Literature




    Read more:
    A Leopard-Skin Hat by Anne Serre explores what its like being human in relation to other human beings


    Perfection by Vincenzo Latronico, translated by Sophie Hughes

    Perfection is a slim account of the way that time “disappears” for Anna and Tom, an expat couple living in Berlin as creative freelancers in the 2010s.

    Written in homage to Georges Perec’s Things: The Story of the Sixties (1965), the novel opens with an overbearing description of the items in their apartment, moving in and out of the characters’ dissatisfaction with the aesthetic, social, creative, economic and political routes open to them in 120 pages spanning a little over 10 years.

    As international elections, the European refugee crises and climate catastrophe dance in and out of their peripheral vision, Anna and Tom find neither satisfaction with their current moment nor successfully imagine a better one. As such, Latronico gently, but with an increasing sense of fatalism, considers the stagnation of a millennial creative class whose views on influence, status, power and happiness remain deeply linked to the “new emotions” of digital mediation.

    By Rachel Sykes, Associate Professor in Contemporary Literature and Culture

    On The Calculation of Volume I by Solvej Balle, translated by Barbara Haveland

    In On The Calculation of Volume, a woman, Tara Selter, finds herself trapped in an endlessly repeating day, November 18. Volume I, the first of seven books, recounts the first 365 days of this time loop, with Tara attempting to make sense of her predicament, to explain it to her husband – who is still bound by the normal rules of time – and to try to fix whatever has initiated this situation.

    As the novel continues, it becomes less focused on the novelty of the situation and more on the philosophical questions it raises: the alternate claustrophobia and liberation of replaying the same day; how our friends and partners sometimes feel like they inhabit a different reality; the way in which time pulls things and people apart; of the importance we place in the idea of “tomorrow”.

    What’s remarkable about Balle’s novel is how compulsive it is – even though we know time is standing still, we still want to know what will happen next.

    David Hering, Senior Lecturer in English Literature

    Small Boat by Vincent Delecroix, translated by Helen Stevenson

    Vincent Delecroix’s Small Boat is a slim, bruising novel that centres on a real horror: the drowning of 27 migrants in the English Channel in November 2021. In a small, inflatable craft, they reached out over crackling radio lines, asking for help that never came.

    Small Boat focuses not on the migrants themselves, but on a French coastguard operator who spent that night on the radio, fielding their calls for rescue. Delecroix’s brilliance lies in showing how violence at the border is carried out not by villains, but by workers. It was not evil that allowed those people to die in the water, it was a string of decisions made by people in warm rooms who believed they were doing their jobs.

    In a world ever more brutal towards those who flee war, hunger and despair, Delecroix’s novel is a necessary – and merciless – indictment. It reminds us that the shipwreck is not theirs alone. It is ours too.

    Fiona Murphy, Assistant Professor in Refugee and Intercultural Studies




    Read more:
    Small Boat: this slim, devastating novel about a real migrant shipwreck reminds us of the cruelty of indifference


    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. International Booker prize 2025: six experts review the shortlisted novels, including winner Heart Lamp – https://theconversation.com/international-booker-prize-2025-six-experts-review-the-shortlisted-novels-including-winner-heart-lamp-255464

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: Antarctica has its own ‘shield’ against warm water – but this could now be under threat

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ellie Ong, Research Fellow, ARC Centre of Excellence for 21st Century Weather, Monash University

    The Australian ice-breaker RSV Nuyina, cruising around Antarctica. Pete Harmsen/Australian Antarctic Division

    A little-known ocean current surrounds Antarctica, shielding it from warm water further north. But our new research shows Antarctica’s melting ice is disrupting this current, putting the continent’s last line of defence at risk.

    We found meltwater from Antarctica is speeding up the current, known as the Antarctic Slope Current. And it’s set to become even faster by mid-century.

    A faster current could be more unstable. This means eddies of warm water could eat away at Antarctica’s ice, posing a major concern for the stability of the Earth’s climate system.

    Faster ice-melt means faster sea-level rise. Humanity must act now to preserve this natural phenomena that helps Antarctica’s ice shelves remain intact.

    The Antarctic Slope Current moves ocean water westward over the continental slope, close to the coast.
    Ellie Ong

    Melting of Antarctic ice has global consequences

    Antarctica is melting as the world warms. This causes sea levels to rise. Even just a few centimetres of sea-level rise can double the chance of flooding in vulnerable coastal regions.

    Previous research has shown meltwater is also slowing the global network of deep ocean currents. These currents transport water, heat and nutrients around the planet, so a global slow-down has huge ramifications.

    It’s therefore crucial to reduce further loss of Antarctic ice, to stabilise our global climate system.

    The Antarctic Slope Current moves ocean water westward over the continental slope, close to the coast. It acts as a barrier, preventing warm waters from further north from reaching the ice.

    In this way, the current provides an important line of defence keeping warmer water at bay. It doesn’t stop Antarctica from melting, because warming air temperatures still cause this. But it slows the process.

    However, our research shows this defence is under threat.

    Ships cruising around Antarctica often encounter the Antarctic Slope Current.
    Pete Harmsen/Australian Antarctic Division

    What we did

    We wanted to find out how the Antarctic Slope Current will respond to changes in wind, heat, and meltwater as the climate changes. We did this using high-resolution ocean-sea ice models.

    The meltwater makes the ocean around Antarctica less salty. This makes the waters closer to the coast less dense, changing the structure of the Antarctic Slope Current and speeding it up.

    The models predicted a 14% increase in the speed of the current over the past 25 years and a 49% increase over the next 25 years.

    But meltwater from Antarctic ice has another effect too. We found the added water also slows down the movement of dense, salty coastal water in “waterfalls” running off the Antarctic coast that feeds into the global overturning current network.

    When these waterfalls of dense water slow down, warmer waters are able to flow closer to the Antarctic continent.

    Together, these changes compound and cause the Antarctic Slope Current to speed up even more.

    A complex story

    It might be assumed the changes we modelled would be a good thing for Antarctica. That’s because the stronger the Antarctic Slope Current, the stronger the barrier between Antarctica and the warm waters to the north.

    But there’s more to the story. When ocean currents flow faster, they become more turbulent –generating vigorous eddies or whirlpools.

    You can see this effect if you rapidly run your hand through a bathtub of water. Watch for the dynamic, circular whirlpools in your hand’s wake.

    Ocean eddies are also becoming more vigorous under climate change.

    Around Antarctica, whirlpools or eddies can move large amounts of warm water towards the poles. This can make melting worse.

    So although a stronger current might be expected to act as a better shield for Antarctica, the extra eddies in its wake can have the opposing effect. These eddies can amplify the transport of heat towards Antarctica, increasing melting.

    Eddies/whirlpools in the Southern Ocean around Antarctica.

    Why this matters

    No matter how uncertain Antarctica’s future may be, one thing is clear: this frozen frontier is crucial to the stability of our global climate.

    The Antarctic Slope Current was once a steadfast guardian of the icy continent. But now the current is being transformed by the very ice it protects.

    Humanity must act fast to preserve the current, by cutting carbon emissions. When it comes to Antarctica, this action isn’t optional — it’s the only way to hold the line.

    Ellie Ong receives funding from the Australian Research Council and an Australian Government Research and Training Program Scholarship.

    Edward Doddridge receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    Matthew England receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    Navid Constantinou receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    ref. Antarctica has its own ‘shield’ against warm water – but this could now be under threat – https://theconversation.com/antarctica-has-its-own-shield-against-warm-water-but-this-could-now-be-under-threat-255738

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: The death of Jelena Dokic’s father reveals the ‘difficult and complicated grief’ of losing an estranged parent

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lauren Breen, Professor of Psychology, Curtin University

    Grieving the death of a parent is often considered a natural part of life. But there are added layers of complexity when you had a difficult or estranged relationship.

    This week former tennis star Jelena Dokic confirmed the death of her father and former coach Damir, whose verbal, physical and emotional abuse she revealed in 2009 and further detailed in her 2017 autobiography. They had been estranged for a decade.

    In a social media post on Thursday, Dokic wrote about her “conflicting and complex emotions and feelings” around his death:

    no matter how how hard, difficult and in the last 10 years even non existent [sic] our relationship and communication was, it is never easy losing a parent […] The loss of an estranged parent comes with a difficult and complicated grief.

    Dokic’s news is a reminder that, when a parent dies, not all of us get to grieve a stable, warm and comforting relationship.

    As in her case, a strained relationship might even be marked by maltreatment or abuse. Relinquishing contact can sometimes be the best, albeit difficult, choice.

    When the parent dies, the loss can feel surprisingly complex. We may be grieving both the literal death of the parent and the figurative death, of what should have been – what we wished for and desired.

    Death can spark more than sadness

    Grief is not a single emotion. Usually, it involves a combination of many. Common feelings can include sadness, guilt, anger and even relief.

    In sharing her social media post, Dokic has said among conflicting emotions she’s chosen to “focus on a good memory”.

    Grief can reach beyond feelings. It can disrupt eating and sleeping habits and impair memory and concentration.

    Deaths can also affect relationships.

    For example, when grieving, someone might receive a lot of social support from family, friends and colleagues. But for others, the support they’d like might not be forthcoming. The lack of support is yet another loss and is linked to worse physical and mental health.

    Family members may also react in different ways. It might be jarring or alienating if your sibling responds differently, for example by sharing fond memories of a parent you found harsh and distant.

    A death can also affect your financial standing. A grieving person may be burdened with outstanding bills and funeral payments. Or the impact can be positive, via windfalls from insurance and inheritance.

    Family members may grieve in different ways.
    Meteoritka/Shutterstock

    What if I don’t feel sad?

    With grief, it’s OK to feel how you feel. You might think you’re grieving the “wrong” way, but it can be helpful to remember there are no strict rules about how to grieve “right”.

    Be gentle on yourself. And give other family members, who may have had a different relationship with the parent and therefore grieve differently, the same courtesy.

    It’s also OK to feel conflicted about going to the funeral.

    In this case, take the time to think through the pros and cons of attending. It might be helpful in processing your grief and in receiving support. Or you might feel that attending would be too difficult or emotionally unsafe for you.

    If you choose to attend, it can help to go with someone who can support you through it.

    In an estranged relationship, the adult child might not even find out about the death of the parent for many weeks or months afterwards. This means there is no option of attending the funeral or other mourning rituals. Consider making your own rituals to help process the loss and grief.

    What if I do feel sad – but still hurt?

    It can be really confusing to feel sad about the death of a parent with whom we had a difficult, strained or violent relationship.

    Identifying where these conflicting thoughts and feelings come from can help.

    You might need to acknowledge and grieve the loss of your parent, the loss of the parent-child relationship you deserved, and even the loss of hoped-for apologies and reconnections.

    In many cases, it is a combination of these losses that can make the grief more challenging.

    It may also be difficult to get the social support you need from family, friends and colleagues.

    These potential helpers might be unaware of the difficulties you experienced in the relationship, or incorrectly believe troubled relationships are easier to grieve.

    It can feel like a taboo to speak ill of the dead, but it might be helpful to be clear about the relationship and your needs so that people can support you better.

    In fact, grieving the death of people with whom we have challenging, conflicting or even abusive relationships can lead to more grief than the death of those with whom we shared a warm, loving and more straightforward relationship.

    If the loss is particularly difficult and your grief doesn’t change and subside over time, seek support from your general practitioner. They might be able to recommend a psychologist or counsellor with expertise in grief.

    Alternatively, you can find certified bereavement practitioners who have specialised training in grief support online or seek telephone support from Griefline on 1300 845 745.

    Lauren Breen receives funding from Healthway and has previously received funding from Wellcome Trust, Australian Research Council, Department of Health (Western Australia), Silver Chain, iCare Dust Diseases Board (New South Wales), and Cancer Council (Western Australia). She is on the board of Lionheart Camp for Kids, is a member of Grief Australia, and a Fellow of the Australian Psychological Society.

    ref. The death of Jelena Dokic’s father reveals the ‘difficult and complicated grief’ of losing an estranged parent – https://theconversation.com/the-death-of-jelena-dokics-father-reveals-the-difficult-and-complicated-grief-of-losing-an-estranged-parent-257324

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: The TGA has approved donanemab for Alzheimer’s disease. How does this drug work and who will be able to access it?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Steve Macfarlane, Head of Clinical Services, Dementia Support Australia, & Associate Professor of Psychiatry, Monash University

    Kateryna Kon/Shutterstock

    This week, Australia’s Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) approved a drug called donanemab for people in the early stages of Alzheimer’s disease.

    Donanemab has previously been approved in a number of other countries, including the United States.

    So what is donanemab, and who will be able to access it in Australia?

    How does donanemab work?

    There are more than 100 different causes of dementia, but Alzheimer’s disease alone accounts for about 70% of these, making it the most common form of dementia.

    The disease is believed to be caused by the accumulation in the brain of two abnormal proteins, amyloid and tau. The first is thought to be particularly important, and the “amyloid hypothesis” – which suggests amyloid is the key cause of Alzheimer’s disease – has driven research for many years.

    Donanemab is a “monoclonal antibody” treatment. Antibodies are proteins the immune system produces that bind to harmful foreign “invaders” in the body, or targets. A monoclonal antibody has one specific target. In the case of donanemab it’s the amyloid protein. Donanemab binds to amyloid protein deposits (plaques) in the brain and allows our bodies to remove them.

    Donanemab is given monthly, via intravenous infusion.

    What does the evidence say?

    Australia’s approval of donanemab comes as a result of a clinical trial involving 1,736 people published in 2023.

    This trial showed donanemab resulted in a significant slowing of disease progression in a group of patients who had either early Alzheimer’s disease, or mild cognitive impairment with signs of Alzheimer’s pathology. Before entering the trial, all patients had the presence of amyloid protein detected via PET scanning.

    Participants were randomised, and half received donanemab, while the other half received a placebo, over 18 months.

    The accumulation of amyloid plaques in brain tissue is a hallmark of Alzheimer’s disease.
    Kateryna Kon/Shutterstock

    For those who received the active drug, their Alzheimer’s disease progressed 35% more slowly over 18 months compared to those who were given the placebo. The researchers ascertained this using the Integrated Alzheimer’s Disease Rating Scale, which measures cognition and function.

    Those who received donanemab also demonstrated large reductions in the levels of amyloid in the brain (as measured by PET scans). The majority, by the end of the trial, were considered to be below the threshold that would normally indicate the presence of Alzheimer’s disease.

    These results certainly seem to vindicate the amyloid hypothesis, which had been called into question by the results of multiple failed previous studies. They represent a major advance in our understanding of the disease.

    That said, patients in the study did not improve in terms of cognition or function. They continued to decline, albeit at a significantly slower rate than those who were not treated.

    The actual clinical significance has been a topic of debate. Some experts have questioned whether the meaningfulness of this result to the patient is worth the potential risks.

    Is the drug safe?

    Some 24% of trial participants receiving the drug experienced brain swelling. The rates rose to 40.6% in those possessing two copies of a gene called ApoE4.

    Although three-quarters of people who developed brain swelling experienced no symptoms from this, there were three deaths in the treatment group during the study related to donanemab, likely a result of brain swelling.

    These risks require regular monitoring with MRI scans while the drug is being given.

    Some 26.8% of those who received donanemab also experienced small bleeds into the brain (microhaemorrhages) compared to 12.5% of those taking the placebo.

    Cost is a barrier

    Reports indicate donanemab could cost anywhere between A$40,000 and $80,000 each year in Australia. This puts it beyond the reach of many who might benefit from it.

    Eli Lilly, the manufacturer of donanemab, has made an application for the drug to be listed on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, with a decision pending perhaps within a couple of months. While this would make the drug substantially more affordable for patients, it will represent a large cost to taxpayers.

    The cost of the drug is in addition to costs associated with the monitoring required to ensure its safety and efficacy (such as doctor visits, MRIs and PET scans).

    Donanemab won’t be accessible to all patients with Alzheimer’s disease.
    pikselstock/Shutterstock

    Who will be able to access it?

    This drug is only of benefit for people with early Alzheimer’s-type dementia, so not everybody with Alzheimer’s disease will get access to it.

    Almost 80% of people who were screened to participate in the trial were found unsuitable to proceed.

    The terms of the TGA approval specify potential patients will first need to be found to have specific levels of amyloid protein in their brains. This would be ascertained either by PET scanning or by lumbar puncture sampling of spinal fluid.

    Also, patients with two copies of the ApoE4 gene have been ruled unsuitable to receive the drug. The TGA has judged the risk/benefit profile for this group to be unfavourable. This genetic profile accounts for only 2% of the general population, but 15% of people with Alzheimer’s disease.

    Improving diagnosis and tempering expectations

    It’s estimated more than 400,000 Australians have dementia. But only 13% of people with dementia currently receive a diagnosis within a year of developing symptoms.

    Given those with very early disease stand to benefit most from this treatment, we need to expand our dementia diagnostic services significantly.

    Finally, expectations need to be tempered about what this drug can reasonably achieve. It’s important to be mindful this is not a cure.

    Steve Macfarlane was an investigator on the donanemab trial, but received no direct compensation from Eli Lily for being so. Separately, has done consultancy work for Eli Lilly, for which he’s received payments.

    ref. The TGA has approved donanemab for Alzheimer’s disease. How does this drug work and who will be able to access it? – https://theconversation.com/the-tga-has-approved-donanemab-for-alzheimers-disease-how-does-this-drug-work-and-who-will-be-able-to-access-it-257321

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: View from The Hill: Coalition is being glued together again after crisis week

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    The Coalition is being glued together again, after a Liberal Party meeting on Friday gave the go ahead for Liberal leader Sussan Ley to negotiate with Nationals leader David Littleproud on the fine print of a settlement on policy.

    The Liberal party room agreed to accept broadly the Nationals’ four policy demands, with the two leaders to deal with the details.

    A new agreement between the parties is expected within days.

    The rapprochement followed days of chaos after the Nationals on Tuesday walked out of the Coalition.

    The turmoil has done significant damage to Littleproud, who has received widespread criticism of his handling of the relationship, including from within his own party. The crisis has raised questions about whether he will survive in his position in the longer term.

    The Liberal meeting had before it four policies that the Nationals insisted should be kept, and not be caught up in the Liberals’ planned review of all policies.

    The four were:

    • removing the moratorium on nuclear energy, with a review of the remaining elements of the nuclear policy

    • a $20 billion Regional Australia Future Fund, including a $1 billion annual budget allocation until the fund matured

    • court-ordered divestiture powers in relation to major supermarkets and “big box” retailers

    • and Universal Service Obligation reforms to boost mobile phone and internet services for regional Australians.

    The Nationals’ demand on nuclear drops the core of the policy the opposition took to the election, which was for the government to fund a string of nuclear power plants.

    The Liberals are divided over nuclear energy, with some wanting any policy on it scrapped.

    Probably the most difficult of the Nationals’ policy points for the Liberals is the divestiture power, which was controversial within the Liberals when it was adopted last term as opposition policy.

    A number of Liberals are particularly opposed to extending it to “big box” retailers.

    There was also some concern among Liberals about the fiscal arrangements around the regional fund – whether it should be off budget or on budget.

    While Liberals resent the Nationals’ behaviour, they were also aware of the political problems presented by a Coalition split and were anxious to get the two parties together again.

    In a provocative tweet the Nationals Matt Canavan said: “Well done David Littleproud! Liberals back down on all requests.”

    “Great win for the Nationals.”

    Canavan ran against Littleproud for the leadership after the election.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. View from The Hill: Coalition is being glued together again after crisis week – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-coalition-is-being-glued-together-again-after-crisis-week-257332

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: From peasant fodder to posh fare: how snails and oysters became luxury foods

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Garritt C. Van Dyk, Senior Lecturer in History, University of Waikato

    An Oyster cellar in Leith John Burnet, 1819; National Galleries of Scotland, Photo: Antonia Reeve

    Oysters and escargot are recognised as luxury foods around the world – but they were once valued by the lower classes as cheap sources of protein.

    Less adventurous eaters today see snails as a garden pest, and are quick to point out that freshly shucked oysters are not only raw but also alive when they are eaten.

    How did these unusual ingredients become items of conspicuous consumption?

    From garden snail to gastronomy

    Eating what many consider to be a slimy nuisance seems almost counter-intuitive, but consuming land snails has an ancient history, dating to the Palaeolithic period, some 30,000 years ago in eastern Spain.

    Ancient Romans also dined on snails, and spread their eating habits across their empire into Europe.

    Lower and middle class Romans ate snails from their gardens, while elite consumers ate specially farmed snails, fed spices, honey and milk.

    An Ancient Roman mosaic dating to the 4th century AD depicting a basket of snails, Basilica di Santa Maria Assunta, Aquileia, Italy.
    Carole Raddato/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    Pliny the Elder (AD 24–79) described how snails were raised in ponds and given wine to fatten them up.

    The first French recipe for snails appears in 1390, in Le Ménagier de Paris (The Good Wife’s Guide), but not in other cookbooks from the period.

    In 1530, a French treatise on frogs, snails, turtles and artichokes considered all these foods bizarre, but surprisingly popular. Some of the appeal had to do with avoiding meat on “lean” days. Snails were classified as fish by the Catholic Church, and could even be eaten during Lent.

    For the next 200 years, snails only appeared in Parisian cookbooks with an apology for including such a disgusting ingredient. This reflected the taste of upper-class urbanites, but snails were still eaten in the eastern provinces.

    Schneckenweib, or Snail Seller, illustrated by Johann Christian Brand in Vienna, after 1798.
    Wien Museum

    An 1811 cookbook from Metz, in the Alsace region in northeastern France, describes raising snails like the Romans, and a special platter, l’escargotière, for serving them. The trend did not travel to Paris until after 1814.

    French diplomat Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord (1754–1838) hosted a dinner for Russian Tsar Alexander I, after he marched into Paris following the allied forces’ defeat of Napoleon in 1814.

    The chef catering the meal was the father of French cuisine Marie-Antoine Carême, a native of Burgundy, spiritual home of the now famous escargots de Bourgogne.

    Carême served the Tsar what would become a classic recipe, prepared with garlic, parsley and butter. Allegedly, the Tsar raved about the “new” dish, and snails became wildly popular. A recipe for Burgundy snails first appeared in a French culinary dictionary published in 1825.

    It is ironic that it took the approval of a foreign emperor, who had just conquered Napoleon, to restore luxury status to escargot, a food that became a symbol of French cuisine.

    Snails remain popular today in France, with consumption peaking during the Christmas holidays, but May 24 is National Escargot Day in France.

    Oysters: the original fast food

    Oysters are another ancient food, as seen in fossils dating to the Triassic Era, 200 million years ago. Evidence of fossilised oysters are found on every major land mass, and there is evidence of Indigenous oyster fisheries in North America and Australia that dates to the Holocene period, about 12,000 years ago.

    There are references in classical Greek texts to what are probably oysters, by authors like Aristotle and Homer. Oyster shells found at Troy confirm they were a favoured food. Traditionally served as a first course at banquets in Ancient Greece, they were often cooked, sometimes with exotic spices.

    Music-cover sheet for ‘Bonne-Bouche’ by Emile Waldteufel, 1847-1897.
    © The Trustees of the British Museum, CC BY-NC-SA

    Pliny the Elder refers to oysters as a Roman delicacy. He recorded methods of the pioneer of Roman oyster farming, Sergius Orata, who brought the best specimens from across the Empire to sell to elite customers.

    Medieval coastal dwellers gathered oysters at low tide, while wealthy inland consumers would have paid a premium for shellfish, a perishable luxury, transported to their castles.

    French nobles in 1390 preferred cooked oysters, roasted over coals or poached in broths, perhaps as a measure to prevent food poisoning. As late as the 17th century, authors cautioned:

    But if they be eaten raw, they require good wine […] to aid digestion.

    Oyster Seller, Jacob Gole, 1688–1724.
    Rijksmuseum

    By the 18th century, small oysters were a popular pub snack, and larger ones were added as meat to the stew pot. That century, it is believed as many as 100,000 oysters were eaten each day in Edinburgh and the shells from the tavern in the basement filled in gaps in the brickwork at Gladstone’s Land in Edinburgh’s Royal Mile.

    Scottish oyster farms in the Firth of Forth, an inlet of the North Sea, produced 30 million oysters in 1790, but continual over-harvesting took its toll.

    By 1883 only 6,000 oysters were landed, and the population was declared extinct in 1957.

    As wild oyster stocks dwindled, large oyster farms developed in cities like New York in the 19th century. Initially successful, they were polluted, and infected by typhoid from sewage. An outbreak in 1924 killed 150 people, the deadliest food poisoning in United States history.

    Costumes of Naples: Oyster Sellers, c. 1906–10.
    Rijksmuseum

    Far from the overabundance of oysters we once had, over-fishing, pollution, and invasive species all threaten oyster populations worldwide today. Due to this scarcity of wild oysters and the resources required to safely farm environmentally sustainable oysters, they are now a premium product.

    Next on the menu

    Scarcity made oysters a luxury, and a Tsar’s approval elevated snails to gourmet status. Could insects become the next status food?

    Ancient Romans ate beetles and grasshoppers, and cultures around the world consume insects, but not (yet) as luxury products.

    Maybe the right influencer can make honey-roasted locust the next species to jump from paddock to plate.

    Garritt C. Van Dyk has received funding from the Getty Research Institute.

    ref. From peasant fodder to posh fare: how snails and oysters became luxury foods – https://theconversation.com/from-peasant-fodder-to-posh-fare-how-snails-and-oysters-became-luxury-foods-254299

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  • MIL-Evening Report: There is a growing number of ‘super-sized’ schools. Does the number of students matter?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Emma Rowe, Associate Professor in Education, Deakin University

    LBeddoe/Shutterstock

    Earlier this week, The Sydney Morning Herald reported one of Sydney’s top public high schools had more than 2,000 students for the first time, thanks to the booming population in the area.

    This follows similar reports of other “super-sized” schools in Victoria, Western Australia and Queensland.

    Parents may be wondering if a school’s size will impact their child’s opportunities or experience. What does the research say?

    A controversial subject

    Policy-makers have been concerned about school sizes for decades. This largely relates to declining enrolments in some areas and growing demand in others. For example, in Victoria during the Kennett government in the 1990s, some schools were merged into “super schools”.

    Super schools are attractive to policy-makers due to their ability to pool resources. However, anecdotally, parents have tended to oppose mergers on the basis that big schools detract from the community feel and personal relationships.

    There is no national data on average school size, although you can check individual school sizes on the MySchool website.

    Education authorities consider a school to be “small” if it has fewer than 300 students for primary school and fewer than 700 for high school.

    What does the research say?

    Australian-based research tends to support larger schools, on the basis they provide more curriculum choices. In a 2014 study published in the Journal of Education Policy, the authors wrote:

    large schools have more resources and are therefore better placed to offer a large range of curriculum, often including both academic and vocational subjects.

    A 2023 study similarly argued:

    smaller schools are generally less able to offer a wide range and diversity of curricular offerings compared to larger schools.

    Small schools can be beneficial

    But other education advocates argue small schools better facilitate participatory democratic environments for young people, improve discipline and sense of community.

    A 2009 review of 57 studies (the majority from the United States) published after 1990 recommended high schools do not have more than 1,000 students.

    The review said smaller schools can offer a community-like feel for students and are more likely to have smaller class sizes. A smaller school may be particularly advantageous for neurodiverse students if there are lower levels of noise and movement.

    A US-based study from 1991 found schools with less than 400 students lead to better student participation, attendance and satisfaction with school:

    The two primary arguments for large schools, cost savings and curriculum enhancement, pale in comparison with the positive schooling outcomes […] achieved by small schools.

    Smaller schools can offer a stronger sense of community.
    Dean Drobot/ Shutterstock

    But context matters

    In 2000, the Gates Foundation had a “big idea” to break up large high schools and turn them into “small learning communities” of 400 or fewer students.

    The foundation believed the initiative would lift graduation rates and student achievement, especially among minority students, because of the close relationships between students and teachers.

    But by 2008, the foundation conceded it had not worked – there had been no “dramatic improvements” in the number of students who leave high school adequately prepared for further study.

    But it’s not really about size

    So the research offers a mixed picture – this strongly suggests the size of a school on its own is not the most important factor.

    We also need to look at factors such as class size. Research shows smaller class sizes and lower teacher to student ratios are beneficial for student outcomes.

    Smaller class sizes and lower teacher to student ratios can lead to more one-on-one attention, improved relationships and lower noise levels in a classroom.

    Some studies have categorised “small classes” as between 13-17 students and larger classes as between 22-25 students.

    Teaching quality may also be improved with a smaller class size, as the teacher has more time to tailor their instruction to individual students.

    Importantly, the size of a school overall does not necessarily determine class sizes. A large school or a small school can still have large class sizes, and still struggle for quality one-on-one time.

    Similarly, a large school can still offer a strong sense of community and positive relationships between teachers and peers, depending on the way the school is organised (for example, a “school-within-a-school” or specific learning group within the school).

    If a small school is not well-resourced or does not have enough teachers, it may struggle to provide a positive, happy learning environment.

    The point is the school size on its own is not necessarily a positive or negative. What matters is what else is going on inside that school and whether it has the funding and resources to offer smaller class sizes, specialised teachers and access to a wide variety of subjects.

    Emma Rowe receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    ref. There is a growing number of ‘super-sized’ schools. Does the number of students matter? – https://theconversation.com/there-is-a-growing-number-of-super-sized-schools-does-the-number-of-students-matter-257012

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australian roads are getting deadlier – pedestrians and males are among those at greater risk

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milad Haghani, Associate Professor & Principal Fellow in Urban Risk & Resilience, The University of Melbourne

    At least ten people died in fatal crashes earlier this month in a single 48-hour period on Victorian roads. It was the latest tragic demonstration of the mounting road trauma in Australia.

    In the decade up to 2020, the national road toll was gradually declining, albeit with some fluctuations. But the trend has since reversed, with fatalities rising steadily year after year.

    According to the latest official data, 1,296 people died on Australian roads in the year to April. 108 lives were lost last month alone, almost 15% more than the average for April over the previous five years.

    While our population has increased by about 6% over this five-year period, our road deaths have gone up by 18.5%.

    Road fatalities rarely follow evenly distributed averages. They sometimes spike, as they have in Victoria. And while we must never lose sight of the fact that these are people, and not just data, there is value in interrogating clusters when they occur.

    Victoria breakdown

    In the 12 months to May 20 this year, 118 lives were lost on Victorian roads, up 8.3% on the previous year and well above the five-year average of 100 annual deaths.

    The sharpest increases by transport mode have been among pedestrians (up 24%), one of the most vulnerable road-user groups. And a new threat has emerged with the first publicly reported case in Australia of a pedestrian dying after being struck by an electric bike.

    At least one pattern stands out from the recent cluster: five of the eight crashes occurred outside metropolitan Melbourne. This reflects the longstanding reality that fatal collisions remain disproportionately common in regional and remote areas. Over the 12 months, country road deaths have risen by 11%, compared to a 2% increase in metropolitan Melbourne.

    A large share of road deaths continue to occur in the country.
    Inge Blessas/Shutterstock

    Another striking detail is the gender distribution. Male deaths are up 22% on the previous period and now comprise nearly 80% of all fatalities. In contrast, female deaths have declined by 33%.

    Another trend that stands out is the rising toll among older road users. In the last 12 months, 40 people aged 60 and over have died on Victorian roads – a 25% increase on the previous period.

    4 National trends

    The national road fatality data tells us some of these trends are not exclusive to Victoria. They reflect what is happening across the country.

    1. Vulnerable road users: Nationally, pedestrians and motorcyclists have experienced sustained increases in lives lost for at least four years in a row. The share of pedestrians in total road deaths has risen from 11% in 2021 to 14% in the latest period. Despite the growing number, motorcyclist fatalities have remained relatively stable at about 20% of all deaths.

    2. Gender disparity: Men continue to be disproportionately represented in the national road toll, accounting for approximately 75% of all road deaths in Australia.

    3. Older age groups: In the 12 months to April 2025, deaths among individuals aged 75 and over increased by nearly 19% to 185.

    4. Regional and remote areas: in the 12 months to April 2024, there were roughly 818 deaths on country roads, compared to 400 in metropolitan areas.

    What do the trends tell us?

    There are several key points in the data.

    First, the persistent over-representation of men in fatalities remains a defining feature of the road toll. This gender imbalance is not specific to Australia.

    But put simply, we still know very little about what’s driving this pattern. Known behavioural and physiological sex-based differences don’t fully explain the scale of the disparity.

    The rise in fatalities among older Australians does not appear to be particularly abnormal when tracked with demographic changes. From 2020 to 2024, the number of Australians aged 75 and over increased by nearly 31%. In comparison, fatalities in this age group rose by around 25% over the same period. This suggests that the relative risk for older Australians has not necessarily increased.

    As for rural and regional areas, approximately two-thirds of road deaths occur in these areas, while only one-third of Australians reside there. Despite years of acknowledgment, this urban–rural divide in road safety remains wide and unresolved.

    SUVs a menace?

    While vehicles have become safer for their occupants, they have become more dangerous for other road users, especially pedestrians.

    One contributing factor could be the fast growing dominance of SUVs and light trucks in Australia.

    A recent international review that pooled the findings of 24 studies found SUVs were associated with significantly higher fatality rates in crashes involving vulnerable road users, compared to smaller cars. The effect was particularly pronounced for children.

    Heavier vehicles, such as SUVs, pose a higher road risk to pedestrians.
    King Ropes Access/Shutterstock

    The dangers are not limited to pedestrians. In two-vehicle collisions, increasing the striking vehicle’s weight by around 450 kilograms raises the probability of a fatality in the other vehicle by 40–50%.

    New targets

    Australian governments have adopted a Vision Zero goal of no road deaths or serious injuries by 2050.

    The complete elimination of fatalities should remain our moral benchmark. But the current data suggests intermediate targets are urgently needed.

    A more achievable near-term priority may be to first reverse the rising national toll by focusing on where the greatest preventable harms persist: vulnerable road users, especially pedestrians, males and non-urban roads.

    Milad Haghani receives funding from The Australian Government.

    Iman Taheri Sarteshnizi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Australian roads are getting deadlier – pedestrians and males are among those at greater risk – https://theconversation.com/australian-roads-are-getting-deadlier-pedestrians-and-males-are-among-those-at-greater-risk-256994

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  • MIL-Evening Report: NZ Budget 2025: funding growth at the expense of pay equity for women could cost National in the long run

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jennifer Curtin, Professor of Politics and Policy, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    Pay equity protest outside parliament on budget day, May 22 2025. Getty Images

    In 1936, when the National Party was created through a merger of the United and Reform parties, there was a recognition among the power brokers that attracting women’s votes was crucial.

    National’s women’s organisations were integral to mobilising support. Throughout the 1940s, the party’s publicity material promised the women of New Zealand a happy family life. This was a consistent approach over the next 20 years, and National was rewarded with the women’s vote.

    Intermittent research on gender differences in vote choice between 1963 and 1993 indicate women made up between 45% and 51% of National’s support compared to 36% and 43% of Labour’s support.

    After 1996, this trend became less consistent. The New Zealand Election Study indicates a decreasing share of the women’s vote going to National, and fluctuations in vote choice among both women and men.

    Given the advent of proportional representation, some volatility may be expected. But there are also some constants. There is evidence women are more likely than men to support government spending on social policy, and they are significantly less likely than men to vote for National’s coalition partners NZ First and ACT.

    Now, with Budget 2025 – in particular its reliance on funds that would otherwise have gone towards settling pay equity claims – National’s historical success at attracting the women’s vote may be under threat.

    Growth before pay equity

    The budget represents a ruthless determination to deliver economic growth, including through its centrepiece “Investment Boost” tax breaks for businesses investing in productive assets.

    There is additional funding for health, defence, education and disability services, and the establishment of a social investment fund, and the budget left national superannuation untouched (for the remainder of this coalition government’s term, at least).

    It focused instead on KiwiSaver. Contributions from employers and employees will increase from 3% to 4%, while the government contribution will be halved for those earning under NZ$180,000 and cancelled for those earning over this amount.

    In summary, the new operational spend comes to $6.7 billion while savings, reprioritised spending and revenue-raising initiatives totalled $5.3 billion. As a result, the government has produced the lowest operational allowance in a decade ($1.3 billion) and promised $4 billion in new capital expenditure.

    But it was the radical restructuring and cancellation of pay equity for a range of undervalued female-dominated occupations that funded this budget. Almost half of the $12 billion recouped will be spent on the business tax incentives.

    The government expects the initiative will increase GDP and wages by 1% to 1.5% over the next 20 years. But given the gender-segregated structure of New Zealand’s labour market, it may take some time for women to benefit from the Investment Boost.

    Pay equity peril: Finance Minister Nicola Willis delivers the budget while Prime Minister Christopher Luxon looks on.
    Getty Images

    The gender gap and economic growth

    Applying a systematic and evidence-based gender analysis as part of the budget preparation process would have revealed more inclusive ways of delivering economic growth.

    For example, OECD modelling demonstrates the historical importance of increases in women’s labour market participation for economic growth, but notes that persistent gender gaps remain in productive capcity and hours of employment.

    Closing these gaps could potentially add a 0.1 percentage point of additional economic growth per year, culminating in a 3.9% boost to GDP in the next 35 years.

    Moreover, increasing women’s labour force participation may be a valuable mechanism to limit declines in the size of the labour force, given the rapidly ageing population.

    Such an outcome would require increased government investment in childcare and early childhood education for under twos, ideally for more than 20 hours per week.

    This would be a significant investment, given OECD data shows the net cost of childcare in New Zealand is as much as 38% of a two-earner couple’s average earnings (after accounting for government subsidies or benefits). This is considerably more expensive than most OECD member states.

    Potential cost to National

    Income and spending averages often mask more extreme impacts for different groups of women and men. For example, traditional economic models value labour used in the production of goods and services in the “market economy” but exclude the production of goods and services for their own use.

    For wāhine Māori, non-market work includes care for whānau, community and land, as well as upholding the mana of the marae, and the intergenerational transfer of knowledge.

    Finally, implementing pay equity, recognising the economic value of the unpaid care economy, and providing increased financial support for childcare, would also contribute to closing the gender pension gap.

    Westpac data shows men have an average KiwiSaver balance 16% higher than women’s, most likely attributable to gender wage gaps and parenting career breaks.

    Therefore the reduction in government contributions to KiwiSaver, and National’s desire to lift the retirement age, matter more to women because statistically they have a longer retirement to fund.

    Budget 2025 came at a cost to many women in New Zealand, and it may yet come at a cost for National.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. NZ Budget 2025: funding growth at the expense of pay equity for women could cost National in the long run – https://theconversation.com/nz-budget-2025-funding-growth-at-the-expense-of-pay-equity-for-women-could-cost-national-in-the-long-run-257225

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Head knocks and ultra-violence: viral games Run It Straight and Power Slap put sports safety back centuries

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christopher Yorke, Lecturer in sport management, Western Sydney University

    runitstraight24/instagram.com, The Conversation, CC BY

    Created in Australia, “Run It Straight” is a new, ultra-violent combat sport.

    Across a 20×4 metre grassed “battlefield,” players charge at full speed toward one another.

    Alternating between carrying the ball (ball runner) and defending (tackler), victory is awarded via knockout (a competitor cannot continue), or a judge’s decision based on an athlete’s dominance during the collisions.

    Despite neuroscientists issuing grave warnings about the brutal sport’s risks, Run It Straight’s viral popularity, including endorsement among high profile athletes, is accelerating.

    A growing scene

    This month, Melbourne hosted the inaugural “RUNIT Championship League” event.

    Footage showed some participants convulsing after their collisions as the winner celebrated, surrounded by children.

    Drawing hundreds of spectators and millions of online views, the full-speed collision challenge is already turning its violence and social media footprint into commercial success abroad, securing interest in the United States.

    The sport held some events in New Zealand this week, but one was was halted by Auckland Council due to safety concerns and failure to secure necessary permits.

    A history of sport and violence

    In ancient times, symbolic cultural displays of power and physical dominance featured in combat sports such as wrestling, boxing, pankration (a mixed martial art combining boxing and wrestling) and even armoured foot races.

    This brutal entertainment is reflected in contemporary collision sports such as the National Rugby League (NRL) and Australian Football League (AFL).

    In recent decades however, the danger of concussion has resulted in most contact sports changing rules and regulations to protect athletes from head injuries.

    Various measures have been implemented to mitigate, eliminate and treat head trauma.

    The Australian government is exerting influence and committing material resources to support athletes living with brain issues such as chronic traumatic encephalopathy (CTE).




    Read more:
    When does the love of the game outweigh the cost? ABC’s Plum brings rugby league’s concussion crisis to the fore


    Considering this multi-pronged effort to make contact sports safer, the violence of Run It Straight is jarring.

    Why are these new sports so popular?

    With its origins as a social media challenge, Run It Straight is perfect content for short-form social media platforms: an entire competition can be distilled into a 30-second highlight.

    Run It Straight’s accessible and minimalist format is also attractive to fans compared to many collision sports that have complex rules and strategies. This can be a barrier to interest, engagement and commercial returns.

    Run It Straight and other emerging, violent sports such as Power Slap (a fight sport where contestants slap each other so hard they can be knocked unconscious) are simplistic and brutal.

    But athletes in most traditional collision sports use their physical ability and skill to evade contact. Similarly, boxing is not just about strikes to the head, it is punch evasion, physical fitness and point scoring.

    But the visual spectacle and shock of two people running toward one another for an inevitable collision is a form of violence that appeals to an increasing number of sport fans.

    The risks involved

    Run It Straight is a new sport, and to our knowledge there is no empirical peer-reviewed research focusing on it.

    But many neurologists have expressed concerns about its total disregard for scientific evidence showing repeated head trauma damages brain health.

    With Run it Straight appearing to lack the medical resources and infrastructure of professional sports organisations, and with the competition’s expressed intent to have participants collide at high speed, the risk of significant injury is high.

    Power Slap, though, has been the subject of empirical research. A 2024 study reported many of the sport’s combatants showed visible signs of concussion (motor incoordination, slowness to get up and blank and vacant looks during bouts).

    An opportunity for ‘traditional’ sports?

    The rise of Run It Straight and Power Slap creates a unique opportunity for the governing bodies of contact codes such as AFL, NRL and rugby union to highlight what sets them apart.

    Key to this is athlete safety. For years, governing bodies in these codes have invested time and resources to implement concussion management protocols at professional and community levels.

    Currently, the tournament-based format for individual adult participants allows Run It Straight to operate without the broader governance responsibilities of football codes.

    However, it is because of those governance responsibilities that the football codes can amplify their athlete wellbeing credentials to reassure participants and parents who may be nervous about concussion risks.

    Second, the football codes are organised team sports played with multiple players on a team, facilitating skill acquisition, teamwork, mental wellbeing and physical fitness. While there appears to be a degree of camaraderie during Run It Straight events, it is evidently a one-on-one competition.

    Ultimately, the rise and evident popularity of Run It Straight and Power Slap provides a stark reminder there will always be a section of society that is drawn to high-risk behaviours.

    In turn, the football codes should look to highlight the value of balance and their athlete wellbeing credentials.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Head knocks and ultra-violence: viral games Run It Straight and Power Slap put sports safety back centuries – https://theconversation.com/head-knocks-and-ultra-violence-viral-games-run-it-straight-and-power-slap-put-sports-safety-back-centuries-256473

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Global: Golden Dome: An aerospace engineer explains the proposed nationwide missile defense system

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Iain Boyd, Director of the Center for National Security Initiatives and Professor of Aerospace Engineering Sciences, University of Colorado Boulder

    Posters that President Donald Trump used to announce Golden Dome depict missile defense as a shield. AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein

    President Donald Trump announced a plan to build a missile defense system, called the Golden Dome, on May 20, 2025. The system is intended to protect the United States from ballistic, cruise and hypersonic missiles, and missiles launched from space.

    Trump is calling for the current budget to allocate US$25 billion to launch the initiative, which the government projected will cost $175 billion. He said Golden Dome will be fully operational before the end of his term in three years and will provide close to 100% protection.

    The Conversation U.S. asked Iain Boyd, an aerospace engineer and director of the Center for National Security Initiatives at the University of Colorado Boulder, about the Golden Dome plan and the feasibility of Trump’s claims. Boyd receives funding for research unrelated to Golden Dome from defense contractor Lockheed Martin.

    Why does the United States need a missile shield?

    Several countries, including China, Russia, North Korea and Iran, have been developing missiles over the past few years that challenge the United States’ current missile defense systems.

    These weapons include updated ballistic missiles and cruise missiles, and new hypersonic missiles. They have been specifically developed to counter America’s highly advanced missile defense systems such as the Patriot and the National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile System.

    For example, the new hypersonic missiles are very high speed, operate in a region of the atmosphere where nothing else flies and are maneuverable. All of these aspects combined create a new challenge that requires a new, updated defensive approach.

    Russia has fired hypersonic missiles against Ukraine in the ongoing conflict. China parades its new hypersonic missiles in Tiananmen Square.

    So it’s reasonable to think that, to ensure the protection of its homeland and to aid its allies, the U.S. may need a new missile defense capability.

    Ukrainian forces are using the U.S.-made Patriot missile defense system against Russian ballistic missiles.

    What are the components of a national missile defense system?

    Such a defense system requires a global array of geographically distributed sensors that cover all phases of all missile trajectories.

    First, it is essential for the system to detect the missile threats as early as possible after launch, so some of the sensors must be located close to regions where adversaries may fire them, such as by China, Russia, North Korea and Iran. Then, it has to track the missiles along their trajectories as they travel hundreds or thousands of miles.

    These requirements are met by deploying a variety of sensors on a number of different platforms on the ground, at sea, in the air and in space. Interceptors are placed in locations that protect vital U.S. assets and usually aim to engage threats during the middle portion of the trajectory between launch and the terminal dive.

    The U.S. already has a broad array of sensors and interceptors in place around the world and in space primarily to protect the U.S. and its allies from ballistic missiles. The sensors would need to be expanded, including with more space-based sensors, to detect new missiles such as hypersonic missiles. The interceptors would need to be enhanced to enable them to address hypersonic weapons and other missiles and warheads that can maneuver.

    Does this technology exist?

    Intercepting hypersonic missiles specifically involves several steps.

    First, as explained above, a hostile missile must be detected and identified as a threat. Second, the threat must be tracked along all of its trajectory due to the ability of hypersonic missiles to maneuver. Third, an interceptor missile must be able to follow the threat and get close enough to it to disable or destroy it.

    The main new challenge here is the ability to track the hypersonic missile continuously. This requires new types of sensors to detect hypersonic vehicles and new sensor platforms that are able to provide a complete picture of the hypersonic trajectory. As described, Golden Dome would use the sensors in a layered approach in which they are installed on a variety of platforms in multiple domains, including ground, sea, air and space.

    These various platforms would need to have different types of sensors that are specifically designed to track hypersonic threats in different phases of their flight paths. These defensive systems will also be designed to address weapons fired from space. Much of the infrastructure will be multipurpose and able to defend against a variety of missile types.

    In terms of time frame for deployment, it is important to note that Golden Dome will build from the long legacy of existing U.S. missile defense systems. Another important aspect of Golden Dome is that some of the new capabilities have been under active development for years. In some ways, Golden Dome represents the commitment to actually deploy systems for which considerable progress has already been made.

    Is near 100% protection a realistic claim?

    Israel’s Iron Dome air defense system has been described as the most effective system of its kind anywhere in the world.

    But even Iron Dome is not 100% effective, and it has also been overwhelmed on occasion by Hamas and others who fire very large numbers of inexpensive missiles and rockets at it. So it is unlikely that any missile defense system will ever provide 100% protection.

    The more important goal here is to achieve deterrence, similar to the stalemate in the Cold War with the Soviet Union that was based on nuclear weapons. All of the new weapons that Golden Dome will defend against are very expensive. The U.S. is trying to change the calculus in an opponent’s thinking to the point where they will consider it not worth shooting their precious high-value missiles at the U.S. when they know there is a high probability of them not reaching their targets.

    CBS News covered President Donald Trump’s announcement.

    Is three years a feasible time frame?

    That seems to me like a very aggressive timeline, but with multiple countries now operating hypersonic missiles, there is a real sense of urgency.

    Existing missile defense systems on the ground, at sea and in the air can be expanded to include new, more capable sensors. Satellite systems are beginning to be put in place for the space layer. Sensors have been developed to track the new missile threats.

    Putting all of this highly complex system together, however, is likely to take more than three years. At the same time, if the U.S. fully commits to Golden Dome, a significant amount of progress can be made in this time.

    What does the president’s funding request tell you?

    President Trump is requesting a total budget for all defense spending of about $1 trillion in 2026. So, $25 billion to launch Golden Dome would represent only 2.5% of the total requested defense budget.

    Of course, that is still a lot of money, and a lot of other programs will need to be terminated to make it possible. But it is certainly financially achievable.

    How will Golden Dome differ from Iron Dome?

    Similar to Iron Dome, Golden Dome will consist of sensors and interceptor missiles but will be deployed over a much wider geographical region and for defense against a broader variety of threats in comparison with Iron Dome.

    A second-generation Golden Dome system in the future would likely use directed energy weapons such as high-energy lasers and high-power microwaves to destroy missiles. This approach would significantly increase the number of shots that defenders can take against ballistic, cruise and hypersonic missiles.

    Iain Boyd receives funding from the U.S. Department of Defense and Lockheed-Martin Corporation, a defense contractor that sells missile defense systems and could potentially benefit from the implementation of Golden Dome.

    ref. Golden Dome: An aerospace engineer explains the proposed nationwide missile defense system – https://theconversation.com/golden-dome-an-aerospace-engineer-explains-the-proposed-nationwide-missile-defense-system-257408

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-Evening Report: Deaf President Now! traces the powerful uprising that led to Deaf rights in the US – now again under threat

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gemma King, ARC DECRA Fellow in Screen Studies, Senior Lecturer in French Studies, Australian National University

    Archival footage shows Tim Rarus, Greg Hlibok, Bridgetta Bourne-Firl and Jerry Covell, in Apple TV+ Deaf President Now! Apple TV+

    In March 1988, students of the world’s only Deaf university started a revolution that made national news. Now, the first film to document this historic uprising is screening on Apple TV+.

    At the same time, American universities are grappling with the consequences of President Donald Trump’s war on diversity, equity and inclusion.

    Gallaudet, home of the Deaf Rights movement

    By 1988, Washington DC’s Gallaudet University had been educating Deaf students in American Sign Language (ASL) for 124 years. But it had never had a Deaf president.

    For the first time, two Deaf candidates were in the running for the top job. One was Gallaudet’s own Irving King Jordan. The second was Harvey Corson of the American School for the Deaf.

    The third was Elisabeth Zinser, a hearing woman from the University of North Carolina Greensboro. She had no experience of Deaf community or knowledge of ASL.

    As the hearing board of trustees met to choose a new leader, the student body waited with bated breath. Self-determination in higher education – by the Deaf, for the Deaf – was finally a possibility. But once again the board chose a hearing person, Zinser.

    When chair Jane Spilman was questioned about the choice, she replied, “Deaf people are not ready to function in a hearing world.”

    Incensed, Gallaudet students barricaded the campus, gave impassioned media interviews and took to marching. First they marched around the university – Zinser effigies burning – and then all the way to the Capitol.

    The Deaf President Now protest became national news, leading to the resignations of Zinser and Spilman, and the appointment of Jordan as president. It also helped propel the Disability Rights Movement, contributed to the 1990 Americans with Disabilities Act and inspired Deaf Pride movements around the world.

    Jane Bassett Spilman and Elisabeth Zinser resigned as a result of the Deaf President Now movement.
    Apple TV+

    Timely, vital and imperfect

    The 2025 documentary Deaf President Now! opens with footage of a political act: not from the 1988 protests, but from the present day, as the movement’s original student leaders – Bridgetta Bourne, Jerry Covell, Greg Hlibok and Tim Rarus – advise on their interview setups.

    One alerts the crew they can’t see the interpreter. Another explains how much signing space they need in the frame. A third asks, joking but incisive, “What’s the microphone for?”

    These aren’t throwaway moments; they show how inclusion and authenticity are only possible when Deaf people are in control of their own stories.

    The film excels in exposing the paternalistic attitude and tightly-held hearing power that has long shaped Deaf education.

    The film’s most powerful moments are when it contrasts the board’s dismissive rhetoric against the eloquent, impassioned arguments of the Deaf student body. Through intimate interviews and carefully curated archival footage, the documentary dismantles prevailing presumption that Deaf individuals need hearing oversight to succeed.

    At the same time, the film embodies a paradox that mirrors its subject matter, as it is co-directed by hearing filmmaker Davis Guggenheim and Deaf director Nyle DiMarco.

    DiMarco has been active in the screen industry for more than a decade, in acting roles and as a producer on Netflix hits Deaf U (2020) and Audible (2021). Though his involvement represents progress, Guggenheim’s raises an uncomfortable question: when will Deaf filmmakers fully own their narratives and be entrusted to lead projects?

    Nyle DiMarco and Davis Guggenheim co-directed the documentary, with interviews from several of the movement’s leading figures.
    Apple TV+

    The collaboration reflects how stories celebrating Deaf empowerment often require hearing endorsement to reach a mainstream audience. The film’s distribution on Apple TV+ offers unprecedented visibility, but comes through channels controlled by hearing decision-makers.

    This production context reminds us true representation extends beyond what appears onscreen, to who controls the storytelling process — a revolution unfinished in Deaf cinema.

    Using film for Deaf empowerment

    The industry may remain exclusive, but the camera itself can be a tool for Deaf power. Throughout history, Deaf individuals have harnessed film as a means of resistance.

    The extensive archival footage in Deaf President Now! shows how, by 1988, film was already being used by the Deaf community as a form of advocacy. Through the blending of this footage with present-day interviews in ASL, we witness Deaf individuals taking ownership of their history and recounting it in their authentic language form.

    The documentary also mirrors how media attention was integral to spreading the protest’s message back in 1988. This culminated in a national broadcast of a live debate between Zinser and Greg Hlibok, the then student body president.

    To understand the film’s profound importance for the Deaf community, we must recognise how sign languages have historically been undocumented in their true form, with speech and writing considered superior modes of communication.

    Deaf culture, language and community are powerful forces of resistance that have continually defied mainstream oppression.

    Trump: a step back for the movement

    While the film was long overdue, its arrival now is eerily relevant. Trump’s push for conservative policies – part of what he calls “Project 2025” – seeks to dismantle programs and funding that serve minority students, including disability groups.

    Many of the protections in the Americans with Disabilities Act are under threat as a result, including fundamental rights to sign language and interpreting access in higher education and beyond.

    According to the New York Times, hundreds of terms including “accessibility”, “disability”, “minority” and “inequality” are being limited or outright removed from official government materials. In some cases, grant proposals and contracts have been automatically flagged for including “woke” terminology.

    The spirit of the Deaf President Now! resistance has never been more vital.

    But if Deaf history has taught us anything, it’s that the Deaf community forges a deep sense of pride and connection in the face of such pressures. And films like Deaf President Now! show us how integral film is to this resistance.

    Gemma King receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    Samuel Martin and Sofya Gollan do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Deaf President Now! traces the powerful uprising that led to Deaf rights in the US – now again under threat – https://theconversation.com/deaf-president-now-traces-the-powerful-uprising-that-led-to-deaf-rights-in-the-us-now-again-under-threat-257233

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  • MIL-Evening Report: KiwiSaver at a crossroads: budget another missed opportunity to fix NZ’s underperforming retirement scheme

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Aaron Gilbert, Professor of Finance, Auckland University of Technology

    Lynn Grieveson/Getty Images

    When KiwiSaver was introduced in 2007 it was built on a stark reality: New Zealand Super alone will not be enough for most people to retire with dignity.

    As the population ages and the cost of superannuation continues to climb, the gap between what the state provides and what retirees actually need is only going to grow. KiwiSaver was designed to bridge that gap – to give New Zealanders a fighting chance at financial independence in retirement.

    But changes to KiwiSaver laid out in this year’s budget undermine what was already an underperforming scheme.

    Despite 17 years of operation, KiwiSaver balances remain shockingly low. As of mid-2024, the average sits around NZ$37,000. That’s barely enough for a couple of years’ worth of modest top-ups, let alone funding a comfortable retirement.

    For many nearing retirement, balances are even lower. And about 40% of members aren’t actively contributing. That includes people on contribution holidays, in irregular work, or who opted out altogether. Many accounts are effectively dormant “ghost accounts” created by auto-enrolment and never activated.

    Let’s be blunt: a retirement savings scheme that doesn’t result in meaningful savings for the majority of its members isn’t working.

    The 2025 Budget from the National Party, ACT and NZ First, included changes to the KiwiSaver scheme.
    Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

    Small cuts, big consequences

    KiwiSaver’s design isn’t its only problem. Political decisions have steadily chipped away at the scheme’s effectiveness. Every tweak and cut might seem minor on its own. But together they’ve eroded the core engine of the scheme: compounding contributions over time.

    Take the $1,000 kick-start payment from the state, scrapped in 2015. Left invested in a growth fund for 40 years, that single payment could have grown to over $8,000.

    Or look at the member tax credit – an annual payment made by the government to eligible members. The reduction from $1,042 to $521.43 might seem modest, but over a working life, that change alone could shave more than $70,000 off your KiwiSaver balance. This year’s budget has cut it further to $260.72.

    Then there’s the tax on employer contributions – the amount paid into KiwiSaver by employers. For someone earning $80,000 a year, that tax can reduce total contributions by around 1% of salary annually. Over 40 years, that means nearly $100,000 less at retirement.

    These aren’t just numbers on a spreadsheet. They’re the difference between retiring with options and retiring with anxiety. The $200,000 that past policy changes have stripped from the average KiwiSaver balance could have provided an extra $170 a week in retirement – enough to cover basics like food, power or transport.

    By eroding those balances now, we’re not saving money. We’re simply passing the bill to future governments and taxpayers who will have to pick up the slack.

    The worst time to weaken saving

    There’s never a good time to undermine a long-term savings scheme, but doing it during a cost-of-living crisis is especially reckless. People are already struggling to keep up with everyday expenses. Contributions to KiwiSaver – despite their long-term benefits – are one of the first things households cut when budgets are tight.

    If people start to believe KiwiSaver won’t be there for them – or that it’s not worth the effort – they’ll opt out or reduce contributions. And the scheme, already struggling with engagement, will lose even more ground.

    Which brings us to the current budget.

    The changes to the member tax credit will undermine the core purpose of KiwiSaver, reducing the amount people will retire with by another $35,000 for someone investing for 40 years in a growth fund.

    Income-testing the member tax credit, coming into effect on July 1 this year, is pitched as targeting support where it’s needed. But that assumes income is a good proxy for need. It isn’t. Plenty of people have high incomes now but low KiwiSaver balances due to career gaps, home purchases or starting late.

    If we want to better target support, base it on balances, not income. That would help those with low savings regardless of their current salary – and encourage rebuilding after big life expenses, such as buying a first home.

    Raising the minimum contribution rate from 3% to 4% of gross salary sounds promising. Nudging people into saving more is smart policy – in theory. Plus requiring higher employer contributions is a welcome benefit.

    But with households stretched thin, there’s a real risk people will just cease contributing at all. The danger is we end up with a headline policy that looks bold but delivers little – or worse, backfires.

    The bottom line

    The bigger issue? These are tweaks around the edges. They don’t address the fundamental problem: KiwiSaver is not set up to deliver retirement security at scale.

    Plenty of experts have put forward good ideas to improve it. But right now, the urgent priority isn’t invention – it’s protection. Every time we reduce incentives, chip away at contributions or confuse the message, we undermine the very idea that long-term saving is worth it.

    A retirement savings scheme only works if people trust it. That means policy stability. That means recognising KiwiSaver not as a cost, but as a commitment – a promise that if you put money aside during your working life, the system will have your back when you stop.

    KiwiSaver is at a crossroads. It can continue its slow drift into irrelevance –eroded by short-term thinking and piecemeal reform. Or it can be treated as the critical infrastructure it is: a tool for ensuring financial independence in retirement and relieving future pressure on the public purse.

    Budget decisions should honour KiwiSaver’s original promise. We owe future retirees – and future taxpayers – nothing less.

    Aaron Gilbert does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. KiwiSaver at a crossroads: budget another missed opportunity to fix NZ’s underperforming retirement scheme – https://theconversation.com/kiwisaver-at-a-crossroads-budget-another-missed-opportunity-to-fix-nzs-underperforming-retirement-scheme-257341

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Corroboree 2000, 25 years on: the march for Indigenous reconciliation has left a complicated legacy

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Heidi Norman, Professor of Aboriginal political history, Faculty of Arts, Design and Architecture, Convenor: Indigenous Land & Justice Research Group, UNSW Sydney

    First Nations people please be advised this article speaks of racially discriminating moments in history, including the distress and death of First Nations people.


    On a cold day 25 years ago, a bitter wind swept up from the south, pushing against an endless throng of people crossing one of Australia’s most famous landmarks.

    Some 250,000 people were walking across Sydney Harbour Bridge in support of Indigenous reconciliation. It was an event called Corroboree 2000.

    It took more than six hours for the mass of people to make their way from north to south, into the city. Across the nation, in small towns and in the capital cities, bridge walks symbolised overcoming a difficult past and coming together.

    But Australia’s relationship with First Nations people in the years since has been sometimes tumultuous, occasionally optimistic and often vexed. What legacy did the event leave?

    A ‘decade of reconciliation’?

    A “Decade of Reconciliation” started with the unanimous passage of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation Act through the federal parliament in 1991. “Reconciliation” was to be achieved between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians by the centenary of Federation in 2001.

    The act made a national commitment for the federal government to address both “Aboriginal disadvantage and aspirations”.

    It didn’t, however, specify what reconciliation was or what a reconciled nation would look like. The 2001 deadline would come and go without any way of knowing if it had been achieved.

    The amorphous nature of the concept likely contributed to the widespread political support for reconciliation. But whether it meant addressing Indigenous rights, or disadvantage, or both, was often decided down political party lines.

    Some First Nations activists were unequivocal in their criticism of reconciliation. It was widely perceived as a poor substitute for Bob Hawke’s 1984 promise of national land rights, and later, Treaty.

    The late Uncle Chicka Dixon renamed the movement “ReCONsillynation”. The “con” was the call to “walk together” as an alternative to Treaty and land rights.

    Instead, the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation was established in 1991. Its approach to reconciliation was largely about building knowledge and understanding among non-Indigenous Australians about Australian Indigenous lives, experience and history. This was seen as essential to advancing justice.

    Changing hearts and minds

    For more than a decade, the council worked to achieve its vision, recruiting thousands of participants to the cause. It produced educational materials to guide learning about First Peoples histories and cultures. It also promoted reconciliation activities in the community.

    Community-led reconciliation activities proliferated quickly. Some of these continue today, helping establish a foundation for truth-telling.

    Huge historical events were unfolding alongside this work. In 1992, the Mabo decision in the High Court ruled Australia was not terra nullius (land belonging to nobody) when it was claimed by Britain in 1770. This led to native title laws, which have made it possible for some Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to claim ownership of their traditional lands.

    In 1997, the Bringing Them Home report highlighted the trauma caused to generations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait children across Australia by removing them from their families. They are known as the Stolen Generations.

    The report recommended all Australian governments apologise to Indigenous people for their involvement in the policies and practices of forcible child removal.

    By 1999, all states and territory governments had apologised. The federal government had not.

    A contested history

    These seismic shifts in public conversation inevitably came to feature in federal politics.

    In the 1996 election, the two leaders – Labor Prime Minister Paul Keating and Liberal leader John Howard – outlined very different political visions based on opposing approaches to Australian history.

    While Keating was in office, he combined two causes – native title and the republic – hoping they would help generate a new story of the nation’s foundation.

    He sought to replace the positive, comforting and Anglo-centric view of Australian history. He highlighted the impact of colonisation on Aboriginal people and cast doubt on the morality of British occupation.

    Howard largely framed his history in opposition to Keating’s. Whereas Keating’s history dwelled on identifiable historical wrongs, Howard famously said Australians should “feel comfortable and relaxed about their history”.

    For Howard, there was much to be proud of in the story of the nation’s past. He accused the Labor party of peddling “the rhetoric of apology and shame”, or what came to be known as the “black armband” view of the past.

    Despite the recommendation of the Bringing Them Home report, Howard didn’t apologise to Indigenous people. He championed “practical outcomes” instead of “symbolism”, although ultimately failed to deliver either.

    A historic culmination

    With all these debates brewing throughout the 1990s, Australians used the new millennium to make their own large, symbolic gesture.

    Corroboree 2000 was held over two days in May. At the first event held on May 27, Indigenous and non-Indigenous leaders met at the Sydney Opera House. The Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation presented non-Indigenous leaders with two documents: the Australian Declaration Towards Reconciliation and the Roadmap for Reconciliation.

    All the leaders who took part left their handprints on a canvas to show their support.

    But in the intervening years, the shape of reconciliation and what Indigenous people could expect from it changed.

    Reflecting the Howard government’s emphasis on practical reconciliation, the council’s final report emphasised that “overcoming disadvantage is central to the reconciliation process”. The original brief for reconciliation to also address “Aboriginal aspirations” was forgotten.

    Howard gave a speech at the event and expressed “regret” for the past treatment of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, but he did not apologise. This left many in the crowd unhappy.

    The apology would eventually come in 2008 from Labor Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd.

    Where are we now?

    In his recent election victory speech, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese emphasised national unity. He again placed reconciliation at the forefront of the Australian government’s Indigenous affairs agenda, saying:

    we will be a government that supports reconciliation with First Nations people, because we will be a stronger nation when we close the gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians.

    It was a far cry from his 2022 victory speech when he promised the full implementation of the Uluru Statement from the Heart.

    In the aftermath of the Voice referendum, the Albanese government says it is focusing on First Nations economic independence and empowerment, along with continuing to “Close the Gap” in experiences of disadvantage.

    So 25 years on from the bridge walk, reconciliation remains a feature of the government’s response to First Peoples’ calls for recognition and justice.

    But reconciliation can be seen as a safe harbour to merely rebuild consensus, when more ambitious Indigenous affairs agendas stall or fail.

    Heidi Norman receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    Anne Maree Payne has previously received research funding from Reconciliation Australia.

    ref. Corroboree 2000, 25 years on: the march for Indigenous reconciliation has left a complicated legacy – https://theconversation.com/corroboree-2000-25-years-on-the-march-for-indigenous-reconciliation-has-left-a-complicated-legacy-252805

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Why Donald Trump has put Asia on the precipice of a nuclear arms race

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ian Langford, Executive Director, Security & Defence PLuS and Professor, UNSW Sydney

    For the past 75 years, America’s nuclear umbrella has been the keystone that has kept East Asia’s great‑power rivalries from turning atomic.

    President Donald Trump’s second‑term “strategic reset” now threatens to crack that arch.

    By pressuring allies to shoulder more of the defence burden, hinting that US forces might walk if the cheques do not clear and flirting with a return to nuclear testing, Washington is signalling that its once‑ironclad nuclear guarantee is, at best, negotiable.

    In Seoul, Tokyo and even Taipei, a once-unthinkable idea — building nuclear weapons — has begun to look disturbingly pragmatic.

    Nuclear umbrella starting to fray

    Extended deterrence is the promise the United States will use its own nuclear weapons, if necessary, to repel an attack on an ally.

    The logic is brutally simple: if North Korea contemplates a strike on South Korea, it must fear an American retaliatory strike, as well.

    The pledge allows allies to forgo their own bombs, curbing nuclear proliferation while reinforcing US influence.

    The idea dates to Dwight D. Eisenhower’s “New Look” military strategy, which relied on the threat of “massive retaliation” against the Soviet Union to defend Europe and Asia at a discount: fewer troops, more warheads.

    John F. Kennedy replaced that hair‑trigger doctrine with a “flexible response” defence strategy. This widened the spectrum of options to respond to potential Soviet attacks, but kept the nuclear backstop in place.

    By the 1990s, the umbrella seemed almost ornamental. Russia’s nuclear arsenal had rusted, China was keeping to a “minimal deterrent” strategy (maintaining a small stockpile of weapons), and US supremacy looked overwhelming.

    In 2020, then-President Barack Obama’s Nuclear Posture Review reaffirmed the umbrella guarantee, though Obama had voiced aspirations for the long‑term abolition of nuclear weapons.

    Barack Obama’s 2009 speech advocating nuclear disarmament in Prague.

    The Biden administration then embraced a new term – “integrated deterrence”, which fused cyber, space and economic tools with nuclear forces to deter potential foes.

    In recent years, however, North Korea’s sprint towards intercontinental ballistic missiles and the modernisation and expansion of China’s nuclear arsenal began testing the faith of US allies.

    Trump has now turbo‑charged those doubts. He has mused that his “strategic reset” ties protection to payment. If NATO’s Article 5 (which obliges members to come to each other’s defence) is “conditional” on US allies paying their fair share, why would Asia be different?

    Reports the White House has weighed a resumption of underground nuclear tests – and, under the Biden administration, even a more extensive arsenal – have rattled non‑proliferation diplomats.

    A Politico analysis bluntly warns that sustaining global “extended deterrence” in two parts of the world (Europe and Asia) may be beyond Trump’s patience — or pocketbook.

    A regional nuclear arms race

    Allies are taking note. Last month, an Institute for Strategic Studies survey found officials in Europe and Asia openly questioning whether an American president would risk San Francisco to save Seoul.

    In South Korea, public backing for a bomb now tops 70%.

    Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party is, for the first time since 1945, considering a “nuclear sharing” arrangement with the US. Some former defence officials have even called for a debate on nuclear weapons themselves.

    Taiwan’s legislators — long muzzled on the subject — whisper about a “porcupine” deterrent based on asymmetrical warfare and a modest nuclear capability.

    If one domino tips, several could follow. A South Korean nuclear weapon program would almost certainly spur Japan to act. That, in turn, would harden China’s strategic outlook, inviting a regional arms race and shredding the fragile Nuclear Non‑Proliferation Treaty.

    The respected international relations journal Foreign Policy has already dubbed Trump’s approach “a nuclear Pandora’s box.”

    The danger is not just about more warheads, but also the shorter decision times to use them.

    Three or four nuclear actors crammed into the world’s busiest sea lanes — with hypersonic missiles and AI‑driven, early‑warning systems — create hair‑trigger instability. One misread radar blip over the East China Sea could end in catastrophe.

    What does this mean for Australia?

    Australia, too, has long relied on the US umbrella without demanding an explicit nuclear clause in the ANZUS treaty.

    The AUKUS submarine pact with the US and UK deepens technological knowledge sharing, but does not deliver an Australian bomb. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese insists the deal is about “deterrence, not offence,” yet the debate over funding nuclear-powered submarines exposes how tightly Australian strategy is lashed to American political will.

    A regional cascade of nuclear proliferation would confront Australia with agonising choices. Should it cling to the shrinking US umbrella, invest in a missile defence shield, or contemplate its own nuclear deterrent? Any such move towards its own weapon would collide with decades of proud non‑proliferation diplomacy and risk alienating Southeast Asian neighbours.

    More likely, Canberra will double down on alliance management — lobbying Washington to clarify its commitments, urging Seoul and Tokyo to stay the non‑nuclear course, and expanding regional defence exercises that make American resolve visible.

    In a neighbourhood bristling with new warheads, middle powers that remain non‑nuclear will need thicker conventional shields and sharper diplomatic tools.

    This means hardening Australia’s northern bases against a potential attack, accelerating its long‑range strike programs, and funding diplomatic initiatives that keep the Non-Proliferation Treaty alive.

    The Trump administration’s transactional posture risks broadcasting a deficit of will precisely when East Asian security hangs in the balance. If Washington allows confidence in extended deterrence to erode, history will not stand still; it will split the atom again, this time in Seoul, Tokyo or beyond.

    Australia has every incentive to prod its great power ally back toward strategic steadiness. The alternative is a region where the umbrellas proliferate — and, sooner or later, fail.

    Ian Langford is affiliated with the University of New South Wales.

    ref. Why Donald Trump has put Asia on the precipice of a nuclear arms race – https://theconversation.com/why-donald-trump-has-put-asia-on-the-precipice-of-a-nuclear-arms-race-256577

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Budget 2025: Pacific Ministry faces major cuts, yet new initiatives aim for development

    By Alakihihifo Vailala of PMN News

    Funding for New Zealand’s Ministry for Pacific Peoples (MPP) is set to be reduced by almost $36 million in Budget 2025.

    This follows a cut of nearly $26 million in the 2024 budget.

    As part of these budgetary savings, the Tauola Business Fund will be closed. But, $6.3 million a year will remain to support Pacific economic and business development through the Pacific Business Trust and Pacific Business Village.

    The Budget cuts also affect the Tupu Aotearoa programme, which supports Pacific people in finding employment and training, alongside the Ministry of Social Development’s employment initiatives.

    While $5.25 million a year will still fund the programme, a total of $22 million a year has been cut over the last four years.

    The ministry will save almost $1 million by returning funding allocated for the Dawn Raids reconciliation programme from 2027/28 onwards.

    There are two years of limited funding left to complete the ministry Dawn Raids programmes, which support the Crown’s reconciliation efforts.

    Funding for Pasifika Wardens
    Despite these reductions, a new initiative providing funding for Pasifika Wardens will introduce $1 million of new spending over the next four years.

    The initiative will improve services to Pacific communities through capacity building, volunteer training, transportation, and enhanced administrative support.

    Funding for the National Fale Malae has ceased, as only $2.7 million of the allocated $10 million has been spent since funding was granted in Budget 2020.

    The remaining $6.6 million will be reprioritised over the next two years to address other priorities within the Arts, Culture and Heritage portfolio, including the National Music Centre.

    Foreign Affairs funding for the International Development Cooperation (IDC) projects, particularly focussed on the Pacific, is also affected. The IDC received an $800 million commitment in 2021 from the Labour government.

    The funding was time-limited, leading to a $200 million annual fiscal cliff starting in January 2026.

    Budget 2025 aims to mitigate this impact by providing ongoing, baselined funding of $100 million a year to cover half of the shortfall. An additional $5 million will address a $10 million annual shortfall in departmental funding.

    Support for IDC projects
    The new funding will support IDC projects, emphasising the Pacific region without being exclusively aimed at climate finance objectives. Overall, $367.5 million will be allocated to the IDC over four years.

    Finance Minister Nicola Willis said the Budget addressed a prominent fiscal cliff, especially concerning climate finance.

    “The Budget addresses this, at least in part, through ongoing, baselined funding of $100 million a year, focused on the Pacific,” she said in her Budget speech.

    “Members will not be surprised to know that the Minister of Foreign Affairs has made a case for more funding, and this will be looked at in future Budgets.”

    More funding has been allocated for new homework and tutoring services for learners in Years nine and 10 at schools with at least 50 percent Pacific students to meet the requirements for the National Certificate of Educational Achievement (NCEA).

    About 50 schools across New Zealand are expected to benefit from the initiative, which will receive nearly $7 million over the next four years, having been reprioritised from funding for the Pacific Education Programme.

    As a result, funding will be stopped for three programmes aimed at supporting Tu’u Mālohi, Pacific Reading Together and Developing Mathematical Inquiry Communities.

    Republished from Pacific Media Network News with permission.

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Air New Zealand to resume Auckland-Nouméa flights from November

    By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

    Air New Zealand has announced it plans to resume its Auckland-Nouméa flights from November, almost one and a half years after deadly civil unrest broke out in the French Pacific territory.

    “Air New Zealand is resuming its Auckland-Nouméa service starting 1 November 2025. Initially, flights will operate once a week on a Saturday. This follows the New Zealand Government’s decision to update its safe travel advisory level for New Caledonia”, the company stated in its latest update yesterday.

    “The resumption of services reflects our commitment to reconnecting New Zealand and New Caledonia, ensuring that travel is safe and reliable for our customers. We will continue to monitor this route closely.

    “Passengers are encouraged to check the latest travel advisories and Air New Zealand’s official channels for updates on flight schedules”, said Air New Zealand general manager short haul Lucy Hall.

    In its updated advisory regarding New Caledonia, the New Zealand government still recommends “Exercise increased caution” (Level 2 of 4).

    It said this was “due to the ongoing risk of civil unrest”.

    In some specific areas (the Loyalty Islands, the Isle of Pines (Iles de Pins), and inland of the coastal strip between Mont Dore and Koné), it is still recommended to “avoid non-essential travel (Level 3 of 4).”

    Warning over ‘civil unrest’
    The advisory also recalls that “there was a prolonged period of civil unrest in New Caledonia in 2024. Political tensions and civil unrest may increase at short notice”.

    “Avoid all demonstrations, protests, and rallies as they have the potential to turn violent with little warning”.

    Air New Zealand ceased flights between Auckland and the French territory’s capital, Nouméa on 15 June 2024, at the height of violent civil unrest.

    Since then, it has maintained its no-show for the French Pacific territory, one of its closest neighbours.

    Air New Zealand’s general manager international Jeremy O’Brien said at the time this was due to “pockets of unrest” remaining in New Caledonia and “safety is priority”.

    New Caledonia’s international carrier Air Calédonie International (Aircalin) is also operating two weekly flights to Auckland from the Nouméa-La Tontouta international airport.

    The riots that broke out on 13 May 2024 resulted in 14 deaths and more than 2.2 billion euros (NZ$4.1 billion) in damages, bringing New Caledonia’s economy to its knees, with thousands of businesses and jobs destroyed.

    Tourism from its main regional source markets, namely Australia and New Zealand, also came to a standstill.

    Specifically regarding New Zealand, local statistics show that between the first quarters of 2024 and 2025, visitor numbers collapsed by 90 percent (from 1731 to 186).

    New Caledonia’s tourism stakeholders have welcomed the resumption of the service to and from New Zealand, saying this will allow the industry to relaunch targeted promotional campaigns in the New Zealand market.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

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  • MIL-OSI Global: What’s the difference between skim milk and light milk?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Margaret Murray, Senior Lecturer, Nutrition, Swinburne University of Technology

    bodnar.photo/Shutterstock

    If you’re browsing the supermarket fridge for reduced-fat milk, it’s easy to be confused by the many different types.

    You can find options labelled skim, skimmed, skinny, no fat, extra light, lite, light, low fat, reduced fat, semi skim and HiLo (high calcium, low fat).

    So what’s the difference between two of these common milks – skim milk and light milk? How are they made? And which one’s healthier?

    What do they contain?

    Skim milk

    In Australia and New Zealand, skim milk is defined as milk that contains no more than 1.5% milk fat and has at least 3% protein. On the nutrition information panel this looks like less than 1.5 grams of fat and at least 3g protein per 100 millilitres of milk.

    But the fat content of skim milk can be as low as 0.1% or 0.1g per 100mL.

    Light milk

    Light milk is sometimes spelled “lite” but they’re essentially the same thing.

    While light milk is not specifically defined in Australia and New Zealand, the term “light” is defined for food generally. If we apply the rules to milk, we can say light milk must contain no more than 2.4% fat (2.4g fat per 100mL).

    In other words, light milk contains more fat than skim milk.

    You can find the fat content by reading the “total fat per 100mL” on the label’s nutrition information panel.

    How about other nutrients?

    The main nutritional difference between skim milk and light milk, apart from the fat content, is the energy content.

    Skim milk provides about 150 kilojoules of energy per 100mL whereas light milk provides about 220kJ per 100mL.

    Any milk sold as cow’s milk must contain at least 3% protein (3g protein per 100mL of milk). That includes skim or light milk. So there’s typically not much difference there.

    Likewise, the calcium content doesn’t differ much between skim milk and light milk. It is typically about 114 milligrams to 120mg per 100mL.

    You can check these and other details on the label’s nutrition information panel.

    How are they made?

    Skim milk and light milk are not made by watering down full-cream milk.

    Instead, full-cream milk is spun at high speeds in a device called a centrifuge. This causes the fat to separate and be removed, leaving behind milk containing less fat.

    Here’s how fat is removed to produce skim and light milk.

    Who should be drinking what?

    Australian Dietary Guidelines recommend we drink mostly reduced-fat milk – that is, milk containing no more than 2.4g fat per 100mL. Skim milk and light milk are both included in that category.

    The exception is for children under two years old, who are recommended full-cream milk to meet their growing needs.

    The reason our current guidelines recommend reduced-fat milk is that, since the 1970s, reduced-fat milk has been thought to help with reducing body weight and reducing the risk of heart disease. That’s because of its lower content of saturated fat and energy (kilojoules/calories) than full cream milk.

    However, more recent evidence has shown drinking full-cream milk is not associated with weight gain or health risks. In fact, eating or drinking dairy products of any type may help reduce the risk of obesity and other metabolic disorders (such as heart disease and type 2 diabetes), especially in children and adolescents.

    The science in this area continues to evolve. So the debate around whether there are health benefits to choosing reduced-fat milk over full cream milk is ongoing.

    Whether or not there any individual health benefits from choosing skim milk or light milk over full cream will vary depending on your current health status and broader dietary habits.

    For personalised health and dietary advice, speak to a health professional.

    Margaret Murray does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. What’s the difference between skim milk and light milk? – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-skim-milk-and-light-milk-255608

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Russia is labelling Oscar Jenkins a ‘mercenary’, not a prisoner of war. What’s the difference – and why does this matter?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Shannon Bosch, Associate Professor (Law), Edith Cowan University

    Oscar Jenkins, a 33-year-old former teacher from Melbourne, was one of many foreigners who responded to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s call in 2022 for volunteers to join Ukraine’s armed forces to help repel Russia’s invasion.

    In early 2024, Jenkins joined Ukraine’s International Legion of Territorial Defence, which has attracted some 20,000 fighters from 50 countries since the war began. He had no previous military experience, but this wasn’t a requirement to join.

    In December, Jenkins was captured by Russian forces in Russian-occupied eastern Ukraine and accused of serving as a “mercenary” in Ukraine’s 66th Mechanised Brigade’s 402nd Rifle Battalion. He was tried in a Russian court and sentenced on May 16 to 13 years imprisonment in a maximum-security penal colony.

    When a foreigner volunteers to fight in a war, their legal status under international law can be complicated.

    Are they a soldier with the full authorisation of one of the warring parties to engage in hostilities? Or are they an illegal mercenary?

    And what happens if they are captured?

    Why legal status matters

    The answers to these questions have very real importance to the thousands of foreigners who have joined Ukraine’s International Legion since 2022.

    Russian authorities have classified all of Ukraine’s foreigner fighters as “mercenaries”. They’ve used this label to deny foreign fighters the status of “prisoner of war” (POW), with the requisite protections that come along with that under international humanitarian law.

    While foreigners are permitted under international law to enlist in the armed forces of a state for political or moral reasons, mercenaries have historically been outlawed due to their sole motivation being financial gain.

    International humanitarian law (the rules that govern war) define mercenaries as individuals who are not nationals or residents of a state engaged in war and are recruited to fight outside that state’s official armed forces.

    They are motivated solely by private gain (like money or promises of reward), often well in excess of what the traditional armed forces are paid. Mercenaries are essentially professional soldiers who sell their services to a state without any real ties to that country.

    Once a fighter is classified as a “mercenary”, they lose all the legal protections that are traditionally afforded lawful combatants.

    This includes prisoner of war status if they are captured and immunity from prosecution for fighting in a conflict. Prisoners of war are also entitled to humane treatment and access to food and medical care. And they cannot be subjected to sham trials or torture.

    According to my research, many of the foreign nationals who joined the International Legion were motivated by a desire to defend Ukraine against Russia’s aggression. They were sworn into Ukraine’s armed forces and paid the same as a Ukrainian soldier of equal rank.

    Once enlisted in the armed forces, they were immediately exempt from “mercenary” status, irrespective of their motivation for joining.

    As such, these foreign fighters should be entitled to the full range of protections guaranteed to members of Ukraine’s armed forces under the Geneva Conventions.

    Labelling lawful foreign members of the Ukrainian armed forces as “mercenaries”, and denying them their protections, is an abuse of international law.

    How can Australia protect its nationals?

    If an Australian enlists in Ukraine’s armed forces and is captured by Russian forces, there is a limited toolkit the Australian government can use to help him or her. However, it is not powerless.

    Through its embassy in Moscow, Australia can request access to detainees to assess their welfare while in prison. Russia can, however, decline this access. Details of a detainee’s capture may also be withheld.

    Australia can also apply diplomatic pressure to ensure humane treatment of prisoners and their full POW rights.

    This can be done by working with international bodies, such as the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention or organisations like the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC), which can request access to detainees.

    It appears the government is already doing some of these things. According to Foreign Minister Penny Wong, the government has been working with Ukraine and the ICRC to advocate for Jenkins’ welfare and release, and providing consular support to Jenkins’ family.

    Australia also has an obligation to warn its citizens they will likely face severe consequences if they travel to Ukraine to fight and are captured by Russian forces, given Russia’s misuse of the “mercenary” label.

    Through back-channel negotiations, Australia could also push Ukraine or its allies to include Australians being held by Russia in future prisoner swaps.

    In January of this year, Ukraine and Russia carried out such an exchange of 470 prisoners from both nations. And in talks last week in Turkey, both sides agreed to release another 1,000 prisoners on each side.

    Such exchanges have involved foreign fighters in the past. In 2022, 10 foreign citizens were included in a prisoner swap, including five Britons, two Americans, a Croatian, a Swede and a Moroccan. Several of them had been convicted of being mercenaries and sentenced to death after a Russian sham trial.

    There is no guarantee Jenkins would qualify for such an exchange, however, if Russia continues to classify him as a mercenary.

    Shannon Bosch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Russia is labelling Oscar Jenkins a ‘mercenary’, not a prisoner of war. What’s the difference – and why does this matter? – https://theconversation.com/russia-is-labelling-oscar-jenkins-a-mercenary-not-a-prisoner-of-war-whats-the-difference-and-why-does-this-matter-256996

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Semicolons are becoming increasingly rare; their disappearance should be resisted

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Roslyn Petelin, Honorary Associate Professor in Writing, The University of Queensland

    Tung Cheung/Shutterstock

    A recent study has found a 50% decline in the use of semicolons over the last two decades. The decline accelerates a longterm trend:

    In 1781, British literature featured a semicolon roughly every 90 words; by 2000, it had fallen to one every 205 words. Today, there’s just one semicolon for every 390 words.

    Further research reported that 67% of British students never or rarely use a semicolon; more than 50% did not know how to use it. Just 11% of respondents described themselves as frequent users.

    These findings may not be definitive. According to the Guardian, the Google Books Ngram Viewer database, which surveys novels and nonfiction, indicates that

    semicolon use in English rose by 388% between 1800 and 2006, before falling by 45% over the next 11 years. In 2017, however, it started a gradual recovery, with a 27% rise by 2022.

    Yet when you put the punctuation mark itself into the database, rather than the word “semicolon”, you get a quite different result – one that looks very much like a steady decline.

    Virulent detractors

    The semicolon first appeared in 1494, so it has been around for a long time. So have arguments about it.

    Its dectractors can be quite virulent. It is sometimes taken as a sign of affected elitism. Adrian Mole, the pretentious schoolboy protagonist of Sue Townsend’s popular novels, says snobbishly of Barry Kent, the skinhead bully at his school: “He wouldn’t know what a semicolon was if it fell into his beer.” Kurt Vonnegut (whose novels are not entirely free of semicolons) said semicolons represented “absolutely nothing” and using them just showed that you “went to college”.

    Kurt Vonnegut, antagonist of the semicolon.
    Bernard Gotfryd / Adam Cuerden, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

    Other writers have expressed pure animosity. American journalist James Kilpatrick denounced the semicolon “girly”, “odious”, and the “most pusillanimous, sissified utterly useless mark of punctuation ever invented”.

    The utility of this much maligned punctuation mark in contemporary prose has been called into question. British author Ben McIntyre has claimed Stephen King “wouldn’t be seen dead in a ditch with a semicolon”.

    He obviously hasn’t read page 32 of King’s wonderful book On Writing, where King uses semicolons in three sentences in a row.

    Impeccable balance

    Before I defend the semicolon, it is worth clarifying what it actually does. Its two uses are as follows:

    1) it separates independent clauses, but establishes a relation between them. It suggests that the statements are too closely connected to stand as separate sentences. For example: “Speech is silver; silence is golden.”

    2) it can be used to clarify a complicated list. For example: “Remember to check your grammar, especially agreement of subjects and verbs; your spelling, especially of tricky words such as ‘liaison’; and your punctuation, especially your use of the apostrophe.”

    Semicolons have long played a prominent role in classic literature. Journalist Amelia Hill notes that Virginia Woolf relies heavily on semicolons in her meditation on time, Mrs Dalloway. The novel includes more than 1000 of them, often used in unorthodox ways, to capture the flow of its protagonist’s thoughts.

    Virginia Woolf, semicolon enthusiast.
    Public Domain, via Wikimedia Commons

    Other supporters of the semicolon include Salman Rushdie, John Updike, Donna Tartt, Mark Twain, Charles Dickens and Jane Austen. Novelist Philip Hensher has celebrated the semicolon as “a cherished tool, elegant and rational.” In 1953, theatre critic Kenneth Tynan called it “the prize-winning supporting crutch of English prose”.

    In his essay Semicolons: A Love Story, Ben Dolnick refers to William James’s deft use of semicolons to pile on the clauses. He claims this is like saying to a reader, who is already holding one bag of groceries, “Here, I know it’s a lot, but can you take another?”

    “The image of the grocery bags,” observed Mary Norris, a highly respected copyeditor at the New Yorker, “reinforces the idea that semicolons are all about balance.” Harvard professor Louis Menand has praised as “impeccable” the balancing semicolon on a public service placard (allegedly amended by hand) that exhorted subway riders not to leave their newspapers behind on the train: “Please put it in a trash can; that’s good news for everyone.”

    The poet Lewis Thomas beautifully captures the elegance of a well-used semicolon in his essay Notes on Punctuation:

    The semicolon tells you there is still some question about the preceding full sentence; something needs to be added. It is almost always a greater pleasure to come across a semicolon than a full stop. The full stop tells you that is that; if you didn’t get all the meaning you wanted or expected, you got all the writer intended to parcel out and now you have to move along. But with a semicolon there you get a pleasant little feeling of expectancy; there is more to come; read on; it will get clearer.

    As Australian novelist David Malouf has argued, the semicolon still has a future, and an important function, in nuanced imaginative prose:

    I tend to write longer sentences and use the semicolon so as not to have to break the longer sentences into shorter ones that would suggest things are not connected that I want people to see as connected. Short sentences make for fast reading; often you want slow reading.

    We cannot do without the semicolon. The Apostrophe Protection Society is going along very strongly. I would be more than happy to join a Semicolon Supporting Society.

    Roslyn Petelin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Semicolons are becoming increasingly rare; their disappearance should be resisted – https://theconversation.com/semicolons-are-becoming-increasingly-rare-their-disappearance-should-be-resisted-257019

    MIL OSI – Global Reports