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Category: Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cockney Yiddish: how two languages influenced each other in London’s East End

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nadia Valman, Professor of Urban Literature, Queen Mary University of London

    Yiddish is a familiar presence in contemporary English speech. Many people use or at least know the meaning of words like chutzpah (audacity), schlep (drag) or nosh (snack).

    These words have been absorbed into English from their original speakers, eastern European Jews who migrated to Britain in the late 19th century, through generations of living in close proximity in areas like London’s East End.

    Linguistics scholars have even theorised that elements of a Yiddish accent may have influenced the cockney accent as it evolved in the early 20th century. Phonetic analysis of cockney speakers recorded in the mid-20th century suggests that East Enders who grew up with Jewish neighbours spoke English with speech rhythms typical of Yiddish.

    A distinctive pronunciation of the “r” sound is thought to have originated among Jewish immigrants and spread into the wider population.

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    But, as we explore in our new podcast, cockney reshaped the Yiddish language too. This can be seen in surviving texts from the popular culture of the Jewish immigrant East End, including newspapers and songsheets, where songs, poems and stories dramatise the thrills and challenges of modern London.

    The Yiddish music of London’s East End brought together the Yiddish language and Jewish culture of eastern Europe with the raucous, irreverent style of the cockney music hall. Theatres and pubs overflowed with audiences eager to see the immigrant experience in Whitechapel represented in all its perplexity and pathos, with a good measure of slapstick comedy.

    A Yiddish music hall song from around 1900 jokes that East Enders live on “poteytes un gefrayte fish” – a Yiddish version of the cockney staple fish and chips. The song lists the many novelties that immigrants encountered on arriving in the metropolis: trains running underground, women wearing trousers and people speaking on telephones.

    Yiddish music hall song ‘London hot sikh ibergekert’ (London has turned itself upside down) performed by the author’s (Vivi Lachs) band Katsha’nes.

    Yiddish was also the language of street protest in the Jewish East End. During the “strike fever” of 1889, when workers throughout east London were demanding better pay and working conditions, the Whitechapel streets resonated with the voices of Jewish sweatshop workers singing:

    In di gasn, tsu di masn fun badrikte felk rasn, ruft der frayhaytsgayst (In the streets, to the masses / of oppressed peoples, races / the spirit of freedom calls).

    This song was penned by the socialist poet Morris Winchevsky, an immigrant from Lithuania who spoke Yiddish as a mother tongue but preferred to write in literary Hebrew. In London he switched to writing in the vernacular language of Yiddish in order to make his writing more accessible to immigrant Jewish workers. The song became a rousing anthem in labour protests across the Yiddish-speaking world, from Warsaw to Chicago.

    The decline of Yiddish

    Yet from the earliest days of Jewish immigration to London, the Yiddish-language culture of the East End was a focus of anxiety for the Jewish middle and upper class of the West End. They regarded Yiddish as a vulgar dialect, detrimental to the integration of Jewish immigrants in England.

    While they provided significant philanthropic support for immigrants, they banned the use of Yiddish in the educational and religious institutions that they funded.

    In 1883, budding novelist Israel Zangwill was disciplined by the Jews’ Free School, where he worked as a teacher, for publishing a short story liberally sprinkled with dialogues in cockney-Yiddish.

    By the 1930s Yiddish had begun to decline. As Jews moved away from the East End, local Yiddish newspapers folded and publications dwindled.

    The Yiddish writer I.A. Lisky, who wrote fiction for a keen but diminishing readership in the London Yiddish newspaper Di tsayt, movingly described a young woman and her grandmother who each harbour complex hopes and worries but cannot communicate: “Ken ober sibl nit redn keyn yidish un di bobe farshteyt nor a por verter english. Shvaygt sibl vayter.” (But Sybil spoke no Yiddish, and her grandmother knew only a few words of English. So she remained silent.)

    Yiddish-language newspapers like Der Fonograf flourished in the early 20th century East End.
    Courtesy of Jewish Miscellanies website.

    Jewish writers of the postwar period were haunted by the sense of a lost connection to the Yiddish language and culture of previous generations.

    The novelist Alexander Baron, who grew up in Hackney, remembered his grandparents reading Yiddish literature and newspapers, and his parents speaking Yiddish when they did not want their children to understand what they were saying.

    In his novel The Lowlife (1963) the narrator’s vocabulary is peppered with Yiddish words. But these fragments are all that remains of his link to the East End where he was born. When he returns to these streets, he feels that “my too, too solid flesh in the world of the past is like a ghost of the past in the solid world of the present; it can look on but it cannot touch”.

    Yiddish in London today

    If you walk through the north London neighbourhood of Stamford Hill today, you’ll hear Yiddish on the streets and see new Yiddish books on the shelves of the local bookshops. Although they have no connection to the Victorian Jewish East End, the ultra-orthodox Hasidic community who live there speak Yiddish as their first language.

    And for a younger generation of secular Jews, Yiddish is also acquiring a new appeal. They look to past traditions of Jewish diasporism to forge an identity rooted in language, culture and solidarity with other minorities rather than nationalism.

    London is one centre of this worldwide revival: the Friends of Yiddish group established in the East End in the late 1930s is now flourishing in its contemporary incarnation as the Yiddish Open Mic Cafe. And Yiddish is once again a language that anyone can learn.

    The Ot Azoy Yiddish summer school is in its 13th year, and new Yiddish language schools are thriving, including east London-based Babel’s Blessing, which teaches diaspora languages including Yiddish and offers free English classes to refugees and asylum seekers. The annual Yiddish sof-vokh hosts an immersive weekend for Yiddish learners.

    Yiddish culture too is being rejuvenated. Projects we have been involved with include the Yiddish Shpilers theatre troupe, the Great Yiddish Parade marching band, which has brought Winchevsky’s socialist anthems back onto London’s streets, and the London band Katsha’nes, which has reimagined cockney Yiddish music hall songs for the 21st century.

    If Yiddish was once reviled as a debased, slangy mishmash, full of borrowings and adaptations, it’s precisely for those qualities that it is celebrated today.

    Nadia Valman received funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council for research included in this article.

    Vivi Lachs received funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council for research included in this article.

    – ref. Cockney Yiddish: how two languages influenced each other in London’s East End – https://theconversation.com/cockney-yiddish-how-two-languages-influenced-each-other-in-londons-east-end-252779

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Putin dodges peace talks in Istanbul as Russia pushes for territorial concessions from Ukraine

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sam Phelps, Commissioning Editor, International Affairs

    This article was first published in The Conversation UK’s World Affairs Briefing email newsletter. Sign up to receive weekly analysis of the latest developments in international relations, direct to your inbox.

    Demands by British, French, German and Polish leaders in Kyiv last weekend that Russia agree to a 30-day ceasefire in Ukraine or face possible “massive” sanctions went down in Moscow about as well as you’d expect. In an address from the Kremlin, Russian president Vladimir Putin lambasted European powers for talking to Russia “in a boorish manner and with the help of ultimatums”.

    He did, however, offer a counter-proposal: an invitation for Ukraine to take part in direct talks in the Turkish city of Istanbul. Putin called the talks “the first step towards a long-term, lasting peace”. Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, accepted the invitation and announced he would attend the talks in person. He challenged Putin to do the same.

    But on the eve of the talks it was announced that, no, Putin wouldn’t attend and a junior delegation would be sent in his place. Zelensky, who is in Turkey anyway for talks with the Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has called the Russian envoy “phony” and accused Moscow of sending “stand-in props”.

    Putin’s no-show, alongside Russia’s refusal to agree to a ceasefire as a precursor to negotiations, probably says all you need to know about whether Moscow truly intends to bring the war to an end. But, regardless, the talks are the first to take place directly between the two warring parties since the early weeks of Russia’s full-scale invasion.

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    The Russian delegation in Istanbul is being led by Vladimir Medinsky, a Putin aide who led the previous round of direct peace talks with Ukraine. This is evidence, as Stefan Wolff and Tetyana Malyarenko also point out, that Russia wants the talks to be based on the same framework as in 2022 – namely, forcing Ukraine to accept significant restrictions on its military and sovereignty.

    Wolff and Malyarenko, who are two regular contributors to our coverage of the war in Ukraine, explain that Russia’s territorial demands have become more contentious since the start of the war. Russia’s current position is that it sees international recognition of Crimea, Sevastopol, the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics, and the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions as part of Russia as “imperative”.

    This is a non-starter for Ukraine. But Wolff and Malyarenko suggest there could be some flexibility on accepting that some parts of Ukrainian territory are under temporary Russian control in exchange for peace.

    The problem, they write, is that much of the territory Russia currently occupies, including Crimea and land on the shores of the Azov Sea, is of key strategic value for Russia. Donetsk and Luhansk, meanwhile, have substantial economic value because of the resources located there.

    In any case, there is no guarantee that territorial concessions from Kyiv now would put a permanent end to the war, write Wolff and Malyarenko. This is because it “does not address the fundamental issue of how to deal with a vengeful and revisionist autocracy on Europe’s doorstep”.



    Read more:
    Territorial concessions will be central to any Ukraine peace deal, and to Russia’s long-term plan

    Lasting peace between India and Pakistan, two countries that regularly clash over control of the disputed Kashmir region, is proving equally tricky to find. Several rounds of military strikes, prompted by a terrorist attack in Indian-administered Kashmir in April that killed at least 31 people, have recently brought the nuclear powers closer to war than they have been in decades.

    The Trump administration initially expressed reluctance to get involved, saying it was “none of our business”. But as hostilities rapidly escalated, raising the prospect of nuclear war, US officials stepped in and talked down the two countries. A ceasefire was agreed that, for almost a week now, seems to have held.

    Alex Waterman and Sudhir Selvaraj, experts on peace studies at the University of Bradford, say the ceasefire represents an “incredibly precarious peace”.

    That ceasefires have been agreed – and respected – by the two parties before is cause for optimism, they write. But cross-border tensions have increased in recent years. Waterman and Selvaraj argue this has been part of a strategy used by Pakistan’s powerful army to deflect attention away from political and economic crises at home.

    Tensions remain high and may, at some point, spill over again. Some of the decisions taken by India after the recent terror attack, for instance, such as the suspension of a treaty governing water sharing of rivers in the Indus basin, could compel further support for militant groups in Kashmir. Despite a US offer to mediate talks between the two countries, deeper resolution looks a way off.



    Read more:
    India and Pakistan have agreed a precarious peace – but will it last?

    Donald Trump, meanwhile, is wrapping up his four-day tour of the Middle East. His visit has seen him sit down with the Saudi crown prince and the Qatari emir (as well as Syria’s leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa) to discuss bolstering economic and security ties.

    In that sense, the trip has been a resounding success. Trump signed a US$142 billion (£107 billion) arms deal with Saudi Arabia and agreements with Qatar that, according to the White House, will “generate an economic exchange worth at least US$1.2 trillion”.

    Adam Hanieh, a professor of political economy at the University of Exeter, explains that arrangements like these are part of a long history in which the Gulf monarchies have supported the architecture of US global power.

    In this piece, Hanieh explores how the vast amounts of income generated by the Gulf’s nationalised petroleum industries in the 20th century was invested into US financial markets. Gulf states, he writes, were essential contributors to the growth of the US as a global financial power.

    The US promised military protection in return, resulting in a web of American military bases across the region. As Trump’s lavish welcome in the Middle East shows, the relationship between the US and Gulf monarchies looks robust.

    But much has changed in the past two decades, says Hanieh, referring to China’s rise as a global manufacturing hub. The Gulf is a critical energy lifeline for Beijing, while China’s demand for oil, gas and petrochemicals will be a vital part of the Gulf’s economic future.



    Read more:
    Not every US president gets a free private jet, but the Gulf states have boosted US economic dominance for decades

    Trump is no stranger to competition with China, as his first five months in office have shown. Tit-for-tat tariffs that the US and China imposed on each other quickly snowballed into heavy duties, as high as 145% on Chinese goods looking to enter the US.

    However, after weeks of signalling that tariff levels could reduce, US and Chinese officials announced this week that US tariffs on Chinese goods would drop to 30% for a period of 90 days, while Chinese tariffs on US products would drop back to 10%. Trade negotiations between the two countries will continue.

    We asked Chee Meng Tan, an assistant professor of business economics at the University of Nottingham, what the deal means for China. He says the tariff reduction has provided China with much-needed relief as it attempts to repair its ailing economy.

    But China will ultimately hope to bring US tariffs down to around 10%, in line with the rest of the world. And, as Tan explains, there is more China can do to persuade the Trump administration to cut tariffs further. Ensuring the flow of critical minerals to the US and assuring its support for US agriculture, an important political support base for Trump, will be key.

    China needs to engage with the US and lower US tariffs as much as possible. But it will want to look at other options, writes Tan, rather than relying on an unpredictable Trump. The next 90 days are a big deal for Beijing.



    Read more:
    China-US trade war: the next 90 days are a big deal for Beijing as it seeks long-term solutions

    Jonathan Este is on holiday.

    World Affairs Briefing from The Conversation UK is available as a weekly email newsletter. Click here to get updates directly in your inbox.

    – ref. Putin dodges peace talks in Istanbul as Russia pushes for territorial concessions from Ukraine – https://theconversation.com/putin-dodges-peace-talks-in-istanbul-as-russia-pushes-for-territorial-concessions-from-ukraine-256504

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Denmark’s oysters are transforming foodies into citizen scientists

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dominique Townsend, Visiting Researcher, School of Geography and Environmental Science, University of Southampton

    Lea Meilandt Mathisen, CC BY-NC-ND

    This year 80 people put on their waders, grabbed buckets and quadrats (square metal frames), and splashed through the clear shallow waters. Once they reached one of the many sampling locations, marked by miniature floats, they threw their quadrats into the shallow water, ready to collect all the sea life that landed inside their quadrats.

    No one had any idea what they might find living on the seabed until they reached into the water. Nearby, kids peered down at the seabed using underwater scopes, grandparents chuckled as they returned for a second forage.

    This citizen science project combines coastal ecology and gastronomy. Our groups returned to the sorting stations to identify, count, weigh and measure each bucket of creatures and algae. A typical bucket might contain four living Pacific oysters, nine dead, a brush-clawed shore crab, four folded sea squirts and a handful of snails.

    Then, we sat down together to eat a gourmet oyster dinner, prepared by Denmark’s top chefs. Organised by a shellfish gastrotourism association called Danmarks Skaldyrshovedstad, this oyster hunt (Østerjagten 2025) is a new annual festival held at the Salling Sund Bridge in the Danish Limfjorden, a 110-mile strait of water in northern Denmark.

    Citizen scientists gather flora and fauna samples from the seafloor.
    Lea Meilandt Mathisen, CC BY-NC-ND

    The invasive Pacific oysters people had collected from the seabed then went on to be shucked and cooked. They were served au gratin, with wild flavour combinations, ranging from blueberry and blue cheese to shavings of prosciutto with strawberries and lime.

    Most people told us they came along because of the quirkiness of this event, and the promise of gourmet food. Less than one in five people stated their interest in marine research as their reason for joining. Nobody attended the event just for the science.

    As a coastal change researcher, this result was exciting – we were reaching an audience that might not normally engage. Even after participating, many people didn’t feel like citizen scientists. But when asked what they had learnt, most recalled facts about coastal ecology, as well as new ways to cook oysters.

    A delicious plate of Pacific oysters served au gratin.
    Lea Meilandt Mathisen, CC BY-NC-ND



    Read more:
    How citizen science is shaping international conservation

    Eating aliens

    Back to the basket sample contents. Pacific oyster, brush-clawed shore crab, folded sea squirts: none are native to the Limfjorden or Danish waters. So many people were shocked to find out that their baskets were full of invasive species – these “alien species” are non-native and can compete with the resident species for both food and space.

    Despite an increase in the number of empty Pacific oysters shells we found this year compared to last (indicating more oyster deaths), temperatures are rising in this estuary system. This means that conditions are becoming more suitable for the Pacific oysters and the other invasive creatures, many of which originate in warmer waters.

    Individual Pacific oysters were measured by hand.
    Lea Meilandt Mathisen, CC BY-NC-ND

    All oysters provide ecosystem services; improving water quality, forming new habitats and protecting coastlines from erosion by reducing wave energy. As Pacific oysters are bigger, rougher, tougher and much faster growing than native European oysters, they can have a greater impact on the environment.

    This, however, is not necessarily a good thing. As Pacific oysters take over European oyster and blue mussel beds, birds which once fed on these species are left without vital food sources. The thick shells mean they have no predators once they reach a certain size. Beach goers can also be affected as the razor-sharp shells occupy previously sandy bathing areas.

    Farming of the Pacific oyster has been banned in Denmark since 1998, yet despite this measure, Pacific oyster beds are now widespread and prevalent across Denmark’s estuaries. A single oyster can release between 50 and 200 million eggs during a spawning event each year meaning it is impossible to control them.

    A young citizen scientist holds a small shore crab.
    Lea Meilandt Mathisen, CC BY-NC-ND

    While children were discovering the joy of sea squirts, other marine scientists and I could have tougher conversations with adults about climate change. We explained that warming temperatures are clearly visible in the here-and-now of local monitoring data.

    The Limfjorden is made up of a series of fjords and islands in northern Denmark which link the North Sea to the Kattergat (the sea between Denmark and Sweden). This area is characterised by undisturbed coastlines and rolling hills, as well as some famous geological sites. It is a popular holiday destination for those that enjoy being in nature, some Danish hyggelig (comfort) and seafood.

    But the Limfjorden is subject to numerous pressures: eutrophication (when extra nutrients in the water cause toxic algal blooms), changing climate, fishing, dumping of dredged materials and the arrival of invasive species. Its resilience to these may serve as an ecological bell weather for the rest of the world’s coasts.

    Our event highlights how we’ll have to deal with environmental issues together. One feedback form still sits on my desk, the participant wrote in Danish: “Forskning er alle mands projekt og at det har effekt.” This translates to “research is everyone’s project and it has an effect”.

    This edible approach offers a new way of communicating complex issues such as biodiversity and the introduction of alien species. Oyster hunt-style events such as this offer an excellent opportunity for scientists like us to provide some food for thought.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Camille Saurel receives funding from the European Union, Danish Government and research councils.

    Pedro Seabra Freitas receives funding from the European Union, Danish Government and Research Councils, Aage V. Jensen Naturfond.

    Dominique Townsend does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How Denmark’s oysters are transforming foodies into citizen scientists – https://theconversation.com/how-denmarks-oysters-are-transforming-foodies-into-citizen-scientists-255828

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How to write a perfect wedding speech – according to ancient orators

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Roberts, Professor of English and University Orator, Birmingham City University

    IVASHstudio/Shutterstock

    Looking for an example of how not to give a wedding speech? Try this. I was recently told an anecdote about guests at a wedding who became suspicious about the detached, cliched style of the groom’s speech, and the monotonous way it was read. Gathered at the reception afterwards, they asked ChatGPT to write a groom’s wedding speech. Bingo! The result was as good as identical.

    Admittedly, whether you’re bride or groom, best man or chief bridesmaid, giving a wedding speech can be a scary prospect. But if you want to keep it personal and memorable, AI is not the answer.

    So what is? You could do a lot worse than following the five canons of classical rhetoric, as recommended by the great practitioners of the ancient world, Cicero and Quintilian: invention, arrangement, style, memory and delivery.

    1. Invention

    The first canon of classical rhetoric is invention. That’s the process of discovering and developing the ideas you’ll use in your speech.

    You can’t speak about everything, and no one likes a speech that drones on. Around ten minutes is all you need. That leaves you time for maybe six or seven events in the life of the person you’re talking about.

    If you visualise those six or seven events, that will help you remember them. Is there a theme or characteristic that binds them together? Identify one or two, and use them to create a thread.

    Good speakers often begin with a bit of a warm-up – maybe some light-hearted comments about the venue, or something in the news, or just a good joke. Plan to single out people in the audience for a mention or a laugh. Say something nice about the new family, or friendship groups you’ve discovered through the relationship.

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    2. Arrangement

    History is your best friend when it comes to arranging the order of your speech. The events you’ve chosen under “invention” happened in order of time. So lean on history and organise them chronologically.

    Also, remember that many of the best wedding speeches often follow an arc from light to serious. You can make fun of your subject for a while, but nothing quite beats ending with love.

    3. Style

    This will vary depending on your role. Best men and chief bridesmaids traditionally skirt the boundaries of politeness, or sometimes go crashing through them (the worst best-man jokes are not repeatable here, nor anywhere else, and there’s no shortage of books dedicated to them).

    Mostly you’ll be talking to a mixed audience. You can be a bit risqué without offending anyone (sexist jokes are not recommended). And because you’re likely to be talking to people you know, try to be informal – the “familiar style”, as it used to be called. That also means being personal. The speech has to sound like you.

    Keep your speech as personal as possible.
    Dupe/Chloe Christianson, CC BY-SA

    4. Memory

    The prospect of remembering a speech may feel daunting or impossible. But speaking without notes makes a huge difference to how you engage your audience.

    Look into their eyes and they will be drawn in. The ancient Roman educator Quintilian was one among many orators to recommend visual analogues as a memory aid – often, the ground plan of a house, where a porch leads to a hall, which leads to a dining room, and so on. You populate each room with clues. They might be verbal or visual.

    Anything that helps you lift your eyes from a script will increase your chances of getting the audience on your side.

    5. Delivery

    Calm your nerves by visualising the scene ahead of time. Most people visit their wedding venue before the big day, so take the opportunity to get used to the space, and then run it through in your head afterwards.

    Try rehearsing the speech while you’re going for a walk. When it comes to the big day and the room is full, remember that you can’t speak directly to everyone. Instead, pick out maybe three or four people to focus on, in different parts of the room.

    Taking a walk around the venue ahead of time can help you to memorise your speech.
    Dupe/Marissa Gradei, CC BY-SA

    There are novel approaches and there are disasters. The double-act approach can work brilliantly, where bride and groom take turns to deliver a single speech, but it may need scripting. If the venue has the facilities, a slide show can work well. Picking out the various groups of families and friends and getting them to wave usually works as a good warmup.

    When you get a laugh, ride it – start speaking again just as the laughter is dying down. Don’t wait for silence. If you get into a panic and can’t think of anything, just say you’re so happy that you’re speechless, and raise your glass for a toast.

    David Roberts does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How to write a perfect wedding speech – according to ancient orators – https://theconversation.com/how-to-write-a-perfect-wedding-speech-according-to-ancient-orators-251284

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Symptoms of androgen excess in women are too often being overlooked – or dismissed as ‘just cosmetic’

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael O’Reilly, Clinical Associate Professor of Endocrinology, Department of Medicine, RCSI University of Medicine and Health Sciences

    Hair loss can be a symptom of androgen excess Hazal Ak/Shutterstock

    Acne that won’t go away. Hair thinning at the crown. Unwanted facial hair, unpredictable periods, mood swings and weight gain. For millions of women, these aren’t just annoying symptoms – they’re signs of a deeper, often ignored condition: androgen excess. Despite affecting at least one in ten women worldwide, this hormonal imbalance remains underdiagnosed, misunderstood, and too often dismissed.

    Androgens are commonly known as “male hormones”, but all women have them too. The problem arises when levels become too high. This excess can wreak havoc across multiple systems in the body, disrupting menstrual cycles, fertility, metabolism and even mental health. Yet because some of the more visible symptoms, like acne or hirsutism, are often brushed off as cosmetic, many women don’t get the support or treatment they need.

    The most well known cause of androgen excess is polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS). It affects up to 13% of women globally and costs the US alone an estimated US$15 billion (£11 bllion) each year.

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    But, even though PCOS dominates the conversation, it’s not the only condition behind androgen excess. Other, sometimes more serious, disorders can also cause elevated hormone levels like hormone-secreting tumours, congenital adrenal hyperplasia (a group of genetic disorders that affect your adrenal glands), Cushing’s syndrome (a rare hormonal disorder caused by prolonged exposure to very high levels of the hormone cortisol) and severe insulin resistance. Yet too often, the assumption is that any woman with high androgens has PCOS, which can delay diagnosis of these rarer but potentially serious conditions.

    The effects of androgen excess go far beyond skin deep. It’s associated with significant metabolic issues – insulin resistance affects the majority of women with PCOS, putting them at higher risk for type 2 diabetes. Many also live with higher body weight and are more likely to develop high blood pressure, liver disease and cardiovascular problems.

    For some, difficulty conceiving is what finally leads them to seek medical help. But even among women not trying to become pregnant, hormonal imbalance can take a toll: anxiety and depression are two to three times more common in women with PCOS than in the general population.

    And yet, hormonal health is still too often treated as an afterthought. Many women describe years of feeling dismissed by doctors, told to “come back if you want to get pregnant”, or offered little more than the contraceptive pill. On average, women with PCOS wait over two years and consult several different healthcare professionals before receiving a diagnosis. Nearly half say their symptoms were initially ignored.

    Part of the problem may be the name itself. “Polycystic ovary syndrome” is a misnomer – many women with PCOS don’t actually have cysts on their ovaries, and having ovarian cysts doesn’t necessarily mean you have PCOS. It’s a complex metabolic and hormonal disorder, not just a reproductive one. That’s why some experts and patient advocates around the world are calling for a name change to better reflect the condition’s true nature. A more accurate label could raise awareness and improve the way it’s diagnosed and treated.

    Encouragingly, there’s been a major step forward in how androgen excess is addressed. In June 2024, the Society for Endocrinology in the UK published new clinical guidelines to help doctors better identify and manage the condition. These guidelines include clear diagnostic pathways, recommendations for when to carry out blood tests or scans, and guidance on when to refer patients for specialist care. Crucially, they acknowledge that androgen excess can affect women at all ages – not just during the reproductive years.

    A real difference

    Publishing guidelines is only the first step. To make a real difference in women’s lives, several things need to happen. First, there must be greater investment in research. We still don’t fully understand why some women develop excess androgens while others don’t, or why symptoms vary so much between individuals. Research in women’s health has long been underfunded and androgen-related conditions are no exception.

    Doctors also need better training. General practitioners, gynaecologists, dermatologists and even mental health professionals all have a role to play in recognising the signs of androgen excess. If they don’t feel confident identifying the symptoms or knowing when to investigate further, women will continue to fall through the cracks.

    Just as importantly, women need access to clear, trustworthy information. Too many are left to Google their symptoms or rely on online forums. Knowing what to look out for – and what to ask a doctor – can empower women to advocate for themselves and get the care they deserve.

    Finally, we need to move toward more joined up, holistic care. Hormonal health doesn’t exist in a vacuum. It affects – and is affected by – mental wellbeing, lifestyle, metabolism and reproductive health. Effective treatment means looking at the whole picture, not just prescribing a pill or focusing on fertility alone.

    Androgen excess may be invisible to those who don’t experience it, but its impact is profound. For too long, it has flown under the radar. With better understanding, better care, and a stronger voice for women’s health, we can ensure that hormonal symptoms are taken seriously – and treated with the urgency and compassion they deserve.

    Michael O’Reilly receives research funding from the Health Research Board (Ireland) and Wellcome

    Leanne Cussen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Symptoms of androgen excess in women are too often being overlooked – or dismissed as ‘just cosmetic’ – https://theconversation.com/symptoms-of-androgen-excess-in-women-are-too-often-being-overlooked-or-dismissed-as-just-cosmetic-255743

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Is the pope a mathematician? Yes, actually – and his training may help him grapple with the infinite

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Balthasar Grabmayr, Junior Professor of Philosophy, University of Tübingen

    Humans are finite creatures. Our brains have a finite number of neurons and we interact with a finite number of people during our finite lifetime. Yet humans have the remarkable ability to conceive of the infinite.

    This ability underlies Euclid’s proof that there are infinite prime numbers as well as the belief of billions that their gods are infinite beings, free of mortal constraints.

    These ideas will be well known to Pope Leo XIV since before his life in the church, he trained as a mathematician. Leo’s trajectory is probably no coincidence since there is a connection between mathematics and theology.

    Infinity is undoubtedly of central importance to both. Virtually all mathematical objects, such as numbers or geometric shapes, form infinite collections. And theologians frequently describe God as a unique, absolutely infinite being.

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    Despite using the same word, though, there has traditionally been a vast gap between how mathematicians and theologians conceptualise infinity. From antiquity until the 19th century, mathematicians have believed that there are infinitely many numbers, but – in contrast to theologians – firmly rejected the idea of the absolute infinite.

    The idea roughly is this: surely, there are infinitely many numbers, since we can always keep counting. But each number itself is finite – there are no infinite numbers. What is rejected is the legitimacy of the collection of all numbers as a closed object in its own right. For the existence of such a collection leads to logical paradoxes.

    A paradox of the infinite

    The most simple example is a version of Galileo’s paradox and leads to seemingly contradictory statements about the natural numbers 1,2,3….

    First, observe that some numbers are even, while others are not. Hence, the numbers – even and odd – must be more numerous than just the even numbers 2,4,6…. And yet, for every number there is exactly one even number. To see this, simply multiply any given number by 2.

    But then there cannot be more numbers than there are even numbers. We thus arrive at the contradictory conclusion that numbers are more numerous than the even numbers, while at the same time there are not more numbers than there are even numbers.

    Because of such paradoxes, mathematicians rejected actual infinities for millennia. As a result, mathematics was concerned with a much tamer concept of infinity than the absolute one used by theologians. This situation dramatically changed with mathematician Georg Cantor’s introduction of transfinite set theory in the second half of the 19th century.

    Georg Cantor, mathematical rebel.
    Wikipedia

    Cantor’s radical idea was to introduce, in a mathematically rigorous way, absolute infinities to the realm of mathematics. This innovation revolutionised the field by delivering a powerful and unifying theory of the infinite. Today, set theory provides the foundations of mathematics, upon which all other subdisciplines are built.

    According to Cantor’s theory, two sets – A and B – have the same size if their elements stand in a one-to-one correspondence. This means that each element of A can be related to a unique element of B, and vice versa.

    Think of sets of husbands and wives respectively, in a heterosexual, monogamous society. These sets can be seen to have the same size, even though we might not be able to count each husband and wife.

    The reason is that the relation of marriage is one-to-one. For each husband there is a unique wife, and conversely, for each wife there is a unique husband.

    Using the same idea, we have seen above that in Cantor’s theory, the set of numbers – even and odd – has the same size as the set of even numbers. And so does the set of integers, which includes negative numbers, and the set of rational numbers, which can be written as fractions.

    The most striking feature of Cantor’s theory is that not all infinite sets have the same size. In particular, Cantor showed that the set of real numbers, which can be written as infinite decimals, must be strictly larger than the set of integers.

    The set of real numbers, in turn, is smaller than even larger infinities, and so on. To measure the size of infinite sets, Cantor introduced so-called transfinite numbers.

    The ever-increasing series of transfinite numbers is denoted by Aleph, the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, whose mystic nature has been explored by philosophers, theologians and poets alike.

    Set theory and Pope Leo XIII

    For Cantor, a devout Lutheran Christian, the motivation and justification of his theory of absolute infinities was directly inspired by religion. In fact, he was convinced that the transfinite numbers were communicated to him by God. Moreover, Cantor was deeply concerned about the consequences of his theory for Catholic theology.

    Pope Leo XIII.
    Wikipedia/Braun et Compagnie

    Pope Leo XIII, Cantor’s contemporary, encouraged theologians to engage with modern science, to show that the conclusions of science were compatible with religious doctrine. In his extensive correspondence with Catholic theologians, Cantor went to great lengths to argue that his theory does not challenge the status of God as the unique actual infinite being.

    On the contrary, he understood his transfinite numbers as increasing the extent of God’s nature, as a “pathway to the throne of God”. Cantor even addressed a letter and several notes on this topic to Leo XIII himself.

    For Cantor, absolute infinities lie at the intersection of mathematics and theology. It is striking to consider that one of the most fundamental revolutions in the history of mathematics, the introduction of absolute infinities, was so deeply entangled with religious concerns.

    Pope Leo XIV has been explicit that Leo XIII was his inspiration for his choice of pontifical name. Perhaps among an infinite number of potential reasons for the choice, this mathematical link was one.

    Balthasar Grabmayr does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Is the pope a mathematician? Yes, actually – and his training may help him grapple with the infinite – https://theconversation.com/is-the-pope-a-mathematician-yes-actually-and-his-training-may-help-him-grapple-with-the-infinite-256721

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: After an autocratic leader was toppled in Bangladesh, democratic renewal remains a work in progress

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Intifar Chowdhury, Lecturer in Government, Flinders University

    Last July, a powerful student-led uprising in Bangladesh toppled the authoritarian, corrupt government led for 15 years by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

    Bangladesh now shows modest signs of democratic recovery. Months into its tenure, a transitional government has reopened political and civic space, especially at universities, and begun reforming key state bodies.

    Yet, violence and political retribution persist. This week, the interim government banned Hasina’s former party, the Awami League, under the country’s Anti-Terrorism Act while a tribunal investigates its role in the deaths of hundreds of protesters last year.

    Elections have also been delayed and may not happen until 2026.

    Amid this fragile transition, interim leader Muhammad Yunus, the 84-year-old Nobel-prize winning economist, has emerged as a rare figure of trust and calm. His popularity is so high, in fact, many are calling for him to remain at the helm for another five years.

    Given the uncertainty, Bangladesh faces some uncomfortable questions: can it afford electoral democracy right now? Or must stability come first, with democracy postponed until institutions can catch up?

    And what happens if emergency governance becomes the new normal?

    Fraught road to democratic renewal

    According to a global democracy report, Bangladesh is still classified as an “electoral autocracy” — one of the few in the category that actually got worse in 2024.

    The opposition, chiefly the Bangladesh National Party (BNP), has mounted a fierce challenge to the interim government’s legitimacy, arguing it lacks a democratic mandate to implement meaningful reforms.

    While the BNP and its former ally, the Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami, may appeal to segments of Bangladesh’s Muslim majority, their support is undermined by reputational baggage and limited resonance with younger voters.

    At the same time, radical, right-wing, Islamist forces are exploiting the vacuum to reassert themselves, exacerbating tensions between Muslims and the Hindu minority.

    Economically, the country is also still reeling from the damage done under Hasina’s regime.

    Corruption hollowed out the banking system, leaving key institutions almost bankrupt. Although Yunus has taken steps to stabilise the economy by bringing in competent officials, uncertainty continues to dampen investor confidence.

    Inflation remains high. And unless job creation accelerates, especially for the youth, the seeds of further unrest are already planted.

    In addition, law and order has deteriorated sharply. The country’s police force has been tainted by its association with the Alami League, and the former police chief is facing charges of crimes against humanity.

    Street crime is rising and minorities are experiencing growing harassment. Women feel deeply unsafe — both online and on the streets. Some parties are also seen as a threat to countering violence against women.

    Despite strong laws on paper, weak law enforcement and victim-blaming are allowing violence to flourish. It’s very difficult to hold perpetrators of crimes to account.

    Bangladesh is also increasingly isolated on the global stage.

    India, long allied to Hasina’s government, has turned its back on the interim government. The United States is disengaging, as well. USAID had committed nearly US$1 billion (A$1.6 billion) from 2021–26 to help improve the lives of Bangladeshis, but this funding has now been suspended.

    Some gains on civil liberties

    This year, Bangladesh improved slightly in Freedom House’s index on political freedoms and civil liberties, from a score of 40 points out of 100 last year to 45. This is a step in the right direction.

    Among the improvements in the past year, the government has:

    The appointment of new election commissioners and the creation of advisory commissions for judicial and anti-corruption reform also signal an institutional reset in motion.

    But gains remain fragile. While politically motivated cases against opposition figures have been dropped, new ones have emerged against former ruling elites. The military’s policing role has expanded and harassment of Awami League supporters by protesters persists.

    In addition, media freedom remains heavily constrained, with a human rights group reporting the interim government had targeted hundreds of journalists in the past eight months.

    In this fractured environment, urgent reforms are needed. But these need to be sustainable, as well. Whether the interim government has the time, authority or support to deliver them remains in doubt. The government also needs to deliver on its promise to hold free and fair elections.

    A new party on the rise

    The country’s politically engaged youth have not been dissuaded by these issues. Rather, they are trying to reshape the political landscape.

    The new National Citizen Party (NCP) was formed in early 2025 by leaders of last year’s student uprising. It has positioned itself as the party to bring a “second republic” to Bangladesh. Drawing from historical models from France and the US, the party envisions a new elected, constituent assembly and constitution.

    With organisational support and tacit backing from the interim government, the NCP has rapidly grown into a viable political force.

    Still, the party faces a steep, uphill climb. Its broad, ideological umbrella risks diluting its message, blurring its distinctions with the BNP.

    For the NCP to turn protests into policy, it must sharpen its identity, consolidate its base, and avoid being co-opted or outflanked.

    Whether this moment of political flux leads to real transformation or yet another cycle of disillusionment will depend on how boldly — and how sustainably— the interim government and new actors like the NCP act. And they must not draw out the process of transition for too long.

    Intifar Chowdhury does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. After an autocratic leader was toppled in Bangladesh, democratic renewal remains a work in progress – https://theconversation.com/after-an-autocratic-leader-was-toppled-in-bangladesh-democratic-renewal-remains-a-work-in-progress-253846

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canada’s audiovisual industry should better reflect the country’s diversity

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By John Schoales, Visiting Researcher and Adjunct Professor, School of Creative Industries, Toronto Metropolitan University

    An important reason for underrepresentation in cultural industries is the citizenship-based approach to defining what classifies as Canadian content.
     (Shutterstock)

    The Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) has recently undertaken a consultation on defining Canadian programming in the film and television industry.

    A longstanding focus has been to base the definition of Canadian programming on having Canadian citizens or permanent residents occupying key creative or ownership positions in film and television. Similar definitions are used in Canada for other cultural industries such as music, publishing and the arts.

    However, the growth of online content has challenged longstanding approaches that were developed when national borders played a larger role in media markets. Today, a new generation of artists and online creators are less likely to see their markets or identities confined by national boundaries.

    This has also highlighted barriers faced by others, long ignored, who don’t necessarily define their cultural identity by their nationality. This can include people from other countries who want to pursue arts and culture careers in Canada, Indigenous communities or anyone who defines their identity by anything other than their citizenship.

    Systemic bias

    An important reason for underrepresentation in cultural industries is the citizenship-based approach to Canadian content used by the CRTC in audiovisual policy and the federal and provincial governments in a variety of culture programs.

    This approach creates preferential access to opportunities for people who are much more likely to be white.

    The Canadian Human Rights Commission has stated that progress towards eliminating systemic racism and discrimination in a meaningful way will remain elusive as long as any doubt remains about the existence of systemic racism in Canada.

    The growth of online content has challenged longstanding approaches that were developed when national borders played a larger role in media markets.
    (Shutterstock)

    Canadian audiovisual policy illustrates that systemic racism does exist and remains embedded in Canadian culture policy.

    The 2021 census indicated that around one-quarter of Canada’s population is racialized. That includes 69.3 per cent of immigrants and 83.1 per cent of non-permanent residents.

    The census also shows that racialized people are underrepresented in all cultural industries, such as film and television, music, publishing and performing arts. Those who are able to work in cultural occupations often earn far less than their non-racialized counterparts.

    As the Ontario Human Rights Commission has stated:

    “Organizations must ensure that they are not unconsciously engaging in systemic discrimination. This takes vigilance and a willingness to monitor and review numerical data, policies, practices and decision-making processes and organizational culture. It is not acceptable from a human rights perspective for an organization to choose to remain unaware of systemic discrimination or to fail to act when a problem comes to its attention.”

    Challenges in the immigration system

    The relationship between immigration, underrepresentation and industry growth, success and cultural impact is particularly important for effective Canadian policy because almost all of Canada’s net population growth is due to immigration.

    Today, Canada is increasingly using a two-step immigration system in which immigrants are selected from non-permanent residents already living in Canada. It is particularly difficult for a culture industry worker to settle in Canada because they don’t qualify for public funding programs in these industries prior to becoming a permanent resident.

    In addition, relevant work they are able to find may not count toward their future immigration applications because it may be self-employment, contract or part-time work, which is the norm in these industries.

    There is little effort to either attract foreign workers in these industries or help them integrate into a workforce in which self-employment and contract work is very common, and success is largely determined by access to established networks.

    Definitions of Canadian content highlight barriers faced by others, long ignored, who don’t necessarily define their cultural identity by their citizenship.
    (Shutterstock)

    Improving creativity and productivity

    Canada’s parochial approach that equates culture with nationality echoes a troubled history of cultural assimilation and discrimination.

    The country does not appear to have learned important lessons about the impact of cultural nationalist assimilation from the Truth and Reconciliation process, restrictive immigration policies or the advancement of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

    It says to some: your cultural identity is Canadian. It says to others: you’re not a Canadian citizen or permanent resident so anything you create has no cultural value.

    Inclusive creative industries allow for the cultural contributions of more people and foster collaboration and new ideas, which are important drivers of a productive industry.

    Productivity is significantly lower in Canada than in the United States. High human capital industries like the creative industries are primary drivers of productivity and are supported by the migration of skilled people.

    A definition of Canadian content based on citizenship or permanent residency status is often promoted as a way to defend against the influx of American cultural products from Hollywood. However, Hollywood products currently have no citizenship focus. Like all highly successful culture centres, Hollywood has always founded its success on attracting talented people from around the world.

    U.S. President Donald Trump’s proposal to impose film tariffs on foreign-produced films similarly does not reflect an understanding that this is a global industry. It is a short step from there to wanting only Americans in key creative and ownership roles. That would restrict Hollywood’s access to global talent and resources, undermine its primary advantage, and undermine the industry’s competitiveness.



    Read more:
    Tax Canadian movies? Why culture has always been at the centre of trade wars

    As a leading global destination for immigrants and with aspirations to be inclusive, Canada has the unique potential to become a leading global culture centre with thriving and diverse creative industries.

    To achieve this potential, the CRTC and Canadian governments must reorient their policies to develop cultural industries that cultivate great art by talented people, regardless of their identity or where they are from.

    John Schoales does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canada’s audiovisual industry should better reflect the country’s diversity – https://theconversation.com/canadas-audiovisual-industry-should-better-reflect-the-countrys-diversity-252883

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How a toxic seaweed choking Caribbean beaches could become a valuable resource

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Emily Wilkinson, Principal Research Fellow, ODI Global

    Marc Bruxelle/Shutterstock

    Each year, between March and October, large amounts of brown seaweed called sargassum wash up on the shores of Caribbean islands – choking beaches, damaging marine life and threatening tourism and public health. But a number of local entrepreneurs are hoping the seaweed could create an economic opportunity.

    From the coast of west Africa to the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico, climate change is warming the temperature of the ocean. Seas are also becoming more acidic as water absorbs carbon dioxide. This all results in more intense growth of sargassum in the tropical Atlantic.

    Small Caribbean nations are among the hardest hit. With 20 million tonnes of this seaweed washing up on the beaches in 2024, sargassum is fuelling an economic and public health crisis.

    The piles of noxious seaweed on the Caribbean islands’ white sandy beaches are putting off visitors to these islands and probably dampening tourism revenues.

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    The fishing sector is also suffering, with blooms of seaweed getting caught up in fishing nets, often ripping them due to the weight of the seaweed. This makes it hard for fishers to catch fish and make a living.

    The sheer volume of sargassum left to decompose on land produces toxic fumes that have forced people on islands like Guadeloupe to leave their homes. These toxic fumes have been linked to serious health issues including respiratory infections, sleep apnoea and even preeclampsia (high blood pressure during pregnancy).

    The sargassum problem is just one of many slow-onset events that are being exacerbated by climate change. But gradual changes get much less attention or resources to address the consequences than, say, alarming wildfires or flash floods.

    Slow-onset events are also much harder to quantify than climate-change-induced extreme weather, such as worsening hurricanes or floods. Our team at ODI Global, a thinktank, recently published a study that estimated the cost of these at US$2,000 (£1,500) per person. Calculating the tourism lost each year due to seaweed inundation is trickier.



    Read more:
    Extreme weather has already cost vulnerable island nations US$141 billion – or about US$2,000 per person

    Despite these challenges, through small-scale, locally developed solutions, as well as government policies that support small businesses including helping them access climate finance, entrepreneurs can find sustainable solutions to help their populations thrive in an era of climate change.

    Legena Henry, a lecturer at the University of the West Indies in Barbados, uses sargassum to produce a biofuel that can power cars. Johanan Dujon, the founder and chief executive of St. Lucia-based Algas Organics sells plant tonics made from sargassum and is trialling methods to convert sargassum into paper.

    Meanwhile, other innovations are helping to minimise the impacts of sargassum in the region.

    Andrés León, founder of SOS Carbon, a spin-off organisation from the mechanical engineering department at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, has designed a boat-based harvester to collect sargassum at sea to stop it from beaching and causing damage onshore.

    Some islands, such as Jamaica, are using early warning systems, typically used to predict hurricanes, to predict the ocean currents that might bring a bumper arrival of the seaweed to their shores. This could give fishers up to 30 days notice of just how bad the inundation will be.

    Barriers to scale up

    But while small businesses are emerging, turning them into larger enterprises across the region remains difficult. As usual, small island nations struggle to get funding because investors think the projects are too small and won’t make enough money.

    As Legena Henry recently told us on the Small Island Big Picture podcast, spending a few million dollars (as opposed to a few hundred million dollars) can feel administratively cumbersome for funders as they often have limited administrative capacity and large sums of money to manage.

    Another issue is ensuring the benefits from any sargassum solutions flow into the affected Caribbean islands to support local growth and economic development.

    Several opportunities exist for small island nations to generate some income from sargassum. They could, for example, sell licences to permit companies to harvest sargassum within their exclusive economic zones, which can stretch around many islands for hundreds of nautical miles.

    They can also sell licences to businesses trialling or operating new sargassum technologies within their exclusive economic zones — for example, SOS Carbon has a patent pending for technology designed to sink sargassum to the seabed to store carbon.

    Will sargassum continue to be a nuisance, or could it be an important renewable natural resource? It’s not yet clear.

    Ideally, as with other renewable natural resources in developing countries, small island nations that own the sargassum need to find ways to extract a fair share of the value from that ownership, as well as selling to external companies that come in, remove it and profit from it.

    With tax incentives and low-cost finance for domestic innovators, small islands can manage and sell sargassum and then use the proceeds to develop climate resilience measures.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 45,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Emma Tompkins received funding for work on sargassum from the Economic and Social Research Council GCRF (Grant number: ES/T002964/1)

    Emily Wilkinson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How a toxic seaweed choking Caribbean beaches could become a valuable resource – https://theconversation.com/how-a-toxic-seaweed-choking-caribbean-beaches-could-become-a-valuable-resource-253874

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Supreme Court’s ruling on gender raises serious questions for schools

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jessica Ringrose, Professor of the Sociology of Gender and Education, Institute of Education, UCL

    Shutterstock

    The UK Supreme Court has ruled that when the Equality Act refers to “sex” it means biological sex, not gender identity.

    The Equality and Human Rights Commission has released an interim update on the implications of the UK Supreme Court judgement, which covers public spaces such as toilets.

    Schools in England and Wales must already provide single sex toilets for children aged over eight, and single sex changing rooms for children over 11. Schools in Scotland must provide separate toilet facilities for all pupils. The Equality and Human Rights Commission guidance states that schools must not permit trans girls to use the girls’ facilities, or trans boys to use the boys’.

    The ruling has caused worry for schools. Some teachers are concerned about the impact of potential changes for their pupils, including LGBTQ+ young people, whom they are in charge of safeguarding.

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    LGBTQ+ charities have pointed out that organisations enforcing toilet use on the basis of biological sex may cause disproportionate harm to trans people, threatening their dignity and rights. For instance, it may lead to the policing of bathrooms on the basis of perceived sex differences and profiling, so that those that do not “look” female or male enough can be targeted.

    The Supreme Court ruling itself notes that enforcing section 29 of the Equality Act must represent “a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim”. Organisations must also, therefore, bear in mind they should not implement policies that can harm trans students.

    Forcing transgender youth to use facilities that don’t align with their gender identity can have harmful consequences, leading to increased isolation and shame and not wanting to attend school.

    In addition, separate facilities only for trans youth may also cause stigma and lead to discrimination. Young trans people may feel that their gender identity is more visible in daily school life, and this may lead to them feeling more unsafe at school.

    The government is expected to publish revised guidance on how schools can support trans pupils in light of the ruling later this year. In the meantime, it is important to remember that schools have a duty of care to safeguard all pupils.

    And this isn’t just about bathrooms. The Supreme Court’s ruling may have left trans and gender diverse young people (those who don’t identify as male or female), already an extremely vulnerable group, feeling more at risk. Research has pointed to schools as a place where trans and gender-diverse young people face significant discrimination from both school staff and their peers.

    A systematic review of research – a study which assesses the findings of a range of scholarly research studies on a particular topic – has estimated that the proportion of adolescents who identify as trans or gender diverse is between 2.5% and 8.4%. The lowest end of that estimate would translate to 27 trans or gender diverse pupils in an average-sized English secondary school. The research also suggests that this proportion is increasing.

    The importance of relationships and sex education

    A key way schools can support trans and gender diverse young people is through the provision of relationships and sex education that addresses LGBTQ+ identities. This should be part of a whole school approach to safeguarding. It is necessary for the wellbeing and safety of all pupils, regardless of sexuality or gender.

    A UCL Institute of Education guide to good practice that I contributed to sets out key principles to ensure high quality relationships and sex education. This includes taking into account the needs and views of all pupils, including trans and gender diverse pupils.

    Comprehensive, inclusive relationships and sex education benefits all pupils.
    LightField Studios/Shutterstock

    Schools should consider how disability, race, culture, age and religion or belief intersect with gender and sexuality. They should be inclusive. This means acknowledging which groups have privilege, and how unequal societal and institutional structures and power relations shape society and schools.

    Schools’ approach should ensure that young people have access to accurate information, health services, advice and knowledge, and encourage positive attitudes towards sexuality and body image while also tackling taboos and shame driven by inequalities. And relationships and sex education should be contemporary, relevant, and flexible.

    It should incorporate the experiences of all young people, including trans and gender diverse pupils, in order to be responsive to changing school populations. Finally, it should be research and evidence driven. This means drawing upon up to date, peer-reviewed academic research evidence, rather than political bias.

    The School of Sexuality Education charity has also offered further strategies for schools to be inclusive and supportive. These include challenging gender stereotypes and transphobic bullying in schools, upholding confidentiality whenever possible, and making sure to share relevant resources, including support services within the school and with parents.

    Overall, high quality relationships and sex education lessons that cover issues of LGBTQ+ sexual health and rights will enable schools to be inclusive environments that prioritise the safety, respect and dignity of all pupils.

    Still, the Supreme Court’s ruling has put schools and teachers in a difficult position. Schools urgently need the government to deliver its guidance on this issue – in a way that addresses schools’ very real concerns about the welfare of their trans pupils.

    Jessica Ringrose receives funding from Arts and Humanities Research Council.

    – ref. The Supreme Court’s ruling on gender raises serious questions for schools – https://theconversation.com/the-supreme-courts-ruling-on-gender-raises-serious-questions-for-schools-255748

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Not every US president gets a free private jet, but the Gulf states have boosted US economic dominance for decades

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Hanieh, Professor of Political Economy and Global Development, Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter

    After signing a US$142 billion (£107 billion) arms deal with Saudi Arabia, Donald Trump said the US bond with that country was “more powerful than ever”. He was also reportedly quite pleased with the gift of a private jet from Qatar.

    But these arrangements are just the latest developments in a long history of the Gulf monarchies supporting the architecture of American global power. And while the six Gulf states (Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman) have recently started redirecting their energy and trade ties eastward, especially towards China, they remain deeply embedded in the US-led financial order.

    As I explore in my recent book, Crude Capitalism, the Gulf states were instrumental in the rise of American global economic dominance.

    With oil emerging as the dominant fossil fuel through the second half of the 20th century, the Gulf’s nationalised petroleum industries generated vast amounts of income. Much of this was invested back into the US financial markets, particularly treasury bonds (essentially a long-term loan to the US government). This gave the US access to cheap foreign capital and reinforced the global dominance of the dollar.

    Put simply, the Gulf states were not peripheral to the US’s growing financial power – they were an essential contributor.

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    This arrangement also involved a political bargain: US military protection for the Gulf monarchies in exchange for investment flows and energy stability. The result was a web of US military bases across the region and a deep alignment between authoritarian Gulf regimes and western strategic interests.

    But much has changed in the past two decades. China’s rise as a global manufacturing hub has driven a huge increase in oil consumption, shifting the direction of the Gulf’s oil exports away from the US and western Europe towards China and east Asia.

    These energy ties have been accompanied by much deeper trade interdependence and a huge increase in Chinese investments in the Gulf. In 2005, China was responsible for just 9% of the Gulf’s imports. Today, that figure is over 20%, while the US and EU’s share has fallen from 45% to 16%. China has also recently overtaken the US as the largest foreign investor in Saudi Arabia.

    From Beijing’s perspective, the Gulf is a critical energy lifeline. From the Gulf’s side, China’s continuing demand for oil, gas and petrochemicals is a vital part of its economic future.

    For the moment, that economic situation looks pretty robust. In 2024, Gulf countries held around US$800 billion in foreign reserves (foreign currencies and other assets), which is more than India or Switzerland. Their sovereign wealth funds (a state owned investment fund) manage another US$4.9 trillion of assets.

    Private wealth, including that held by ruling families, stood at US$2.8 trillion in 2022, and is expected to reach US$3.5 trillion by 2027.

    Much of this money is invested domestically, in sectors including infrastructure, real estate and renewable energy. But an astonishing amount flows directly into US markets.

    Oil be back

    According to US Treasury data, total Gulf holdings of American securities (bonds, stocks and corporate debt) rose from US$611 billion in 2017 to over US$1 trillion in 2024. Outside of Canada and financial hubs like London and Ireland, the Gulf is now the largest foreign investor in the US stock market.

    Another route through which Gulf wealth flows back into the US is via military procurement. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, the Gulf states accounted for 22% of all global arms imports between 2019 and 2023 – more than any other region in the world.

    Riyadh, money to build.
    Kashif Hameed/Shutterstock

    The US supplies the overwhelming majority of these weapons. In this way, Gulf spending supports the American military industry, and in return, these states become more closely tied to the US military’s umbrella.

    These deep military, financial and strategic ties help explain the real focus of Trump’s visit to the Gulf. Much of the discussion will have centred on massive investment pledges made by Gulf states to the US – including Saudi Arabia’s promise to invest up to US$600 billion, and the UAE’s commitment to a US$1.4 trillion investment over ten years.

    And such pledges reflect a broader agenda which involves expanding deals in artificial intelligence, critical minerals, energy infrastructure and advanced manufacturing.

    So Trump travelling to the region is not just about private jets and spectacle. It is about the continuing relevance of a structural relationship essential to American power, and a deepening financial integration between the Gulf and the US.

    For even as the Gulf reorients its energy flows eastward, it remains deeply tied to US finance, the US military industry and US assets. In an era of weakening US global power – and the possible spectre of a deeper clash with China – this is what will define Trump’s visit.

    Adam Hanieh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Not every US president gets a free private jet, but the Gulf states have boosted US economic dominance for decades – https://theconversation.com/not-every-us-president-gets-a-free-private-jet-but-the-gulf-states-have-boosted-us-economic-dominance-for-decades-256655

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Philippine elections leaves the Marcos-Duterte family feud still dominating politics

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By John Sidel, Professor of International and Comparative Politics, London School of Economics and Political Science

    With 317 congressional seats and nearly 18,000 local positions at stake, the May 12 midterm election results in the Philippines mean different things to people across the archipelago. But even a few hours after the unofficial results came in, the brute facts had already become clear.

    Local elections for municipal and city mayorships, provincial governorships and congressional seats predictably produced victories for entrenched local “dynasties”. The advantages of incumbency – control over the patronage resources and regulatory powers of the state – ensured reelection for many sitting mayors, governors and congress members.

    Midterm elections in the Philippines also include half of the seats in the nationally elected 24-member Senate. They thus serve simultaneously as tests for presidents halfway through their single six-year terms and previews of the next presidential election, in this case in 2028.

    The latest mid-terms have been notable for their – ultimately ambiguous – implications for a major family feud at the top of the country’s politics. This feud pits the family of current president Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. against that of his vice-president, Sara Duterte.

    The elections have failed to strengthen either family decisively, so their bitter rivalry is likely to continue throughout the remainder of Marcos’s term.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    This family feud dates back to late 2021. At that time, Duterte agreed to run as Marcos’s running mate for presidential elections the following year despite her clear lead in nationwide voter preference surveys.

    The Marcos-Duterte ticket won a landslide victory. They benefited from the endorsement and assistance of the incumbent president, Rodrigo Duterte, whose enduring popularity extended to his daughter Sara.

    But following Marcos’s inauguration in late June 2022, a rift between the two families began to open up. Marcos settled into his presidential role and began to distance himself from the signature policies of his predecessor.

    Instead of cultivating close ties with China, Marcos strengthened relations with the US. And instead of continuing Duterte’s so-called “war on drugs”, Marcos publicly spotlighted corruption in the Philippine National Police (PNP).

    By 2024, Marcos began to signal his government’s willingness to cooperate with the International Criminal Court in its investigation of Duterte’s role in the thousands of extrajudicial killings undertaken in the war on drugs. Then, in March 2025, Duterte was arrested and transferred to The Hague. He is due to stand trial in the coming months.



    Read more:
    Former Philippines president Rodrigo Duterte arrested for crimes against humanity – a blow against impunity

    Relations between the president and his vice-president have also broken down. Sara Duterte resigned from her cabinet post in 2024 amid corruption allegations, with subsequent months seeing escalating public hostilities between Marcos and herself. These included claims of death threats and assassination plots.

    The House of Representatives voted by a clear majority to impeach Duterte in February 2025, setting the stage for a Senate trial later in the year. Against this backdrop, the midterms served as a kind of pre-trial proxy war between the two families.

    The Dutertes fielded ten candidates for Senate, the so-called “Duterten”. They also endorsed two of the 12 candidates in the Marcos-backed Alyansa para sa Bagong Pilipinas (Alliance for a New Philippines). The campaign was dominated by mudslinging between the two camps in the media and on social media. And the final results have proved decidedly mixed.

    On the one hand, pro-Duterte voters came out in a show of force to support candidates in the slate backed by the former president. This was foreshadowed by Marcos’s declining popularity following the arrest of his predecessor and the impeachment of his vice-president.

    Longtime Duterte lieutenant, Christopher “Bong” Go, won reelection and the most votes of all candidates. Duterte’s former police chief, Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa, also secured another term with a third-place showing.

    The sixth-placed winner was Rodante Marcoleta, another Duterte-backed candidate. He is a television broadcaster and member of the Iglesia Ni Cristo, an independent church whose nearly 3 million members have long been viewed as a single solid voting bloc.

    Two Alyansa candidates, Imee Marcos, the president’s estranged sister, and Camille Villar, daughter of wealthy real-estate mogul and former senator Manuel “Manny” Villar, also won seats with the explicit blessings of the Dutertes.

    On the other hand, the Marcos camp won more seats and some added strength in its battle with the Dutertes for control of the Senate ahead of Sara Duterte’s trial. Erwin Tulfo, a popular television news anchor and Marcos’s former secretary of social welfare and development, won the fourth-place seat.

    He was accompanied by four former senators also affiliated with Alyansa. These included ex-PNP chief Panfilo “Ping” Lacson, longtime television personality Vicente “Tito” Sotto III, Pia Cayetano with her base in wealthy Taguig City, and former action film star Lito Lapid.

    But, overall, the mid-terms do not seem to have improved the prospects for the successful conviction of Sara Duterte. Alongside the winning Alyansa candidates, voters also returned two prominent opposition candidates, Paolo “Bam” Aquino and Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan, to the Senate. They oppose both the Marcos administration and the Duterte camp.

    At the same time, there are questions about the allegiances of several of the 12 senators already seated. This adds an additional challenge in the search for the 16 senators required to secure impeachment.

    Duterte – and her father, just reelected as Davao’s mayor while awaiting trial in The Hague – also still enjoy support among many voters, especially in their southern home base in Mindanao.

    The 24 elected members of the Senate are sensitive to public opinion and their own reelection prospects in 2028 and beyond. So, many of them will probably choose to hedge their bets and see where the winds are blowing as the trial unfolds.

    The family feud dominating the national political scene looks set to remain unresolved over the months and years ahead.

    John Sidel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Philippine elections leaves the Marcos-Duterte family feud still dominating politics – https://theconversation.com/philippine-elections-leaves-the-marcos-duterte-family-feud-still-dominating-politics-256383

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Tove Jansson used her Moomins comic strip to humorously critique the financial and creative pressures of being an artist

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Elina Druker, Professor in Department of Culture and Aesthetics, Stockholm University

    In 1954, the Finnish artist Tove Jansson was commissioned by the Evening News in London to draw comic strips about the Moomintrolls. The strip was syndicated by hundreds of newspapers, introducing the Moomins to an international audience and marking a dramatic turning point in her career.

    Between 1954 and 1959, Tove Jansson drew 21 comics, some in collaboration with her brother Lars Jansson, who continued to draw the comic strip until 1975.

    The success of the Moomin in the Evening News brought Tove Jansson economic security and helped her with the mortgage of her studio in Helsinki. However, over time, the assignment also became a burden on her creative work – a time-consuming and demanding obligation.

    Perhaps because of this personal conflict, the comics often explore themes such as the struggle of artistic creation, the role of the artist and the value of art. Jansson had previously created humorous and satirical commentaries on the art world in various artists’ magazines in Finland, but here she places the Moomin at the heart of the creative process.

    Unlike the novels and picture books, the Moomin comic strips were created for adults and can be described as satire. Jansson uses the compact format to comment on society, including the art world. The growing conflict in her own life, between the Moomintrolls and her artwork, is brought into focus in the comic strips.

    This is part of a series of articles celebrating the 80th anniversary of the Moomins. Want to celebrate their birthday with us? Join The Conversation and a group of experts on May 23 in Bradford for a screening of Moomins on the Riviera and a discussion of the refugee experience in Tove Jansson’s work. Click here for more information and tickets.

    The theme of the purpose of art and artistic creation is playfully introduced in one of the first comic strips, Moomin and the Brigands. Here Moomin and his friend Sniff embark on a quest for fortune. They engage in several schemes, including capturing rare creatures and selling them to the zoo, marketing magic rejuvenation potions and creating modern art.

    While visiting a Hemulen (a really uptight counterpart to the Moomintrolls who love rules), Moomin and Sniff accidentally break several precious items in her home. Among the broken objects is a large statue of Rebecca at the Well, which falls from its pedestal and shatters. Rebecca at the Well is a classic biblical motif, which is often portrays a model of feminine virtue, symbolising divine guidance and exemplifying ideals of hospitality and moral character.

    The friends awkwardly attempt to reassemble the statue by gluing it together. The result is a strangely angular and expressive piece of art, referencing fragmented cubist portraits. Cubism, which emerged around 1907 to 1908, aimed to represent reality in a radically new way by bringing together subjects and figures, resulting in objects that appear fragmented and abstracted.

    Sniff immediately sees the potential of the new Rebecca. “She’s more modern now,” he exclaims joyfully. The friends carry the statue to an enthusiastic art dealer who sells it for £500 in his gallery.

    The episode with the deconstructed Rebecca is, of course, a funny caricature of the trend-sensitive art market. But the shattered statue with its intricate shapes was also a commentary on the debates about the “incomprehensible” and “obscure” nature of modernist art in Nordic countries during the time.

    The destruction of the Rebecca can also be seen as an act of iconoclasm – the breaking of icons or monuments – or rather, a parody of it. While usually associated with vandalism, here, the iconoclastic act leads to the creation of something new. This expresses a desire for renewal and a liberation from restrictive conventions. It is, however, worth noting that Rebecca retains her symbol of virtue – the water jug – even after this pivotal encounter.

    Drawing on the work of French philosopher and anthropologist Bruno Latour, iconoclasm can be understood as both destructive and constructive – an ambiguity that also applies to Jansson’s interpretation of the motif.

    Later in the story, the money offered by the modernist Rebecca lures Moomin to the field of the arts. For a brief moment, he assumes the role of a painter and wholeheartedly embodies the romanticised ideal of the poor, misunderstood artist.

    Moomin dons a Rembrandtian black velvet beret, but despite this, appears lost and bewildered in his new role, muttering: “I only want to live in peace and plant potatoes and dream!”

    In a scene of self-parodying metafiction, he is blinded by his oversized beret and ends up tumbling down a cliff, abruptly ending his artistic career.

    Tove Jansson’s Moomin comic strips for the Evening News use satire to explore artistic creation, the role of the artist, and the art world.

    Through Moomintroll’s and Sniff’s pursuit of fame and fortune via the accidental modernist deconstruction of Rebecca, Jansson satirises romantic notions of the artist, the commercialisation of art and the professions surrounding artistic production. These themes are deeply connected to Jansson’s own experiences as an artist and author, constantly balancing between various professional and artistic demands, between children’s books, public obligations and painting.

    Elina Druker is employed as a professor and researcher at Stockholm University, Sweden.

    – ref. How Tove Jansson used her Moomins comic strip to humorously critique the financial and creative pressures of being an artist – https://theconversation.com/how-tove-jansson-used-her-moomins-comic-strip-to-humorously-critique-the-financial-and-creative-pressures-of-being-an-artist-256287

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Nature’s Ozempic: What and how you eat can increase levels of GLP-1 without drugs

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Mary J. Scourboutakos, Adjunct Lecturer in Family and Community Medicine, University of Toronto

    GLP-1 is a good example of how it’s not just what you eat that matters, it’s also how you eat it. (Shutterstock)

    Despite the popularity of semaglutide drugs like Ozempic and Wegovy for weight loss, surveys suggest that most people still prefer to lose weight without using medications. For those preferring a drug-free approach to weight loss, research shows that certain nutrients and dietary strategies can naturally mimic the effects of semaglutides.

    Increased intakes of fibre and monounsaturated fats (found in olive oil and avocadoes) — as well as the time of day when foods are eaten, the order that foods are eaten in, the speed of eating and even chewing — can naturally stimulate increased production of the same hormone responsible for the effects of semaglutide drugs.



    Read more:
    Ozempic, the ‘miracle drug,’ and the harmful idea
    of a future without fat

    As a family physician with a PhD in nutrition, I translate the latest nutrition science into dietary recommendations for my patients. A strategic approach to weight loss rooted in the latest science is not only superior to antiquated calorie counting, but also capitalizes on the same biological mechanisms responsible for the success of popular weight-loss drugs.

    Increased intake of monounsaturated fats (found in olive oil and avocadoes) is one factor in naturally stimulating GLP-1 production — the same hormone responsible for the effects of semaglutide drugs like Ozempic.
    (Stevepb/Pixabay)

    Semaglutide medications work by increasing the levels of a hormone called GLP-1 (glucagon-like peptide 1), a satiety signal that slows digestion and makes us feel full. These drugs also simultaneously decrease levels of an enzyme called DPP-4, which inactivates GLP-1.

    As a result, this “stop eating” hormone that naturally survives for only a few minutes can survive for an entire week. This enables a semi-permanent, just-eaten sensation of fullness that consequently leads to decreased food intake and, ultimately, weight loss.

    Nevertheless, medications aren’t the only way to raise GLP-1 levels.

    What you eat

    Fibre — predominantly found in beans, vegetables, whole grains, nuts and seeds — is the most notable nutrient that can significantly increase GLP-1. When fibre is fermented by the trillions of bacteria that live in our intestines, the resultant byproduct, called short chain fatty acids, stimulates the production of GLP-1.

    This may explain why fibre consumption is one of the strongest predictors of weight loss and has been shown to enable weight loss even in the absence of calorie restriction.

    Monounsaturated fats — found in olive oil and avocado oil — are another nutrient that raises GLP-1. One study showed that GLP-1 levels were higher following the consumption of bread and olive oil compared to bread and butter. Though notably, bread consumed with any kind of fat (be it from butter or even cheese) raises GLP-1 more than bread alone.

    Another study showed that having an avocado alongside your breakfast bagel also increases GLP-1 more so than eating the bagel on its own. Nuts that are high in both fibre and monounsaturated fats, like pistachios, have also been shown to raise GLP-1 levels.

    How you eat

    However, the specific foods and nutrients that influence GLP-1 levels are only half the story. GLP-1 is a good example of how it’s not just what you eat that matters, it’s also how you eat it.

    The Mediterranean diet outperformed semaglutide drugs at lowering risk of cardiac events.
    (Shutterstock)

    Studies show that meal sequence — the order foods are eaten in — can impact GLP-1. Eating protein, like fish or meat, before carbohydrates, like rice, results in a higher GLP-1 level compared to eating carbohydrates before protein. Eating vegetables before carbohydrates has a similar effect.

    Time of day also matters, because like all hormones, GLP-1 follows a circadian rhythm. A meal eaten at 8 a.m. stimulates a more pronounced release of GLP-1 compared to the same meal at 5 p.m. This may partly explain why the old saying “eat breakfast like a king, lunch like a prince and dinner like a pauper” is backed by evidence that demonstrates greater weight loss when breakfast is the largest meal of the day and dinner is the smallest.

    The speed of eating can matter, too. Eating ice cream over 30 minutes has been shown to produce a significantly higher GLP-1 level compared to eating ice cream over five minutes. However, studies looking at blood sugar responses have suggested that if vegetables are eaten first, the speed of eating becomes less important.

    Even chewing matters. One study showed that eating shredded cabbage raised GLP-1 more than drinking pureed cabbage.

    Not as potent as medication

    While certain foods and dietary strategies can increase GLP-1 naturally, the magnitude is far less than what is achievable with medications. One study of the GLP-1 raising effects of the Mediterranean diet demonstrated a peak GLP-1 level of approximately 59 picograms per millilitre of blood serum. The product monograph for Ozempic reports that the lowest dose produces a GLP-1 level of 65 nanograms per millilitre (one nanogram = 1,000 picograms). So medications raise GLP-1 more than one thousand times higher than diet.

    Nevertheless, when you compare long-term risk for diseases like heart attacks, the Mediterranean diet lowers risk of cardiac events by 30 per cent, outperforming GLP-1 medications that lower risk by 20 per cent. While weight loss will always be faster with medications, for overall health, dietary approaches are superior to medications.

    The following strategies are important for those trying to lose weight without a prescription:

    • Eat breakfast

    • Strive to make breakfast the largest meal of the day (or at least frontload your day as much as possible)

    • Aim to eat at least one fibre-rich food at every meal

    • Make olive oil a dietary staple

    • Be mindful of the order that you eat foods in, consume protein and vegetables before carbohydrates

    • Snack on nuts

    • Chew your food

    • Eat slowly

    While natural approaches to raising GLP-1 may not be as potent as medications, they provide a drug-free approach to weight loss and healthy eating.

    Mary J. Scourboutakos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Nature’s Ozempic: What and how you eat can increase levels of GLP-1 without drugs – https://theconversation.com/natures-ozempic-what-and-how-you-eat-can-increase-levels-of-glp-1-without-drugs-253728

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: There’s growing evidence of possible life on other planets – here’s why you should still be sceptical

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Manoj Joshi, Professor of Climate Dynamics, University of East Anglia

    Artist’s impression of K2-18 b. NASA, ESA, CSA, Joseph Olmsted (STScI)

    A team of researchers has recently claimed they have discovered a gas called dimethyl sulphide (DMS) in the atmosphere of K2-18b, a planet orbiting a distant star.

    The University of Cambridge team’s claims are potentially very exciting because, on Earth at least, the compound is produced by marine bacteria. The presence of this gas may be a sign of life on K2-18b too – but we can’t rush to conclusions just yet.

    K2-18b has a radius 2.6 times that of Earth, a mass nearly nine times greater and orbits a star that is 124 light years away. We can’t directly tell what kinds of large scale characteristics it has, although one possibility is a world with a global liquid water ocean under a hydrogen-rich atmosphere.

    Such a world might well be hospitable to life, but different ideas exist about the properties of this planet – and what that might mean for a DMS signature.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Claims for the detection of life on other planets go back decades.

    In the 1970s, one of the scientists working on the Viking mission to Mars claimed that his experiment had indicated there could be microorganisms in the Martian soil. However, these conclusions were widely refuted by other researchers.

    In 1996, a team said that microscopic features resembling bacteria had been found in the Martian meteorite ALH84001. However, subsequent studies cast significant doubt on the discovery.

    Since the early 2000s there have also been repeated claims for the detection of methane gas in the atmosphere of Mars, both by remote sensing by satellites and by in-situ observations by rovers.

    Methane can be produced by several mechanisms. One of these potential sources involves production by microorganisms. Such sources are described by scientists as being “biotic”. Other sources of methane, such as volcanoes and hydrothermal vents, don’t require life and are said to be “abiotic”.

    The claimed detection of phosphine gas in Venus’ atmosphere has been proposed as a biosignature.
    Nasa

    Not all of the previous claims for evidence of extraterrestrial life involve the red planet. In 2020, Earth-based observations of Venus’s atmosphere implied the presence of low levels of phosphine gas.

    Because phosphine gas can be produced by microbes, there was speculation that life might exist in Venus’s clouds. However, the detection of phosphine was later disputed by other scientists.

    Proposed signs of life on other worlds are known as “biosignatures”. This is defined as “an object, substance, and/or pattern whose origin specifically requires a biological agent”. In other words, any detection requires all possible abiotic production pathways to be considered.

    In addition to this, scientists face many challenges in the collection, interpretation, and planetary environmental context of possible biosignature gases. Understanding the composition of a planetary atmosphere from limited data, collected from light years away, is very difficult.

    We also have to understand that these are often exotic environments, with conditions we do not experience on Earth. As such, exotic chemical processes may occur here too.

    In order to characterise the atmospheres of exoplanets, we obtain what are called spectra. These are the fingerprints of molecules in the atmosphere that absorb light at specific wavelengths.

    Once the data has been collected, it needs to be interpreted. Astronomers assess which chemicals, or combinations thereof, best fit the observations. It is an involved process and one that requires lots of computer based work. The process is especially challenging when dealing with exoplanets, where available data is at a premium.

    Once these stages have been carried out, astronomers can then assign a confidence to the likelihood of a particular chemical signature being “real”. In the case of the recent discovery from K2-18b, the authors claim the detection of a feature that can only be explained by DMS with a likelihood of greater than 99.9%. In other words, there’s about a 1 in 1,500 chance that this feature is not actually there.

    While the team behind the recent result favours a model of K2-18b as an ocean world, another team suggests it could actually have a magma (molten rock) ocean instead. It could also be a Neptune-like “gas dwarf” planet, with a small core shrouded in a thick layer of gas and ices. Both of these options would be much less favourable to the development of life – raising questions as to whether there are abiotic ways that DMS can form.

    A higher bar?

    But is the bar higher for claims of extraterrestrial life than for other areas of science? In a study claiming the detection of a biosignature, the usual level of scientific rigour expected for all research should apply to the collection and processing of the data, along with the interpretation of the results.

    However, even when these standards have been met, claims that indicate the presence of life have in the past still been meet with high levels of scepticism. The reasons for this are probably best summed up by the phrase “extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence”. This is attributed to the American planetary scientist, author and science communicator Carl Sagan.

    While on Earth there are no known means of producing DMS without life, the chemical has been detected on a comet called 67/P, which was studied up close by the European Space Agency’s Rosetta spacecraft. DMS has even been detected in the interstellar medium, the space between stars, suggesting that it can be produced by non-biological, or abiotic, mechanisms.

    Given the uncertainties about the nature of K2-18b, we cannot be sure if the presence of this gas might simply be a sign of non-biological processes we don’t yet understand.

    The claimed discovery of DMS on K2-18b is interesting, exciting, and reflects huge advances in astronomy, planetary science and astrobiology. However, its possible implications mean that we have to consider the results very cautiously. We must also entertain alternative explanations before supporting such a profound conclusion as the presence of extraterrestrial life.

    Manoj Joshi receives funding from the UK Natural Environment Research Council (NERC)

    Maria di Paolo receives funding from the UK Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC).

    Andrew Rushby does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. There’s growing evidence of possible life on other planets – here’s why you should still be sceptical – https://theconversation.com/theres-growing-evidence-of-possible-life-on-other-planets-heres-why-you-should-still-be-sceptical-256050

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why walking may be the key to a long and healthy life

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Thomas E. Yates, Professor of Physical Activity, Sedentary Behaviour and Health, Diabetes Research Centre, University of Leicester

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Throughout history, few things have inspired as much quackery as the pills, potions and promises to slow ageing, boost vitality, or extend life. Yet, amid the hype and hollow claims, a few golden truths remain. As far back as 400 BC, Hippocrates, widely considered the father of modern medicine, famously said, “Walking is man’s best medicine.” More than two millennia later, science is finally catching up with that wisdom.

    People who walk more than 8,000 steps a day reduce their risk of premature death by half, compared to those who walk fewer than 5,000 steps – the threshold for a sedentary lifestyle. But beyond 8,000 steps, the benefits tend to plateau, which challenges the long-held belief in the magic of 10,000 steps a day.

    In fact, that benchmark wasn’t born of science, but of marketing. The 10,000-step goal originated from a 1960s Japanese advertising campaign for the world’s first commercial pedometer called the manpo-kei, which literally translates to “10,000 steps meter”.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Lately, researchers have been exploring a simple but important question: does every step count the same, or can walking faster — at a brisk pace of more than 100 steps a minute, or around three to four miles per hour — actually give you more health benefits?

    For ageing and heart health there is mounting evidence that pace really matters. Simply converting a 14-minute daily stroll into a seven-minute brisk walk has been associated with a 14% reduction in heart disease.

    An analysis of more than 450,000 adults in the UK used a genetic marker of biological age to reveal that by middle age, a lifetime of brisk walking reduces biological age by up to 16 years compared to a lifetime of slow walking.

    A follow-up study suggested it is never to late to benefit from brisk walking. An inactive 60-year woman or man was modelled to gain around an additional year of life expectancy through simply introducing a ten minute brisk walk into their daily routine.

    The power of brisk walking can also be seen in its ability to predict future health outcomes. It has been shown to be a stronger predictor of the risk of dying from heart disease than traditional predictors such as blood pressure and cholesterol, while also being a more powerful predictor than many other measures of lifestyle – including diet, obesity levels, and total physical activity.

    In fact, perhaps the single most informative question a doctor could ask their patient is: “How fast is your walking pace in comparison to other people?”

    Halo of benefits

    But brisk walking may not provide additional benefits for all outcomes or in all contexts. For example, the benefit of brisk walking over light-intensity walking in lowering cancer risk is less certain.

    A recent study suggested that although total walking was associated with reduction in 13 different types of cancers, there was no added value from brisk walking. Breaking prolonged sitting with light-intensity pottering around has also been shown to have profound impacts on metabolic effects.

    Importantly, walking has a halo of benefits beyond physical health. It can help with brain activity, doubling creative idea production. Indeed, the systems in the brain that support memory and imagination are also the same as those activated during whole body movement.

    Many of us already harness this very phenomenon, using walking to mull over problems and arrive at solutions or insights that would otherwise remain elusive. Context is also important here, with the mental health and cognitive benefits of walking thought to be enhanced when walking through nature.

    So called “nature prescriptions” for clinical populations have harnessed these principles to increase walking activity and improving both mental and physical health.

    Physical inactivity is a major driver of the modern epidemic of long-term conditions, such as diabetes and heart disease, that are now observed in industrialised and developing economies alike. It has been estimated that 3.9 million premature deaths could be averted annually through targeting physical inactivity.

    However, instead of prevention, medical systems are largely based on management – people get ill and are then prescribed medicines to treat the illness. On average it takes $1 billion to bring a new drug to market which, despite these research and development costs, still go on to generate sizeable profits for shareholders showing the scale of the health economy.

    If just a fraction of these costs were diverted into public health initiatives aimed at increasing walking and physical activity opportunities for all, the need for an ever more sophisticated medical management ecosphere may retreat.

    In short, when searching for the elixir of life, you could do worse than looking down at your feet.

    Prof Yates receives funding from the The National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR) Leicester Biomedical Research Centre

    – ref. Why walking may be the key to a long and healthy life – https://theconversation.com/why-walking-may-be-the-key-to-a-long-and-healthy-life-255655

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 7 queer African works of art: new directions in books, films and fashion

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Gibson Ncube, Senior Lecturer, Stellenbosch University

    Queer African creatives have been making their mark around the world through a range of forms – books, films, fashion, art, music. Their work wins awards, sets trends and is studied by scholars. Most research on African queerness, however, comes from outside the continent.

    So, we put together a special journal issue to celebrate some of these works that have appeared over the past decade or so. And also to create a space for African and Africa-based scholars to reflect on what’s happening on the continent.

    The contributors don’t only examine what these creative works reveal. They also consider how these artists are experimenting with style, voice, genre and imagery to express queer lived experiences.

    Here we highlight seven works of art discussed in papers in the special issue – from stories of childhood sexual experiences to bold fashion shows, musical films to maverick lesbian novels. They show the complex ways queer people shape their identities and express desire in very different African settings.

    1. Tell Me Your Politik by Nakhane

    Nakhane is a South African singer, writer, and actor whose work examines the meeting place of queerness and blackness. The song Tell Me Your Politik (from the 2023 album Bastard Jargon), presents Black men in a hypermasculine, military-style training environment. But two of them are quietly and tenderly beginning to express desire for each other. This moment of intimacy is interrupted by aggressive military drills led by a white commanding officer. The song’s lyrics insist on the need for ideological alignment (“tell me your politik”) before intimacy. This raises questions about love, politics, and consent.

    In his article, Gibson Ncube argues that the music video for the song uses touch to explore queerness as a form of resistance. Gentle and intimate gestures between Black men challenge dominant ideas of Black masculinity. The contrast between caring and violent touch reveals how queerness disrupts systems of domination. Touch becomes political, offering new ways of being and imagining queer futures.

    2. Under the Udala Trees by Chinelo Okparanta

    Under the Udala Trees is a 2015 novel by Nigerian writer Chinelo Okparanta. It follows Ijeoma, a Nigerian girl discovering her same-sex attraction during the time of the Biafran War.

    Chinelo Okparanta.
    FrimousseRoche/ Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    Forced into Bible lessons by her mother to “cure” her queerness, Ijeoma grapples with shame, rejection, and a coerced heterosexual marriage. The novel critiques religious and political oppression. It imagines resilience and queer love in a hostile environment.

    In his article, Wisani Mushwana shows that Under the Udala Trees exposes how Nigerian religious and political leaders weaponise biblical shame to enforce a heteronormative society, inflicting religious trauma in the process.

    Ijeoma’s bold questioning of the Bible challenges traditional Christian teachings and the use of scripture to shame or judge others. The novel highlights the lack of spaces where queer identity can be affirmed. At the same time, it uses the power of storytelling to reclaim agency and reimagine queer liberation.

    3. The Quiet Violence of Dreams by K. Sello Duiker

    The Quiet Violence of Dreams by the late South African novelist K. Sello Duiker was published in 2001. Tshepo is a queer Black man in post-apartheid South Africa. He navigates trauma, identity, and survival. After being raped and robbed, Tshepo finds temporary refuge in a Cape Town male brothel where he explores same-sex intimacy and community.

    Ntokozo Wandile Mbokazi and Lucy Valerie Graham think about the novel alongside the controversial South African film Inxeba/The Wound. They argue that the book and film challenge traditional ideas of Africanness. Tshepo’s story is a postcolonial coming-of-age tale which is shaped by disillusionment as the protagonist tries to fit into society.

    Racial and class tensions weaken the solidarity of queer people. This shows the limits of freedom in post-apartheid South Africa and how enforcing traditional masculinity often involves violence.

    4. Lagos Space Programme by Adeju Thompson

    Lagos Space Programme is a Nigerian fashion label created by designer Adeju Thompson. The brand combines west African fabrics and non-binary gender expression to challenge traditional ideas of masculinity. Through fashion, it connects Yoruba beliefs, queer politics, and bold design to celebrate the fluidity of gender.

    Khaya Mchunu and Isaiah Negedu show how the label uses clothing to question to imagine freer, more inclusive futures. Rather than looking for acceptance by fitting in, Lagos Space Programme insists on visibility and creative self-expression. It reclaims African traditions while disrupting fixed social norms.

    5. Nine Pieces of Desire by Idza Luhumyo

    The past decade has seen the publication of several important anthologies of queer African short stories.

    Two stories in particular are given attention in the special issue. Kenyan writer Idza Luhumyo’s 2017 story Nine Pieces of Desire is about 10-year-old Mariam, who lives in a Kenyan Muslim community. It explores her silent rebellion against patriarchal and religious norms after a fleeting same-sex encounter with her friend Grace.



    Read more:
    Being queer in Africa: the state of LGBTIQ+ rights across the continent

    6. Plums by Kharys Laue

    South African writer and editor Kharys Laue’s 2018 short story Plums recounts Chris’s childhood memory of a tender moment with her friend Gloria on a South African farm. This is contrasted with her adult struggles in a heteronormative and racist society.

    Leila Hall argues that these two stories disrupt the harmful binary of “innocent children/perverse homosexuals” by portraying childhood same-sex desire as natural and consensual, outside of adult coercion. They push back against the false idea that being queer means being dangerous. The young narrators help us see how systems of oppression work in everyday life.

    7. Kanarie by Christiaan Olwagen

    Kanarie is a 2018 South African film by Christiaan Olwagen. It follows Johan Niemand, a young gay man conscripted into the apartheid-era army in the 1980s. Under the racist system, white men were conscripted to help maintain the government’s power. Selected for a military choir, “the Canaries”, Johan deals with his sexual identity within a hypermasculine space. The film blends musical elements and melodrama to explore his inner conflict, his love for pop culture, and a tentative romance with another recruit. All in the face of conservative Christian nationalism.

    Andy Carolin argues Kanarie is more than a coming out story. It uses melodrama to imagine a queer way of being. By merging fantasy with realism, it shatters ideas of good versus evil or right versus wrong.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. 7 queer African works of art: new directions in books, films and fashion – https://theconversation.com/7-queer-african-works-of-art-new-directions-in-books-films-and-fashion-256252

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Virtual churches are popular in Ghana. But what about online safety?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Theodora Dame Adjin-Tettey, Senior Lecturer, Durban University of Technology/Research Associate, School of Journalism and Media Studies, Rhodes University, South Africa, Rhodes University

    Many churches have been holding worship services online via live-streaming platforms in recent times. This is unsurprising since many congregants use digital technologies. The COVID-19 pandemic also pushed churches to swiftly embrace digital platforms. This allowed them to continue with religious activities when physical and mobility restrictions were in place.

    Some churches invest heavily in audio-visual equipment, lighting systems and other gadgets to provide the right conditions for media production and to enhance the worship experience for congregants, online and in person.

    Digital technologies and platforms have become core components of the outreach and evangelistic activities of churches. Some contemporary pastors have a strong online presence with a huge following, mostly in the millions. They actively engage their followers and share different forms of messages with them.

    As the amount of online content generated by churches grows, questions of safety, security and privacy have come to the fore. It is important to look at how churches address these concerns as they rapidly deploy digital platforms to reach and maintain virtual church membership.

    I am a media and communication studies academic and researcher. In a recent paper I worked with my student to examined the concerns of congregants of a church in Ghana over the security dangers that digital church engagement poses.

    Christianity is the religion with the largest following in Ghana. During the COVID-19 pandemic, many churches turned to online services and have continued with them.

    The research revealed that there were no established policies guiding the church’s virtual engagements. The media team relied primarily on their subjective judgement to address any potential ethical dilemmas.

    Beside enhanced privacy measures and access control, we recommend ethical frameworks and guidelines to govern the management of congregants’ personal information in both physical and virtual environments. This must include the inputs of congregants and experts.

    The research also found that word of mouth was still the primary means by which congregants came to learn about the church. This suggests churches cannot abandon the old ways of reaching out to people.

    Digital technology and the church

    Radio, TV and social media are all used to extend invitations to the public, promote and advertise churches, and generally facilitate church activities. The importance of having an online presence has compelled a significant number of churches to have dedicated media teams. They create and distribute content meant for digital platforms. The content includes photos and audiovisual testimonies of church members.

    To ensure that members of online churches have a positive experience during live streaming, most media departments also invest creativity into their videography. On live streams, followers (virtual congregants) react to songs being sung and respond to what the preacher says with comments and the use of emojis and GIFs. This is synonymous with how they might react in the physical church environment.

    But during the streaming of worship services, information about church members is not just shared in the physical church environment but also with a broader online audience. By the nature of live-streaming, there is no control over who has access to the content, how widely it is distributed, and for what and how the content is used by third parties.

    The study and some of its key findings

    Data collection for our study involved 170 survey respondents (congregants) and eight interview participants (videographers, video editors and social media managers from the church media department).

    We asked the congregants how they had first learned about the church; factors influencing their participation in virtual church services; and what safety and security concerns they had around their virtual church engagements.

    The interview participants were asked about the ethical considerations directing their work.

    Our study found that congregants had a range of concerns. Based on the sense of safety, confidence and trust they have in the church, congregants participating in physical church services may divulge personal information. These include prayer requests, personal hardships, or testimonials about their accomplishments. They sometimes do this with the understanding that the information will remain inside the church’s walls.

    Chief among the concerns were:

    • the risk of identity theft

    • the potential misuse of personal data for targeted advertising

    • potential privacy invasion because of their interactions with the church’s digital platforms.

    Some members of the media team admitted that congregants might have privacy and security concerns. However, in the absence of formal guidelines, any attempt to ensure the privacy and security of congregants might be an ad hoc measure. This was demonstrated in the study’s finding that the media team’s privacy and security adherence was largely based on their judgement and sometimes on prodding from congregants.

    What can be done

    Based on concerns raised by congregants, we argue that churches must ensure the privacy of those participating in services by instituting confidentiality and anonymity measures, particularly when sharing their personal or sensitive information.

    In addition, participants in our research held the view that some sensitisation could be useful to cater to those concerns. This could take the form of regular sensitisation of congregants on how they can enhance their online safety and security.

    We believe that because churches sometimes rely on photos, videos and testimonies of members to build their social media profiles, a rule-based system must be put in place. This could involve delayed broadcasting techniques to prevent the airing of sensitive information.

    We suggest that steps be taken to protect sensitive information and content about members that is shared online. An example of how this can be done is being set by a non-denominational prayer movement that has taken over Ghana’s online sphere. To secure the privacy of members who share testimonies, their identities are kept anonymous and certain details, such as names and places, are also protected.

    Finally, the right technology must be put in place to allow for delayed broadcasts. This means live-streamed content can be reviewed and, where necessary, edited so that sensitive content can be removed before the broadcast reaches a wide online audience.

    Theodora Dame Adjin-Tettey received funding from the National Research Foundation of South Africa for her post doctoral fellowship.

    – ref. Virtual churches are popular in Ghana. But what about online safety? – https://theconversation.com/virtual-churches-are-popular-in-ghana-but-what-about-online-safety-255627

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What the voter gender divide means for Canada’s political future

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Marshia Akbar, Researcher, Labour Migration at the CERC Migration and Integration Program, Toronto Metropolitan University

    Canada’s recent federal election suggests a growing gender divide in political preferences.

    Polling indicated women voters leaned strongly toward the Liberals, while an increasing number of men — particularly younger men — gravitated toward the Conservatives.

    This polarization was not simply a matter of partisan preference, but reflected deeper social, cultural and economic realignments rooted in identity politics and diverging values.

    The gender gap also mirrors patterns across western democracies, where far-right populist parties increasingly draw male support through nationalist, anti-immigration and anti-feminist narratives, while women — especially racialized and university-educated — opt for progressive parties promoting equality and social protection.



    Read more:
    Pierre Poilievre’s ‘More Boots, Less Suits’ election strategy held little appeal to women

    What the polls showed

    While official voting records by gender are not available, several public opinion polls heading into the election indicated gender was a key predictor of party support.

    Abacus Data found that women’s early preferences were nearly evenly split — 31 per cent for the Liberals and 32 per cent for the Conservatives. But as the campaign progressed, Liberal support among women rose steadily by two to three points per week, reaching 35 per cent by April 8, while support for the Conservatives fell to 30 per cent.

    This pattern was echoed by an EKOS Politics analysis, which described the 2025 election as defined by a “massive gender divide” — women supported the Liberal Party by a 25-point margin, while the Conservatives held a slight lead among men, especially those under 50.

    Findings from Angus Reid further underscored this divide. Among men, support was closely split, with the Conservatives holding a slight lead over the Liberals (44 per cent to 42 per cent). Among women, however, the Liberals enjoyed a commanding lead, with 51 per cent support compared to 32 per cent for the Conservatives.

    Together, these three polls suggest a growing gender gap in Canadian politics — one that shaped party support throughout the election campaign.

    The New Democratic Party, meanwhile — once positioned as a progressive bridge between working-class voters and social justice movements — struggled to attract voters as it had in previous elections.

    The NDP’s waning influence in the 2025 election highlights the erosion of class-based solidarity, which has seemingly been supplanted by identity politics.

    Economic insecurity, cultural values

    This gender gap was not just about party preference — it reflected deeper ideological divides shaped by cultural values, policy priorities and gender identities.

    Research into voting patterns in Canada over the past two decades found that Canadian women are more likely to support social welfare, state intervention and wealth redistribution — driven not by self-interest, but by values of equity and collective responsibility.

    These preferences are shaped not only by gender, but also by age, race, class, religion and gender identities. The research highlighted a growing feminist consciousness and suggested that evolving understandings of identity, especially among younger women, have strengthened support for progressive platforms.

    Voting preferences in the 2025 Canadian election reflected these patterns. Rising geopolitical tensions — fuelled by punitive American tariffs on Canadian goods and United States President Donald Trump’s threats to annex Canada — stirred national anxiety and shaped voter priorities.

    At the same time, the American rollback of reproductive rights and attacks on diversity, equity and inclusion policies raised alarm among women worldwide, reinforcing concerns about gender equity and human rights.

    Policy priorities

    That meant that how the Conservative and Liberal party leaders articulated their stances on these issues played a crucial role in shaping voter preferences.

    The Conservative Party emphasized economic policies such as tax cuts and reducing government spending. The party also tapped into cultural frustrations by opposing “woke” ideologies and promoting traditional values.

    This dual approach sought to resonate with voters alienated by progressive norms, particularly younger men who have felt marginalized by the housing crisis, insecure job markets and shifting cultural expectations around gender roles.



    Read more:
    The ‘freedom convoy’ protesters are a textbook case of ‘aggrieved entitlement’

    CBC report on male voter intentions.

    In contrast, the Liberal platform emphasized defending Canadian sovereignty, promoting national unity, expanding housing affordability, addressing climate change and advancing economic measures for the middle class — policies that seemingly resonated more with women voters, particularly those prioritizing social programs and long-term social stability.

    Although reproductive rights were not a central issue in Canada’s 2025 campaign, the erosion of those rights in the U.S. cast a shadow north of the border.

    The Liberal Party pledged to make its Sexual and Reproductive Health Fund permanent and to introduce a new IVF program offering up to $20,000 per cycle — measures aimed at improving access, especially for 2SLGBTQI+ Canadians.

    The Conservative platform emphasized support for universal health care but made no mention of reproductive health. As a result, many women may have viewed the Liberals as stronger defenders of both reproductive rights and Canadian sovereignty.

    Addressing the gender divide

    The 2025 election did more than reveal a partisan split; it exposed fundamentally different visions of Canada’s future between men and women.

    Gender divides in politics often mirror divisions in online discourse. Social media platforms tend to reinforce gendered political identities, with men more likely to be drawn into algorithm-driven spaces that amplify anti-establishment and masculinist narratives.

    Following the U.S. presidential election in 2024, The Guardian noted how social media algorithms feed their users content that’s aligned with the preferences of similar users, deepening ideological silos.

    American podcaster Joe Rogan exemplifies this dynamic — his show consistently tops charts in the U.S., Australia, the U.K. and Canada, but with an audience that’s more than 80 per cent male.

    These digital bubbles not only reflect polarization — they entrench it, merging political and online identities in ways that make cross-cutting dialogue harder to achieve.

    Affecting personal lives

    This divide affects more than politics. It’s reshaping personal relationships. As political identity becomes central to personal values, dating and marriage across ideological lines have become more difficult.

    According to the American Survey Center, these political divisions are even preventing young people from building meaningful relationships.

    Similarly, the Atlantic reports that nearly two-thirds of liberal and conservative singles are likely to reject a potential partner who does not share their political beliefs. In this climate, political compatibility is becoming a prerequisite for long-term commitment, rather than a negotiable difference.

    Addressing this fragmentation requires building narratives that transcend identity silos and foster common ground, both online and offline. It’s essential for democratic resilience and for sustaining meaningful human connection.

    Marshia Akbar receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

    – ref. What the voter gender divide means for Canada’s political future – https://theconversation.com/what-the-voter-gender-divide-means-for-canadas-political-future-255857

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Algebra is more than alphabet soup – it’s the language of algorithms and relationships

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Courtney Gibbons, Associate Professor of Mathematics, Hamilton College

    Algebra often involves manipulating numbers or other objects using operations like addition and multiplication. Flavio Coelho/Moment via Getty Images

    You scrambled up a Rubik’s cube, and now you want to put it back in order. What sequence of moves should you make?

    Surprise: You can answer this question with modern algebra.

    Most folks who have been through high school mathematics courses will have taken a class called algebra – maybe even a sequence of classes called algebra I and algebra II that asked you to solve for x. The word “algebra” may evoke memories of complicated-looking polynomial equations like ax² + bx + c = 0 or plots of polynomial functions like y = ax² + bx + c.

    You might remember learning about the quadratic formula to figure out the solutions to these equations and find where the plot crosses the x-axis, too.

    Graph of a quadratic equation and its roots via the quadratic formula.
    Jacob Rus, CC BY-SA

    Equations and plots like these are part of algebra, but they’re not the whole story. What unifies algebra is the practice of studying things – like the moves you can make on a Rubik’s cube or the numbers on a clock face you use to tell time – and the way they behave when you put them together in different ways. What happens when you string together the Rubik’s cube moves or add up numbers on a clock?

    In my work as a mathematician, I’ve learned that many algebra questions come down to classifying objects by their similarities.

    Sets and groups

    How did equations like ax² + bx + c = 0 and their solutions lead to abstract algebra?

    The short version of the story is that mathematicians found formulas that looked a lot like the quadratic formula for polynomial equations where the highest power of x was three or four. But they couldn’t do it for five. It took mathematician Évariste Galois and techniques he developed – now called group theory – to make a convincing argument that no such formula could exist for polynomials with a highest power of five or more.

    So what is a group, anyway?

    It starts with a set, which is a collection of things. The fruit bowl in my kitchen is a set, and the collection of things in it are pieces of fruit. The numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 also form a set. Sets on their own don’t have too many properties – that is, characteristics – but if we start doing things to the numbers 1 through 12, or the fruit in the fruit bowl, it gets more interesting.

    In clock addition, 3 + 12 = 3.
    OpenStax, CC BY-SA

    Let’s call this set of numbers 1 through 12 “clock numbers.” Then, we can define an addition function for the clock numbers using the way we tell time. That is, to say “3 + 11 = 2” is the way we would add 3 and 11. It feels weird, but if you think about it, 11 hours past 3 o’clock is 2 o’clock.

    Clock addition has some nice properties. It satisfies:

    • closure, where adding things in the set gives you something else in the set,
    • identity, where there’s an element that doesn’t change the value of other elements in the set when added – adding 12 to any number will equal that same number,
    • associativity, where you can add wherever you want in the set,
    • inverses, where you can undo whatever an element does, and
    • commutativity, where you can change the order of which clock numbers you add up without changing the outcome: a + b = b + a.

    By satisfying all these properties, mathematicians can consider clock numbers with clock addition a group. In short, a group is a set with some way of combining the elements layered on top. The set of fruit in my fruit bowl probably can’t be made into a group easily – what’s a banana plus an apple? But we can make a set of clock numbers into a group by showing that clock addition is a way of taking two clock numbers and getting to a new one that satisfies the rules outlined above.

    Rings and fields

    Along with groups, the two other fundamental types of algebraic objects you would study in an introduction to modern algebra are rings and fields.

    We could introduce a second operation for the clock numbers: clock multiplication, where 2 times 7 is 2, because 14 o’clock is the same as 2 o’clock. With clock addition and clock multiplication, the clock numbers meet the criteria for what mathematicians call a ring. This is primarily because clock multiplication and clock addition together satisfy a key component that defines a ring: the distributive property, where a(b + c) = ab + ac. Lastly, fields are rings that satisfy even more conditions.

    At the turn of the 20th century, mathematicians David Hilbert and Emmy Noether – who were interested in understanding how the principles in Einstein’s relativity worked mathematically – unified algebra and showed the utility of studying groups, rings and fields.

    It’s all fun and games until you do the math

    Groups, rings and fields are abstract, but they have many useful applications.

    For example, the symmetries of molecular structures are categorized by different point groups. A point group describes ways to move a molecule in space so that even if you move the individual atoms, the end result is indistinguishable from the molecule you started with.

    The water molecule H₂O can be flipped horizontally and the end result is indistinguishable from the original position.
    Courtney Gibbons, CC BY-SA

    But let’s take a different example that uses rings instead of groups. You can set up a pretty complicated set of equations to describe a Sudoku puzzle: You need 81 variables to represent each place you can put a number in the grid, polynomial expressions to encode the rules of the game, and polynomial expressions that take into account the clues already on the board.

    To get the spaces on the game board and the 81 variables to correspond nicely, you can use two subscripts to associate the variable with a specific place on the board, like using x₃₅ to represent the cell in the third row and fifth column.

    The first entry must be one of the numbers 1 through 9, and we represent that relationship with (x₁₁ – 1)(x₁₁ – 2)(x₁₁ – 3) ⋅⋅⋅ (x₁₁ – 9). This expression is equal to zero if and only if you followed the rules of the game. Since every space on the board follows this rule, that’s already 81 equations just to say, “Don’t plug in anything other than 1 through 9.”

    The rule “1 through 9 each appear exactly once in the top row” can be captured with some sneaky pieces of algebraic thinking. The sum of the top row is going to add up to 45, which is to say x₁₁ + x₁₂ + ⋅⋅⋅ + x₁₉ – 45 will be zero, and the product of the top row is going to be the product of 1 through 9, which is to say x₁₁ x₁₂ ⋅⋅⋅ x₁₉ – 9⋅8⋅7⋅6⋅5⋅4⋅3⋅2⋅1 will be zero.

    If you’re thinking that it takes more time to set up all these rules than it does to solve the puzzle, you’re not wrong.

    Turning Sudoku into algebra takes a fair bit of work.
    Courtney Gibbons

    What do we get by doing this complicated translation into algebra? Well, we get to use late-20th century algorithms to figure out what numbers you can plug into the board that satisfy all the rules and all the clues. These algorithms are based on describing the structure of the special ring – called an ideal – these game board clues make within the larger ring. The algorithms will tell you if there’s no solution to the puzzle. If there are multiple solutions, the algorithms will find them all.

    This is a small example where setting up the algebra is harder than just doing the puzzle. But the techniques generalize widely. You can use algebra to tackle problems in artificial intelligence, robotics, cryptography, quantum computing and so much more – all with the same bag of tricks you’d use to solve the Sudoku puzzle or Rubik’s cube.

    Courtney Gibbons is affiliated with the Association for Women in Mathematics and the American Mathematical Society.

    – ref. Algebra is more than alphabet soup – it’s the language of algorithms and relationships – https://theconversation.com/algebra-is-more-than-alphabet-soup-its-the-language-of-algorithms-and-relationships-234541

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: US safety net helps protect children from abuse and neglect, and some of those programs are threatened by proposed budget cuts

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Todd Herrenkohl, Professor of Social Work, University of Michigan

    Safety net programs protect children in many ways. Energy/E+ via Getty Images

    President Donald Trump and Republicans in the House of Representatives have put forward budget proposals that would slash spending by hundreds of millions of dollars over the next decade on several programs that support low-income U.S. families with children.

    If those cuts are in the version of the 2026 budget that clears Congress, and Trump signs it into law, funding for early childhood education, support for grocery purchases and an array of programs that help keep children fed, housed and cared for would decline sharply.

    As professors who conduct research about child welfare, we are alarmed by these proposed cuts and concerned about their potential impact on children and families. We are particularly concerned that steps taken to reduce costs will make children less safe and more susceptible to the consequences of abuse and neglect.

    Help for low-income families

    Our research has shown that increasing access to programs that support low-income families decreases child abuse and neglect while improving parents’ well-being. Examples of these programs include subsidies for child care and the earned-income tax credit, which supplements the earnings of many low- and moderate-income Americans.

    Other researchers have found further evidence that policies that help low-income families put food on the table, keep a roof over their heads and obtain health care also provide for children’s basic needs, such as food and education, and keep children safe.

    The proposed budget cuts could cost all taxpayers down the line because child abuse and neglect is costly for not only the people who are mistreated as kids but also for society.

    What’s more, a series of cost-benefit studies have found that providing a safety net for families not only helps the families who receive assistance but also society as a whole.

    Child abuse and neglect

    In 2023, child protection agencies received 4.4 million reports for suspected abuse and neglect, and 546,159 cases were confirmed. As high as these numbers are, they drastically underestimate the number of abused and neglected children in the U.S. because many acts of abuse and neglect are never reported.

    Research documenting the consequences and costs of child abuse and neglect has led many experts, including us, to recommend programs and policies that can reduce risks.

    Without attempts to reduce these risks, more children would suffer or die. The U.S Department of Health and Human Services found that 2,000 children died from abuse and neglect in 2023. Nearly half of these fatalities were among children under the age of 1.

    Parents experiencing high levels of stress can be more prone to abusing their kids.
    salim hanzaz/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    Risks tied to poverty

    Some of the most helpful programs to prevent child abuse and neglect focus on reducing poverty.

    Poverty can place children at risk of abuse and neglect. When families can’t afford the bare necessities, it can add to the stress that makes parenting more difficult.

    Poverty isn’t the only cause of child abuse and neglect, but it is high on the list of risk factors. And its harms can be hard to reverse.

    A recent campaign by Prevent Child Abuse America, a nonprofit, posits that child abuse and neglect are not a “bad parent problem” but rather “a lack of resource problem.” Researchers have found that child abuse and neglect often come from the social and economic issues that lead families into crises.

    For example, parenting stress rises and children’s basic needs can go unmet when parents don’t have jobs, lack high-quality child care and generally struggle to make ends meet.

    When families’ basic needs are met, children are safer.
    Jackyenjoyphotography/Moment via Getty Images

    Government programs that help everyone

    The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has found that improving public health requires government programs that can reduce harm to children and promote childhood development and well-being.

    These programs include efforts to improve parenting skills, expand access to high-quality child care and early education, and strengthen the financial resilience of families.

    And yet the Trump administration initially sought to eliminate Head Start, a successful federally funded preschool program for low-income children, and dismantle many essential services. Evidence indicates that children who participate in Head Start are more likely to finish high school and college, which is important for employment and financial security.

    The CDC and our own review of the research point to big improvements in children’s health and fewer cases of child abuse and neglect with economic policies such as the earned-income tax credit, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program.

    We believe these programs are worth investing in because children’s lives are at stake. Especially when the economy appears to be in trouble, the consequences of weakening the safety net are dire.

    Todd I. Herrenkohl has received research funding from the National Institutes of Health, the National Institute of Justice, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. He is affiliated with the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect and serves as an editor for Child Abuse & Neglect and the Journal for the Society for Social Work and Research.

    Kathryn Maguire-Jack receives funding from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Ohio Department of Children and Youth, Triple P America, and Wisconsin Children’s Hospital.

    Rebeccah Sokol receives funding from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the National Institutes of Health.

    – ref. US safety net helps protect children from abuse and neglect, and some of those programs are threatened by proposed budget cuts – https://theconversation.com/us-safety-net-helps-protect-children-from-abuse-and-neglect-and-some-of-those-programs-are-threatened-by-proposed-budget-cuts-255763

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Hurricane disaster planning with aging parents should start now, before the storm: 5 tips

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Lee Ann Rawlins Williams, Clinical Assistant Professor of Education, Health and Behavior Studies, University of North Dakota

    When I lived in Florida, I had a neighbor named Ms. Carmen. She was in her late 70s, fiercely independent and lived alone with her two dogs and one cat, which were her closest companions.

    Each hurricane season, she would anxiously ask if I would check on her when the winds began to pick up. She once told me: I’m more afraid of being forgotten than of the storm itself. Her fear wasn’t just about the weather; it was about facing it alone.

    When hurricanes hit, we often measure the damage in downed power lines, flooded roads and wind-torn homes. But some of the most serious consequences are harder to see, especially for older adults who may struggle with mobility, chronic health problems and cognitive decline.

    Emergency preparedness plans too often overlook the specific needs of elders in America’s aging population, many of whom live alone. For people like Ms. Carmen, resilience needs to start long before the storm.

    The number of older adults in the U.S. and the percentage of the population age 65 and older have been rising.
    US Census Bureau

    I study disaster preparations and response. To prepare for hurricane season, and any other disaster, I encourage families to work with their older adults now to create an emergency plan. Preparing can help ensure that older adults will be safe, able to contact relatives or others for help, and will have the medications, documents and supplies they need, as well as the peace of mind of knowing what steps to take.

    Recent hurricanes show the gaps

    In 2024, Hurricanes Helene and Milton put a spotlight on the risks to older adults.

    The storms forced thousands of people to evacuate, often to shelters with little more than food supplies and mattresses on the floor and ill-equipped for medical needs.

    Flooding isolated many rural homes, stranding older adults. Power was out for weeks in some areas. Emergency systems were overwhelmed.

    A tornado tore into a senior community in Port St. Lucie, Florida, during Milton, killing six people. Some long-term care facilities lost power and water during Helene.

    At the same time, some older adults chose to stay in homes in harm’s way for fear that they would be separated from their pets or that their homes would be vandalized.

    At least 700 people stayed in chairs or on air mattresses at River Ridge Middle/High School in New Port Richey, Fla., during Hurricane Milton.
    AP Photo/Mike Carlson

    These events are not just tragic, they are predictable. Many older adults cannot evacuate without assistance, and many evacuation centers aren’t prepared to handle their needs.

    How to prepare: 5 key steps

    Helping older adults prepare for emergencies should involve the entire family so everyone knows what to expect. The best plans are personal, practical and proactive, but they will contain some common elements.

    Here are five important steps:

    1. Prepare an emergency folder with important documents.

    Disasters can leave older adults without essential information and supplies that they need, such as prescription lists, financial records, medical devices and – importantly – contact information to reach family, friends and neighbors who could help them.

    Many older adults rely on preprogrammed phone numbers. If their phone is lost or the battery dies, they may not know how to reach friends or loved ones, so it’s useful to have a hard copy of phone numbers.

    Consider encouraging the use of medical ID bracelets or cards for those with memory loss.

    Critical documents like wills, home deeds, powers of attorney and insurance records are frequently kept in physical form and may be forgotten or lost in a sudden evacuation. Use waterproof storage that’s easy to carry, and share copies with trusted caregivers and family members in case those documents are lost.

    2. Have backup medications and equipment.

    Think about that person’s assistive devices and health needs. Having extra batteries on hand is important, as is remembering to bring chargers and personal mobility aids, such as walkers, canes, mobility scooters or wheelchairs. Do not forget that service animals support mobility, so having supplies of their food will be important during a hurricane or evacuation.

    Ask doctors to provide an emergency set of medications in case supplies run low in a disaster.

    If the person is staying in their home, prepare for at least 72 hours of self-sufficiency in case the power goes out. That means having enough bottled water, extra pet food and human food that doesn’t need refrigeration or cooking.

    3. Map evacuation routes and shelter options.

    Identify nearby shelters that will likely be able to support older adults’ mobility and cognitive challenges. If the person has pets, make a plan for them, too – many areas will have at least one pet-friendly shelter, but not all shelters will take pets.

    An older woman crosses a street flooded by torrential rain from Tropical Storm Hilary on Aug. 20, 2023, in Thousand Palms, Calif.
    AP Photo/Mark J. Terrill

    Figure out how the person will get to a shelter, and have a backup plan in case their usual transportation isn’t an option. And decide where they will go and how they will get there if they can’t return home after a storm.

    If your loved one lives in a care facility, ask to see that facility’s hurricane plan.

    4. Create a multiperson check-in system.

    Don’t rely on just one caregiver or family member to check on older adults. Involve neighbors, faith communities or local services such as home-delivered meals, transportation assistance, support groups and senior centers. Redundancy is crucial when systems break down.

    5. Practice the plan.

    Go through evacuation steps in advance so everyone knows what to do. Executing the plan should be second nature, not a scramble during a disaster or crisis.

    Planning with, not just for, older adults

    Emergency planning isn’t something done for older adults – it’s something done with them.

    Elders bring not only vulnerability but also wisdom. Their preferences and autonomy will have to guide decisions for the plan to be successful in a crisis.

    That means listening to their needs, honoring their independence and making sure caregivers have realistic plans in place. It’s an important shift from just reacting to a storm to preparing with purpose.

    Lee Ann Rawlins Williams does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Hurricane disaster planning with aging parents should start now, before the storm: 5 tips – https://theconversation.com/hurricane-disaster-planning-with-aging-parents-should-start-now-before-the-storm-5-tips-254917

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Unprecedented cuts to the National Science Foundation endanger research that improves economic growth, national security and your life

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Paul Bierman, Professor of Natural Resources and Environmental Science, University of Vermont

    The National Science Foundation funds America’s next great innovations, including space-related research. Heritage Space/Heritage Images/Getty Images

    Look closely at your mobile phone or tablet. Touch-screen technology, speech recognition, digital sound recording and the internet were all developed using funding from the U.S. National Science Foundation.

    No matter where you live, NSF-supported research has also made your life safer. Engineering studies have reduced earthquake damage and fatalities through better building design. Improved hurricane and tornado forecasts reflect NSF investment in environmental monitoring and computer modeling of weather. NSF-supported resilience studies reduce risks and losses from wildfires.

    Using NSF funding, scientists have done research that amazes, entertains and enthralls. They have drilled through mile-thick ice sheets to understand the past, visited the wreck of the Titanic and captured images of deep space.

    NSF funding supports research to help minimize risk and harm from natural hazards, including wildfires.
    FEMA/Michael Mancino

    NSF investments have made America and American science great. At least 268 Nobel laureates received NSF grants during their careers. The foundation has partnered with agencies across the government since it was created, including those dealing with national security and space exploration. The Federal Reserve estimates that government-supported research from the NSF and other agencies has had a return on investment of 150% to 300% since 1950, meaning for every dollar U.S. taxpayers invested, they got back between $1.50 and $3.

    However, that funding is now at risk.

    Since January, layoffs, leadership resignations and a massive proposed reorganization have threatened the integrity and mission of the National Science Foundation. Hundreds of research grants have been terminated. The administration’s proposed federal budget for fiscal year 2026 would cut NSF’s funding by 55%, an unprecedented reduction that would end federal support for science research across a wide range of discipines.

    At my own geology lab, I have seen NSF grants catalyze research and the work of dozens of students who have collected data that’s now used to reduce risks from earthquakes, floods, landslides, erosion, sea-level rise and melting glaciers.

    I have also served on advisory committees and review panels for the NSF over the past 30 years and have seen the value the foundation produces for the American people.

    American science’s greatness stemmed from war

    In the 1940s, with the advent of nuclear weapons, the space race and the intensification of the Cold War, American science and engineering expertise became increasingly critical for national defense. At the time, most basic and applied research was done by the military.

    Vannevar Bush, an electrical engineer who oversaw military research efforts during World War II, including development of the atomic bomb, had a different idea.

    He articulated an expansive scientific vision for the United States in Science: The Endless Frontier. The report was a blueprint for an American research juggernaut grounded in the expertise of university faculty, staff and graduate students.

    The National Science Foundation funded some of the earliest weather equipment on satellites. The gold sphere is the Navy Vanguard (SLV-3) satellite, launched in 1958 to monitor cloud cover.
    Bettmann/Getty Images

    On May 10, 1950, after five years of debate and compromise, President Harry Truman signed legislation creating the National Science Foundation and putting Bush’s vision to work. Since then, the foundation has become the leading funder of basic research in the United States.

    NSF’s mandate, then as now, was to support basic research and spread funding for science across all 50 states. Expanding America’s scientific workforce was and remains integral to American prosperity. By 1952, the foundation was awarding merit fellowships to graduate and postdoctoral scientists from every state.

    There were compromises. Control of NSF rested with presidential appointees, disappointing Bush. He wanted scientists in charge to avoid political interference with the foundation’s research agenda.

    NSF funding matters to everyone, everywhere

    Today, American tax dollars supporting science go to every state in the union.

    The states with the most NSF grants awarded between 2011 and 2024 include several that voted Republican in the 2024 election – Texas, Florida, Michigan, North Carolina and Pennsylvania – and several that voted Democratic, including Massachusetts, New York, Virginia and Colorado.

    More than 1,800 public and private institutions, scattered across all 50 states, receive NSF funding. The grants pay the salaries of staff, faculty and students, boosting local employment and supporting college towns and cities. For states with major research universities, those grants add up to hundreds of millions of dollars each year. Even states with few universities each see tens of millions of dollars for research.

    As NSF grant recipients purchase lab supplies and services, those dollars support regional and national economies.

    When NSF budgets are cut and grants are terminated or never awarded, the harm trickles down and communities suffer. Initial NSF funding cuts are already rippling across the country, affecting both national and local economies in red, blue and purple states alike.

    An analysis of a February 2025 proposal that would cut about US$5.5 billion from National Institutes of Health grants estimated the ripple effect through college towns and supply chains would cost $6.1 billion in GDP, or total national productivity, and over 46,000 jobs.

    An uncertain future for American science

    America’s scientific research and training enterprise has enjoyed bipartisan support for decades. Yet, as NSF celebrates its 75th birthday, the future of American science is in doubt. Funding is increasingly uncertain, and politics is driving decisions, as Bush feared 80 years ago.

    A list of grants terminated by the Trump administration, collected both from government websites and scientists themselves, shows that by early May 2025, NSF had stopped funding more than 1,400 existing grants, totaling over a billion dollars of support for research, research training and education.

    Most terminated grants focused on education – the core of science, technology and engineering workforce development critical for supplying highly skilled workers to American companies. For example, NSF provided 1,000 fewer graduate student fellowships in 2025 than in the decade before − a 50% drop in support for America’s best science students.

    American scientists are responding to NSF’s downsizing in diverse ways. Some are pushing back by challenging grant terminations. Others are preparing to leave science or academia. Some are likely to move abroad, taking offers from other nations to recruit American experts. Science organizations and six prior heads of the NSF are calling on Congress to step up and maintain funding for science research and workforce development.

    If these losses continue, the next generation of American scientists will be fewer in number and less well prepared to address the needs of a population facing the threat of more extreme weather, future pandemics and the limits to growth imposed by finite natural resources and other planetary limits.

    Investing in science and engineering is an investment in America. Diminishing NSF and the science it supports will hurt the American economy and the lives of all Americans.

    Paul Bierman receives funding from the National Science Foundation.

    – ref. Unprecedented cuts to the National Science Foundation endanger research that improves economic growth, national security and your life – https://theconversation.com/unprecedented-cuts-to-the-national-science-foundation-endanger-research-that-improves-economic-growth-national-security-and-your-life-256556

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Congress began losing power decades ago − and now it’s giving away what remains to Trump

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Charlie Hunt, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Boise State University

    Where did Congress go? Julia Nikhinson/Bloomberg Creative via Getty Images

    Republicans in Congress have been making behind-the-scenes efforts to pass major domestic legislation via the federal budget process. They include potential cuts to Medicaid and extending the 2017 Trump tax cuts.

    But even though it’s Congress’ job to pass a budget and set tax policy, most media outlets have been content to frame key elements of the legislation as being driven not by Congress but by the president.

    So the news media say that the purpose of the bill is to “deliver Trump’s agenda” or to pass the “Trump tax cuts.” Many have even adopted President Donald Trump’s trademark name for the legislation: his “big, beautiful bill.”

    Along with Casey Burgat and SoRelle Wyckoff Gaynor, I am co-author of a textbook titled “Congress Explained: Representation and Lawmaking in the First Branch.” In that book, it was important to us to highlight Congress’ clear role as the preeminent lawmaking body in the federal government.

    But since Trump’s inauguration, Congress has ceded huge swaths of its policymaking responsibility to the president. That makes the media’s focus on Trump unsurprising. And there’s no denying that Trump has had enormous impact during his first 100 days in office.

    During that time, Congress has been unwilling to assert itself as an equal branch of government. Beyond policymaking, Congress has been content to hand over many of its core constitutional powers to the executive branch. As a Congress expert who loves the institution and profoundly respects its constitutionally mandated role, this renunciation of responsibility has been difficult to watch.

    And yet, Congress’ path to irrelevance as a body of government did not begin in January 2025.

    It is the result of decades of erosion that created a political culture in which Congress, the first branch of government listed in the Constitution, is relegated to second-class status.

    President Donald Trump holds one of the many executive orders he has signed during his second term.
    Alex Wroblewski/AFP via Getty Images

    The Constitution puts Congress first

    The 18th-century framers of the Constitution viewed Congress as the foundation of republican governance, deliberately placing it first in Article 1 to underscore its primacy. Congress was assigned the pivotal tasks of lawmaking and budgeting because controlling government finances was seen as essential to limiting executive power and preventing abuses that the framers associated with monarchy.

    Alternatively, a weak legislature and an imperial executive were precisely what many of the founders feared. With legislative authority in the hands of Congress, power would at least be decentralized among a wide variety of elected leaders from different parts of the country, each of whom would jealously guard their own local interests.

    But Trump’s first 100 days turned the founders’ original vision on its head, leaving the “first branch” to play second fiddle.

    Like most recent presidents, Trump came in with his party in control of the presidency, the House and the Senate. Yet despite the lawmaking power that this governing trifecta can bring, the Republican majorities in Congress have mostly been irrelevant to Trump’s agenda.

    Instead, Congress has relied on Trump and the executive branch to make changes to federal policy and in many cases to reshape the federal government completely.

    Trump has signed more than 140 executive orders, a pace faster than any president since Franklin D. Roosevelt. The Republican Congress has shown little interest in pushing back on any of them. Trump has also aggressively reorganized, defunded or simply deleted entire agencies, such as the U.S. Agency for International Development and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.

    These actions have been carried out even though Congress has a clear constitutional authority over the executive branch’s budget. Again, Congress has shown little to no interest in reasserting its power, even during recent budget talks.

    Many causes, no easy solutions

    Even so, Congress’ weakening did not begin with Trump. There’s no one culprit but instead a collection of factors that have provided the ineffectual Congress of today.

    One overriding factor is a process that has unfolded over the past 50 or more years called political nationalization. American politics have become increasingly centered on national issues, parties and figures rather than more local concerns or individuals.

    This shift has elevated the importance of the president as the symbolic and practical leader of a national party agenda. Simultaneously, it weakens the role of individual members of Congress, who are now more likely to toe the party line than represent local interests.

    A participant holds a sign during a GOP town hall meeting with U.S. Reps. Celeste Maloy and Mike Kennedy on March 20, 2025, in Salt Lake City.
    AP Photo/Rick Egan

    As a result, voters focus more on presidential elections and less on congressional ones, granting the president greater influence and diminishing Congress’ independent authority.

    The more Congress polarizes among its members on a party-line basis, the less the public is likely to trust the legitimacy of their opposition to a president. Instead, congressional pushback − sometimes as extreme as impeachment − can thus be written off not as principled or substantive but as partisan or politically motivated to a greater extent than ever before.

    Congress has also been been complicit in giving away its own power. Especially when dealing with a polarized Congress, presidents increasingly steer the ship in budget negotiations, which can lead to more local priorities – the ones Congress is supposed to represent – being ignored.

    But rather than Congress staking out positions for itself, as it often did through the turn of the 21st century, political science research has shown that presidential positions on domestic policy increasingly dictate – and polarize – Congress’ own positions on policy that hasn’t traditionally been divisive, such as funding support for NASA. Congress’ positions on procedural issues, such as raising the debt ceiling or eliminating the filibuster, also increasingly depend not on bedrock principles but on who occupies the White House.

    In the realm of foreign policy, Congress has all but abandoned its constitutional power to declare war, settling instead for “authorizations” of military force that the president wants to assert. These give the commander in chief wide latitude over war powers, and both Democratic and Republican presidents have been happy to retain that power. They have used these congressional approvals to engage in extended conflicts such as the Gulf War in the early 1990s and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan a decade later.

    What’s lost with a weak Congress

    Americans lose a lot when Congress hands over such drastic power to the executive branch.

    When individual members of Congress from across the country take a back seat, their districts’ distinctly local problems are less likely to be addressed with the power and resources that Congress can bring to an issue. Important local perspectives on national issues fail to be represented in Congress.

    Even members of the same political party represent districts with vastly different economies, demographics and geography. Members are supposed to keep this in mind when legislating on these issues, but presidential control over the process makes that difficult or even impossible.

    Maybe more importantly, a weak Congress paired with what historian Arthur Schlesinger called the “Imperial Presidency” is a recipe for an unaccountable president, running wild without the constitutionally provided oversight and checks on power that the founders provided to the people through their representation by the first branch of government.

    Charlie Hunt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Congress began losing power decades ago − and now it’s giving away what remains to Trump – https://theconversation.com/congress-began-losing-power-decades-ago-and-now-its-giving-away-what-remains-to-trump-254984

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Kenya has a bold new disability law: now to make it work

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Amani Karisa, Associate Research Scientist, African Population and Health Research Center

    Kenya has long recognised the rights of persons with disabilities in law. The 2010 constitution guarantees access, dignity and inclusion for people living with disabilities.

    Two years earlier in 2008, Kenya ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. And Kenya’s 2003 Persons with Disabilities Act formed the legal foundation for promoting the rights and welfare of persons with disabilities.

    But these legal promises remain largely aspirational. Their provisions are rarely translated into everyday realities. Many Kenyans with disabilities still face stigma, inaccessible environments, unequal education opportunities and limited access to employment.

    Many schools remain exclusionary due to inaccessible physical infrastructure. This includes classrooms and latrines that lack ramps or hinder mobility for children with disabilities.

    Public transport is often unusable for wheelchair users.

    Employers continue to overlook applicants with disabilities. Between 2019 and 2023, for instance, persons with disabilities faced higher unemployment rates at around 10.4% against a national average of 5.2%.

    The fact that there are disputes over the number of Kenyans with disabilities is also telling. The 2019 census recorded 2.2% of the population – fewer than 1 million people – as having disabilities. This is far below the World Report on Disability’s estimates of an average of around 15%. This undercount reflects both cultural stigma and systemic gaps in how disability is understood and reported.

    As someone who has spent more than a decade researching disability in Kenya, I have seen how the promise of rights is often undercut by structural and social barriers. This has come through in my own research and that of others.

    The persistent failure to translate rights into tangible outcomes for persons with disabilities created urgency for change.

    The Kenyan government has finally acted. In May 2025, the country’s parliament passed the Persons with Disabilities Act 2025.

    The new law expands the definition of disability to encompass a broader range of impairments. This ensures more individuals are recognised and protected under the law. The law also mandates accessibility across sectors such as education, employment, healthcare and public services, requiring reasonable accommodations and prohibiting discrimination.

    In my view, the new law reflects a broader move from symbolic recognition to legal obligation. But passing a law is just the beginning. Implementation will be the real test.

    What’s been missing

    In my research, and that of others, the question of why the 2003 law did little to shift everyday exclusion has been addressed. A few things were apparent.

    First, employment quotas were suggested but never enforced. Discrimination in hiring and promotions was prohibited in theory, but was common in practice.

    Second, there has been little support for caregivers.

    Third, there was minimal access to assistive technologies (which are tools designed to help persons with disabilities perform tasks and improve their quality of life, such as mobility aids, communication devices and adaptive software).

    Fourth, children with disabilities in Kenya have faced significant barriers to education. Their enrolment and completion rates are consistently lower than those of their non-disabled peers.

    Rather than disability being the problem, it is the lack of accommodation, inclusive policies and public understanding that creates exclusion. This is a core insight of the social model of disability, which views disability as arising from the interaction between individuals and an unaccommodating society. This perspective explains that people are disabled not by their bodies but by barriers in society – like stairs without ramps or employers who won’t adapt.

    What the new law promises

    Some key changes in the new law stand out:

    • Workplace inclusion: public bodies must now ensure that at least 5% of jobs are held by persons with disabilities. This provision, although previously suggested, now comes with clearer oversight requirements. Private employers are both mandated and incentivised to create inclusive workplaces. Reasonable accommodations, such as accessible workstations or flexible hours, can be counted as deductible expenses.

    • Access to public services and spaces: the law requires that buildings, roads and services be made accessible. Hospitals must have trained sign language interpreters. Schools must adapt their admission criteria, curricula and facilities to include learners with disabilities. These requirements signal a move away from treating accessibility as optional or charitable.

    • Tax relief and registration reforms: caregivers can now qualify for tax exemptions. Additionally, persons with long-term disabilities now receive permanent registration, ending the need for repeated reassessments – a process many found tedious, involving hospital visits, missing forms, long delays and limited assessment centres.

    • Stronger institutional framework: the National Council for Persons with Disabilities has been given more robust powers, including enforcement, monitoring and management of disability-related funding. The law also recommends the use of affirming and respectful language in public communication – a subtle but essential step in reducing stigma.

    The law incorporates disability considerations into sector-specific practices. For example, the law requires justice sector actors to consider disability when arresting, detaining or trying someone.

    What needs to happen now

    The government must act swiftly to implement supporting regulations. Funding is needed to retrofit public buildings, hire staff to support individuals with disabilities, and subsidise assistive devices. Without proper budgeting, the law risks becoming another unfulfilled promise.

    Employers and institutions must do more than comply: they must transform their attitudes. Disability inclusion should be built into human resources practices, school policies and service design. Training will be key.

    Public awareness must improve. Many Kenyans still see disability through a medical or charitable lens. There need to be national campaigns on radio, TV and social media that shift public understanding toward inclusion and equality.

    Finally, persons with disabilities must be central to the law’s implementation. Inclusion must be driven by those who live the reality of exclusion. Their insights are essential to making services responsive and respectful.

    The 2025 Act is an important step. But if it is not backed by funding, political will and public education, its potential will remain unrealised.

    The real question is not whether the law is good enough, but whether Kenya’s institutions, communities and leaders are prepared to make it work for those it was designed to serve.

    Amani Karisa works for the African Population and Health Research Center. He receives funding from Gates Foundation and Echidna Giving.

    – ref. Kenya has a bold new disability law: now to make it work – https://theconversation.com/kenya-has-a-bold-new-disability-law-now-to-make-it-work-256646

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Pope Francis drew inspiration from Latin American church and its martyrs – leaving a legacy for Pope Leo

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Elizabeth O’Donnell Gandolfo, Associate Professor of Catholic and Latin American Studies, Wake Forest University

    A mural of Roman Catholic Archbishop Oscar Romero decorates a wall in Panchimalco, El Salvador, May 21, 2015. AP Photo/Salvador Melendez

    Pope Leo XIV’s election marks a historic moment: the first pope from an English-speaking country, and the first from the United States. Even more significant than these “firsts,” I believe, is a “second”: Leo follows in Pope Francis’ footsteps as a priest shaped by the Latin American church.

    The new pontiff served the church in Peru throughout the late 1980s and ‘90s. Francis called him back to serve from 2015-2023 as bishop of the northern city of Chiclayo – where Catholics today are rejoicing over the election of one of their own, “un papa Chiclayano.”

    As a Catholic theologian, I believe the College of Cardinals’ decision to elect another pontiff with such strong ties to Latin America reaffirms the continent’s influence on the global church’s sense of mission: to be a church that defends the marginalized and stands in solidarity with the oppressed.

    This vision is embodied by the continent’s many Catholics who have given their lives for speaking out against repression, violence and poverty over the past 50 years – most famously St. Oscar Romero, whom Francis beatified in May 2015.

    Having studied Latin American martyrdom closely, I would argue that Francis’ pontificate was at least partially inspired by these martyrs’ example, forged in blood. His decision to officially recognize this form of martyrdom adds to the legacy that many Latin American Catholics are hoping Leo will continue.

    ‘Church of the poor’

    The Second Vatican Council, a series of meetings of bishops from around the world that took place between 1962-65, brought about a number of reforms in the Catholic church, including greater focus on the poor and vulnerable. During the council, a group of bishops gathered in the Catacombs of Saint Domitilla to sign a pact in which they committed themselves to renouncing wealth and privilege and becoming a “church of the poor.”

    Many of these bishops were from Latin America, and in 1968, the Latin American Bishops’ Conference met to implement the council’s reforms. The documents that emerged from this meeting in Medellín, Colombia, encouraged closeness to people living in poverty and placed the promotion of justice and peace at the heart of the church’s evangelizing mission. In particular, they emphasized the church’s call to help liberate the oppressed from unjust social structures that produce poverty and violence.

    Pope Francis, then a cardinal, kisses a man’s foot during a Mass with youth trying to overcome drug addictions in Buenos Aires, Argentina, in 2008.
    AP Photo

    Not all Latin American bishops embraced this vision of the church’s mission. But many took the call to solidarity very seriously, denouncing economic injustices and human rights violations. These bishops and other socially committed Christians promoted causes like land reform, agricultural cooperatives, workers’ rights and access to health care and education.

    At the time, many Latin American countries were marked by vast inequalities, military dictatorships and violent political repression. These regimes, many of which were backed by the United States, often labeled any opposition as “communist” and a threat to national security.

    Some Latin American bishops – along with many priests, nuns and laypeople – paid for their faith-inspired commitments to justice and peace with their lives. Thousands of Christians were assassinated during the late 20th century because they stood up for the rights of the poor, or they spoke out against oligarchs for hoarding wealth, land and power. Others were targeted after denouncing military regimes for massacring, torturing and “disappearing” civilians.

    Within some sectors of Latin American Catholicism, these women and men are remembered as “martyrs”: people who, like Jesus of Nazareth, gave their lives for following what they saw as God’s mandate to speak the truth and practice compassion, justice and peace.

    Pope’s recognition

    During Francis’ pontificate, he officially recognized several of these Christians as martyrs, moving their cause for sainthood toward beatification and canonization. Beatification officially declares a person to be “blessed” and allows them to be venerated locally, while canonization makes them a full saint for the global church.

    Students hold up art depicting slain Salvadoran Archbishop Oscar Romero as they walk to the chapel in San Salvador where he was shot and killed.
    AP Photo/Salvador Melendez

    For example, Bishop Enrique Ángel Angelelli was assassinated in 1976 for his solidarity with the poor and defense of workers’ rights during Argentina’s Dirty War – a violent campaign of state terrorism against critics of the military junta. Francis declared him a martyr in 2018. The following year, Angelelli was beatified, along with two priests and a lay leader from the same province who were all similarly martyred just weeks before.

    Archbishop Óscar Arnulfo Romero was equally committed to defending the poor of El Salvador during the years of armed conflict leading up to the Salvadoran Civil War. In his Sunday homilies, he named people who had been imprisoned, tortured and disappeared by military and paramilitary forces, and drew on the Gospel and church teaching to challenge the violence and oppression of the day.

    His promotion of human rights and his demand that the military “stop the repression” led to his assassination while celebrating Mass on March 24, 1980. Francis declared Romero a martyr and beatified him in 2015, then canonized him in 2018.

    Pope Francis views an image of Roman Catholic Archbishop Oscar Romero during a private audience at the Vatican in 2015.
    L’Osservatore Romano/Pool Photo via AP

    These actions placed a stamp of approval on how leaders like Angelelli and Romero embodied the church’s mission in their own time and place. But Francis’ recognition also made a broader statement about how the church should relate to the “powers and principalities” of the world. Throughout his papacy, Francis continued these martyrs’ commitment by standing with people on the “peripheries”: washing the feet of prisoners, defending the rights of migrants and demanding care for the Earth.

    Martyrs of the Earth

    In the 21st century, care for the Earth is producing a whole new generation of martyrs like Angelelli and Romero. Land and environmental defenders in Latin America and around the world are being assassinated for their work to mitigate harm from industries like fossil fuel extraction, mining, logging, ranching and more.

    In September 2024, Francis signaled his awareness of this phenomenon when he lamented the murder of Juan Antonio López. López was a lay Catholic leader in Honduras whose faith inspired him to defend local communities, lands and rivers from open-pit iron oxide mining.

    The Latin American bishops’ conference has taken note of this resurgence in violent persecution. In December 2024, it launched a campaign called “Life is hanging on by a thread,” promoting solidarity with the work of ecological and human rights defenders like López.

    As a former vice president of the Peruvian bishops’ conference, Pope Leo XIV is likely aware of this campaign and the violence that it hopes to disarm.

    The new pope had a close relationship with Francis, whose legacy looms large. A key inspiration for that legacy, however, is the witness of Latin American Christians whose blood has been shed for justice, peace and the environment.

    Only time will tell if this new pontiff’s leadership continues their indomitable solidarity with people whom, in Francis’ words, this world has deemed to be “disposable.”

    Elizabeth O’Donnell Gandolfo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Pope Francis drew inspiration from Latin American church and its martyrs – leaving a legacy for Pope Leo – https://theconversation.com/pope-francis-drew-inspiration-from-latin-american-church-and-its-martyrs-leaving-a-legacy-for-pope-leo-255582

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What Pope Leo XIV’s coat of arms and motto reveal about his dedication to the ideals of St. Augustine − an art historian explains

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Virginia Raguin, Distinguished Professor of Humanities Emerita, College of the Holy Cross

    A 17th-century stained glass image of St. Augustine. Artist Tobias Müller, 1622. Michel M. Raguin, with the permission of the Princeton University Art Museum, Princeton NJ, U.S.

    Pope Leo XIV has announced his motto and coat of arms – a long-held tradition for those in the ranks of bishops, cardinals and popes. The choice of symbols and words reflects the person’s experience.

    Leo’s shield is divided diagonally: The upper half shows a white lily on a blue background, and the lower shows the emblem of the Order of St. Augustine – an order to which he belongs. His motto reads, “In Illo uno unam,” translated as “In the One, we are one,” which are words of St. Augustine from his Exposition on Psalm 127, Paragraph 2: “I understand one in the One Christ. You are therefore many, and you are one; we are many, and we are one. ”

    In choosing this motto, Leo includes the identifying symbol of Augustine, a heart pierced by an arrow.

    Coat of Arms of Pope Leo XIV.
    Photo courtesy of the Holy See Press Office

    As an art historian, I explain how Renaissance artists portrayed Augustine’s humility – and what the choice of the motto might tell us about the new pope.
    .

    The Order of St. Augustine

    Augustine lived in the late fourth century, ultimately serving as bishop of Hippo in northern Africa for 34 years. The Augustinian order was founded in 1244 after several communities of hermits living in the region of Tuscany, Italy, petitioned Pope Innocent IV to form a single order. The pope gave them the Rule of Saint Augustine as a code of living, which stated: “Call nothing your own, but let everything be yours in common; [do] not seek after what is vain and earthly.”

    Augustine’s status as a scholar, theologian and administrator made him a widely depicted saint. For example, he appears in a stained glass window commissioned by a pastor in 1622, in which he holds his symbol of the heart pierced with the arrow resting on a book on his lap.

    The image relates to a phrase from Augustine’s book “The Confessions”: “Thou hadst pierced our heart with thy love, and we carried thy words, as it were, thrust through our vitals.”

    In this stained-glass image, the saint is seen speaking to a child. The 1483 translation of the “Golden Legend,” a collection of saints’ lives, explains that while struggling to write his treatise “On the Trinity,” Augustine was walking at the seashore and saw a child filling a tiny pit with water.

    When the child explained that he was bringing the ocean into the pit, Augustine scolded him for being silly. The child answered that he would sooner fit all the water of the sea into the pit than Augustine could bring the mystery of the Trinity into his limited human understanding. The Trinity is the Christian concept that God is not a single person but three – Father, Son and Holy Spirit – united in a single divine and eternal nature.

    This lesson in humility became widely depicted across the centuries. In 1482, an altarpiece by the painter and sculptor Michael Pacher shows Augustine with a child at his feet holding a spoon.

    Augustine’s scholarship

    Augustine’s legacy includes not only “The Confessions,” one of the most widely read books of medieval and early modern times, and “On the Trinity,” but many others, including “The City of God,” a monumental work of over 1,000 pages.

    Fresco of St. Augustine.
    Sandro Botticelli via Wikimedia Commons

    Sandro Botticelli’s 1480 painting of Augustine in his study shows the saint searching for clarity of thought as he pauses his writing.

    Dressed simply in a long white garment and a cloak, he has set aside his bishop’s miter, an official hat – also a gesture of humility. His study is crowded with books; on the right, behind his head, a book is open to a study of geometry.

    Botticelli tries to show the saint as a scholar in ancient times by placing on the left an old and discredited celestial model that depicts the Earth at the center of the universe, with the Sun, Moon, planets and stars revolving around it. We, with modern knowledge, understand that despite his intelligence, Augustine cannot know everything.

    Leo has been both a scholar and pastor. He served as a professor of canon law and early Christian theology at San Carlos y San Marcelo, a seminary in Peru.

    Yet, like the founder of his order, his words at this first Mass reflected his humility when he said that his appointment as pope was “both a cross and a blessing” and spoke of the responsibility he and the cardinals have in the world.

    Virginia Raguin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What Pope Leo XIV’s coat of arms and motto reveal about his dedication to the ideals of St. Augustine − an art historian explains – https://theconversation.com/what-pope-leo-xivs-coat-of-arms-and-motto-reveal-about-his-dedication-to-the-ideals-of-st-augustine-an-art-historian-explains-256539

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Grattan on Friday: Ley and Littleproud have had a prickly relationship – can they negotiate a smooth future?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    With the future of the Coalition relationship on the line, Nationals leader David Littleproud drove to his Liberal counterpart Sussan Ley’s hometown of Albury this week. They had much to talk about, and it wasn’t going to be easy.

    Littleproud and Ley have had a combustible relationship in the past.

    After Ley, on the backbench at the time, in 2018 co-sponsored a private member’s bill to restrict live sheep exports, Littleproud, the agriculture minister, said dismissively, “I’m going to predicate my decisions on evidence, not emotion”.

    More seriously, when she was environment minister in 2019–22, Ley and Littleproud clashed over the Murray-Darling Basin.

    The Nationals leader is father of, and a true believer in, the opposition’s nuclear policy; Ley began as an agnostic on the issue, saying in 2019, “To be honest, I am not strongly for or against nuclear power”.

    The two leaders differ in their economic philosophies. Littleproud is what detractors of the Nationals and their predecessor the Country Party used to call an “agrarian socialist”. It was the Nationals who, in the last term, drove the Coalition policy to break up supermarkets that misused their power. Ley is less inclined to industry intervention.

    Ley and Littleproud have to find a way for their two parties to continue to share the same house and, assuming they do, how they divide up the rooms, and manage their joint spaces.

    Kevin Hogan, the new Nationals deputy, said late Thursday there was a will to sign a Coalition agreement, but certainly there was “a scenario where it doesn’t get signed”.

    The Nationals are feeling their power, after an election in which they held almost all their seats and the Liberals were devastated.

    Their Senate leader, Bridget McKenzie, who is outspoken and frequently in the media, said this week, “We haven’t had this amount of political clout within the Coalition since the ‘70s”.

    How many shadow ministries the Nationals receive is determined on a formula, but central is what posts they obtain.

    “There needs to be a very serious conversation heading into any Coalition discussions about the role of the National Party,” she said.

    “We don’t need to rush into an agreement, but we do need to make sure it reflects the realities of the election result, which does give greater kudos and say to the National Party within that.”

    In a cheeky reference that wouldn’t go down well with some Liberals, McKenzie said, “In our 120-year history, for 16 of these years, we held the treasury portfolio in government”.

    The Nationals are not going to hold the Treasury post in opposition. But they will try to have a louder economic voice. (There is speculation they might seek the finance shadow ministry.)

    McKenzie referred to the power of party greats Doug Anthony, Ian Sinclair and Peter Nixon in Malcolm Fraser’s government. She could have gone back to the legendary John “Black Jack” McEwen in earlier years.

    Back then, the party exercised power through the sheer strength of such individual personalities, and their ability to prevail in battles with colleagues. Looking at the Fraser years, it’s remarkable to think the prime minister used Nixon (who died just before the election, aged 97) in trying to manage a difficult and ambitious senior Liberal, Andrew Peacock, who aspired to the leadership.

    The modern Nationals have no such personalities. In recent years the party has also been riven by division over leadership and policy. Littleproud saw off a leadership challenge from Matt Canavan this week.

    Canavan lost the ballot but his call for the party to walk away from the target of reducing emissions to net zero by 2050 has yet to be resolved.

    All opposition policies are on the table, with Ley and her deputy Ted O’Brien saying they won’t rush the reconsideration of them.

    But this shapes as a complicated process, littered with obstacles.

    What if the Liberal party and the Nationals came to different conclusions on whether to retain the 2050 commitment? It could be touch and go whether the Nationals ditch it. The Liberals would be courting disaster to do so: that would divide the party and further alienate voters in the Teal-type areas that they need to win back.

    If the two parties found themselves at odds on net zero, could they viably stay together in coalition?

    The review of the nuclear policy is interlinked with the net zero commitment – nuclear was advanced as a way of getting to the target – and is also fraught. There will be pressure from some Liberals to just junk it. But Littleproud and others within his party would fight hard for it.

    The issue of timing is also critical. The opposition doesn’t have the luxury – that it appears to think it has – of going too slowly on the net zero issue.

    Energy and climate policy will be central issues over coming months.

    The government delayed until beyond the election considering what 2035 emissions reduction target it will submit under the Paris climate agreement. The Climate Change Authority, which must make a recommendation to the government on the target, helpfully said it had more work to do.

    But the target must be submitted by September. The government is expected to receive the recommendation from the authority around July. The authority has been consulting on a 65% to 75% reduction. It could recommend a single figure, or (perhaps more likely) a range.

    Anywhere between 65% and 75% would be ambitious in practical terms. The 2035 debate will take the argument away from primarily electricity into the areas of industry, transport and agriculture.

    If the opposition is to be credible in whatever criticisms it wants to make, it will need to have at least a settled position on the net zero question.

    Moreover, in trying to rebuild electoral support, the Liberals in particular require an early confirmed stance on net zero. Climate is a specially important issue with young voters, among whom the party’s support is woeful.

    Meanwhile, as all the machinations play out, Jacinta Nampijinpa Price must be giving a thought to what might have been, had she not defected from the Nationals to the Liberals in a misjudged bid to become Liberal deputy.

    She may regard the Liberals as her natural home, as she says, but if she’d stayed she might have become Nationals deputy leader this week (previous deputy Perin Davey lost her seat). That would have had her well placed to pursue her portfolio ambitions, backed by Littleproud. But who will be her champion now?

    In jumping ship, Price has found herself adrift, for the moment at least.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Grattan on Friday: Ley and Littleproud have had a prickly relationship – can they negotiate a smooth future? – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-ley-and-littleproud-have-had-a-prickly-relationship-can-they-negotiate-a-smooth-future-256458

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Where do cuts to USAID leave the future of foreign aid in Africa? Podcast

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gemma Ware, Host, The Conversation Weekly Podcast, The Conversation

    Three months after the Trump administration made drastic cuts to its aid agency, USAID, the effects are being felt across the world, particularly in Africa.

     Donald Trump has long been a critic of foreign aid, arguing that it’s not aligned with American interests. But he is  by no means the first person to criticise the aid industry. Debates about the effectiveness of foreign aid have rumbled on for decades, taking in everything from the way development assistance is distributed, to what happens to countries which become dependent on it.

    In this episode of The Conversation Weekly podcast, we speak to Bright Simons, an African aid expert and visiting senior fellow at ODI Global, about where the decimation of USAID leaves the debate about the future of development assistance.

    Bright Simons tells The Conversation that in broad terms, USAID spending in Africa is pretty small: “It’s about US$12 billion (£9 billion) roughly, so you’re talking about less than 0.5% of GDP in Africa.”

    A lot of the aid spending on the continent was targeted at life-saving programmes in specific programmes, for example HIV programmes in Nigeria and Uganda. At the same time, some countries such as South Sudan or Rwanda rely heavily on aid. “ It’s not the same picture all across the continent, but there were specific spots that were very badly hit,” says Simons.

    The USAID cuts come amid a general reduction in overseas development assistance by 7% in 2024 compared to 2023, the first fall in five years. The UK government has also announced its intention to reduce the percentage of gross national income it spends on aid from 0.5% to 0.3% from 2027.

    No learning curve

    Simons believes the crisis in aid is bigger than Trump. He’s critical of the lack of accountability in the way aid is spent both through the western model of development spending and through the more transactional approach of countries such as Russia, India or the United Arab Emirates. He argues that policies and programmes are often put in place and promoted with little scrutiny on the ground, and weak oversight on the way they’re delivered.

    “ You don’t have a learning curve to get out of aid because you don’t know enough about what is working, what is not working, why it’s working, why it’s not working to chart a path that gets you away from that dependency,” says Simons.

    Simons suggests that aid delivered through multilateral institutions does have advantages over bilateral agreements between countries. “ In theory, there is room for that kind of accountability. Whether or not you are allowed to actually exercise it as a different matter,” he says.

    However, Simons suggests one response to the current reduction in foreign aid could be for multilateral institutions to borrow more money from capital markets and lend it on to low-income countries.

    Listen to Simons talk about the history and future of aid on The Conversation Weekly podcast. The episode also includes an introduction with Adejuwon Soyinka, West Africa editor at The Conversation Africa.

    This episode of The Conversation Weekly was written and produced by Mend Mariwany and Gemma Ware. Mixing and sound design by Eloise Stevens and theme music by Neeta Sarl.

    Newsclips in this episode from CBS News, CBS Evening News and DW News.

    Listen to The Conversation Weekly via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here. A transcript of this episode is available on Apple Podcasts.

    Bright Simons is Honorary Vice-President at IMANI, a think tank in Ghana. He is President of mPedigree, a technology social enterprise.

    – ref. Where do cuts to USAID leave the future of foreign aid in Africa? Podcast – https://theconversation.com/where-do-cuts-to-usaid-leave-the-future-of-foreign-aid-in-africa-podcast-256608

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Likely final House seat outcome: 94 Labor, 44 Coalition, 12 Others

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

    The ABC has called Labor wins in 93 of the 150 House of Representatives seats. The Coalition has won 43 seats, the Greens one and all Others 11, with two seats (Bradfield and Calwell) remaining undecided.

    The Poll Bludger
    has documented the changes in the close seats. In Goldstein, Teal incumbent Zoe Daniel has surged back from a peak deficit of 1,472 votes to now trail Liberal Tim Wilson by just 292 votes on strong absents and declaration pre-polls after she lost postals by 61–39. But only about 800 votes remain, so Wilson will still win.

    On Tuesday, the Liberal lead in Liberal-held Bradfield over a Teal candidate closed to just 59 votes, and the ABC uncalled a race they had called for the Liberal the previous day. On Wednesday the Liberal lead increased to 80 votes, but it’s now fallen back to 43 votes. About 420 votes remain to be counted. The Liberals will probably lead when all votes are counted, but there will be a recount.

    The Liberal National Party has held Longman after declaration pre-polls failed to follow the trend to the left in other close seats. They now have an unassailable 335-vote lead over Labor.

    In Australia’s preferential voting system, the top two candidates on primary votes are not necessarily the final two. The bottom candidate is excluded, and their votes are distributed to remaining candidates, and this continues until only two are left. During this process, the third candidate can pass the second, therefore making the final two.

    So far the only interesting seat where this has occurred is Flinders, where Teal candidate Ben Smith passed Labor despite trailing in third on primary votes by 22.3% to 21.3%, with the Liberals well ahead with 41.2%. The Liberals defeated Smith in the final count by 52.3–47.7 to hold Flinders.

    Calwell has 13 candidates. Primary votes are 30.5% Labor (down 14.3% since the 2022 election), 15.7% Liberals (down 8.1%), 12.0% for independent Carly Moore, 10.9% for independent Joseph Youhana, 8.1% for the Greens (down 1.6%) and 6.9% for yet another independent.

    The danger for Labor is that either Moore or Youhana overtake the Liberals on the distribution of preferences, then beat Labor at the final count on Liberal preferences. Friday is the last day for receipt of late postals. Once all votes are counted, the distribution of preferences can start. We should know the result in Calwell next week.

    If Labor wins Calwell and the Liberals win Bradfield, the final seat totals will be 94 Labor out of 150 (up 17 from 77 out of 151 in 2022), 44 Coalition (down 14), one Green (down three), nine independents (down one) and two others (steady). By the UK’s method, this would be a Labor majority of 38 (25% in percentage terms).

    Bad as this result is for the Coalition, they would be lucky to win three seats (Longman, Bradfield and Goldstein) by less than a 50.2–49.8 margin. The narrowest Labor win was in Bean (by 50.3–49.7 against an independent).

    Turnout for the election is now 89.1%, and is likely to be over 90% once all votes are counted. National primary votes are 34.6% Labor (up 2.0%), 31.9% Coalition (down 3.8%), 12.1% Greens (down 0.2%), 6.4% One Nation (up 1.4%), 1.9% Trumpet of Patriots (down 2.1% from United Australia Party in 2022), 7.4% independents (up 2.1%) and 5.7% others (up 0.7%).

    I explained previously that the electoral commission’s national two-party preferred count does not currently include “non-classic” seats where the major party candidates were not the final two. There will be a special count later in these seats between Labor and Coalition candidates.

    The ABC’s two-party estimate is currently a Labor win by 54.9–45.1, while The Poll Bludger has Labor winning by 54.4–45.6. We’ll need to wait for two-party counts in the non-classic seats to resolve this difference.

    In the Senate, nationally 86.8% of enrolled voters have been counted, only 2.3% behind the House count. There have only been minor changes to primary votes since last Friday’s article on the Senate, so my assessment is unchanged from that article.

    Albanese’s ratings jump in Essential poll

    Essential is the first pollster to return since the election, but it hasn’t done a voting intentions poll. In this national poll, conducted May 7–11 from a sample of 1,137, Anthony Albanese’s net approval jumped 14 points since the pre-election Essential poll to +11 (50% approve, 39% disapprove).

    Former Liberal leader Peter Dutton, who lost his seat of Dickson at the election, slumped 18 points on net approval to -30. Voters still thought Australia was on the wrong track by 42–37 (52–31 before the election).

    In this poll, the Greens and all Others did well with late deciders (those who decided who to vote for in the last few days of the election campaign). Cost of living was rated one of the top three issues by 87% on what decided their vote, including 53% who said it was the top issue.

    Sussan Ley, who was elected Liberal leader on Tuesday, was preferred by 16% as Coalition leader, with Angus Taylor on 12% and Dan Tehan on 7%, with 45% unsure and 20% “none of the above”. Among those who voted for the Coalition, Taylor led Ley by 23–20.

    By 58–42, voters thought Labor should stick to the policies it took to the election, rather than be more ambitious now that it has a strong majority.

    Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Likely final House seat outcome: 94 Labor, 44 Coalition, 12 Others – https://theconversation.com/likely-final-house-seat-outcome-94-labor-44-coalition-12-others-256568

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –