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Category: Analysis

  • MIL-Evening Report: Do you speak other languages at home? This will not hold your child back at school

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Valeria Maria Rigobon, Lecturer in Literacy, Australian Catholic University

    Serwin365/Unsplash, CC BY

    It is common for Australian children to grow up with languages other than English in their family lives.

    More than one-fifth of Australians report speaking a language other than English at home.

    But when it comes time to start school, it’s common for parents to worry about raising a child to be bilingual or multilingual.

    They may wonder, am I harming my child’s English development if I speak another language at home?

    The short answer is no. Research shows speaking more than one language doesn’t hinder a child’s academic progress – in fact, it can even help.

    What does the research say?

    Up until the 1980s, some studies incorrectly suggested early exposure to more than one language could harm a child’s academic achievement. But these findings have since been widely criticised because many of the children in the studies came from economically disadvantaged backgrounds (and so were already disadvantaged in terms of their schooling).

    More recent Australian research has found when socioeconomic status is accounted for, multilingual children are “indistinguishable from their monolingual peers” in literacy and numeracy by the time they are eleven years old. This is provided they have adequate English vocabulary skills by the time they finish Year 2.

    Some studies show multilingual students even surpass monolingual children in different academic areas. This includes English reading, writing, spelling, grammar and punctuation as well as numeracy. Research suggests multilingual students’ enhanced mental flexibility from switching between languages may explain their higher academic performance later in school, but this is not yet confirmed.

    Recent Australian studies show bilingual and multilingual children keep up with their peers at school.
    PNW Promotion/ Pexels, CC BY

    Do you need to learn one language before starting the other?

    Research shows children can learn multiple languages at the same time, starting from infancy.

    This means you don’t have to wait for a child to become fluent in one before you start learning another.

    Similarly, a child does not have to be a highly skilled English speaker to start to learn to read in English. They can develop their spoken and written/reading language skills at the same time.

    It is also important to look at children’s skills across all the languages they know.

    Research on children aged up to 30 months found multilingual children often had smaller vocabularies in English than their monolingual peers. But they had a healthy range when assessed on words they knew in all languages.

    A common misconception is multilingual children may “confuse” words between languages, but this is not the case. They actually learn quite quickly whom they can communicate with in each language, and switch between languages without much effort.

    For example, Valeria’s niece Aurora is four and is already fluent in Hungarian, Spanish and Ukrainian. There are videos of Aurora speaking Spanish with her Venezuelan father and grandmother, turning to respond to her grandfather in Hungarian, and switching to Ukrainian to speak with her mother, all in one conversation.

    Regular calls or visits with family members who speak the home language will help your child develop their languages skills.
    Tima Miroshnichenko/ Unsplash, CC BY

    How can I help my child learn multiple languages?

    Research shows it is important a child receives lots of exposure to each language through meaningful interactions with people who speak those languages.

    There is no clear definition of the amount needed, but it should be regular – for example, everyday talk with parents or visits or phone calls with grandparents who share the home language.

    Also, if you’re worried your child isn’t getting enough English exposure outside school, do not abandon your home language. Instead, create other English opportunities, such as in playgroups, daycare, sports teams or other out-of-school activities.

    Ultimately, the best thing parents can do to support their children’s multilingual learning is build a community filled with native speakers of English and the home language(s).

    Staying consistently connected to this community of people who value each language, especially after children start school, will also support a child’s motivation to keep growing in each language.

    Rauno Parrila receives funding from Australian Research Council and Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    Valeria Maria Rigobon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Do you speak other languages at home? This will not hold your child back at school – https://theconversation.com/do-you-speak-other-languages-at-home-this-will-not-hold-your-child-back-at-school-250405

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Trump, Putin and Musk all share a leadership style – we’ve figured out what it is

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andrei Lux, Lecturer of Leadership and Research Cluster Lead, Edith Cowan University

    Dictatorships would appear to be on the rise. Russian president Vladimir Putin, US president Donald Trump and even un-elected tech entrepreneur, Elon Musk are ruling by decree like “kings”.

    Some might naively call these leaders “authentic” for saying and often doing what they believe. But that’s not the whole story.

    Such unilateral decisions are deeply divisive, and often opposed. In the US, the federal court blocked Trump’s executive order banning workplace diversity, equity and inclusion programs to try to contain the damage.

    Researchers used to think that authenticity was inherently good and moral. But as authentic leadership research gets more sophisticated with robust experimental methods, what we know about this powerful approach is changing quickly.

    Experiments use controlled simulations and real-world field trials to show how leadership behaviour influences followers. These new methods are the gold standard for establishing cause-and-effect relationships, and they’re challenging old ideas.

    Authentic leadership redefined

    After 20 years of research, we’ve redefined authentic leadership as a process of sending leadership “signals”. What leaders say and do sends powerful messages about their values.

    In a digital age where every tweet and public act is scrutinised, understanding these signals is important for employees and voters. And keeping up with this new way of expressing authentic leadership is vital for anyone seeking to lead in today’s volatile world.

    In our latest article, we looked at what authentic leadership involves and why signalling is so important.

    But what exactly is “signalling”?

    Sending leadership ‘signals’

    Everything leaders do or say – how they behave, express themselves, look, and communicate – sends messages to everyone watching. These messages are “signals”. Leaders influence their followers by sending signals that will trigger specific thoughts or emotions.

    But executive life is complex and full of inherent contradictions between personal authenticity and the demands of leadership roles.

    High-profile figures such as Musk and Trump show how leadership signals can be polarising. Just last week Musk used his social media platform X (formerly Twitter) to call for an unconstitutional election in Ukraine.

    Musk’s edicts and announcements have prompted demonstrations around the US.
    Rena Schild/Shutterstock

    Signalling authentic leadership

    Demonstrating authentic leadership depends on sending clear, observable signals that reflect the leaders’ principles and ethical convictions.

    Here are some tips for spotting authentic leadership signals in everyday interactions. It is notable that it’s easier to find examples of leaders displaying the complete opposite.

    1. Self-awareness

    Leaders signal self-awareness by regularly seeking honest feedback and reflecting on their own strengths and weaknesses. They openly acknowledge mistakes and share their learning. They value personal growth and continuous improvement.

    Instead, Trump repeatedly ignores his own mistakes, even after they are exposed. His latest claim to be debunked was that Ukrainian President Zelensky’s approval was 4%, while his actual approval is closer to 60%.

    2. Internal moral perspective

    Leaders signal an internal moral perspective by making decisions – even if they are unpopular – firmly rooted in core ethical values. Upholding these values and encouraging open discussions on ethics is a principled approach to leadership.

    Instead, Musk has given federal workers 48 hours to justify their employment. The directive leaves little room for open dialogue on the ethical rationale or moral implications of such a drastic measure. He relies, instead, on top-down command.

    Key federal agencies including the FBI and Pentagon have told employees to ignore the email.

    3. Balanced processing

    Leaders signal balanced processing by seeking different views and considering all options before making a decision. Admitting any biases and using team brainstorming or surveys, ensures fair and informed decision-making.

    Instead, Trump has signed more than 50 executive orders since taking office in January. These include some that are unlawful, as an open display of personal bias and unilateral decision-making.

    4. Relational transparency

    Leaders signal relational transparency by sharing appropriate personal experiences and vulnerabilities with their teams. Being honest about limitations and inviting open dialogue builds trust through genuine and consistent communication.

    Instead social media guru, Mark Zuckerberg, another Trump ally, assured staff his charity the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative would continue its commitment to diversity, equity and inclusion. Then, only weeks later, he dismantled it.

    You can’t just fake it, either

    Leadership signals can convey honest information or be manipulated to send contrived messages.

    Trying to fake it doesn’t work. Leadership behaviour has to align with the leaders’ real values and internal sense of self – otherwise it’s not authentic leadership. It’s just impression management.

    Learning the difference empowers us to understand leaders’ actions and better navigate the post-truth era of global business and politics.

    Andrei Lux works for Edith Cowan University and is a Member of the Australian and New Zealand Academy of Management.

    Kevin Brian Lowe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump, Putin and Musk all share a leadership style – we’ve figured out what it is – https://theconversation.com/trump-putin-and-musk-all-share-a-leadership-style-weve-figured-out-what-it-is-250502

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canada’s productivity strategy needs to centre workers

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ako Ufodike, Associate Professor, Administrative Studies, York University, Canada

    As Canada moves into 2025, its productivity still lags, despite efforts by the federal government to address the issue in the 2024 federal budget.

    Canada’s productivity has declined in nine of the last 10 quarters. Between 2015 and 2023, Canadian productivity fell by an average of 0.8 per cent per year. This means that, for every hour worked by Canadian employees, their output decreased by about eight per cent over that entire period.

    Labour productivity measures how much an economy produces per hour of work. Increasing productivity means finding ways to help people create more value in the time they spend working. However, how productivity is measured — and who benefits from productivity stimulation initiatives — varies.



    Read more:
    Canada’s lagging productivity affects us all — and will take years to remedy

    From an employer’s perspective, the main factor influencing productivity is the number of hours worked. For employees, the best proxy is wages received per hour worked — two related variables with differing implications.

    To date, Canada’s strategy to improve productivity has been very traditional, in that its primary aim has been to provide incentives for improved business performance.

    Global productivity issues

    Canada’s productivity stagnation struggles are not unique. A December 2024 OECD working paper highlighted a widespread slowdown across the OECD nations.

    From 1995 to 2023, ouputs from labour and capital inputs — know as multifactor productivity — declined sharply in both small and large advanced OECD countries.

    In Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Spain and the United Kingdom, productivity has nearly stalled. Greece, Italy, Luxembourg and Mexico experienced prolonged periods of negative growth.

    The OECD paper also found a link between productivity decline and stagnating human capital development. Since 2003, young citizens of OECD countries have underperformed on standardized tests in science, math and reading.

    At the same time, many skilled immigrants to these countries are selected from the sciences and must score exceptionally high on language proficiency exams such as the International English Language Testing System.

    This raises questions about how countries assess and utilize human capital, and whether traditional productivity measures fully capture workforce potential.

    Innovation in productivity approaches

    Innovation improves productivity, yet Canada’s 2024 budget fails to embrace this principle. The 2024 budget prescribed five main strategies to address Canada’s productivity issues:

    • incentives for entrepreneurs;
    • fiscal incentives for productivity-enhancing assets;
    • regulatory sandboxes to reduce bureaucratic red tape;
    • enhanced federal research support;
    • a $200-million investment in the Venture Capital Catalyst Initiative.

    However, the initiatives largely continue to follow the traditional approach which focuses on incentivizing businesses to increase output, rather than focusing on workers — the factor most relevant to productivity.

    One of the budget’s major assumptions, which has so far failed to materialize, was that productivity would grow by 1.8 per cent between 2024 and 2028, despite a 1.8 per cent decline over the previous three years and a 0.8 per cent decline over the preceding decade.

    Another overlooked factor is that declining wages also decrease productivity. Instead of focusing solely on business incentives, a more effective labour-agency approach would also incentivize those who own the denominator in the productivity formula — workers.

    Addressing immigrant underemployment

    Immigrants are the primary drivers of population growth in most OECD countries, yet many end up in precarious employment or underemployed, despite being exceptionally qualified.

    Even when immigrants are employed at the appropriate level, many are underpaid in comparison to non-immigrant workers or their predecessors in the same roles. This wage suppression is at odds with efforts to improve productivity.



    Read more:
    I’ve worked in precarious jobs for more than 10 years – here’s what unions should do to support migrant workers

    This issue is particularly evident in Canada, where conversations about productivity are being shaped by immigration trends. In 2023, Canada welcomed one million new immigrants without a corresponding increase in economic output. From July 2023 to July 2024, immigrant underemployment rose by 3.1 to 12.6 per cent.

    Labour market integration varies across regions. In Alberta, for example, 80 per cent of new jobs between 2018 and 2022 were filled by immigrants, yet, productivity did not rise.

    Some critics have blamed immigrants for Canada’s productivity struggles, but this narrative risks fostering anti-immigrant sentiment. While population growth may contribute to declining per capita productivity, in reality, many highly qualified immigrants end up underemployed or unemployed through no fault of their own.

    A 2024 Statistics Canada report highlighted this missed economic opportunity, stating: “recent immigrants were more likely than people born in Canada to be employed in professional occupations and lower-skilled and labourer occupations.”

    Despite this, the 2024 budget doesn’t address harmful “unproductive immigrant” narratives.

    Driving productivity growth

    Canada’s current approach to productivity is incomplete. While business incentives play a role, productivity growth cannot be achieved without investing in workers — particularly immigrants, who represent a growing share of the workforce.

    Canada and other OECD nations are missing an opportunity by failing to fully utilize immigrant talent. Rather than blaming immigrants for productivity declines, countries should recognize immigrants as valuable contributors. Proper credential recognition and expanding workforce integration programs could allow immigrants to contribute at their full economic potential.



    Read more:
    Canadian immigrants are overqualified and underemployed — reforms must address this

    A truly innovative productivity strategy would fund reskilling, upskilling and mentorship programs for immigrants and youth. It would also support equity initiatives to ensure immigrants aren’t exploited or paid less than their counterparts.

    Improving career mobility is also essential. Helping immigrants transition into high-output sectors, such as technology or engineering, through retraining programs and targeted incentives could strengthen productivity.

    Addressing wage inequity is also crucial. Ensuring immigrants receive fair wages aligned with their qualifications will improve worker motivation and productivity, consistent with the arguments of efficient wage theory.

    If these issues remain unaddressed, Canada risks continued productivity stagnation by overlooking a key opportunity to harness the potential of its immigrant workforce.

    Ako Ufodike receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

    – ref. Canada’s productivity strategy needs to centre workers – https://theconversation.com/canadas-productivity-strategy-needs-to-centre-workers-249669

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: We need meaningful, not less, EDI and climate action in turbulent times

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sarah E. Sharma, Assistant Professor, School of Political Studies, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

    Today, both climate action and equity, diversity and inclusion (EDI) are increasingly under attack. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the United States, where the Trump administration is leading a concerted effort to obstruct climate action and penalize EDI.

    A federal judge recently granted an injunction blocking U.S. government officials from terminating or changing federal contracts they consider equity-related.

    The injunction comes just over a month after President Donald Trump signed executive orders that end federal government support for programs promoting EDI. The judge found the executive orders could likely violate the U.S. Constitution and free-speech rights.

    In Canada, Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre has blamed carbon pricing for driving up prices, despite research showing that it has a minimal impact on inflation. Meanwhile, provincial governments in Alberta and Saskatchewan are pursuing punitive anti-transgender agendas and some universities are moving away from EDI, claiming it promotes exclusion.

    Until recently, governments, universities and corporations faced criticism for their lack of meaningful commitments on EDI and the climate. Many responded with ambitious pledges but insufficient action. This led to greenwashing and diversity-washing, symbolic commitments that mask inaction.

    Hypocrisies in climate and EDI policies have become easy targets for right-wing populists. As a result, EDI and climate action are being scapegoated for broader systemic failures. For instance, the most deadly American plane crash in two decades has been baselessly linked to EDI, rather than clear evidence of systemic failures.

    There are good reasons to challenge greenwashing and diversity-washing. Yet, denigrating climate and DEI actions wholesale avoids tackling the roots of complex problems and can have dangerous outcomes.

    Why we need meaningful EDI in climate action

    Climate policies that ignore social justice deepen exclusion, weaken public buy-in and provoke backlash. A just energy transition requires policies that resonate with marginalized communities and with those who feel threatened by change. Without this, opposition will only grow.

    We recently published a journal article, co-authored with researchers Neelakshi Joshi and Georgia Savvidou, outlining how greenwashing, diversity-washing and the backlash against EDI all undermine effective climate action. We argue that we cannot address environmental challenges without confronting class, gender and racial inequities.

    EDI is rooted in historical social movements that fought against exclusion. Established rights — like maternity leave, anti-discrimination in the workplace and marriage equality — are all products of these movements.

    Over the past decade, movements like #MeToo, Black Lives Matter and Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls have advanced our understanding of systemic discrimination. EDI efforts have aimed to make institutions more representative and reduce inequalities in workplaces and society.

    EDI in climate action has also gained traction, particularly through the push for a “just transition.” This movement seeks to restructure energy systems fairly and inclusively, ensuring no one is left behind.

    Energy systems are deeply inequitable. Who profits, who has access and who shapes energy policy is highly uneven. Meaningful EDI that redistributes these benefits is essential. This includes the need to support workers in fossil fuel industries and the most vulnerable to climate impacts.

    Ironically, political leaders who oppose EDI on merit grounds appoint key figures with no expertise. They ignore that diversity expands merit, not lowers it — EDI removes barriers, not standards.

    Meaningful EDI in energy transitions

    In our journal article we outline how public and private leaders make bold promises without transformative action, leading to greenwashing and diversity-washing.

    Insufficient and superficial efforts can hinder systemic change. In the energy sector, simply prioritizing boardroom and workforce diversity does not necessarily guarantee fairer working conditions or tangible benefits for local communities.

    We must move beyond empty greenwashing and diversity-washing rhetoric towards actions that target the needs of diverse populations where they live and work.

    For example, community-led clean energy projects enable citizens to actively participate in energy transitions. Indigenous-led renewable energy ownership facilitates Indigenous sovereignty. Community organizations like Empower Me address the energy poverty faced by newcomers, immigrants, single mothers, seniors and others.

    These examples demonstrate that more diverse perspectives are needed not to pursue EDI for its own sake, but to transform energy systems in real ways for more people.

    When diverse experiences are not taken into account, our energy and climate decisions are prone to blind-spots and groupthink. This locks us further into existing practices, rather than opening up innovative and transformative paths.

    We must reconnect with reality and not hide in fantasies that reject natural and social science alike. When EDI is obstructed, we cannot make effective progress on the climate crisis. We lose opportunities to discuss the injustices that are baked into energy systems — discussions that can lead to tailored and targeted policies relevant to the everyone’s needs.

    This means heating, cooling and transport options that work for people of all backgrounds, income and ability levels, and initiatives that suit rural and remote communities as well as urban residents.

    In turbulent times, the world needs more meaningful EDI, not less.

    Sarah E. Sharma receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Department of National Defence’s Mobilizing Insights in Defence and Security (MINDS) program.

    Amy Janzwood receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    Julie MacArthur receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    Runa Das receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    – ref. We need meaningful, not less, EDI and climate action in turbulent times – https://theconversation.com/we-need-meaningful-not-less-edi-and-climate-action-in-turbulent-times-249683

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Farmers, investors, miners and parents: how unconventional climate advocates can reach new audiences

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Xiongzhi Wang, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Environmental Social Science, Australian National University

    Max Acronym/Shutterstock

    When you think about climate advocates, you’ll likely picture left-leaning environmentalists who live in cities. This group has contributed to building public support for climate action worldwide, through protests, petitions, lobbying and so on.

    While a majority of Australians understand that climate change is happening and that humans are the main cause, there are still holdout groups. Acceptance of the fact that climate change is largely caused by humans sits at 60% of Australians, well below other countries.

    Holdout groups in Australia can include people associated with political conservatism, the business sector, farming, the resource sector, some religious groups and some sports fans. For these groups, climate advocacy by left-leaning environmentalists may be limited in its effectiveness.

    How do you reach these groups? Our new research points to one solution: unconventional climate advocates. That is, those not from the stereotypical background and who belong to holdout groups. Think of groups such as Farmers for Climate Action and the Investor Group on Climate Change.

    These individuals and groups can play a crucial role in expanding the base of the climate movement – without necessarily working with mainstream climate groups. Better still, we found these unconventional advocates tend to receive more sympathetic media coverage.

    Who are these unconventional advocates?

    We distinguish two types of unconventional climate advocates –role-based and bridge-builders.

    Role-based advocates come from groups not typically associated with climate advocacy, such as Australian Parents for Climate Action, Doctors for the Environment, Vets for Climate Action and Australian Firefighters Climate Alliance. These advocates broaden our perception of who engages in climate advocacy.

    Bridge-builders come from groups with a history of tension with environmentalists and environmental issues. They can often span the divide between their group and the broader climate movement. These groups include Farmers for Climate Action, Investor Group on Climate Change, Hunter Jobs Alliance and Australian Religious Response to Climate Change.

    Why do they matter?

    Unconventional advocates are vital because they can reach a broader section of the population. This is because we are more likely to listen to insiders: people from groups we identify with who share our values and beliefs. We also pay more attention to messages when they come from a surprising source and when they go against perceived interests.

    A farmer advocating for climate action is more likely to resonate with other farmers than city-based environmentalists, for instance. Similarly, if you expect farmers to be opposed to climate action, you’re more likely to pay attention to their message than if it came from an environmentalist.

    Our research shows these groups are not mainstream environmentalists. They exist on the periphery of the climate movement.

    Using social network analysis, we mapped the connections between more than 3,000 climate advocacy groups in Australia. This showed us unconventional advocates are less connected to traditional environmental groups such as Greenpeace Australia Pacific or the Australian Conservation Foundation.

    This distance may actually be advantageous. By maintaining a degree of independence from the mainstream environmental movement, unconventional advocates can avoid being dismissed as “greenies” – an unpopular group for some people in rural areas. Farmers advocating for climate action may be more effective if they’re not seen as aligned with environmentalists who might be viewed with suspicion in rural communities.

    Does unconventional advocacy work?

    By one metric, unconventional advocacy does work. These individuals and groups broadly receive more sympathetic media coverage.

    In recent research, we analysed more than 17,000 Australian media articles published between 2017 and 2022 mentioning unconventional and more stereotypical environmentalist climate advocacy groups.

    We found Greenpeace Australia Pacific and other established groups received the most media coverage overall. Disruptive groups such as Extinction Rebellion tended to be framed negatively, with a focus on conflict and arrests. The negativity was most pronounced in articles published by News Corp, owned by the conservative media figure Rupert Murdoch.

    Unconventional advocates received less media coverage than other types of advocates. When they did receive coverage, it was generally more sympathetic. Articles tended to focus on their achievements and to use less confrontational language, even from conservative-leaning media outlets.

    This suggests unconventional advocates are well positioned to shift public opinion in holdout groups and build a broader base of support for climate action.

    Unconventional advocates for unprecedented times

    In Australia and in many other countries, climate action has become politicised – often along party lines. Holdout groups are a minority, but a large minority. To actually respond to the increasing threat of climate change will require building a bigger base of support.

    Unconventional advocates offer a way to disrupt hardened divides, expand the range of voices in the movement and engage communities and groups often left out of the conversation.

    Xiongzhi Wang works as a postdoc with his salary coming from the Australian Research Council (project DP220103155) which funds the research related to this article.

    Kelly Fielding received funding from Australian Research Council DP220103155 for the research related to this article. She currently donates to Greenpeace Australia.

    Rebecca Colvin serves on advisory/research committees/panels for: the Australian Museum’s Climate Solutions Centre; The Climate Risk Group; The Blueprint Institute; RE-Alliance; the NSW Environmental Trust. She is a non-executive member of the Board of the NSW Government’s EnergyCo. She receives funding from The Australian Research Council (DP220103155 and DE230101151).

    Robyn Gulliver receives funding from the Climate Social Science Network. She has worked for and volunteers for a range of environmental advocacy groups.

    Winnifred Louis receives funding from the Australian Research Council (project DP220103155) for the research related to this article. She has been a longstanding advocate for environmental and climate action but is not affiliated with any groups mentioned here.

    – ref. Farmers, investors, miners and parents: how unconventional climate advocates can reach new audiences – https://theconversation.com/farmers-investors-miners-and-parents-how-unconventional-climate-advocates-can-reach-new-audiences-249949

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: What’s the difference between medical abortion and surgical abortion?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lydia Mainey, Senior Nursing Lecturer, CQUniversity Australia

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    In Australia, around one in four people who are able to get pregnant will have a medical or surgical abortion in their lifetime.

    Both options are safe, legal and effective. The choice between them usually comes down to personal preference and availability.

    So, what’s the difference?

    What is a medical abortion?

    A medical abortion involves taking two types of tablets, sold together in Australia as MS2Step.

    The first tablet, mifepristone, stops the hormone progesterone, which is needed for pregnancy. This causes the lining of the uterus to break down and stops the embryo from growing.

    After taking mifepristone, you wait 36–48 hours before taking the second tablet, misoprostol. Misoprostol makes the cervix (the opening of the uterus) softer and starts contractions to expel the pregnancy.

    It’s normal to have strong pain and heavy bleeding with clots after taking misoprostol. Pain relief including ibuprofen and paracetamol can help.

    After two to six hours, the bleeding and pain usually become like a normal period, although this may last between two to six weeks.

    Haemorrhage after a medical abortion is rare (occurring in fewer than 1% of abortions). But you should seek help if bleeding remains heavy (if you soak two pads per hour for two consecutive hours) or if you have have signs of infection (such as a fever, increasing abdominal pain or smelly vaginal discharge).

    Do I have to go to hospital?

    It is legal to have a medical abortion outside of a hospital up to nine weeks of pregnancy.

    Depending on state or territory law, the medication can be prescribed by a qualified health-care provider such as a GP, nurse practitioner or endorsed midwife. These clinicians often work in GP surgeries or sexual and reproductive health clinics and they may use telehealth.

    Medical abortions also occur after nine weeks of pregnancy, but these are done in hospitals and overseen by doctors alongside nurses or midwives.

    Medical abortions after 20 weeks are done by taking medications to start early labour in a maternity unit. Often, medications are first given to stop the foetal heartbeat so it is not born alive. Then, other medications are given to manage pain.

    These types of abortions are very rare. They may be used when an obstacle has prevented someone accessing an abortion abortion earlier, continuing with the pregnancy is dangerous for the pregnant person’s health or if there is a serious problem with the foetus.

    Medical abortions in Australia involve taking two tablets, usually around two days apart.
    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    What is a surgical abortion?

    Surgical abortions are performed in an operating unit, usually with sedation, so you will not remember the procedure. Surgical abortions are sometimes preferred over medical abortions because they are quicker. But the decision should be between you and your health-care provider.

    In the first 12–14 weeks of pregnancy, a surgical abortion takes less than 15 minutes and patients are usually discharged a few hours after the procedure.

    Medications may be given before surgery to soften and open the cervix and to ease pain. During the procedure, the cervix is gently stretched open and the contents of the uterus are removed with a small tube. This procedure is carried out by trained doctors with the assistance of nurses.

    Surgical abortions after 12–14 weeks are more complex and are performed by specially trained doctors. Similar to medical abortions, medications may be given first to stop the foetal heartbeat.

    It is normal to experience some cramping and bleeding after a surgical abortion, which can last about two weeks. However, like medical abortion, you should seek help for heavy bleeding or signs of infection.

    Do I need an ultrasound?

    It used to be common before an abortion to have an ultrasound scan to check how far along the pregnancy was and to make sure it was not ectopic (outside the uterus).

    However, this is no longer recommended in the early stages of pregnancy (up to 14 weeks) if it delays access to abortion. If the date of the last menstrual period is known and there are no other concerning symptoms, an ultrasound scan may not be necessary.

    This means people can access medical abortion much sooner, even from the first day of a missed period, without waiting for the embryo to be big enough to be seen on an ultrasound scan. This is called “very early medical abortion”.

    Before and after care

    Before having an abortion, a health-care provider will explain common side effects and when to seek urgent medical attention. For people who want it, many types of contraception can be started the day of abortion.

    Your health-care provider will help you understand your options, including whether you want to start contraception.
    PowerUp/Shutterstock

    Even though the success rate of medical abortion is very high (over 95%) it is routine to make sure the person is no longer pregnant.

    This is usually done two to three weeks after taking the first tablet mifepristone, either by a low-sensitivity urine pregnancy test (which you can do at home) or a blood test.

    In the rare case a medical abortion has not worked, a surgical abortion can be done.

    Sometimes after a medical or surgical abortion, tissue is left behind in the uterus. If this happens you may need another dose of misoprostol (the second tablet) or a surgical procedure to remove the tissue.

    Some people may also seek support-based counselling or peer support to help them work through the emotions that might accompany having an abortion.

    Understanding the differences and similarities between medical and surgical abortions can help individuals make informed decisions about their reproductive health.

    It’s important to speak with an unbiased health-care provider to discuss the best option for your circumstances and to ensure you receive the necessary follow-up care and support.

    Lydia Mainey is the co-chair of the Termination of Pregnancy Working Group, a subgroup of the Queensland Health Sexual Health Clinical Network. She has previously worked at MSI Australia, a non-profit which provides abortion, contraception and vasectomy services. Lydia was previously a member of the MSI Australia Technical Advisory Group.

    – ref. What’s the difference between medical abortion and surgical abortion? – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-medical-abortion-and-surgical-abortion-249839

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Studies of Parkinson’s disease have long overlooked Pacific populations – our work shows why that must change

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Victor Dieriks, Research Fellow in Health Sciences, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    Shutterstock/sfam_photo

    A form of Parkinson’s disease caused by mutations in a gene known as PINK1 has long been labelled rare. But our research shows it’s anything but – at least for some populations.

    Our meta-analysis revealed that people in specific Polynesian communities have a much higher rate of PINK1-linked Parkinson’s than expected. This finding reshapes not only our understanding of who is most at risk, but also how soon symptoms may appear and what that might mean for treatment and testing.

    Parkinson’s disease is often thought of as a single condition. In reality, it is better understood as a group of syndromes caused by different factors – genetic, environmental or a combination of both.

    These varying causes lead to differences in disease patterns, progression and subsequent diagnosis. Recognising this distinction is crucial as it paves the way for targeted interventions and may even help prevent the disease altogether.

    Why we focus on PINK1-linked Parkinson’s

    We became interested in this gene after a 2021 study highlighted five people of Samoan and Tongan descent living in New Zealand who shared the same PINK1 mutation.

    Previously, this mutation had been spotted only in a few more distant places –Malaysia, Guam and the Philippines. The fact it appeared in people from Samoan and Tongan backgrounds suggested a historical connection dating back to early Polynesian migrations.

    One person in 1,300 West Polynesians carries this mutation. This is a frequency well above what scientists usually classify as rare (below one in 2,200). This discovery means we may be overlooking entire communities in Parkinson’s research if we continue to assume PINK1-linked cases are uncommon.

    This world map shows people in some Polynesian communities have a much higher rate of PINK1-linked Parkinson’s than the global population.
    Eden Yin, CC BY-SA

    Traditional understanding says PINK1-linked Parkinson’s is both rare and typically strikes younger people, mostly in their 30s or 40s, if they inherit two faulty copies of the gene. In other words, it’s considered a recessive condition, needing two matching puzzle pieces before the disease can unfold.

    Our work challenges this view. We show that even one defective PINK1 gene can cause Parkinson’s at an average age of 43, much earlier than the typical onset after 65. That’s a significant departure from the standard belief that only people with two defective gene copies are at risk.

    Why this matters for people with the disease

    It’s not just genetics that challenge long-held views. Historically, PINK1-linked Parkinson’s was thought to lack some of the classic features of the disease, such as toxic clumps of alpha-synuclein protein.

    In typical Parkinson’s, alpha-synuclein builds up in the brain, forming sticky clumps known as Lewy bodies. Our results, contrary to prior beliefs, show that alpha-synuclein pathology is present in 87.5% of PINK1 cases. This finding opens up a promising new avenue for future treatment development.

    The biggest concern is early onset. PINK1-linked Parkinson’s can begin as early as 11 years old, although a more common starting point is around the mid-30s. This early onset means living longer with the disease, which can profoundly affect education, work opportunities and family life.

    Current treatments (such as levodopa, a precursor of dopamine) help manage symptoms, but they’re not designed to address the root cause. If we know someone has a PINK1 mutation, scientists and clinicians can explore therapies for specific genetic pathways, potentially delivering relief beyond symptom management.

    Sex differences add a layer of complexity

    In Parkinson’s, generally, men are at higher risk and tend to develop symptoms earlier. However, our findings suggest the opposite pattern for PINK1-linked cases. Particularly, women with two defective copies of the gene experience onset earlier than men.

    This highlights the need to consider sex-related factors in Parkinson’s research. Overlooking them risks missing key elements of the disease.

    Genetic testing could be a game-changer for PINK1-linked Parkinson’s. Because it often appears earlier, doctors may not recognise it immediately, especially if they are more familiar with the common, later-onset form of Parkinson’s.

    Early genetic testing could lead to a faster, more accurate diagnosis, allowing treatment to begin when interventions are most effective. It would help families understand how the disease is inherited, enabling relatives to get tested.

    In some cases, where appropriate and culturally acceptable, embryo screening may be considered to prevent the passing of the faulty gene.

    Knowing you have a PINK1 mutation could also make finding the right treatment more efficient. Instead of a lengthy trial-and-error process with different medications, doctors could use emerging therapies designed to target the underlying PINK1 mutation rather than relying on general Parkinson’s treatments meant for the broader population.

    Addressing research gaps

    These findings underscore how crucial it is to include diverse populations in health research.

    Many communities, such as those in Samoa, Tonga and other Pacific nations, have had little to no involvement in global Parkinson’s genetics studies. This has created gaps in knowledge and real-world consequences for people who may not receive timely or accurate diagnoses.

    Researchers, funding bodies and policymakers must prioritise projects beyond the usual focus on European or industrialised countries to ensure research findings and treatments are relevant to all affected populations.

    To better diagnose and treat Parkinson’s, we need a more inclusive approach. Recognising that PINK1-linked Parkinson’s is not as rare as previously thought – and that genetics, sex differences and cultural factors all play a role – allows us to improve care for everyone.

    By expanding genetic testing, refining treatments and ensuring research reflects the full spectrum of Parkinson’s, we can move closer to more precise diagnoses, targeted therapies and better support systems for all.

    Victor Dieriks receives funding from the Health Research Council Hercus Fellowship, the School of Medical Science, the University of Auckland and Te Tı̄ toki Mataora.

    Eden Paige Yin receives funding from the University of Auckland.

    – ref. Studies of Parkinson’s disease have long overlooked Pacific populations – our work shows why that must change – https://theconversation.com/studies-of-parkinsons-disease-have-long-overlooked-pacific-populations-our-work-shows-why-that-must-change-250366

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Your life becomes a nightmare’: how scam operations exploit those trapped inside – Scam Factories podcast, Ep 2

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gemma Ware, Host, The Conversation Weekly Podcast, The Conversation

    A few weeks after Ben Yeo travelled to Cambodia for what he thought was a job in a casino, he found himself locked up in a padded room. “It’s a combination between a prison and a madhouse,” he remembers. He was being punished for refusing to conduct online scams.

    “They tried all kinds of coercive manoeuvres, using a fire extinguisher to try to hit me, to scare me, using a plastic bag over my head to suffocate me … Whatever you see in the movies that actually happened.”

    Scam Factories is a podcast series from The Conversation Weekly taking you inside Southeast Asia’s brutal fraud compounds. It accompanies a series of multimedia articles on The Conversation.

    In the second episode, Inside the Operation, we explore the history of how scam compounds emerged in Southeast Asia and who is behind them. We hear about the violent treatment people receive inside through the testimonies of two survivors, Ben, and another man we’re calling George to protect his real identity.

    The Conversation collaborated for this series with three researchers: Ivan Franceschini, a lecturer in Chinese Studies at the University of Melbourne, Ling Li, a PhD candidate at Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, and Mark Bo, an independent researcher.

    They’ve spent the past few years researching the expansion of scam compounds in the region for a forthcoming book. They’ve interviewed nearly 100 survivors of the compounds, analysed maps and financial documents related to the scam industry and tracked scammers online to find out how these compounds work.

    Read an article by Ivan Franceschini and Ling Li which accompanies this episode about the rise of the scamming industry.

    The Conversation contacted AsiaHR international for comment. We did not receive a response. We contacted all the other companies mentioned in this multimedia series for comment, except Jinshui who we could not contact. We did not receive a response from them either.

    This episode was written and produced by Gemma Ware, with assistance from Mend Mariwany and Katie Flood. Leila Goldstein was our producer in Cambodia and Halima Athumani recorded for us in Uganda. Hui Lin helped us with Chinese translation. Sound design by Michelle Macklem and editing help from Ashlynee McGhee and Justin Bergman.

    Listen to The Conversation Weekly podcast via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here.

    Mark Bo, an independent researcher who works with Ivan Franeschini and Ling Li, is also interviewed in this podcast series. Ivan, Ling, Mark, and others have co-founded EOS Collective, a non-profit organisation dedicated to investigating the criminal networks behind the online scam industry and supporting survivors.

    – ref. ‘Your life becomes a nightmare’: how scam operations exploit those trapped inside – Scam Factories podcast, Ep 2 – https://theconversation.com/your-life-becomes-a-nightmare-how-scam-operations-exploit-those-trapped-inside-scam-factories-podcast-ep-2-250464

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A Palestinian-Israeli film is an Oscars favorite − so why is it so hard to see?

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Drew Paul, Associate Professor of Arabic, University of Tennessee

    Directors Basel Adra, left, and Yuval Abraham on stage at the 62nd New York Film Festival on Sept. 29, 2024. Jamie McCarthy/Getty Images

    For many low-budget, independent films, an Oscar nomination is a golden ticket.

    The publicity can translate into theatrical releases or rereleases, along with more on-demand rentals and sales.

    However, for “No Other Land,” a Palestinian-Israeli film nominated for best documentary at the 2025 Academy Awards, this exposure is unlikely to translate into commercial success in the U.S. That’s because the film has been unable to find a company to distribute it in America.

    “No Other Land” chronicles the efforts of Palestinian townspeople to combat an Israeli plan to demolish their villages in the West Bank and use the area as a military training ground. It was directed by four Palestinian and Israeli activists and journalists: Basel Adra, who is a resident of the area facing demolition, Yuval Abraham, Hamdan Ballal and Rachel Szor. While the filmmakers have organized screenings in a number of U.S. cities, the lack of a national distributor makes a broader release unlikely.

    Film distributors are a crucial but often unseen link in the chain that allows a film to reach cinemas and people’s living rooms. In recent years it has become more common for controversial award-winning films to run into issues finding a distributor. Palestinian films have encountered additional barriers.

    As a scholar of Arabic who has written about Palestinian cinema, I’m disheartened by the difficulties “No Other Land” has faced. But I’m not surprised.

    The role of film distributors

    Distributors are often invisible to moviegoers. But without one, it can be difficult for a film to find an audience.

    Distributors typically acquire rights to a film for a specific country or set of countries. They then market films to movie theaters, cinema chains and streaming platforms. As compensation, distributors receive a percentage of the revenue generated by theatrical and home releases.

    The film “Soundtrack to a Coup D’Etat,” another finalist for best documentary, shows how this process typically works. It premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in January 2024 and was acquired for distribution just a few months later by Kino Lorber, a major U.S.-based distributor of independent films.

    The inability to find a distributor is not itself noteworthy. No film is entitled to distribution, and most films by newer or unknown directors face long odds.

    However, it is unusual for a film like “No Other Land,” which has garnered critical acclaim and has been recognized at various film festivals and award shows. Some have pegged it as a favorite to win best documentary at the Academy Awards. And “No Other Land” has been able to find distributors in Europe, where it’s easily accessible on multiple streaming platforms.

    So why can’t “No Other Land” find a distributor in the U.S.?

    There are a couple of factors at play.

    Shying away from controversy

    In recent years, film critics have noticed a trend: Documentaries on controversial topics have faced distribution difficulties. These include a film about a campaign by Amazon workers to unionize and a documentary about Adam Kinzinger, one of the few Republican congresspeople to vote to impeach Donald Trump in 2021.

    The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, of course, has long stirred controversy. But the release of “No Other Land” comes at a time when the issue is particularly salient. The Hamas attacks of Oct. 7, 2023, and the ensuing Israeli bombardment and invasion of the Gaza Strip have become a polarizing issue in U.S. domestic politics, reflected in the campus protests and crackdowns in 2024. The filmmakers’ critical comments about the Israeli occupation of Palestine have also garnered backlash in Germany.

    Locals attend a screening of ‘No Other Land’ in the village of A-Tuwani in the West Bank on March 14, 2024.
    Yahel Gazit/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images

    Yet the fact that this conflict has been in the news since October 2023 should also heighten audience interest in a film such as “No Other Land” – and, therefore, lead to increased sales, the metric that distributors care about the most.

    Indeed, an earlier film that also documents Palestinian protests against Israeli land expropriation, “5 Broken Cameras,” was a finalist for best documentary at the 2013 Academy Awards. It was able to find a U.S. distributor. However, it had the support of a major European Union documentary development program called Greenhouse. The support of an organization like Greenhouse, which had ties to numerous production and distribution companies in Europe and the U.S., can facilitate the process of finding a distributor.

    By contrast, “No Other Land,” although it has a Norwegian co-producer and received some funding from organizations in Europe and the U.S., was made primarily by a grassroots filmmaking collective.

    Stages for protest

    While distribution challenges may be recent, controversies surrounding Palestinian films are nothing new.

    Many of them stem from the fact that the system of film festivals, awards and distribution is primarily based on a movie’s nation of origin. Since there is no sovereign Palestinian state – and many countries and organizations have not recognized the state of Palestine – the question of how to categorize Palestinian films has been hard to resolve.

    In 2002, The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences rejected the first ever Palestinian film submitted to the best foreign language film category – Elia Suleiman’s “Divine Intervention” – because Palestine was not recognized as a country by the United Nations. The rules were changed for the following year’s awards ceremony.

    In 2021, the cast of the film “Let It Be Morning,” which had an Israeli director but primarily Palestinian actors, boycotted the Cannes Film Festival in protest of the film’s categorization as an Israeli film rather than a Palestinian one.

    Film festivals and other cultural venues have also become places to make statements about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and engage in protest. For example, at the Cannes Film Festival in 2017, the right-wing Israeli culture minister wore a controversial – and meme-worthy – dress that featured the Jerusalem skyline in support of Israeli claims of sovereignty over the holy city, despite the unresolved status of Jerusalem under international law.

    Israeli Culture Minister Miri Regev wears a dress featuring the old city of Jerusalem during the Cannes Film Festival in 2017.
    Antonin Thuillier/AFP via Getty Images

    At the 2024 Academy Awards, a number of attendees, including Billie Eilish, Mark Ruffalo and Mahershala Ali, wore red pins in support of a ceasefire in Gaza, and pro-Palestine protesters delayed the start of the ceremonies.

    So even though a film like “No Other Land” addresses a topic of clear interest to many people in the U.S., it faces an uphill battle to finding a distributor.

    I wonder whether a win at the Oscars would even be enough.

    This article has been updated to clarify that the film was a collaborative effort between Palestinian and Israeli filmmakers.

    Drew Paul does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A Palestinian-Israeli film is an Oscars favorite − so why is it so hard to see? – https://theconversation.com/a-palestinian-israeli-film-is-an-oscars-favorite-so-why-is-it-so-hard-to-see-249233

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Fossil footprints reveal what may be the oldest known handcarts – new research

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Matthew Robert Bennett, Professor of Environmental and Geographical Sciences, Bournemouth University

    If you’re a parent you’ve probably tried, at some point, to navigate the supermarket with a trolley, and at least one child in tow. But our new study suggests there was an ancient equivalent, dating to 22,000 years ago. This handcart, without wheels, was used before wheeled vehicles were invented around 5,000 years ago in the Middle East.

    Recently our research team discovered some remarkable fossil traces which might give a hint. These traces were found alongside some of the oldest known human footprints in the Americas at a place called White Sands in New Mexico.

    In the last few years, several footprint discoveries at this site have begun to rewrite early American history – pushing back the arrival of the first people to enter this land by 8,000 years.

    There is some controversy around the age (23,000 years old) of these footprints, with some researchers unhappy with our dating methods. But they provide a remarkable picture of past life on the margins of a large wetland at the end of the last ice age.

    The footprints tell stories, written in mud, of how people lived, hunted and survived in this land. Footprints connect people to the past in a way that a stone tool or archaeological artefact never can. Traditional archaeology is based on the discovery of stone tools. Most people today have never made a stone tool but almost all of us will have left a footprint at some time, even if it is only on the floor of the bathroom.

    Today, modern shopping trolleys can be found rusting in canals, rivers or abandoned in shrubbery. But ancient versions would have probably been of wood and simply rotted away. We know that transport technology must have existed.

    Everyone has stuff to transport, but we have no record of it until written histories. At White Sands, we found drag-marks made by the ends of wooden poles while excavating for fossil footprints. Sometimes these appear as just one trace, while at other times they occur as two parallel, equidistant traces.

    A pole or poles used in this fashion is called a travois. These drag-marks are preserved in dried mud that was buried by sediment and revealed by a combination of erosion and excavation. The drag-marks extend for dozens of metres before disappearing beneath overlying sediment. They clip barefoot human tracks along their length, suggesting the user dragged the travois over their own footprints as they went along.

    To help interpret these features, we conducted a series of tests on mud flats both in Dorset, UK, and on the coast of Maine, US. We used different combinations of poles to recreate simple, hand-pulled travois.

    In our experiments the pole-ends dragged along the mud truncate footprints in the same way as the fossil example in New Mexico. These features in the fossil examples were also always associated with lot of other human footprints travelling in a similar direction, many of which, judging by their size, were made by children.

    We believe the footprints and drag-marks tell a story of the movement of resources at the edge of this former wetland. Adults pulled the simple, probably improvised travois, while a group of children tagged along to the side and behind.

    The research team has benefited from the insight of the Indigenous peoples we work with at White Sands, and they interpret the marks in this way as well. We cannot discount that some of the marks may be made by dragging firewood, but this does not fit all the cases we found.

    Travois are known from historical documents and accounts of Indigenous peoples and their traditions. They were more commonly associated with dogs or horses, but they were pulled by humans in our tests.

    As such they represent early examples of the handcart or wheelbarrow, but without the wheel. The earliest record of a wheeled vehicle dates from Mesopotamia (modern day Iraq), in 2,500BC. We think the travois were probably improvised from tent poles, firewood and spears when the need arose.

    Maybe they were created to help move camp, or more likely, transport meat from a hunting-site. In the latter context the analogy with the shopping trolley comes to the fore, as does the pained expression of the adults faces as they quest for resources with a gaggle of children in tow.

    Matthew Robert Bennett receives funding from Arts and Humanities Research Council.

    Sally Christine Reynolds does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Fossil footprints reveal what may be the oldest known handcarts – new research – https://theconversation.com/fossil-footprints-reveal-what-may-be-the-oldest-known-handcarts-new-research-250438

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Sanctions rarely achieve their goals – here’s why they failed in Russia and Myanmar

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sergey Sosnovskikh, Lecturer in International Business, Manchester Metropolitan University

    Sanctions are, according to research, effective less than 10% of the time if success is defined as the complete compliance of a sanctioned regime with the imposed external pressure. Taking a more lenient view, which includes partial concessions or negotiated settlements, the success rate rises to 35% at most.

    The idea that sanctions can completely restrict trade to sanctioned countries is largely flawed. Iranian residents, for example, can still access many western products despite sanctions through intermediaries in countries like Turkey and the Gulf states.

    To better understand why sanctions fail, consider the cases of Russia and Myanmar. The sanctions imposed on Russia following its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 have undoubtedly caused some economic disruption, including inflation, labour shortages and a devaluation of the Russian rouble. But they have had a limited impact overall.

    In April 2024, the International Monetary Fund predicted that Russia’s economy would grow faster than all of the world’s advanced economies that year, including the US.

    Many countries have not participated in the west’s sanctions regime, which has created enforcement gaps. These gaps have largely enabled Russia to maintain access to sanctioned goods and continue its economic activities.

    In January 2023, a US thinktank called Silverado reported that some former Soviet states had increased their “transshipment” of goods produced by multinational firms that no longer export to Russia directly.

    Transshipment is a process where cargo is unloaded from one vessel and reloaded into another while in transit. Armenia and Uzbekistan, as well as China and Turkey, are the countries commonly used as “transshipment points” to Russia.

    Indeed, research of our own into how sanctioned goods continue to reach Russia reveals that companies often reroute their supply chains through politically allied intermediary nations. These rerouted imports can, however, drive up product prices for ordinary citizens.

    Stacks of containers at a port in St Petersburg, Russia.
    Andrey Mihaylov / Shutterstock

    Russia has also reduced its dependency on imports by increasing production in sectors such as agriculture and manufacturing. In August 2023, for example, India and Russia signed the biggest ever grain deal between the two countries.

    And the Russian government implemented fiscal and monetary measures, including currency controls and subsidies, to stabilise the economy and support key industries.

    Russia’s large, diverse economy and abundant natural resources make it more resilient to sanctions compared to some smaller and less diversified nations. Much of the world is reliant on Russian gas and, since the imposition of western sanctions, countries like China and India have increased the amount they buy.

    Even the EU is still spending billions of US dollars on Russian gas. In the first 15 days of 2025, after an agreement allowing Russia to pump gas to the EU via pipelines running across Ukraine ended, the EU’s 27 countries imported Russian gas at a record rate.

    Sanctioning Myanmar’s military

    Targeted western sanctions have tried to undermine the financial interests of Myanmar’s military junta, which has been battling armed opposition to its rule since a coup in 2021. But these sanctions have only been partially effective, too.

    China, India, Japan and neighbouring south-east Asian countries continue to engage in business with Myanmar. In Myanmar’s lucrative gas export sector, the vacuum left by departing western companies has been swiftly filled by Asian partners. This has ensured the junta’s income streams remain largely intact.

    Brands that have ostensibly exited the market due to sanctions or activist pressure also remain accessible through the country’s porous border trade. And there have been cases where a significant delay between a company’s declared exit and its actual departure inadvertently allowed operations to continue as usual for some time.

    In 2024, we conducted a study with our colleague Anna Grosman, an expert on innovation and entrepreneurship at Loughborough University, on multinational firms operating in Myanmar. Our findings highlight the dilemma foreign businesses face in sanctioned countries over whether to stay or leave.

    This decision is shaped by formal pressure, such as home and host government restrictions. For instance, a multinational firm’s home government may penalise companies that continue to operate in a sanctioned country, while the host government may impose policies or financial barriers to prevent or delay their exit.

    However, informal pressure from activists, diaspora groups and international advocacy organisations also plays a role. Staying can help businesses avoid financial losses and the complexities of exit, but it also exposes them to reputational damage and ethical dilemmas.

    Western sanctions on Myanmar’s military regime have been ineffective, too.
    R. Bociaga / Shutterstock

    Some of the junta’s financial channels, such as revenue from the jade mining industry, are out of reach for sanctions. In 2021, the US treasury department sanctioned Myanmar’s state-owned gemstone company, Myanmar Gem Enterprise, describing it as “a key economic resource” for the military.

    However, sanctions on Myanmar Gem Enterprise have not been completely effective. Myanmar’s gemstone mining industry is mostly an informal sector, with data on mining income and distribution underreported and opaque. Continued revenue from this sector will almost certainly have further cushioned the impact of western sanctions.

    The sanctions have only partially stopped the flow of income to the junta. But they have contributed to the hardships facing ordinary citizens. Myanmar’s currency has cratered, while imported goods including pharmaceuticals and fuel are in short supply. Power outages are now common and there are soaring levels of unemployment.

    Some western governments have now imposed sanctions on state-owned banks in Myanmar in an attempt to stop revenue from reaching the junta. This move will only worsen the situation facing Myanmar’s people.

    Sanctions drive nations towards building domestic industries to replace imported goods and strengthening alliances with supportive countries. Far from achieving their intended political objectives, sanctions can exacerbate an already volatile geopolitical landscape, while driving up prices for ordinary people.

    But at the same time, governments and businesses have a duty to exit a country when they are no long able to adhere to their own human rights commitments.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Sanctions rarely achieve their goals – here’s why they failed in Russia and Myanmar – https://theconversation.com/sanctions-rarely-achieve-their-goals-heres-why-they-failed-in-russia-and-myanmar-244975

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Wales wants to punish lying politicians – how would it work?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephen Clear, Lecturer in Constitutional and Administrative Law, and Public Procurement, Bangor University

    shutterstock Minerva Studio/Shutterstock

    Elected politicians and candidates in Wales who deliberately lie could face serious consequences, including being removed from office, under proposals aimed at restoring trust in politics.

    The Senedd’s (Welsh parliament) standards of conduct committee has recommended legally defining political deception, and strengthening existing rules to explicitly ban misleading statements. Proposed potential penalties range from a formal retraction to suspension or, in extreme cases, recall by voters.

    But the committee stopped short of recommending that deliberate deception be made a criminal offence. The idea that politicians who lie could be investigated by the police and courts had previously been mooted. The option of a civil offence with a lower burden of proof being introduced was also rejected.

    The committee has been working on the proposals as a way of restoring faith in politics, and trust in politicians, in the lead up to the next Senedd elections in 2026. While the report sets out options for change, the Welsh government has already promised to introduce a legal ban (in some form) before the next election.

    These efforts see Wales become the first UK nation to attempt to tackle the problem of dwindling trust in politics by modern day legislative force.

    Those championing the changes refer to how the deliberate rise in campaigns of misinformation, by those of all political persuasions, have in some instances led to electoral victories overseas.

    The need to act is also reflected in the public’s perception. Surveys have consistently found that trust in politicians to tell the truth has declined. A survey in 2023 placed politicians as the least trusted profession in the UK. Just 9% of the public said they trusted elected officials to tell the truth.

    More recently, findings from the British social attitudes report in 2024 revealed that the public is as critical now of how the UK is governed as it has ever been. A record high of 45% of respondents said they now “almost never” trust governments of any party to place the needs of the nation above the interests of their own political party.

    Restoring trust

    The Senedd committee had considered three different options for restoring trust.

    First, to create a criminal offence of deception. Second, to use an existing investigative body such as the Public Services Ombudsman for Wales, and to bring in a civil sanction such as a fine. And third, to strengthen the code of conduct for Senedd members with enhanced sanctions. In other words, it would be dealt with through the Senedd’s own disciplinary procedures.

    To a certain degree there are some mechanisms already in place for dealing with deception in Welsh politics. For example, politicians are already expected to adhere to the seven principles of public life, which include honesty and integrity.

    Generally speaking, opposition Senedd members will hold the Welsh government to account by questioning and scrutinising their work. It is also possible to stage votes of no confidence as an accountability mechanism.

    Although as seen in the case of former first minister Vaughan Gething, it is questionable as to the extent to which they can be enforced. Gething initially refused to step down after losing such a vote.

    The electorate also has an important role to play in holding politicians to account. Ultimately an untrustworthy politician should, in theory at least, be unlikely to win any election. But Senedd elections only take place every five years.

    The standards of conduct committee already has the power to review complaints referred to it. It also has responsibility for reviewing the code of conduct for members of the Senedd, guidance on the code and complaints procedures, and rules for lobbying.

    Part of the perceived problem with this is that the committee is made up of Senedd members and are, therefore, responsible for setting the rules for themselves. Or alternatively, as Plaid Cymru MS Adam Price (who has campaigned on this issue for many years) put it, it’s like marking your own homework. The committee’s report offers a potential of recommending appointing lay members to sit alongside them.

    Proposals to legislate against politicians who lie in Wales were first raised by the Plaid Cymru MS, Adam Price.
    ComposedPix/Shutterstock

    Some may be concerned about the practical complexities of disqualifying candidates and Senedd members, and where that may, in turn, leave democracy and democratic processes. If sanctions were to be introduced, questions could also be raised about the potential for vexatious complaints to discredit electoral candidates.



    Read more:
    Wales could become world’s first country to criminalise politicians who lie

    In respect of making “deception” a criminal offence, concerns may have been raised about the constitutional principle of separation of powers, and whether it should truly be for unelected judges to take decisions about the democratically elected arm of the state. Or whether that could lead to the politicisation of the judiciary.

    While, research had found that more than two-thirds of Welsh voters supported a law criminalising political lying, judicial adjudication for serving Senedd members has been ruled out. The report also details concerns from the legal professions that existing resource pressures on the courts would have lead to long disputes, rather than the swift resolutions.

    But in reality, we are talking about strengthening safeguards for maintaining standards in public offices. In particular addressing deliberate mistruths by politicians to secure deceitful advantages during an election.

    In that sense, the new legislation is essentially bringing the political profession in line with others such as lawyers, doctors, journalistic and financial institutions, by having clearer repercussions when they lie and fail to maintain professional standards.

    Given the need for something to change in order to restore trust, and the extensive powers that politicians have to affect the lives of citizens, it is clear why Wales is trying a different approach towards restoring trust.

    Stephen Clear does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Wales wants to punish lying politicians – how would it work? – https://theconversation.com/wales-wants-to-punish-lying-politicians-how-would-it-work-248728

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Donald Trump wants to bring back plastic straws, but the world is going in another direction

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Randa Lindsey Kachef, Research affiliate, King’s College London

    David Pereiras / shutterstock

    Donald Trump recently surprised the world again by signing an action to end what he describes as the “forced use” of paper straws. Although there is some merit in the argument the White House presents that paper straws simply aren’t fit for purpose, what the paper straw revolution represents is the power of individual change in enacting progressive policy.

    Much like recent EU legislation which required all plastic bottles to have caps attached by a tether, the removal of items that tend to be easily littered is a way to help people be more environmentally cautious without any extra effort. Unfortunately, the paper straw appears to have failed in this endeavour.

    We should not stop this trajectory because of one fail, however. Even if paper straws are not a viable option, we mustn’t let their fate undermine all initiatives to reduce the impacts of single use plastics.

    The story behind the move away from plastic straws began in 2015, when a disturbing video of a turtle having a plastic straw removed from its nose went viral. Unfortunately this appears to be a common occurrence, with a video of a turtle with a plastic fork in its nose posted only a few months later. This shows plastic straws themselves are not the issue and that there is a wider problem that everyone should be aware of: plastic which ends up in the ocean is often mistaken for food and eaten by wildlife.

    Paper problems

    Admittedly, anyone who has used a paper straw will agree that they are not a viable alternative to plastic. The obvious complaint is that they get soggy too quickly. But there are several unseen components that show the switch to paper may not be as great as we once thought.

    Paper, but plastic-coated?
    Sia Footage / shutterstock

    To begin with, in an effort to keep them water-resistant, paper straws themselves are coated in plastic. This means they cannot be recycled. As they are an organic material, they release greenhouse gas when they decompose in landfill – they can however safely be incinerated, something that is not widely recommended for their plastic counterparts.

    As the demand for paper straws skyrocketed, this created a deficit in production, leading to the development of new manufacturing facilities, construction that in itself has a significant environmental impact. Meanwhile, the heavier weight of paper straws can lead to an increase in freighting fuel consumption and associated emissions.

    Flimsy plastics are more likely to be littered

    Anything, however, is better than plastic. A somewhat misleading statistic that plastic straws account for a mere 0.025% of ocean plastics has been circulating in the argument to bring them back. Although this is true by volume, it is not a correct representation of the sheer number of individual straws recorded in the environment which is suspected to be as many as 8.3 billion, about one per person on earth.

    The fact straws are so small and lightweight is a big part of the problem, since smaller and more easily fragmented items are far harder to collect. As litter, they punch above their weight.

    A child’s plastic beach toy may weigh as much as a few hundred plastic straws, but if littered the straws would do more harm to the environment and wildlife, and would look worse. As straws are made of polypropylene, a flimsier more brittle type of plastic, it doesn’t take much effort for them to break apart into bite sized pieces. Because of this, straws turn into microplastics much quicker than the toy, which has a higher chance of eventually being picked up.

    To this day, straws continue to to be on the top ten types of plastics found on beaches, and we have yet to see any videos of larger pollutants like those beach toys being pulled from the nose of any animal.

    Although we could argue indefinitely as to which straw materials are worse (reuseable metal or glass straws require water and a cleaning agent, another potential contaminant) the overarching sentiment is the most alarming component of Trump’s announcement.

    Paper straw pressue came from below

    The move towards paper straws was a refreshing direction in environmental preservation, in that it was initiated locally and by producers, not through legislation. In the summer of 2018 Seattle became the first US city to enforce a ban on plastic utensils, straws and cocktail sticks. Soon thereafter, McDonald’s, Starbucks, Alaska Airlines and many others announced they would stop the sale of plastic straws.

    Later that year, the UK government and European Union began consultations for national bans which came into effect in 2020 and 2021 respectively. In 2019 Canada followed suit with a ban coming into law in 2022.

    It was not until July of 2024 that the then US president, Joe Biden announced his plan to phase out single-use plastics (although the fact sheet and official press release has now been removed from the White House website). This was several years after the global movement got underway – accompanied by the first complaints from Trump on the topic in 2019.

    It is important to note that both the EU and UK bans on plastic straws included stirrers and cotton bud sticks. However their removal from the market caused little to no controversy, mostly because there are adequate alternatives.

    Litter producers can drive change

    What the movement towards paper straws represents is the power of producers to drive change, in a bottom-up approach. A similarly encouraging scenario can be seen in attitudes towards polystyrene.

    Back in 2019 Dunkin’ Donuts announced it would stop using foam cups in certain US markets, and delivered a full removal of the cups in the US by early 2020, while in January 2025 California introduced a state wide polystyrene ban. Meanwhile, negotiations on a global plastics agreement remain indecisive.

    In the wake of a pattern of stalemate and regressive policy, it is on the consumers and producers to take action. We must continue to support producers who invest in innovation to address these issues in a way that makes our lives easier and cleaner.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Randa Lindsey Kachef does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Donald Trump wants to bring back plastic straws, but the world is going in another direction – https://theconversation.com/donald-trump-wants-to-bring-back-plastic-straws-but-the-world-is-going-in-another-direction-250449

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Charles Dickens would have made Great Expectations a videogame if he were writing today

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lynda Clark, Lecturer in Creative Writing (Interdisciplinary Futures), University of Edinburgh

    Despite dying over 100 years before the release of Pong, the novelist Charles Dickens has connections to a number of videogames. He appears as a character in Assassin’s Creed Syndicate (2015); is the subject of a mobile app walking-tour, Charles Dickens London: The Writer’s Journey (2022); and his works are brought to virtual life in the forthcoming The Mysteries of Gad’s Hill Place.

    There’s also plenty in Dickens’ work to suggest that were he alive today, he may be writing his own videogames as well as appearing in them.

    Great Expectations (1861) in particular demonstrates Dickens’ ludic credentials. A sense of progression is common in the Bildungsroman or “progress” novel, but Pip seems to embody ideas of “levelling-up” more reminiscent of a playable character accumulating XP (experience points) than a typical protagonist.

    Pip (Philip Pirrip) is a young blacksmith’s apprentice whose life is dramatically changed when he inherits a great fortune. Pip’s guardian, Mr Jaggers, who is also the lawyer in charge of the inheritance, describes Pip’s “expectations” (inheritance) as if it is an attainable in-game currency.

    He makes it clear, just as a videogame NPC (non-playable character) might, how the story’s currency should be spent – on items befitting a gentleman, just as a videogame character might spend on costumes and items for their inventory. As Jaggers puts it, the inheritance is “a sum of money amply sufficient for your suitable education and maintenance”

    This article is part of Rethinking the Classics. The stories in this series offer insightful new ways to think about and interpret classic books and artworks. This is the canon – with a twist.

    On his path to becoming a gentleman, Pip must develop himself in various areas such as intellect and eloquence, and acquire new clothes, which, it is implied, will confer new “powers”. They should not, Mr Jaggers stresses, be “working clothes”.

    This spiritual, physical and sartorial growth is not unlike that found in many roleplaying games such as Metaphor: Refantazio (2024), where the protagonist must develop “royal virtues” through building relationships with followers. This is reminiscent of the way Pip must build his relationship with the wealthy, eccentric Miss Havisham to further his place in society. Like Pip, the protagonist of Metaphor: Refantazio also gains access to progressively advantageous clothing and accessories as the story advances.

    Dickens appears as a character in the game Assassin’s Creed Syndicate.

    As literary theorist Peter Brooks has observed, even Pip’s name is representative of growth – a seed full of potential, the kind of on-the-nose naming scheme that would make auteur videogame designer Hideo Kojima proud. Many of Kojima’s characters in the Metal Gear franchise are named in the same way, such as Fragile, the director of a delivery company that has the motto “handled with love”.

    And before we even get into the story itself, the contents page in later collected editions arranges protagonist Pip’s journey into “stages” – a term more commonly found in videogames.

    Expectations and endings

    Perhaps the strongest argument for Great Expectations as evidence of Dickens’ potential as a videogame writer are its multiple endings. The published ending alludes to future romance. After a chance meeting four years after the primary events of the novel, Pip takes fellow orphan Estella’s hand and sees “no shadow of another parting from her”.

    However the alternate version, often presented as an appendix, has a quite different outlook. Again Pip runs into Estella, and they share fond words, but this time there is no sign of a romantic union. Instead, it’s suggested that the suffering Estella has endured through a cruel marriage has given her a deeper understanding of Pip’s life – “a heart to understand what [his] used to be”.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    This downbeat tone is more akin to the so-called “bad” ending (or fail state) of choice-based videogames. These are endings which occur when the player has not sufficiently developed their character, or made poor conversational choices during their play.

    Even the published ending is not necessarily so positive if the reader has been paying attention to all of Pip’s “side-quests”. Both he and Estella are childhood wards of Miss Havisham, and in adulthood, a man named Magwitch plays father-figure to Pip and is Estella’s actual father.

    Therefore, it is only possible to accept their union as romantic if putting aside facts which, to contemporary readers at least, may well have verged on incest. This means there are two possible endings even within the single published ending – one where he commits near-incest and one where he doesn’t, depending on your interpretation.

    It could also be argued that the ending of each “stage” is its own potential end, thereby increasing the number of possible endings further still. For instance, literary theorist Caroline Levine has suggested another alternative ending in Pip’s imagined possible future with his childhood friend and confidante, Biddy.

    This kind of premature ending is frequently found in narrative videogames. A memorable example is Far Cry 4 (2014), where it’s possible to get the credits rolling some 15 minutes into a game which typically lasts as long as 60 hours.

    Had Dickens been writing today, I have no doubt he would have seen great narrative potential in videogames, just as modern videogame creators find inspiration in his novels.

    Beyond the canon

    As part of the Rethinking the Classics series, we’re asking our experts to recommend a book or artwork that tackles similar themes to the canonical work in question, but isn’t (yet) considered a classic itself. Here is Lynda Clark’s suggestion:

    The novel All You Need Is Kill by Hiroshi Sakurazaka (2004) remains underappreciated, despite already having been adapted into a manga (2014) and a film (2014’s Edge of Tomorrow).

    Like Pip, young soldier Keiji Kiriya is required to undergo intellectual, physical and emotional growth in order to progress. He undertakes this process of “levelling up” in an even more ludic manner, dying and “respawning” (resurrecting) with knowledge of his previous lives. Each death suggests a potential end, and his relationship with fellow time-looped soldier Rita Vrataski is open to similar interpretations of bittersweet love, doomed romance or platonic respect – depending on reader preference.

    Lynda Clark undertook part of this research during an AHRC-funded PhD.

    – ref. Why Charles Dickens would have made Great Expectations a videogame if he were writing today – https://theconversation.com/why-charles-dickens-would-have-made-great-expectations-a-videogame-if-he-were-writing-today-249199

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Kim Jong-un is launching a crackdown on North Korea’s drinking culture

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Hall, PhD Candidate in Korean Studies, University of Central Lancashire

    North Korean leader Kim Jong-un recently chaired a meeting of the Korean Worker’s Party Secretariat, the body responsible for prescribing correct behaviour and ensuring it’s adhered to by party members. The party’s official newspaper, Rodong Sinmun, reported that this meeting was convened to address various shortcomings in discipline (tangnaegyuryurŭl ranp’ok) – including binge drinking by some party officials.

    The meeting was concerned with two violations of party discipline in particular. Party officials in Onchon County (about 60km west of the capital, Pyongyang) were accused of making inadequate preparations for their local party meeting, which – as a result – was held in a “grossly formalistic (hyŏngshikchŏkŭro) way”.

    In North Korea’s early political history, accusations of being formalistic related to overly celebrating foreign governments and their methods of socialism. But used in relation to the officials in Onchon County, it meant going through the motions, and not displaying enough genuine enthusiasm and engagement with the political process.

    This lack of ideological zeal was reportedly further displayed when 40 of the officials went on a “drinking spree” – an act considered directly opposed to the party’s line on maintaining discipline. In the English-language version of the Rodong Sinmun news article, these officials were branded as a “corrupt group”. But in the Korean-language version, they were more colourfully condemned as a “rotten group” (ssŏgŏppajin muri) and an “arrogant rabble” (pangjahan ohapchijol).

    In response, Kim stated that the behaviour of the party officials was a “political and moral” crime which undermined the foundations of the Korean Worker’s Party. Consequently, the Onchon County party committee was dissolved and the 40 officials involved in the drunken revelry were earmarked for punishment. While it was not mentioned what punishment the officials would receive, it’s likely at the very least they will be subject to ideological re-education.

    Accusations of drunkenness and alcoholism as a means of criticising and purging party officials is nothing new in North Korea. In December 1955, Pak Il-u (then the minister of post and telecommunications) was accused of leading a depraved lifestyle and being an alcoholic. This was done to besmirch his reputation, justify his expulsion from the Korean Worker’s Party, and imprison him.

    It isn’t illegal to drink in North Korea. Alcohol has a strong cultural presence: it is used on formal occasions to celebrate weddings, relieve sadness during funerals, and commemorate the birthdays of leaders.

    In recent years, the country has even promoted its alcoholic products on postage stamps. In 2022, the government issued a stamp depicting three variations of Taedonggang Beer, produced at a state-owned domestic brewery since 2002. The beer is named after the Taedong river, which runs through Pyongyang.

    The following year, a stamp depicting Pyongyang Soju was issued. This rice and corn-based liquor has been produced at a state-owned factory since 2009. With an alcohol content of 25%, North Korea’s soju has a higher alcohol content than South Korea’s best-selling version, Jinro Chamisul Original (20.1% ABV).

    In June 2015, Kim designated Pyongyang Soju as the national liquor – underlining that alcohol holds an important place both in North Korea’s cultural heritage and contemporary society.

    That’s not to say North Koreans are heavy drinkers compared with their compatriots in the south, who – according to pre-COVID statistics – drink about twice as much. In North Korea, a litre of alcohol costs about the same as a kilo of corn (a proxy for a day’s food), which may explain this.

    Political and moral vice

    But excessive drinking is regarded, as Kim stated, as a political and moral vice. Alcohol and other drug taking, such as methamphetamine use, is bound up with mental health as a sign of degeneracy.

    Given that mental health care in North Korea is virtually non-existent (mental health conditions are correlated with ideological problems), drinking, smoking and other drug use often become coping mechanisms for people living there. But these have all become regarded as anti-state activities.

    In recent years, North Korea has cracked down more strictly on what is seen as the “ideological and cultural poisoning” of society. For example, it has been reported that people have been sentenced to lengthy prison sentences or execution for consuming and/or distributing foreign media, using foreign slang terms, or wearing foreign clothes and hairstyles.

    Divorcing couples and those caught selling hot dogs have reportedly been the most recent examples of people’s anti-state behaviour receiving labour camp sentences. Divorce represents dissent to the socialist idea of collectivism, prioritising group needs (family) over individual desires.

    Therefore, the attack on excessive alcohol consumption – and it being publicly reported on – can be seen as another development in the trend of North Korea clamping down on individualistic behaviour, because it does not conform to the ideals of how people in this socialist society should behave.

    David Hall does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Kim Jong-un is launching a crackdown on North Korea’s drinking culture – https://theconversation.com/kim-jong-un-is-launching-a-crackdown-on-north-koreas-drinking-culture-249514

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How virtual reality could help revive endangered language and culture

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Fabrizio Galeazzi, Associate Professor in Heritage and Creative Technologies, Anglia Ruskin University

    Every two weeks, a language is at risk of disappearing. According to the UN, at least 50% of the 7,000 different languages spoken around the world today could either disappear or become seriously endangered by the end of this century, leading to a significant loss of cultural diversity.

    “A language is not just words. It’s a culture, a tradition and a unification of a community, a whole history that creates what a community is,” as linguist Noam Chomsky once said.

    To help stem the tide, a collaboration between myself and colleagues at the StoryLab research institute at Anglia Ruskin University and creative industry partner NowHere Media is exploring the use of virtual reality (VR) technology and immersive storytelling to try to revitalise endangered indigenous cultures and languages.

    The results of our research interviews with participants suggest immersive stories, when created with communities, can be a powerful way of fostering group identity and promoting the long-term legacy and custodianship of cultural heritage.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Created by NowHere Media before the start of our project, Kusunda VR is an immersive interactive film that encourages viewers to learn key words of the Kusunda language, which is under threat of disappearing in Nepal. The film documents the nomadic way of life of the Kusunda people. It features their language, in the form of interviews with its last remaining speakers.

    NowHere Media worked closely with shaman Lil Bahadur, just one of 150 Kusunda speakers left in the world, and his granddaughter Hima to capture the nomadic Kusunda world and language. They used volumetric filming and photogrammetry – techniques that create a three-dimensional space and allow for a highly realistic and immersive environment – to be played using virtual reality technology. Voice-based interactions help viewers learn some words in the Kusunda language.

    Lil almost lost his mother tongue when he gave up his hunter-gatherer lifestyle to live in the city at the age of 18. But researchers discovered that his teenage granddaughter was passionate about keeping her grandfather’s language – and culture – alive.

    “If the Kusunda language disappears then the existence of the Kusunda people in Nepal will also fade away,” Hima told us. “We’ll lose our identity. That’s why I want to save our language.”

    Hima began learning the language from community elder Gyani Maiya Sen-Kusunda, one of the last speakers of the language, an ambassador for its preservation and a teacher to the emerging generation. She was the original protagonist of Kusunda VR but died at the age of 83 in 2020 during the production of the film.

    Immersive technology

    StoryLab received a grant from the British Academy to evaluate the potential of immersive technology in bringing endangered languages back to life. Our research study, Reviving Kusunda, compared the interactive Kusunda VR experience alongside a short film created during the project. We wanted to to offer an insight into the role of immersive technologies in creating emotional understanding of the subject in comparison to regular film.

    Audio-visual 2D formats such as film have played an important role over the last century in documenting and archiving cultural heritage such as oral traditions, language and traditional art forms. However, we are keen to know how new technologies, such as virtual and augmented reality, compare with existing audio-visual formats.

    Participants in our research – both members of the Kusunda community in Nepal and the public in the UK – identified many benefits to using multiple formats. However, they expressed a clear preference for VR. They highlighted the importance of interactivity and immersion in engaging viewers in the subject matter. With the VR experience, viewers are part of the story – a key aspect that helps revive stories and memories from the past.

    Participants considered VR especially effective in attracting their interest, creating a connection with the subject, and inspiring audiences to engage further with endangered languages and heritage.

    When viewing the VR experience, participants said they felt like a character in the film, and were immersed within the action which made them feel a strong emotional connection. They also noted how crucial it was to “feel” like the Kusunda people. This opens a range of possibilities for the use of VR for the revitalisation of endangered heritage and languages.

    The Reviving Kusunda project highlights how older speakers can educate younger generations about a language in a highly engaging way. We believe there are huge possibilities to use immersive 3D storytelling to revitalise other endangered languages.

    After the success of the Reviving Kusunda project, StoryLab now leads a €3 million Horizon Europe project called Revive. This looks specifically at two endangered European languages – Griko, spoken in parts of southern Italy, and Cornish, a language spoken in Cornwall in the southwest of England.

    This initiative brings together an international consortium of academic and industry partners to explore the integrated use of immersive technologies, data visualisation, archival research and co-creation to protect Europe’s heritage and linguistic capital.

    The aim is for immersive, interactive experiences to be hosted in museums and visitor centres to raise awareness of a region’s culture, as well as adapted to help with more formal language learning in schools and colleges for future generations.

    Participants of the Reviving Kusunda project universally acknowledged the unique way that VR can truly bring aspects of heritage to life, effectively “making intangible [heritage], tangible”.

    In the words of one participant from the Kusunda community: “When I watched the VR today, I felt I was watching the stories grandmother used to tell me. They were in front of my eyes as if they were real.”

    Fabrizio Galeazzi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How virtual reality could help revive endangered language and culture – https://theconversation.com/how-virtual-reality-could-help-revive-endangered-language-and-culture-247856

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why justice for Ukraine must be at the forefront of peace negotiations

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Oleksa Drachewych, Assistant Professor in History, Western University

    On Feb. 18, representatives from Russia and the United States met in Saudi Arabia to determine if peace in Ukraine is possible. Ukrainian representatives were not invited.

    U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said on social media that the meeting was a step in developing an “enduring peace” between Russia and Ukraine. Russian President Vladimir Putin claimed in a media interview that the meeting was “very positive” and confirmed the true meaning of the talks was to start normalising relations between Russia and the U.S.

    Although U.S. President Donald Trump has claimed “the Russians want to see the war end,” Russian officials remain committed to their war aims. Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov announced before the meetings that Russia would not return Ukrainian territory. After, he stated that should a peace deal be brokered, any peacekeeping forces could not come from NATO nations. The latter statement stunted growing European efforts to develop a security guarantee for Ukraine should a ceasefire be reached.

    Keith Kellogg, U.S. envoy for Kyiv and Moscow, said after his Feb. 20 meeting with Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy that the U.S. is aligned with the nation — and that any end to the war with Russia should ensure there is no “next war”. Yet White House officials do not seem to have Ukraine’s best interest in mind in negotiating a potential resolution to the war.

    For instance, U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth announced on Feb. 12 that the U.S. government doesn’t believe NATO membership for Ukraine “is a realistic outcome of a negotiated settlement.” He added that Ukraine would need to accept territorial concessions to Russia.

    Trump has also increasingly parroted Russian narratives — such as claiming that Ukraine started the war. He has also delegitimized Zelenskyy by claiming he is a “dictator” who refuses to hold elections — despite the nation’s constitution stating elections cannot legally be held under martial law.

    Trump also continues to demand 50 per cent of Ukraine’s natural resources to repay the United States for previous military and financial support. This has led to a deterioration in Ukrainian-U.S. relations at a time where Russian-U.S. relations appear to be improving.



    Read more:
    Ukraine’s natural resources are at centre stage in the ongoing war, and will likely remain there

    European leaders have responded with frustration. Zelenskyy has made his position clear that any negotiation must include Ukraine at the table. Ukraine would not accept an imposed peace.

    Any attempt at negotiating a lasting peace between the two nations must include accountability for Russian crimes.

    The realities of Russia’s invasion

    American overtures for peace have often referred to “stopping the millions of deaths” in Russia’s war in Ukraine. While on the surface this goal is admirable, it oversimplifies the realities of what the last three years of war have done to Ukraine. Namely, Russian forces have committed extensive war crimes and atrocity in Ukraine.

    Russian forces barrage Ukraine with drone strikes and terror bombing — including targeting civilians. Even as negotiations were happening in Saudi Arabia, Russian drones struck Odesa, injuring four civilians. This was the latest in a long line of such attacks. International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrants are out for Russian military leaders on just this issue.

    The Ukrainian government has confirmed over 19,500 Ukrainian children have been abducted by Russian forces. But in July 2023, Russian officials claimed they had over 700,000 Ukrainian children in Russian territory.

    Investigative reporting confirms the Russian government is assimilating these children — forcing them to stop speaking Ukrainian and raising them with a Russian identity. These actions have also led to ICC arrest warrants for Putin and Maria Lvova-Belova, Russia’s Children’s Rights Commissioner who oversees the program. Russia’s actions violate the UN Genocide Convention.

    Widespread sexual assault by Russian forces has been documented against Ukrainian men and women. Torture chambers have also been found in liberated cities. Russian forces committed mass murder in multiple Ukrainian cities — underscored by the discovery of mass graves in Bucha, Izium and Lyman.

    Mariupol, once a city of over 400,000 has been reduced to a population of 120,000 as of 2023. This showcases the devastation caused by Russian forces. Russia has also started seizing buildings to give to Russian settlers to further Russify the city.

    The realities under Russian occupation are only partially known. The Russian government has demanded Ukrainians living under occupation forfeit their Ukrainian identification documents and obtain Russian passports. In schools, Russia has fully implemented its nationalistic curriculum, which includes “anti-Ukrainian propaganda” aimed at assimilating Ukrainian children.

    Against international law, forcible Russification of the Ukrainian people has become a common feature of Russian occupation during this war.

    Ukraine’s fight for justice

    Ukraine continues to fight against Russian occupation. While it’s honourable to want to stop the deaths caused by fighting, the Russian regime’s actions in Ukrainian territory must be remembered too.

    This is why justice is just as important as resolution. While it’s unlikely Russian officials will find themselves before the ICC, there must be some form of accountability for Russian crimes against Ukraine if peace is negotiated. While present frontlines may dictate where Ukraine may be forced to cede territory or freeze conflict, the realities of Russian aggression cannot be ignored.

    Here, history offers a guide for what shouldn’t be done this time when brokering a peace deal.



    Read more:
    How Russia’s fixation on the Second World War helps explain its Ukraine invasion

    During the Second World War, Soviet forces committed extensive war crimes and atrocities. Yet the Soviet Union never faced a reckoning for those acts. Russian officials remember this. As a result, Putin feels empowered to commit similar atrocities in Ukraine — believing Russia, just as the Soviet Union, won’t face any consequences.

    For any possibility of lasting peace, accountability and justice for Russian war crimes must be at the forefront of negotiations. Otherwise, Russia will have learned it can act with impunity — threatening the likelihood of enduring peace for Ukraine.

    Oleksa Drachewych does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why justice for Ukraine must be at the forefront of peace negotiations – https://theconversation.com/why-justice-for-ukraine-must-be-at-the-forefront-of-peace-negotiations-250208

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: German election: the results explained as Friedrich Merz comes out swinging for Europe

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ed Turner, Reader in Politics, Co-Director, Aston Centre for Europe, Aston University

    Friedrich Merz, the presumptive chancellor of Germany, has confirmed he will seek a coalition with the social democratic SPD after the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) won the February 23 election, topping the poll with 28.5%. Although the SPD has gone from winning the last election to a record low result of 16.4% of the vote, it remains the only credible coalition partner for presumptive chancellor and CDU leader Friedrich Merz.

    Among Merz’s first acts was a bold statement that his first priority is “to strengthen Europe as quickly as possible so that, step by step, we can really achieve independence from the USA”.

    Things might have looked different for Merz. Had a small party, (the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance, or BSW) won just 0.03% less of the vote, Merz would have needed to find a third coalition partner. That would have most likely meant trying to work with the Greens. This would have been a much more difficult circle to square for the centre right and an option that would have come with a far greater risk of early government collapse, if a deal could even have been reached in the first place.

    The far right Alternative for Germany (AfD) had a record result, coming second with a 20.8% share of the vote. Mainstream parties including the CDU/CSU have ruled out any sort of deal with the far right, which the AfD will now be viewing as an opportunity. A further period of CDU/CSU-SPD government at a time of economic challenges will leave the party feeling it has a good opportunity to capitalise on discontent and grow further.

    The 2025 election saw a record low vote share for the CDU/CSU and SPD. It’s notable that none of the leaders of the one-time Volksparteien (“people’s parties” – with a cross-class, cross-society appeal) were popular. Merz fared best among them but on a scale of -5 to +5 for popularity, he achieved an average of precisely 0.

    Worse still was the situation of the centre-right FDP, which crashed out of the parliament on a grand scale, getting just 4.3%, down 7.1 points. Its leader, Christian Lindner, who had brought about the downfall of the previous “traffic light” coalition between his own party, the SPD and the Greens, announced his retirement from politics. The Greens, with a respectable result (11.6%, down 3.1 points), will prepare for a spell in opposition.

    The election shows a country disunited, a long way from being at ease with itself. Observers are immediately struck by the difference between eastern and western Germany. In the east, the far right Alternative for Germany (AfD) came first in all five states (excluding Berlin, which is a mix of east and west). In the west, with some exceptions, the CDU/CSU was dominant.



    Read more:
    These maps of support for Germany’s far-right AfD lay bare the depth of the urban-rural divide

    It has been evident for some time that concerns about migration as well as a feeling of being treated as second class citizens is driving up support for the far right in the east. Now, opposition to military support for Ukraine and general pessimism are also playing into the trend.

    Age proved another very significant divide. Among those aged 18 to 24, the Left party got 25%, ahead of the AfD (21%). The CDU/CSU took just 13% and the SPD 12% . Among the over 60s, the picture is reversed. The CDU/CSU took 37% and the SPD 23%, while the AfD took 15% and the Left just 5%.

    The Left’s success, at least among the young, was the one big surprise of the election. After a torrid period which saw the departure of leading figure Sahra Wagenknecht and her followers to form a separate party, the Left looked unlikely to meet the 5% vote share threshold needed to enter parliament until very recently. An internal split over Israel and Gaza was also causing difficulties.

    However, the Left profited from the polarisation caused by Friedrich Merz’s decision to press ahead with a vote on hardline policies towards asylum seekers, including more border checks and turning away irregular migrants without processing an asylum claim. A savvy social media campaign spearheaded by the party’s youthful joint parliamentary leader Heidi Reichinnek also helped.

    Meanwhile, the BSW took just 4.97% of the national vote and will therefore not have any seats in parliament. It is however worth noting that the BSW’s popularity was also extremely uneven across the country and another example of geographical division. While it tanked nationally, its anti-migration, “anti-woke” and pro-welfare policies, mixed with its criticism of support for Ukraine, was a more popular offering in the east with results around the 10% mark, double the national average.

    What now for Europe?

    The SPD has claimed it will not enter government at any price. It has hinted it will put any coalition proposals to a vote among party members as a way of trying to exercise leverage over Merz. But, in truth, the party has nowhere else to go. There is no alternative to a CDU/CSU-SPD coalition apart from early elections or a fundamental rethink of the former’s approach to the AfD. Neither is an attractive prospect.

    All parties are also acutely aware of the tremendous pressure from other European countries for Germany to get its act together in the context of US president Trump’s assertiveness and the need to support Ukraine. But there are huge challenges to address on the domestic front. Merz has pledged tax cuts and higher defence expenditure, but there is no clarity at all how these will be paid for. Drastic reductions in welfare and other social expenditure would likely be a “no go” area for the SPD. An option might be to loosen Germany’s “debt brake” – constitutional restrictions on government borrowing. This is something Merz has been reluctant to do, but he has hinted he might consider it in the aftermath of the vote. This fundamental reform would need a two-thirds majority in both chambers of parliament, and if extra funds were only for defence, it is possible the Left and the AfD would combine to defeat it.

    So Germany’s election gives us a paradox: in some ways the outcome is rather familiar, with an old-school Christian democrat leading a coalition with the SPD, another party with a long track record in government – and indeed with some prospect of German leadership in Europe. But it is also a deeply uncertain result. Germany is a country facing huge challenges: sluggish growth, war in Europe and a US president questioning key tenets of the post-war transatlantic relationship. It’s not clear how to put together a governing coalition that can agree on how to face these challenges, and which can satisfy a starkly divided electorate. Turbulent times, in the country and across the continent, may well be ahead.

    Ed Turner receives funding from the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation.

    – ref. German election: the results explained as Friedrich Merz comes out swinging for Europe – https://theconversation.com/german-election-the-results-explained-as-friedrich-merz-comes-out-swinging-for-europe-250690

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Entrepreneurship as a way out of poverty? Study in rural Kenya shows why it doesn’t always work

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ralph Hamann, Professor, University of Cape Town

    International development agencies and non-governmental organisations often seek to advance community development by fostering entrepreneurship. The premise is that poor people can enhance their household incomes by establishing small businesses or by adding value to natural resources.

    Such programmes commonly include training and the provision of loans to enable micro-entrepreneurs to get started. But these interventions aren’t straightforward and often fail to achieve their objectives.

    Prior research has pointed to the fundamental economic challenges of entrepreneurship in the context of poverty. Cultural and institutional factors also play a role. Researchers have argued, for instance, that cultural norms of collectivism shape how entrepreneurs define themselves. They are likely to prioritise their roles as mentors or community safety net. This constrains their ability to innovate and grow their businesses.

    We wanted to explore an entrepreneurship-focused intervention in more detail. Specifically, why do some people seem more inclined than others to adopt these new behaviours?

    In a recent paper we set out our findings based on a study we conducted with 25 participants in northern Kenya. We built on our combined interests in entrepreneurship in resource-constrained environments, identity theory, and community development. We found that programme participants responded to the intervention in very different ways, and that religion helped explain these differences.

    Our findings have implications for interventions promoting entrepreneurship as a means to reduce poverty. First, such interventions can create profound identity tensions for participants and so their proponents need to take into account local cultures much more than is commonly the case. Second, entrepreneurship-focused interventions can change participants’ behaviours in ways that potentially disadvantage the poorest community members, leading to greater inequality at the community level.

    On the ground

    The development intervention we examined was aimed at fostering entrepreneurship in extremely poor pastoralist communities. The programme built on a small government cash transfer and put recipients into savings groups of up to 30 people. Participants were encouraged to start small businesses in these group discussions. They also received training in life skills and basic financial and business skills, such as the concept of profit and how to buy and sell goods.

    We found that over the five-year period of our study, an increasing number of pastoralists began engaging in businesses involving the sale of livestock, beadwork, sugar, tea leaves, washing powder and other necessities. But we discovered that these new business-oriented behaviours created profound tensions for the participants, and participants responded in different ways.

    The source of these tensions was in how individuals defined themselves within the local culture.

    The collectivist culture in these communities involved norms such as nkanyit (loosely translated, respect), which meant that people should share their belongings with others. But the training and the credit repayment requirements associated with the intervention made this problematic.

    To make profits and repay loans, the programme participants had to deny other community members’ requests for handouts or loans. This contravened local norms and expectations. It also created the fear that community members might curse the entrepreneur or her or his family.

    One participant explained:

    Business is different from what we were doing; business is not to give credits and also not to just give things to people… but people can curse you {if you say no}.

    Yet participants responded to these tensions in different ways. Some (about one-third of our research participants) gave in to the existing expectations and the need to avoid curses. As a result, they gave handouts to community members and often this led to their business languishing or collapsing. One participant noted:

    When I have food {business goods} in the house, I can’t tell people that I don’t have anything, and they know that I do. I just give some to avoid {curses}.“

    Others, however, continued with the new business activities despite the threat of curses. We discovered that a key factor explaining this was religion.

    Christians believed that their faith would protect them from curses. For some this occurred from the beginning. Others, fearful of curses early on, came to believe that curses would not apply in the context of the businesses that they wanted to keep running.

    For instance, one participant argued:

    Don’t give to people because of the fear of curses, just say no and pray for protection from the curses because God is great.

    Implications

    We highlight the importance of people’s social identities – specifically religious identities – in explaining why some participants are more likely to adopt capitalist behaviours (such as borrowing money to invest in business, or charging consumers interest on loans) than others.

    Organisations delivering entrepreneurship interventions and education in contexts of extreme poverty need to be aware of what identities they are encouraging participants to construct, either directly or indirectly through training and mentorship, and even through the questions that they ask participants.

    They need to be careful about creating tensions between existing cultural norms and the new concepts and behaviours they are introducing.

    More broadly, there may also be unintended negative consequences at the community level. Among the research participants in our study that adopted the entrepreneur role, this was linked to a diminished willingness to support poor community members. So, even if participants in the programme benefit through higher incomes, their entrepreneurial behaviours reduce traditional habits of giving to the needy. This could increase hardships for the very poor and create greater inequalities.

    This article is co-authored by Jody Delichte, and it is based on her PhD research at the University of Cape Town Graduate School of Business. Jody currently works as an international development and culture consultant. We are grateful to Jeremy Upane for his translation support in the field.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Entrepreneurship as a way out of poverty? Study in rural Kenya shows why it doesn’t always work – https://theconversation.com/entrepreneurship-as-a-way-out-of-poverty-study-in-rural-kenya-shows-why-it-doesnt-always-work-246700

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Africa relies too heavily on foreign aid for health – 4 ways to fix this

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Francisca Mutapi, Professor in Global Health Infection and Immunity. and co-Director of the Global Health Academy, University of Edinburgh

    There’s been a global trend in the reduction of aid to Africa since 2018. Donors are shifting their funding priorities in response to domestic and international agendas. Germany, France and Norway, for instance, have all reduced their aid to Africa in the past five years. And, in 2020, the UK government reduced its Overseas Development Aid from 0.7% of gross national income to 0.5%.

    Many health services across the African continent rely heavily on overseas aid to provide essential care. International funding supports everything from vaccines and HIV treatment to maternal health programmes.

    Cuts to aid, particularly unilateral ones, can have widespread implications. For instance, about 72 million people missed out on treatment for neglected tropical diseases between 2021 and 2022 due to UK aid cuts.

    The freeze of US aid to Africa in January 2025 is the latest in this trend. It’s already having significant and wide-ranging impacts across the African continent. For example, vaccination campaigns for polio eradication and HIV/Aids treatment through the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (Pepfar) have been stopped. This puts millions of lives at risk. In South Africa alone, the cut of Pepfar’s US$400 million a year to HIV programmes risks patients defaulting on treatment, infection rates going up and eventually a rise in deaths.

    President Donald Trump’s actions have highlighted Africa’s reliance on foreign aid for health funding. I’m a global health expert who sits on various funding and advisory boards, including those of the World Health Organization (WHO), the UK government and boards of global resource mobilisation organisations. I am well aware of the competing funding priorities for international funders and have long advocated for local, sustainable health funding mechanisms.

    Long-term strategies to reduce aid dependency are critical. Breaking away from this current funding status requires concerted efforts building on proven best practice.



    Read more:
    How nonprofits abroad can fill gaps when the US government cuts off foreign aid

    Country-leadership and ownership

    African countries currently face the unique challenge of simultaneously dealing with high rates of communicable diseases, such as malaria and HIV/Aids, and rising levels of non-communicable diseases, such as cardiovascular diseases and diabetes.

    But Africa’s health systems are not sufficiently resourced. They’re not able to provide appropriate, accessible and affordable healthcare to address these challenges.

    African governments spend less than 10% of their GDP on health, amounting to capital expenditure of US$4.5 billion. This falls short of the estimated US$26 billion annual investment needed to meet evolving health needs.

    Aid goes towards filling this funding gap. For example, in 2021, half of sub-Saharan African countries relied on external financing, such as grants and loans, for more than one-third of their health expenditures.

    Foreign aid has helped. But it clearly leaves African countries vulnerable to the political mood swings among funders.

    It also leads to loss of self-determination in terms of health priorities as, ultimately, the funder determines the health priorities. This is one reason why many programmes in Africa focus on a single disease, such as HIV. This leads to poorly integrated health services. For instance health workers or services are channelled into managing a single disease.

    New, underutilised financing options

    The current trajectory of reduced aid to Africa is likely to continue. Global aid is being directed to other challenges, such as conflict and illegal immigration.

    The continent cannot continue on the same path while hoping for different outcomes. Africa needs to grow a range of immediately available domestic financing options. Many of these are underutilised and include:

    1.) Diversifying domestic resource mobilisation. This should include commodity taxation to fund health. For instance, tobacco taxes which are currently underutilised in Africa.

    Zimbabwe offers a successful example. It has bridged donor resource gaps through its 3% Aids levy (started in 1999). Imposed on both individual and corporate incomes, it funds domestic HIV/Aids prevention, care and treatment programmes.

    Nigeria’s another country that’s taken initiative, prioritising domestic budget allocation to health. It recently absorbed the 28,000 healthworkers formerly paid by USAid. This demonstrates that domestic health financing in Africa is possible.

    2.) More private-public partnerships. Formed between local and international philanthropies or institutions, these can bridge financing gaps.

    One successful example is the 2015 health service provision partnership between the Kenyan government and GE Healthcare. GE Healthcare provides radiography equipment and services which the government pays for over time. This allows the government to budget and plan healthcare expenditure over several years.

    3.) Promotion of regional integration to boost local production. This will reduce the need for aid-funded imported medical products.

    For instance, the African Union’s harmonised Africa Medicines Authority registration facility creates a single continental market for medicines. This supports local producers and exporters, by allowing them to operate on a larger scale. It also makes production and distribution more cost-effective. Finally, it reduces the reliance on imported medicines, strengthening Africa’s pharmaceutical industry.

    4.) Leverage development finance institutions. These are specialised financial organisations – such as the Africa Development Bank, African Export-Import Bank and the Development Bank of Southern Africa. They can provide capital and expertise to projects deemed too risky for traditional investors. This includes support for health financing for infrastructure development, private sector development for small and medium-sized enterprises and the regional integration.

    One transformative initiative is the AfricInvest investment platform. With support from development finance institutions in the US and Europe, AfricInvest has raised over US$100 million for health investment in Africa. It has funded at least 45 dialysis facilities in Africa, delivering over 130,000 dialysis sessions annually, primarily to remote and underserved communities all at affordable costs.

    A combination of these approaches at national, regional and continental level will accelerate Africa’s withdrawal from aid dependency.

    Francisca Mutapi receives funding from the Aspen Global Innovation Programme, Scottish Funding Council funding to the University of Edinburgh, Academy of Medical Sciences, British Academy and the Royal Society. Francisca Mutapi is the Deputy Director of the Tackling Infections to Benefit Africa (TIBA) Partnership and Deputy Board Chair of Uniting to Combat NTDS. She sits on the UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) and WHO Africa Regional Director’s Scientific Advisory Groups.

    – ref. Africa relies too heavily on foreign aid for health – 4 ways to fix this – https://theconversation.com/africa-relies-too-heavily-on-foreign-aid-for-health-4-ways-to-fix-this-249886

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The anatomy of fight-ending blows and chokes in combat sports

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Taylor, Professor of Anatomy, Lancaster University

    The human body has evolved to shield its vital organs, from the brain’s hard skull and meninges to the ribs and sternum protecting the heart and lungs. Even abdominal structures are safeguarded by muscular layers. In contact sports, understanding these vulnerabilities can give competitors the edge, allowing them to take down an opponent with a knockout or submission.

    Head and neck

    In many sports, a blow to the head is a quick route to a knockout (KO). Strikes to the side of the head can lead to KOs — and sadly, sometimes death. These blows can rupture vital blood vessels around the brain, triggering rapid bleeding that causes instant symptoms or slowly compresses the brain, leading to a coma and eventual death.

    Blows to the chin are usually much more effective for an instant KO. They can generate significant force by rotational acceleration through the brain tissue. They may also result in “diffuse axonal injury”, where the force generated causes long nerves in the brain to stretch or tear.

    The neck is often exploited in mixed martial arts (MMA) and jiu-jitsu. The rear-naked choke is one of the more effective, taking 8.9 seconds to render an opponent unconscious. This choke cuts off blood flow to the brain through the two main carotid arteries, which each deliver up to 590ml of blood to the brain per minute.

    It takes just nine seconds to render someone unconscious with a rear naked choke.
    Marco Crupi/Shutterstock

    Unconsciousness from the heart stopping beating can occur in as little as eight seconds. Arteries running through the neck to the brain are also susceptible to direct trauma in combat sports, potentially leading to paralysis or even death.

    Nerves and bones

    The legs are a key target in combat sports, such as muay thai and MMA. Low kicks to the outside of the thigh and buttock area target the sciatic nerve – the largest nerve in the body. The sciatic nerve supplies muscles on the back of your leg and bottom of your foot.

    Although this nerve is rarely permanently injured in most sports, repeated trauma can cause numbness, weakness or paralysis of the muscles it supplies.

    Another target is a branch of the sciatic nerve called the common peroneal nerve. It sits underneath a bony bulge on the outside of your leg just below the knee. Repeated targeting of this nerve can result in the inability to stand because the foot drops and the person can’t sense its position or inability to move the affected foot.

    Because of the direction of kicks to this area, almost 60% of muay thai fighters report contracture (shortening) of their calf (gastrocnemius) muscle, in response to repeated trauma.

    Armbars and ankle locks are also rapid ways to bring things to an end. Armbars involve trapping the arm in such a way that the elbow is in the hyper-extended position, trying to force it beyond straight. On the back of the joint is a large bony bulge called the olecranon, which prevents over-extension.

    If an opponent doesn’t “tap out”, the joint cavity and tissues of the elbow sprain or tear or the radius or ulna break.

    Ankle locks are often described as one of the most painful locks. This is because, when done properly, it hyper-extends the ankle joint and compresses the achilles tendon, which is the largest and thickest tendon in the body and has many sensory receptors for pressure.

    This is further exacerbated because many of the nerves passing through the ankle have little or no protection from muscle or connective tissues and there are 11 ligaments that support the ankle, all now having excessive forces stretch through them.

    Abdomen

    Attacking the abdomen is common in combat sports as it’s an easier target to hit than the head. There are two blows to this area that can end a fight. Blows to the liver and to the spleen.

    The liver sits on the right, protected by the ribs. But hitting the body over or just below this area can send shock waves into the liver that result in instant crippling pain because of the large number of critical nerves that sit behind it. These nerves are responsible for important functions including monitoring organ status and blood vessel diameter.

    Some of these punches can result in death from internal bleeding. The liver receives a huge volume of blood: 25% of the heart’s output. Any significant injury can tear the liver, causing fatal blood loss.

    The left side can have similar consequences, tucked behind the lower ribs at the back on this side is the spleen, a soft and blood-filled organ which is often silently or subtly torn by blunt-force trauma, such as car accidents, contact sports or broken ribs.

    It often gives no or vague symptoms and can bleed slowly after the initial injury occurrence, resulting in collapse or death a few hours after the event.

    The heart

    Commotio cordis is a rare cause of sudden death, occurring most commonly in young male athletes who are struck in the chest. It occurs in the absence of visible heart damage.

    This trauma causes a fatal interruption to the electrical activity of the regular heartbeat. The reason that all chest blows don’t result in this outcome is because it is believed to have to happen at a specific part of the electrical conduction through the heart – called the T-wave, which usually accounts for about 1% of the heartbeat cycle time. The T-wave increases with exercise, which is why commotio cordis is usually seen in exercising young athletes.

    For commotio cordis to occur, the impact must generate roughly 50 joules of energy, which is roughly equivalent to a baseball travelling at about 40mph.

    The illegal stuff

    Most of the above blows are allowed in most combat sports. However, some things that occur during fights aren’t. Punching the back of the head – so-called rabbit punches are banned because they can snap the cervical vertebrae at the top of the neck and potentially the spinal cord, which can have significant lifelong injuries, or even death.

    Likewise, groin strikes are banned too, they can prevent people from having children and are incredibly painful because of the vast number of highly sensitive nerves that supply that area in men and women.

    While reading this may make you wince, it also brings a newfound respect for those athletes who train and repeatedly put themselves through a gruelling regime in these true contact sports.

    Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The anatomy of fight-ending blows and chokes in combat sports – https://theconversation.com/the-anatomy-of-fight-ending-blows-and-chokes-in-combat-sports-248382

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The quest to extend human life is both fascinating and fraught with moral peril

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Richard Gunderman, Chancellor’s Professor of Medicine, Liberal Arts, and Philanthropy, Indiana University

    Tech entrepreneur Bryan Johnson has made it his life’s mission to delay aging and death. Netflix

    “Who wants to live forever?” Freddie Mercury mournfully asks in Queen’s 1986 song of the same name.

    The answer: Quite a few people – so much so that life extension has long been a cottage industry.

    As a physician and scholar in the medical humanities, I’ve found the quest to expand the human lifespan both fascinating and fraught with moral peril.

    During the 1970s and 80s, for example, The Merv Griffin Show featured one guest 32 times – life extension expert Durk Pearson, who generated more fan mail than any guest except Elizabeth Taylor. In 1982, he and his partner, Sandy Shaw, published the book “Life Extension: A Practical Scientific Approach,” which became a No. 1 New York Times bestseller and sold over 2 million copies. One specific recommendation involved taking choline and vitamin B5 in order to reduce cognitive decline, combat high blood pressure and reduce the buildup of toxic metabolic byproducts.

    Last year, Pearson died at 82, and Shaw died in 2022 at 79.

    The 1982 book by Durk Pearson and Sandy Shaw, ‘Life Extension: A Practical Scientific Approach,’ has sold millions of copies.
    Amazon

    No one can say for sure whether these life extension experts died sooner or later than they would have had they eschewed many of these supplements and instead simply exercised and ate a balanced diet. But I can say that they did not live much longer than many similarly well-off people in their cohort.

    Still, their dream of staying forever young is alive and well.

    Consider tech entrepreneur Bryan Johnson’s “Project Blueprint,” a life-extension effort that inspired the 2025 Netflix documentary “Don’t Die: The Man Who Wants to Live Forever.” His program has included building a home laboratory, taking more than 100 pills each day and undergoing blood plasma transfusions, at least one of which came from his son.

    And Johnson is not alone. Among the big names investing big bucks to prolong their lives are Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, Google founders Sergei Brin and Larry Page, and Oracle’s Larry Ellison. One approach involves taking senolytics – drugs that target cells that may drive the aging process, though more research is needed to determine their safety and efficacy. Another is human growth hormone, which has long been touted as an anti-aging mechanism in ad campaigns that feature remarkably fit older people. (“How does this 69-year-old doctor have the body of a 30-year-old?” reads one web ad).

    These billionaires may reason that, because of their wealth, they have more to live for than ordinary folks. They may also share more prosaic motivations, such as a fear of growing old and dying.

    But underlying such desires is an equally important ethical – and, for some, spiritual – reality.

    Quality versus quantity

    Is it a good thing, morally speaking, to wish to live forever? Might there be aspects of aging and even death that are both good for the world and good for individuals?

    Cicero’s “On Aging” offers some insights. In fact, the ancient Roman statesman and philosopher noted that writing about it helped him to find peace with the vexations of growing old.

    In the text, Cicero outlines and responds to four common complaints about aging: It takes us away from managing our affairs, impairs bodily vigor, deprives us of sensual gratifications and brings us to the verge of death.

    To the charge that aging takes us away from managing our affairs, Cicero asks us to imagine a ship. Only the young climb the masts, run to and fro on the gangways, and bail the hold. But it is among the older and more experienced members of the crew that we find the captain who commands the ship. Rome’s supreme council was called the Senate, from the Latin for “elder,” and it is to those rich in years that we look most often for wisdom.

    Cicero was keen to distinguish between quantity and quality of life.
    Crisfotolux/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    As to whether aging impairs bodily vigor, Cicero claimed that strength and speed are less related to age than discipline. Many older people who take care of themselves are in better shape than the young, and he gives examples of people who maintained their vigor well into their later years. He argued that those who remain physically fit do a great deal to sustain their mental powers, a notion supported by modern science.

    Cicero reminds readers that these same pleasures of eating and drinking often lead people astray. Instead, people, as they age, can better appreciate the pleasures of mind and character. A great dinner becomes characterized less by what’s on the plate or the attractiveness of a dining partner than the quality of conversation and fellowship.

    While death remains an inevitable consequence of aging, Cicero distinguishes between quality and quantity of life. He writes that it is better to live well than to live long, and for those who are living well, death appears as natural as birth. Those who want to live forever have forgotten their place in the cosmos, which does not revolve around any single person or even species.

    Those of a more spiritual bent might find themselves drawn to the Scottish poet George MacDonald, who wrote: “Age is not all decay; it is the ripening, the swelling of the fresh life within, that withers and bursts the husk.”

    Embracing the circle of life

    What if the dreams of the life extension gurus were realized? Would the world be a better place?

    Would the extra good that a longer-lived Einstein could have accomplished be balanced or even exceeded by the harm of a Stalin who remained healthy and vigorous for decades beyond his death?

    At some point, preserving indefinitely the lives of those now living would mean less room for those who do not yet exist.

    Pearson and Shaw appeared on many other television programs in the 1970s and 1980s. During one such segment on “The Mike Douglas Show,” Pearson declared: “By the time you are 60, your immune function is perhaps one-fifth what it was when you were younger. Yet you can achieve a remarkable restoration simply by taking nutrients that you can get at a pharmacy or health food store.”

    For Pearson, life extension was a biomedical challenge, an effort more centered on engineering the self rather than the world.

    Despite making a living as life extension gurus, Durk Pearson, right, and Sandy Shaw didn’t live much longer than most Americans.

    Yet I would argue that the real challenge in human life is not to live longer, but to help others; adding extra years should be seen not as the goal but a byproduct of the pursuit of goodness.

    In the words of Susan B. Anthony: “The older I get, the greater power I seem to have to help the world; I am like a snowball – the further I am rolled, the more I gain.”

    Richard Gunderman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The quest to extend human life is both fascinating and fraught with moral peril – https://theconversation.com/the-quest-to-extend-human-life-is-both-fascinating-and-fraught-with-moral-peril-249430

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Rising house prices don’t just make it harder to become a homeowner – they also widen the racial wealth gap

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Joe LaBriola, Research Assistant Professor, Survey Research Center, University of Michigan

    Homeownership – long a cornerstone of the “the American dream” – is increasingly out of reach for the average American. Over the past four decades, U.S. house prices have risen by 75% in real terms, pushing the costs of homeownership for the typical first-time homebuyer to a record high. At the same time, these rising prices have significantly boosted the wealth of existing homeowners.

    As a sociologist who studies inequality in America through the lens of housing, I’ve spent the past few years looking into how rising house prices have affected the wealth gap between white and Black households, which has widened significantly over the past four decades. White families had about US$90,000 more wealth – in 2021 dollars – than their Black counterparts in 1984, an alarmingly wide gap. But by 2021, the gap had widened to almost $160,000.

    My recent peer-reviewed research, published in the journal Social Problems, found that the rise in house prices between 1984 and 2021 accounted for most of this widening gap. Using data from the University of Michigan’s Panel Study of Income Dynamics, which tracks a nationally representative group of American families over time, I explored how homeowners’ wealth trajectories would have differed if they hadn’t benefited from rising house prices.

    I found that housing market appreciation widened the median wealth gap between white and Black households by nearly $50,000 between 1984 and 2021. Given that home prices have continued to rise since 2021, it’s fair to assume that this gap has widened further over the past few years.

    Why a rising tide doesn’t lift all boats

    I also investigated why rising house prices widened the wealth gap by so much. The most important cause is the long-standing disparity in homeownership rates. White households had a homeownership rate of 74% at the end of 2021, compared with only 43% for Black households. As a result, they were much more likely to have benefited from rising home values, which directly increased their home equity.

    White homeowners also tend to own more expensive homes than Black homeowners. While this is a less important factor, it means that they saw greater absolute gains in home equity than Black homeowners from the same percentage rise in the housing market.

    However, I also found an interesting exception: Black homeowners benefited more from neighborhood-level housing market trends. One possible explanation is that the gentrification of Black neighborhoods in recent decades led to outsize housing market appreciation in these neighborhoods – which disproportionately boosted the home equity of existing Black homeowners.

    The impact of history – and ideas for the future

    I became interested in housing and wealth inequality when I attended graduate school in the San Francisco Bay Area, one of the least affordable housing markets in the world. Many homeowners who had bought their homes in the 1970s for tens of thousands of dollars were now sitting on millions of dollars in home equity. Meanwhile, buying a home in this area seemed out of reach for all but the highest-earning families, effectively locking renters out of the wealth-building effects of rising house prices.

    My curiosity about rising house prices led me to explore how they shape wealth inequality – not just between homeowners and renters, but also between racial groups. The more I read, the more I learned about the many legal, political and social barriers that have kept Black families from becoming homeowners.

    These include exclusionary zoning policies and racial covenants that locked Black families out of many neighborhoods, reduced access to mortgage lending in historically Black neighborhoods, and persistent hiring and workplace discrimination that have kept Black families from accumulating wealth.

    Addressing these inequities will require thoughtful policy solutions. As a sociologist studying these issues, I have some recommendations on contemporary policies that can increase access to homeownership for less affluent households. Given racial disparities in wealth, these policies would also help to reduce racial gaps in homeownership:

    • Reform local housing regulations: By easing restrictions on housing development, cities can help alleviate the housing shortage that’s helping to drive up home prices. Austin, Texas, is an example of a city that has successfully curbed rising home prices by dramatically increasing its housing construction. Lower house prices would then allow a greater range of families to own homes.

    • Implement land value taxes: Traditional property taxes can discourage residential development because landowners pay higher taxes after they develop their land. In contrast, land value taxes are only assessed on the value of the land, which encourages landowners to put their land to the most productive use. Over time, land value taxes would lead to greater residential development in areas that need it most, which would then reduce upward pressures on house prices.

    • Subsidize homeownership: While using federal funds to subsidize homeownership would come with the risk of inflating prices, this could help more low-income households enter and maintain homeownership and thereby benefit from future housing market appreciation.

    Future directions for research

    I am currently extending this work in several directions. In collaboration with Ohio State University sociologist Chinyere Agbai and Stone Center for Inequality Dynamics Student Associate Nils Neumann, I am examining how the home mortgage interest deduction has affected the wealth gap between white and Black households over time. Introduced in 1913, this deduction is one of the largest tax breaks available to American households, but Black households are much less likely than white households to benefit from it, in part due to lower rates of homeownership.

    Our preliminary findings suggest the home mortgage interest deduction has substantially widened the wealth gap between white and Black households over the past several decades.

    I’m also investigating the role of parental wealth in helping children buy homes in increasingly unaffordable housing markets. My findings suggest that young homebuyers in expensive areas come from much wealthier backgrounds and receive more financial assistance when buying their homes than first-time homebuyers in other neighborhoods. I also found that family help makes young adults substantially more likely to become first-time homeowners.

    If Americans want to work toward creating a more equitable society, understanding the connections between housing, wealth and racial inequality is an important place to start.

    In conducting this research, Joe LaBriola received support from the James M. and Cathleen D. Stone Center for Inequality Dynamics at the University of Michigan, the National Science Foundation, the National Institutes of Health, the UC Berkeley Opportunity Lab, the Horowitz Foundation for Social Policy, and the UC Berkeley Institute for Governmental Studies.

    – ref. Rising house prices don’t just make it harder to become a homeowner – they also widen the racial wealth gap – https://theconversation.com/rising-house-prices-dont-just-make-it-harder-to-become-a-homeowner-they-also-widen-the-racial-wealth-gap-250020

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Can animals have mental disabilities?

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rachel Blaser, Professor of Neuroscience, Cognition and Behavior, University of San Diego

    Curious Kids is a series for children of all ages. If you have a question you’d like an expert to answer, send it to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com.

    Are there any animals with mental disabilities? – Adria G.

    Max was a fun-loving Labrador retriever who enjoyed going for car rides and greeting clients at his owner’s office. But around age 16, Max suddenly started having accidents in the house and stopped sleeping well at night. He became irritable and seemed not to understand the words and commands he had long known.

    Max was showing symptoms of a disorder called cognitive dysfunction syndrome, which can affect cats and dogs as they age. In dogs, it looks very similar to Alzheimer’s disease, which causes memory loss and dementia in humans, usually as they grow older.

    I study how humans and other animals learn, and my research involves working with many different species, from bees to pigeons and crawfish. Part of my work involves paying attention to conditions that can affect mental health in animals.

    Sometimes genetic or developmental changes affect how the brain is built, which can lead to mental disabilities or learning differences. In other cases, animals may be exposed to scary or stressful situations that can cause mental health problems. Here are some examples:

    Many dogs become stressed during thunderstorms. Creating a comfortable, enclosed “safe” space without windows inside your house can help.

    Understanding animal genes

    Down syndrome is a common genetic condition that can slow down learning and thinking in humans. People born with Down syndrome may have a harder time learning new things, remembering information and making complicated decisions.

    Down syndrome is caused by changes to a chromosome – the strands in our cells that store our genes. Normally, people have 23 pairs of chromosomes; when someone is born with an extra copy of chromosome 21, it produces the effects of Down syndrome.

    Most animals can’t have Down syndrome, because their genes are organized into chromosomes differently than human genes. However, our closest relatives, including chimpanzees and orangutans, do have a similar organization of genes. Conditions very much like Down syndrome have been observed in these species.

    One example, Kanako, was a female chimpanzee born in a research facility in Japan. She had vision and heart problems caused by an extra chromosome. Scientists don’t know whether Kanako had trouble with learning, because her vision problems made that difficult to test. However, Kanako enjoyed socializing with other chimpanzees and lived a long life in a wildlife sanctuary.

    Wild chimpanzees are probably also sometimes born with genetic conditions like Down syndrome, but the effects make it difficult to survive in the wild, just like being born with a heart or a foot that doesn’t develop normally. Kanako was able to live a healthy life thanks to the help of her human caretakers and good veterinary care.

    Science historian Laurel Braitman explains how she worked to understand her dog’s mental health disorders, and how studying these problems in animals can offer insights for treating similar problems in humans.

    Coping with trauma and stress

    Animals that are born healthy can also develop mental health problems in response to conditions around them.

    For example, just as soldiers may develop post-traumatic stress disorder after experiencing a life-threatening situation, working military and police dogs can develop a similar condition. Dogs with canine PTSD may cling to their owners, startle at everyday noises, or frequently act panicky or fearful.

    Veterinarians can prescribe anti-anxiety medication to help these dogs stay calm during scary events, like fireworks or thunderstorms. Owners also can use behavioral treatments to reward the dogs for staying calm and relaxed around things that seem frightening.

    Most traumatic events, like earthquakes or car accidents, can’t be predicted in advance. However, in some cases, such as capturing and restraining a wild animal to relocate it, workers use tranquilizers or sedatives to make the animal sleepy, or cover its eyes and ears to reduce fear and prevent long-lasting problems.

    Another common cause of mental health problems in animals is daily stress. Animals held in captivity at zoos, farms or research labs may experience stress from sources such as traffic noises, uncomfortable temperatures or not being able to engage in certain natural behaviors.

    Animals have many signature behaviors: Penguins swim, meerkats dig, baboons socialize and chickens take dust baths. When animals can’t do important behaviors, they may experience stress and mental problems.

    To keep this from happening, zookeepers and animal caretakers provide environmental enrichment – objects, structures and activities that stimulate the animals’ minds and help keep them from getting bored.

    An African penguin at the Maryland Zoo snatches at a knotted fire hose. Giving penguins novel objects to explore is one way to enriching their lives in captivity.
    Pacific Southwest Forest Service, USDA, CC BY

    Supporting your pet

    Sometimes it’s easy to see when animals are stressed or anxious. They may pace back and forth, spend their days in hiding or be unusually aggressive. Getting sick frequently or losing weight can also be a sign of poor mental health. Certain hormones, called corticosteroids, can be measured from a poop sample to provide clues about whether an animal is under too much stress.

    Even pets in loving homes can experience mental health problems. Some dogs struggle with separation anxiety – extreme fear of being left alone by their owner. Lack of mental or physical activity can also produce anxiety symptoms.

    Whether it means taking your dog to the dog park to run and socialize, or building puzzles that hide treats for your parakeet to find, keeping animals busy is good for them. In more serious cases, veterinarians can prescribe medication or behavioral treatments to help your pet feel better.

    Humans can use science to understand the many conditions that affect mental health in animals and find treatments to help them. We also can show compassion and care for others – whether human or animal – who experience mental problems.

    Hello, curious kids! Do you have a question you’d like an expert to answer? Ask an adult to send your question to CuriousKidsUS@theconversation.com. Please tell us your name, age and the city where you live.

    And since curiosity has no age limit – adults, let us know what you’re wondering, too. We won’t be able to answer every question, but we will do our best.

    Rachel Blaser does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Can animals have mental disabilities? – https://theconversation.com/can-animals-have-mental-disabilities-247082

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Roman society integrated people who altered their bodies and defied gender norms

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Tom Sapsford, Assistant professor of Classical Studies, Boston College

    A relief showing a gallus making sacrifices to the goddess Cybele and Attis. Sailko via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

    A few weeks into his second term, President Donald Trump signed two executive orders restricting the rights of trans workers in the federal government. The first was a renewal of the ban on transgender people joining the U.S. military – initially signed in 2017 and later repealed by President Joe Biden in 2021. The second was a more sweeping memo that recognizes only two sexes in federal records and policies.

    In the ancient Roman world, which I study, biological sex and gender expression did not always line up as neatly as the president is demanding to see in today’s government.

    In antiquity, there were masculine women, feminine men and people who altered their bodies to match their gender expression more closely. In particular, two figures – the cinaedus and the gallus – provide examples of men whose effeminate behavior and modified anatomies were striking yet still integrated into Roman society.

    The cinaedus and the commander in chief

    In ancient Rome, some men who did not fit neatly within gender categories were called “cinaedi.” They were usually adult males singled out for their extreme effeminacy and nonnormative sexual desires.

    The cinaedus was already a recognizable figure in ancient Greece and was first mentioned in the fourth century B.C. by Plato. He says little more than that a cinaedus’ life was terrible, base and miserable. Later Roman authors provide more detail.

    Martial, a Roman poet writing in the first century A.D., for instance, describes a cinaedus’ dysfunctional penis as like a “soggy leather strap” in one epigram. In the same century, the Roman novelist Petronius has a cinaedus suggest that both he and his fellows have had their genitals removed.

    In a fable by Phaedrus, also written in the first century A.D., a barbarian is threatening the troops of the military leader, Pompey the Great. All are afraid to challenge this fierce opponent until a “cinaedus” volunteers to fight.

    The cinaedus is described as a soldier of great size but with a cracked voice and mincing walk. After pleading permission in a stereotypically lisping manner from Pompey the Great, his commander in chief, the cinaedus steps into battle. He quickly severs the barbarian’s head and, with army agog, is summarily rewarded by Pompey.

    In Phaedrus’ fable, the cinaedus is untrustworthy. He is described as having stolen valuables from Pompey early on in the tale and then later swears on oath that he hasn’t.

    Yet the moral of Phaedrus’ fable of the soldier-cinaedus is that such deceptive appearances and actions might actually be strategically successful in military matters. The cinaedus has an edge over Pompey’s other soldiers precisely due to his disarming effeminacy. In the tale, this doesn’t at all diminish his skills as a lethal fighter. Rather, the cinaedus’ effeminacy combined with his martial valor ultimately lead to the barbarian’s defeat.

    Trans priests and the safety of the Roman state

    The galli, another group that lived in the heart of the city of Rome, also blurred gender roles. They were males who had castrated their genitalia in dedication to the Great Mother goddess Cybele, who was their protector.

    As reported by several ancient sources, including Cicero and Livy, in 204 B.C. the Roman state consulted a set of prophetic scrolls called the Sibylline Oracles on how best to respond to the pressures it faced as a result of the Second Punic War – Rome’s prolonged conflict with Carthage and its fierce military general, Hannibal.

    The oracles’ answer – and Rome’s subsequent action – was to import a strange and foreign religious order from Asia Minor into the heart of Rome, where it would remain for the next several hundred years.

    The temple of Cybele was located on the Palatine Hill, next to several important shrines, monuments and later even the residence of the Emperor Augustus. As the poet Ovid tells us, each year during Cybele’s festival the galli would proceed through the streets of Rome carrying a statue of the goddess, while ululating wildly in time with the sound of wailing pipes, banging drums and crashing cymbals.

    More so than the figure of the cinaedus, ancient literary sources present the galli’s gender difference similarly to modern-day trans women, often using feminine pronouns when describing them.

    For instance, the poet Catullus details the origin story of the galli’s founder figure, Attis, who was Cybele’s mythical consort and chief priest. Notably, Catullus switches from using masculine adjectives to feminine ones at the very moment of Attis’ self-castration.

    Attis.

    Similarly, in his novel, “The Golden Ass,” the second century A.D. writer Apuleius has one gallus address his fellow devotees as “girls.”

    While several ancient sources mock these figures for their gender-nonconforming appearance and behaviors, it is nevertheless evident that the galli held a sacred place within the Roman state. They were viewed as being important to Rome’s continued safety and prominence.

    For example, Plutarch in his “Life of Marius” relates that a priest of the Great Mother came to Rome in 103 B.C. to convey an oracle that the Romans would be triumphant in war. Though believed by the Senate, this priest, Bataces, was mocked mercilessly in the plebian assembly. However, when the individual who had insulted Bataces swiftly died of a terrible fever, the plebians too gave this oracle and the goddess’s prophetic powers their backing.

    Today’s trans issues

    Behind Trump’s executive orders are two assertions: first, that transgender identity is a form of ideology: a modern invention created to justify deviance from one’s sex as assigned at birth; second, that transgender identity is both a form of disease and of dishonesty.

    The reissued military ban doubles down on the perceived dishonesty of trans folk, contrasting it with the ideals and principles needed for combat. The order states that the “adoption of a gender identity inconsistent with an individual’s sex conflicts with a soldier’s commitment to an honorable, truthful, and disciplined lifestyle.”

    Taking a long view of gender diversity across millennia has shown me that many individuals in antiquity certainly lived lives outside of the clear-cut formula that the Trump administration has stated, namely that “women are biologically female and men are biologically male.”

    Gender diversity is not simply a late 20th- or early 21st-century phenomenon. However, the fear that gender-diverse people are diseased and devious likewise arises in several ancient sources. In the classical world, these fears seem limited to the realms of satire and fantasy; in our current time, we are seeing these fears being harnessed for government policy.

    This article incorporates material from a story originally published on Aug. 1, 2017.

    Tom Sapsford is affiliated with the Lambda Classical Caucus.

    – ref. How Roman society integrated people who altered their bodies and defied gender norms – https://theconversation.com/how-roman-society-integrated-people-who-altered-their-bodies-and-defied-gender-norms-248726

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why including people with disabilities in the workforce and higher education benefits everyone

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Lauren Shallish, Associate Professor of Disability Studies in Education, Rutgers University – Newark

    The employment rate for people with disabilities is about half that of nondisabled people. Johner Images via Getty Images

    Whether it’s declaring that blindness prevents government employees from doing their jobs or suggesting that hiring workers with intellectual disabilities contributed to Federal Aviation Administration safety lapses, the Trump administration has repeatedly questioned whether people with disabilities belong in the workplace.

    This stance reflects widespread stigma and misconceptions about what people with disabilities can and do accomplish.

    Negative stereotypes and exclusionary practices persist despite the fact that people with disabilities are the largest minority group in the United States, representing nearly 30% of the population. Whether or not you identify as disabled, most people live or work in close proximity to others with a disability.

    For years I have researched how people with disabilities have been kept out of efforts to guarantee equal access for everybody, particularly in higher education. This exclusion is often due to unfounded beliefs about capacity, intellect and merit, and the false premise that disability inclusion requires lowering standards.

    However, studies demonstrate that including people with disabilities is good for everyone, not just disabled people. Schools and workplaces are more collaborative and responsive when people with disabilities are included at all levels of the organization. In other words, disability inclusion isn’t about charity; it’s about making organizations work better.

    The Americans with Disabilities Act, enacted in 1990, provides legal protections for people with disabilities in the workplace.
    kyotokushige/DigitalVision via Getty Images

    Rolling back protections

    President Donald Trump issued executive orders the day he took office for a second time that aimed at ending government and private-sector efforts to make U.S. workplaces and schools more diverse, equitable and inclusive. In addition to affecting LGBTQ+ communities and people of color, these measures could erode years of progress toward protecting the rights of people with disabilities to earn a living.

    Between 40 million and 80 million Americans identify as disabled. Even the higher end of this range underestimates the actual number of people with disabilities, because some individuals choose not to identify that way or even realize they qualify as such. That includes people with impairments from chemical and pesticide exposure, as well as many older people and those who are living with HIV and AIDS, to name some examples.

    Only 15% of people with disabilities are born with their impairment, so most individuals become disabled over their lifetime.

    Tracing historical precedents

    Blaming failures on people with disabilities and people of color echoes the harms embedded in eugenics, an attempt to scientifically prove genetic inferiority of disabled, LGBTQ+ Indigenous and Black people.

    Eugenics led to the institutionalization and forced sterilization of, and the coercive experimentation on, people with disabilities, immigrants and people of color across the U.S. Even the Supreme Court endorsed the concept in the early 20th century.

    These studies began to fade after World War II, but their legacy persists. Even today, forced sterilization continues to be lawful in U.S jurisdictions in 31 states and in Washington.

    Due to widespread activism and the advent of new legal protections, many states finally dismantled their eugenic policies in the late 1970s. But eugenics-era experiments provided foundations for contemporary medical research, standardized testing and segregated school placements.

    People with disabilities have far-reaching legal guarantees of civil rights and access today due to the Americans with Disabilities Act. The statute, which was enacted in 1990 and strengthened in 2008, provided protections in the workplace, educational settings, transportation and places of recreation and commerce, among others. It also guarded against negative perceptions of disability.

    For example, if an employer perceived someone as disabled and denied them consideration in the hiring process because of that, the candidate would be protected from discrimination under the ADA – whether or not they had a disability.

    While these advances are significant, many people with disabilities still do not have access to their basic civil rights. This is particularly true of Black people with disabilities, as they are disproportionately pushed out of school, disciplined more harshly, targeted for incarceration and marginalized in disability representation and research.

    Accommodations for people with disabilities enable them to contribute unique talents to classrooms and workplaces.
    Halfpoint Images via Getty Images

    Gaining workplace accommodations

    Critics of inclusion efforts sometimes wrongly argue that employing people with disabilities is too costly due to the accommodations they may require. But the Job Accommodation Network in the Department of Labor’s Office of Disability Employment Policy found in 2023 that nearly 60% of these accommodations cost nothing.

    What’s more, many tax incentives are available to cover these costs.

    Disability civil rights law does not mandate hiring people who are not qualified or lowering standards to include the disabled. The law requires that candidates meet the “essential functions” of the job in order to be hired.

    According to a 2024 Labor Department report, the employment rate for working-age people with disabilities was 38% compared with 75% for nondisabled people. Though there are countless reasons for this disparity, many people with disabilities can and want to work, but employers don’t give them the opportunity.

    Providing benefits for everyone

    Many accommodations designed for people with disabilities also benefit others.

    Captioning on videos and movies was originally meant to benefit the deaf community, but it also helps multilingual speakers and people who simply are trying to follow the dialogue. Similarly, visual or written instructions assist people with depression, Down syndrome or attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, but they can also make tasks more accessible for everyone, along with breaking assignments into smaller components.

    Sensory break rooms benefit people with autism and post-traumatic stress disorder, while also providing a reprieve in a noisy work environment and minimizing distractions. Remote work options can make it easier for people with chronic illnesses to be employed, and they similarly benefit others who may have caregiving responsibilities – helping attract and retain talented employees. Text-to-speech software provides people with cerebral palsy and nonspeaking individuals with options for communication, similar to options that many people already use on their phones.

    A large body of research demonstrates the broad benefits of making jobs and schools more accessible to people with disabilities, which is ultimately an advantage for everyone.

    Studies on diversity in educational and workplace settings also demonstrate positive outcomes. In a study of 10 public universities, researchers found that students who reported positive, informal interactions with diverse peers had higher scores on measures of more complex thinking, a concern for the public good and an interest in poverty issues, and were more likely to vote and develop strong leadership skills.

    In a national survey of human resources managers conducted in 2019, 92% of the respondents who were aware that one or more of their employees had a disability said those individuals performed the same or better than their peers who did not.

    Research published by the Harvard Business Review found many advantages to hiring people with disabilities.

    For one thing, people with disabilities can have unique insights that contribute to the workplace culture. The presence of employees with disabilities can make the environment of entire companies and organizations more collaborative. Earning a reputation for inclusiveness and social responsibility can improve customer relations and can give businesses an edge when they seek funding and recruit talented new employees.

    Ultimately, I believe it’s important to create conditions where anyone can thrive, including people with disabilities. Doing so benefits everyone.

    Lauren Shallish does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why including people with disabilities in the workforce and higher education benefits everyone – https://theconversation.com/why-including-people-with-disabilities-in-the-workforce-and-higher-education-benefits-everyone-249676

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: As Pennsylvania inches toward legalizing recreational cannabis, lawmakers propose selling it in state-owned dispensaries similar to state liquor stores

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel J. Mallinson, Associate Professor of Public Policy and Administration, Penn State

    Advocates believe Pennsylvania and Hawaii may be the next fronts in recreational cannabis legalization. Spencer Platt/Getty Images

    After a long, largely successful march over 25 years to liberalize cannabis laws in the United States, the movement had a tough election in 2024.

    Legalization ballot measures failed in Florida, North Dakota and South Dakota. In Arkansas, votes on legalization were not even counted due to litigation over the measure. The only successful measures – passed in Nebraska – are also on hold due to litigation.

    Federally, many of President Donald Trump’s nominees in key posts at the Department of Health and Human Services, Department of Justice and Drug Enforcement Administration have made strong anti-cannabis statements. This may not bode well for the effort started by President Joe Biden to reschedule marijuana as a less dangerous drug.

    So, what is the future of cannabis legalization in the United States?

    As political scientist Lee Hannah and I argued in our 2024 book “Green Rush,” the states are central to the story of cannabis legalization in the United States.

    In fact, advocates are looking to places such as Pennsylvania and Hawaii in 2025 as the next fronts in recreational legalization.

    Let’s zoom in on Pennsylvania.

    Pennsylvania is a middling adopter

    Pennsylvania is following about the same trajectory with adult-use recreational legalization as it did with medical marijuana. It is not an innovator but also not a laggard.

    When Pennsylvania adopted medical marijuana in 2016, 23 states had already done so.

    The political environment is very different in 2025 than 2016, however, which raises the difficulty of passing a bill that makes recreational marijuana use legal, even in a state where legalization is popular.

    In 2016, Pennsylvania’s General Assembly was controlled completely by Republicans, and the governor was a Democrat. Now, the Democrats hold a single-seat majority in the House that erodes every time there is a vacancy. Republicans still control the Senate, and Democrat Josh Shapiro is the governor.

    A major key to medical cannabis legalization passing in 2016 was Republican state Sen. Mike Folmer’s advocacy within his caucus. Without a Republican champion, it may not have passed.

    For legalization of recreational cannabis, state Sen. Dan Laughlin has been the clear Republican champion. He has been working with Democratic state Sen. Sharif Street of Philadelphia to build support and find a policy design that works for Republicans and Democrats.

    But Republican Senate leadership has remained cool to the idea. Senate President Pro Tempore Kim Ward is not a supporter and has been pushing the governor to get more involved.

    “If (Shapiro) wants something done, he needs to lead on it,” Ward said. “He can’t throw an idea out there, which he did last year, and say, ‘Let the legislature figure it out, I’ll sign it.’”

    Expected revenues likely to fall short

    For his part, Shapiro has included projected revenues from legalization in his budget proposals since assuming office in 2023.

    This year, he projected an even greater first-year haul – US$536 million – if recreational cannabis is legalized. This estimate includes revenue from initial licensing fees.

    The assumptions going into these projections aren’t clear. And while cannabis legalization has been lucrative for state revenues in other places, revenues often fall short of what was projected during legalization debates.

    Importantly, Pennsylvania is now nearly surrounded by states with legal recreational cannabis. That includes New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland and Ohio, but not West Virginia.

    It is no secret that, in the words of Shapiro, “Pennsylvanians who want to buy cannabis are just driving across the border to one of our neighbors.”

    Research on how ideas and policies spread makes clear the intense pressure that comes as a state’s neighbors adopt a policy, especially one with major economic ramifications.

    But pressure does not determine the result. The internal politics of a state can still block a policy from being adopted.

    State-owned cannabis stores

    The biggest challenge for legalization in Pennsylvania will be navigating those internal political dynamics – especially finding a compromise that can be supported by both Democrats and Republicans.

    Public safety is often raised as a concern during legalization debates. To counter this point, Democrats in the state House have proposed selling legal cannabis in state-owned stores, just like how liquor and some wine is sold in Pennsylvania now.

    The Pennsylvania Liquor Control Board operates nearly 600 Fine Wine & Good Spirits stores across the state.
    Paul Weaver/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

    No other states do this, and it puts the state on potentially very slippery ground with the federal government, which still considers cannabis to be completely prohibited. State-run stores mean that states are providing a banned substance directly to citizens. That is a significant step further than creating an infrastructure to regulate private entities that are breaking federal law.

    Moreover, there has been a decades-long effort in Pennsylvania by conservatives to privatize the state liquor stores. It seems odd that Republicans would support using that model to create a recreational cannabis market.

    If privately owned but government-regulated dispensaries are used, there is significant debate among cannabis policy experts as to whether it is wise to give existing medical dispensaries first dibs on recreational licenses. Doing so allows states to open their recreational programs very quickly.

    The drawback, however, is that large, multistate operators such as Trulieve, which runs dispensaries in several states, are positioned to gain a significant share of the market. This is why the industry supports the approach to initial licensing. Legalization advocates such as Shaleen Title, however, are very concerned about the development of a “Big Cannabis” that resembles Big Tobacco, with oligopoly control by a few large companies.

    Social equity is another challenge facing recreational legalization that was not a major factor in medical. In short, social equity is about ensuring members of marginalized communities that were previously targets of the War on Drugs somehow benefit from the cannabis industry now that it is legal. While the issue was central to recreational legalization debates in neighboring New York and New Jersey, there’s been little public discussion of this particular facet of Pennsylvania’s proposed legalization plans.

    While a middling adopter of medical cannabis, Pennsylvania’s program also had important innovations in research and social equity that influenced legislators in other states. Whatever happens in the commonwealth around recreational cannabis may well do so again, especially as fewer states have the option of adopting recreational cannabis via the ballot.

    Finding a legislative solution to these thorny issues in a divided government could thus push legalization forward. Or the recent winds against legalization could stall the effort in Pennsylvania, at least for now.

    Read more of our stories about Philadelphia and Pennsylvania.

    Daniel J. Mallinson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. As Pennsylvania inches toward legalizing recreational cannabis, lawmakers propose selling it in state-owned dispensaries similar to state liquor stores – https://theconversation.com/as-pennsylvania-inches-toward-legalizing-recreational-cannabis-lawmakers-propose-selling-it-in-state-owned-dispensaries-similar-to-state-liquor-stores-250368

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 3 ways Trump is acting like a king and bypassing the Constitution’s checks and balances on presidential authority

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By David Lopez, University Professor of Law, Rutgers University – Newark

    Donald Trump’s efforts to expand presidential power defy the Constitutional separation of powers. zimmytws/iStock via Getty Images

    I learned basic civics in my public school. But mostly, because it was more interesting, I also learned civics after school watching the animated series “Schoolhouse Rock,” often with my abuela – my grandmother – who took care of me.

    Back then, “Schoolhouse Rock” had a wonderful episode, “Three Ring Government.” In singing narration, the characters explained “about the government, and how it’s arranged, divided in three, like a three-ring circus.”

    Those three circles, all the same size, kept each other honest. For many in my generation, those three rings were our introduction to the idea of the checks and balances built into the U.S. government. They include the separation of powers among the legislative, judicial and executive branches.

    In short, we learned, Congress passes the laws, the president administers the laws, and the courts interpret the laws.

    This elegant but simple system stood in contrast to the nearly unshackled power of the British king, who ruled over the American colonies before independence. And it provided representation for “We the People,” because we vote for members of Congress.

    During its first month, the second Trump administration has pushed a new balance of these powers, granting the president expansive and far-reaching authority. These actions imperil the power of elected lawmakers in the House and Senate to pass legislation, oversee the federal government and exercise spending authority.

    Most U.S. legal scholars regarded these issues as fairly settled. Trump’s recent actions, however, have unsettled this understanding.

    Here are three examples of how the balance of power is being upset by Trump and his administration:

    The explanation of the separation of powers in the U.S. government in “Schoolhouse Rock.”

    Independent agencies

    On Jan. 28, 2025, President Donald Trump fired Gwynne Wilcox, a Democratic member of the National Labor Relations Board, three years before the end of her five-year term.

    The National Labor Relations Board, or NLRB, established in New Deal legislation in 1935, was designed to ensure industrial peace by protecting the rights of workers to organize and bargain collectively. Congress created the board as a bipartisan body to resolve allegations of unfair labor practices brought by workers or management.

    By design, the board operated independently from Cabinet-level departments. Congress sought to preserve this independence by ensuring that board members serve a fixed term and could be removed only for “neglect of duty or malfeasance in office, but for no other cause.”

    This independent structure – shared by other agencies such as the Securities Exchange Commission, the Federal Trade Commission and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission – aims to provide regulatory consistency, slightly removed from the political passions of the day.

    Some legal scholars have been percolating an argument that the Constitution requires the Supreme Court to limit those agencies’ Congressionally endowed independence in favor of more expansive presidential authority, even though the court decided this issue unanimously in 1935.

    Wilcox is suing the administration for its apparent violation of Congress’ statutory language by firing her.

    “Ms. Wilcox is the first Black woman to serve on the Board, the first Black woman to serve as its Chair, and – if the President’s action is allowed to stand – will also be the first member to be removed from office since the Board’s inception in 1935,” the lawsuit states.

    If this case makes it to the Supreme Court, and the court takes the unusual step of reversing itself, its ruling would imperil the independent structure, not just of this agency but of other agencies too.

    Asylum laws

    Congress created a comprehensive system of laws for processing the asylum claims of people who say they are fleeing persecution or torture to seek protection in the U.S.

    These laws allow applicants to show likelihood of harm if they could not stay in the U.S. They were originally adopted in response to humanitarian crises, including when Jews fleeing Nazi Germany were turned away by the U.S., among other countries.

    As part of Trump’s declaration, on his first day in back in office, that immigration is both a “national immigration emergency” and an “invasion” under Article IV, Section 4 of the Constitution, the president essentially shut down the asylum process at U.S. ports of entry. His proclamation canceled the appointments of those who had waited to pursue their claim under existing asylum procedures.

    In doing so, Trump ignored critical portions of laws passed by Congress. This move places asylum seekers already in the U.S. in danger of being deported to the countries where they say they face life-threatening persecution or torture.

    Congressional spending authority

    Protesters near the White House oppose President Donald Trump’s freeze on federal grants and loans on Jan. 28, 2025.
    Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images

    Under the Constitution, Congress has the power to set spending amounts and priorities for the federal government. By law, the executive branch cannot spend what has not been appropriated – meaning approved by Congress – nor can it stop that spending.

    Shortly following the inauguration, however, Trump’s Office of Management and Budget ordered a pause of federal grants and loans to organizations and programs ranging from Head Start to farm subsidies.

    Almost immediately, several states, concerned about the loss of essential federal services, filed a lawsuit to halt the freeze. A federal court in Rhode Island sided with the plaintiffs and temporarily stayed the freeze.

    The judge rejected the Trump administration’s argument that it must “align Federal spending and action with the will of the American people as expressed through Presidential priorities,” calling it “constitutionally flawed.” And he concluded that the president could not act unilaterally under the Constitution.

    “Congress has not given the Executive limitless power to broadly and indefinitely pause all funds that it has expressly directed to specific recipients and purposes,” wrote the judge, John J. McConnell, Jr. “The Executive’s actions violate the separation of powers.”

    “Schoolhouse Rock” taught that one ring must respect the other coequal rings. What has happened under Trump is one ring expanding in size to swallow up much of another ring – that of Congress.

    ‘Kinglike’ powers?

    Several of the Trump administration’s recent actions appear designed to test the legal viability of an expansive, more “kinglike” view of presidential powers.

    Yet for the most part, Congress as an institution has mostly remained silent as the executive branch invades its sphere of authority.

    Instead, the courts have served as a check on his power by stalling, temporarily, more than a dozen of Trump’s presidential actions that surpass the executive powers permitted under various laws and the Constitution.

    Most of these stays are only temporary. They were issued based on the recognition that the immediate harm of unlawful presidential overreach would be difficult to roll back.

    In the end, the Supreme Court will likely decide the scope of presidential powers in the various contexts. If they rule in Trump’s favor, the U.S. government will become a one-ring circus run by a kinglike president – precisely what it was never meant to be.

    Gwynne Wilcox is a Rutgers Law grad and has spoken to our class.

    – ref. 3 ways Trump is acting like a king and bypassing the Constitution’s checks and balances on presidential authority – https://theconversation.com/3-ways-trump-is-acting-like-a-king-and-bypassing-the-constitutions-checks-and-balances-on-presidential-authority-249347

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The murder rate in Venezuela has fallen − but both Trump and Maduro are wrong about why

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rebecca Hanson, Assistant Professor of Latin American Studies, Sociology and Criminology, University of Florida

    Members of government-backed militias take part in a march in Caracas, Venezuela, on Jan. 7, 2025. AP Photo/Matias Delacroix

    The body of former Venezuelan army officer Ronald Ojeda was found on Feb. 19, 2024, in a suitcase buried under 5 feet of concrete. Ojeda, accused by Venezuela of plotting against the government, had gone missing nine days earlier, when men dressed as police broke into his apartment in the Chilean capital of Santiago and dragged him away.

    Following a yearlong investigation, authorities in Chile have now pointed the finger at the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua, claiming members carried out the assassination at the behest of that country’s president, Nicolás Maduro.

    It comes as the relationship between Maduro’s government and criminal gangs is under increased scrutiny, both among regional governments in Latin America and in the United States.

    Conservative media outlets in the U.S. and right-leaning groups such as the Heritage Foundation have accused Maduro of sending gang members into the U.S. to destabilize the country.

    President Donald Trump has even suggested that Maduro successfully reduced crime by exporting gang members to the U.S. “Crime is down in Venezuela by 67% because they’re taking their gangs and their criminals and depositing them very nicely into the United States,” he told supporters in April 2024.

    According to data from the Venezuelan Ministry of Health, shared with me by scholar of Venezuelan politics Dorothy Kronick, homicide rates have indeed come down in recent years. And this trend is confirmed by the Venezuelan Observatory of Violence.

    The fall in homicide rates has coincided with Maduro successfully consolidating his authoritarian rule in Venezuela. And explanations of the drop in crime tend to imply that it is the result of the government co-opting and controlling gangs. Some observers have even referred to Venezuela as a “narcostate,” suggesting that drug trafficking in the country is an organized venture between top officials and criminal groups.

    I have studied crime, violence and policing in Venezuela since 2011 and know that this narrative is at best oversimplistic, at worst outright mistruth. As I explore in my new book, “Policing the Revolution: The Transformation of Coercive Power and Venezuela’s Security Landscape During Chavismo,” the case of Venezuela is not one of government control over criminal groups. Rather, it is characterized by an unstable and volatile relationship between the government and multiple competing armed actors, including gangs and the police.

    Violent, but becoming less so

    Falling homicide rates should not mask the fact that Venezuela is still plagued by violence. Since the mid-2000s it has been ranked as one of the most violent countries in the world.

    Former President Hugo Chávez was never able to get a handle on crime, particularly violent crime, which increased exponentially under his government. The trend continued during Maduro’s first years in office after Chávez’s death in 2013.

    However, all available evidence suggests that Venezuela’s homicide rate has declined since reaching a peak in 2016 – by around 42%.

    But there’s no evidence this is because the government is “offshoring” criminals.

    Maduro’s own explanation for this decline portrays the government as handily controlling criminals by means of incredibly lethal police raids carried out between 2015 and 2019. In short, Maduro claims that the police have effectively “wiped out” criminal groups.

    Competing police forces …

    But rather than “wiping out” criminal organizations, the Maduro government has instead maintained volatile relationships with many armed groups, including gangs, nonstate paramilitary groups and even the country’s own police forces.

    These relationships have produced significant conflict and dysfunction within state institutions. This is clear when looking at institutions presumed to be synonymous with state control, such as the police.

    Chávez’s and Maduro’s governments put more police and soldiers in the streets. They created security institutions, such as the Policía Nacional Bolivariana, or Bolivarian National Police.

    However, rapid growth of the security apparatus, amid competing approaches, has generated more conflict than coordination.

    Police officers and police reformers I interviewed referred to state security policies and the changes they produced as akin to Frankenstein’s monster – an aberration rapidly outpacing the creator’s ability to control it.

    What they mean is the government had created new security institutions so quickly that it is unable to supervise and control them. As one former police officer and Chavista politician told me: “Our challenge now is how to manage the monster we created.”

    Members of the National Guard take part in an anti-gang security operation in Caracas on July 13, 2015.
    Federico Parra/AFP via Getty Images

    State policies have also generated significant distrust between the police and the government, and among different police forces.

    This distrust has even resulted in police forces coming to blows with each other in the streets on multiple occasions. On Feb. 19, 2020, a section of the Prados del Este highway in Caracas was shut down as officers from Venezuela’s National Police and the country’s investigative police brandished weapons, shoving, punching and wrestling each other to the ground.

    … cooperating gangs

    It is, as such, highly unlikely that falling homicide rates are the result of policing. Indeed, I interviewed over 200 police officers while conducting research for my book, and most believed that the government’s policing initiatives contributed to crime and violence rather than reducing it.

    A more plausible explanation for falling homicide figures is that Maduro’s policies have resulted in more consolidated relationships between criminal groups themselves.

    Maduro’s government has built relationships with gangs, but this doesn’t necessarily imply control over them. Since 2013 the government has negotiated pacts with some of the country’s largest gangs, including a gang confederation led by the infamous El Koki in Caracas and the Belén gang in the state of Miranda.

    The government agreed to tolerate illicit activities within certain areas and prohibit police from entering gang territory. In exchange, gangs agreed to reduce killings and other highly visible crimes such as kidnapping. As my book and previous research with Verónica Zubillaga, Francisco Sánchez and Leonard Gómez shows, these pacts allowed gangs to consolidate control over territory and illicit markets.

    Gangs also negotiated agreements among themselves in case the government pacts fell through. For example, they agreed to divide territory and markets to avoid future conflict and share resources such as weapons and ammunition. This produced less conflict between gangs and less disruption in illicit markets, resulting in fewer homicides.

    When pacts have ruptured in the past, the spectacularly violent confrontations that ensued between gangs and the police have shown gangs’ capacity to resist government intervention. Still, the overall effect of pacts and gang consolidation has been a reduction in homicides.

    As one neighbor living in gang territory put it: “Before, gangs confronted each other; they killed each other. Now they don’t. Now they are growing.”

    ‘Mother of all infuriations’

    Relationships between the government and various nonstate armed groups, including gangs, have generated enormous discontent within police forces.

    As one police officer explained in an interview, these pacts represented the “mother of all infuriations.” For many officers, the goverment’s pacts with other armed groups is tantamount to its sponsorship of criminal activities.

    And this discontent has produced sporadic violent confrontations. Even when government-gang pacts are in place, the government has been unable to keep police forces from entering gang territory and engaging in deadly shootouts.

    Certainly from the outside, it may look like Maduro’s government has co-opted gangs for political purposes. And with the U.S. government adding Tren de Aragua to its list of global terrorist groups, that could put Venezuela in danger of being labeled a “state sponsor of terrorism.”

    However, the Ojeda case in Chile should not be taken as evidence that stable and strong ties exist between Maduro’s government and criminal groups – at least not yet.

    Instead, authoritarian survival in Venezuela for now seems to depend on volatile relationships between multiple and competing armed groups that collaborate temporarily with the government when their diverse interests overlap.

    Rebecca Hanson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The murder rate in Venezuela has fallen − but both Trump and Maduro are wrong about why – https://theconversation.com/the-murder-rate-in-venezuela-has-fallen-but-both-trump-and-maduro-are-wrong-about-why-249230

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Elon Musk’s deep ties to – and admiration for – China could complicate Trump’s Beijing policy

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Linggong Kong, Ph.D. Student, Auburn University

    Elon Musk holds an outsized influence in the new Trump administration.

    As head of his Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, the world’s wealthiest man has enjoyed nearly unfettered political power in slashing and refashioning the federal government as he sees fit. And it has quickly become clear that he has the president’s ear on issues beyond that brief.

    But on one topic, Musk stands somewhat apart from others in the coterie of aides and advisers around Trump: China. In contrast to the many hawks in the new Trump cabinet who call for a hard-line approach on China, Musk is a striking outlier.

    As an expert on China-U.S. relations who has monitored Musk’s views on China, I don’t find his long history of espousing pro-Chinese sentiment surprising, given that he has sought throughout to get a business hold in the country.

    But those entanglements are worth scrutiny, given Musk’s role in the Trump administration at a time when one of America’s biggest foreign policy challenges is how to manage its relationship with Beijing.

    Musk’s journey to the East

    For years, Musk has had significant business interests in China, with Tesla’s Shanghai factory, Tesla Giga Shanghai, playing a crucial role in the company’s global operations.

    Since its opening in 2019, the Shanghai plant has surpassed Tesla’s Fremont, California, facility in both size and productivity, now accounting for more than half of the company’s global deliveries and a majority of its profits. Moreover, nearly 40% of Tesla’s battery supply chain relies on Chinese companies, and these partnerships continue to expand.

    Elon Musk walks with Shanghai Mayor Ying Yong during the groundbreaking ceremony for a Tesla factory in Shanghai on Jan. 7, 2019.
    STR/AFP via Getty Images

    Notably, Tesla was the first foreign automaker permitted to establish operations in China without a local partner, following a change in ownership regulations. The Shanghai factory was constructed with the support of US$1.4 billion in loans from Chinese state-owned banks, granted at favorable interest rates.

    Between 2019 and 2023, the Shanghai government also provided Tesla with a reduced corporate tax rate of 15% – 10 percentage points lower than the standard rate.

    The cost advantages of manufacturing in Shanghai, which include lower production and labor expenses, have further cemented Tesla’s reliance on the Chinese market.

    Given that Musk’s wealth is largely tied to Tesla stock, his financial standing is increasingly dependent on the company’s fortunes in China, making any potential disengagement from the country both economically and strategically challenging.

    Tesla’s continued investment in China underscores this dependency. On Feb. 11, 2025, the company opened its second factory in Shanghai — a $200 million plant that is set to produce 10,000 megapack batteries annually. It’s the company’s first megapack battery factory outside the U.S..

    This investment deepens Tesla’s presence in China amid a new wave of U.S.-China trade tensions. On Feb. 1, the Trump administration imposed a 10% tariff on Chinese imports, prompting Beijing’s retaliation with tariffs on American coal, liquefied natural gas, agricultural equipment and crude oil.

    A Chinese fan

    It remains unclear to what extent Musk’s financial interests in China will translate to real influence over the Trump administration’s policy toward Beijing. But Musk’s long history of pro-China remarks suggests the direction he wants the administration to move.

    During his visit to Beijing in April 2024, Musk praised the country, noting also: “I also have a lot of fans in China – well, the feeling is mutual.”

    His admiration appears to hinge in part on how he views business and labor practices in China. In that vein, Musk has criticized American workers as lazy and has faced U.S. labor law disputes, while simultaneously praising Chinese workers for “burning the 3 a.m. oil” under an intensely repressive labor system.

    In numerous posts on the social media platform X, formerly Twitter, which he owns, Musk has also praised China’s infrastructure and high-speed rail system, lauded its space program, applauded its leadership in global green energy initiatives and urged his followers to visit the country.

    Musk has also opposed U.S. efforts to decouple from China, describing the countries’ economies as “conjoined twins,” despite a sizable part of the foreign policy establishment in the West viewing decreased dependency on China as necessary for security interests amid rising geopolitical tensions.

    On the issue of Taiwan, the most dangerous flashpoint in U.S.-China relations, Musk has compared Taiwan to Hawaii, arguing that it is an integral part of China and noting that the U.S. Pacific Fleet has prevented mainland China from achieving reunification by force.

    Musk further suggested that the Taiwan dispute could be resolved by allowing China to establish Taiwan as a special administrative zone, similar to Hong Kong.

    His remarks were shared and welcomed by China’s then-ambassador to the U.S., who, in a post on X, emphasized China’s so-called peaceful unification strategy and advocated for the “one country, two systems” model.

    Trump’s back-channel envoy?

    The big question going forward is how Musk’s financial stakes in, and stated admiration for, China will translate into attempts to influence the U.S. administration’s China policy, particularly given Musk’s unconventional advisory role and the strong faction of anti-China hawks in Trumpworld.

    Given Musk’s approach to China, it’s hard to see him not trying to use his influence with the president to push for somewhat warmer relations with Beijing.

    If such counsel were heeded, it’s easy to envision Musk leveraging his deep ties to China, particularly his close personal relationship with China’s current second-ranking official, Premier Li Qiang, who was the Shanghai party chief when Tesla’s factory was built. In the scenario, Donald Trump could tap Musk as a back channel for diplomacy to ease U.S.-China tensions and facilitate bilateral cooperation when needed.

    To this point, it was, perhaps, telling that it was Musk who met with China President Xi Jinping’s envoy to Trump’s inauguration, Vice President Han Zheng, on the eve of the event.

    But it’s far from certain that Trump wants that diplomatic role for Musk, or that other voices won’t win out with regard to Beijing. In his first term, Trump launched an unprecedented trade war and tech blockade against China, fundamentally reshaping U.S.-China relations and pushing the U.S. toward something of a bipartisan consensus to counter Beijing that has existed for several years.

    Trump’s tariff moves and second-term picks for top trade and commerce roles, like Peter Navarro and Jamieson Greer — who played key roles in the trade war against China during the president’s first term — suggest that Trump’s commitment to further decoupling from China remains strong.

    Furthermore, Musk’s business interests and personal wealth tied to China could leave him vulnerable to Chinese influence. By leaning on Musk’s close ties with Trump, China could use his dependence on the Chinese market as a bargaining chip to pressure Trump into making concessions on issues of major strategic importance to Beijing.

    China has a history of coercing foreign companies reliant on its market into making compromises on matters concerning its national interests. For instance, Apple removed virtual private network apps from its app store in China at the government’s request. Similarly, Tesla could face comparable pressure in the future if Beijing wants to use Musk as a cudgel to influence policy in the Trump administration. Notably, as the head of DOGE, with access to sensitive data from multiple agencies, Musk could find himself caught between U.S. security scrutiny and China’s strategic targeting.

    So long as Musk retains the influence with Trump that he holds now, it’s conceivable that his pro-China sentiments will translate into attempts to influence government policy. Yet even if this is to be the case, whether those efforts succeed will depend on the president and his other advisers, many of whom are seeking an aggressive front against Beijing and are likely to view Musk as an impediment rather than ally in that fight to come.

    Linggong Kong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How Elon Musk’s deep ties to – and admiration for – China could complicate Trump’s Beijing policy – https://theconversation.com/how-elon-musks-deep-ties-to-and-admiration-for-china-could-complicate-trumps-beijing-policy-249988

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –