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Category: Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Global: I’m Not Okay: emo is alive and kicking at Barbican retrospective

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Francesca Sobande, Senior Lecturer in Digital Media Studies, Cardiff University

    An emo music retrospective has been a long time coming. There has been extensive work before now to archive and celebrate the cultural memory of this 2004-09 scene, whose name is short for emotional hardcore, but rarely has it been the sole focus of a public exhibition in the UK.

    Located at the Barbican Music Library in London, I’m Not Okay: An Emo Retrospective by the Museum of Youth Culture offers an inviting mix of nostalgia and dynamic documentation.

    The exhibition claims to focus on “a pivotal era when [US] bands like My Chemical Romance, Fall Out Boy and Finch sparked a transatlantic exchange, fuelling a distinct UK movement led by acts such as Funeral for a Friend”. Indeed the exhibition’s title is borrowed from a My Chemical Romance song of the same name. These are all bands that, to my delight as an emo fan, toured the UK in recent years, reflecting the ongoing appreciation and demand for such music.

    Much more than just spotlighting bands and musicians, the Museum of Youth Culture’s exhibition takes visitors on a trip down memory lane. It allows you to revisit digital culture from the days of file-sharing software like Limewire and the blogging and social media sites Myspace, LiveJournal and Xanga.

    The retrospective is a snapshot of the world of emo around 20 years ago, shaped by people’s recollections of their bedrooms, youth and digital culture, in addition to depictions of emo gigs and gatherings.

    I’m Not Okay, the 2004 song by My Chemical Romance that the exhibition is named for.

    The exhibition charts key points in emo’s 2000s era, from its origins in Washington DC’s post-hardcore scene in the mid-1980s. By bringing together people’s memories of emo from various parts of the world, the exhibition also tracks the ways that the internet, fandom and globalisation were experienced then.

    This is captured by the opening line of text displayed at the beginning of the retrospective: “I’m Not Okay is a rallying cry from a generation whose identity was spread across virtual infinities against the uncertain futures of a new millennium.”

    No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.

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    In the exhibition, excerpts from people who embraced emo in the 2000s (and beyond) paint a picture of digital culture as being key to the genre’s beating heart. The importance of early social media sites such as MySpace and Bebo is mentioned several times.

    Despite its relatively small scale, the Barbican show covers lots of different dimensions of emo between 2004 and 2009. It touches on matters as diverse as the rise of smartphones, the messiness of MSN messenger and online forums, and the specifics of being Black and emo.

    Emo at home and abroad

    Many of the memories documented in the exhibition point to the way that music and popular culture from North America had, and continues to have, a significant impact on youth culture and music in the UK. But the retrospective also makes clear that there was and is no absence of homegrown talent, spirit and scenes. These subcultures are firmly rooted in the realities of local life in the UK.

    In the 2000s, emo emerged and developed in distinctly regional as well as national ways. Stories about its uniqueness in certain towns, cities and states, sit alongside memories of learning about and yearning to experience its idiosyncrasies in different countries.

    Paramore were one of the few female-fronted emo bands of the 2000s.

    Statements adorning the exhibition walls include people’s recollections of growing up in rural areas, where they were one of few emo kids. Again, what ties those thoughts together is the role of the internet in connecting people to and through emo, as well as the meaningfulness of trips to nearby bigger places with more of an underground scene.

    Within such retrospective reflections are memories of young people’s experiences of a third place. Places that are not home and not a place of study or work, such as public squares, skate parks and club nights, that have increasingly diminished, been unfunded, or become more policed since the 2000s. Through these reflections, the show examines how places and spaces – both online and offline – have changed since the 2000s, in ways that impact young people and music today.

    I’m Not Okay: An Emo Retrospective takes seriously the significance and brilliance of emo. Illuminating elements of youth culture, digital culture and the layered history of emo music and subcultures, this retrospective is a reminder that while the internet of the past is long gone, emo remains alive and kicking.

    I’m Not Okay: An Emo Retrospective is on at the Barbican Music Library until January 15 2025.


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    Francesca Sobande received Impact Acceleration funding from UKRI in 2024, towards a project that involves collaborating with the Museum of Youth Culture.

    – ref. I’m Not Okay: emo is alive and kicking at Barbican retrospective – https://theconversation.com/im-not-okay-emo-is-alive-and-kicking-at-barbican-retrospective-241870

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cancer care in Africa: translations of key words convey fear and need to change

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Hannah Simba, Associate Research Scientist, African Population and Health Research Center

    Language can give people the power to take an active part in their own healthcare, or it can create barriers.

    Effective communication raises awareness about diseases and is key to delivering good care to patients.

    Yet in many African settings, this aspect of care is often overlooked.

    Take cancer, for example. Understanding how cancer is discussed in various languages and cultural contexts is crucial. Better communication about the disease can reduce fear and stigma, improve patient outcomes and promote more informed decision-making.



    Read more:
    Demon disease, worse than HIV: Soweto women’s views on breast cancer

    The cancer burden in Africa is rising at a faster rate than anywhere else in the world. In a region where around 2,000 languages are spoken, the way cancer is communicated is important.

    I am an epidemiologist and global health researcher who recently coauthored a paper about the way cancer terminology is expressed in African languages.

    The findings suggest that translations of key terms, including “cancer”, “malignant”, “chronic” and “radiotherapy”, commonly conveyed elements of fear and tragedy. And that the words used may contribute to fear, health disparities and barriers to care, and pose communication difficulties for health professionals.

    The results reinforce the need for culturally sensitive cancer terminology. This would improve cancer awareness and communication.

    For cancer patients, the words used to describe their diagnosis and treatment can affect how they perceive their condition, their willingness to seek treatment, and their interaction with healthcare providers.

    A study on cancer terminology

    Our study investigated translations of cancer-related terms from various African languages and explored their cultural significance. We surveyed 107 healthcare professionals, community health workers and researchers from 32 African countries, representing 44 languages.

    Participants were asked to provide translations of 16 common medical terms in their local languages and explain what those terms meant. These were terms like “cancer”, “radiotherapy”, “metastasis” and “survival”.

    Results revealed a diversity of terminology and translations. Many local terms contained linguistic references that reflected cultural and social contexts.

    Fear and stigma

    The findings uncovered a striking pattern: many cancer-related terms carried deeply negative connotations. Often they were associated with fear, tragedy and incurability. Some translations even had malevolent spiritual meanings.

    The term “cancer” is often associated with weightiness. It creates a feeling of being overwhelming, unbeatable and frequently final.

    Terms like “malignant” and “chronic” carry similar weight, frequently coming with ideas of hopelessness and fatality.

    What if the treatment meant to save your life sounded as terrifying as the disease itself?

    One example in our study was the translation of “radiotherapy”. In several languages, the term was associated with burning – being scorched by fire, heat or electricity.

    Such associations can make treatments seem more frightening than they are. They might deter patients from seeking the care they need.

    Rich expressions to draw from

    One fascinating example of how language shapes the understanding of cancer comes from a Ugandan participant. Their translation of “metastasis” (meaning “spread”) in Luganda was ekiziba kyasindika obwana bwayo ahare. This means “the mother mass has sent seedlings into another site”.

    This vivid metaphor, deeply rooted in the local idioms and proverbs, likens the spread of cancer to the dispersal of seedlings from a central plant.

    It shows how African languages can convey complex medical concepts through culturally resonant expressions.

    In other instances cancer was referred to as the “wound with which we will be buried” (translated from Wolof), “forest disease” (translated from Djerma) and “parasitic plant” (translated from Shona).

    These expressions extend beyond literal translation, providing valuable insights into how cultures think of cancer as a powerful and pervasive force in the natural world.

    What next?

    The study highlights the importance of cultural sensitivity in cancer communication.

    When the language used to describe cancer and its treatments instils fear or perpetuates stigma, it becomes harder for healthcare workers to provide effective care.

    Patients may delay seeking treatment, struggle to understand their condition, or feel hopeless about their prognosis.



    Read more:
    Breast cancer is the most common cancer in the world. 5 reads that could save lives

    Efforts to overcome stigmatising language during the early years of the HIV epidemic in Africa can serve as a blueprint for improving cancer communication.

    Initiatives like the Stop TB Partnership’s Tuberculosis Language Guide offer lessons on using non-stigmatising terminology, which could be adapted to oncology.

    Programmes such as the American Cancer Society’s patient education initiatives and the International Atomic Energy Agency’s Rays of Hope radiotherapy programme highlight the potential for positive language alternatives and effective translations in African cancer care.

    The language used to communicate about cancer also matters because it can make a difference to health disparities.



    Read more:
    Breast cancer: why it’s difficult to treat and what new approaches are on the horizon

    Linguists, healthcare professionals and cultural leaders should work together to create new terminologies or adapt existing ones to be more neutral or positive.

    Such efforts could pave the way for more compassionate, effective and culturally aligned healthcare communication across the continent.

    Hannah Simba does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Cancer care in Africa: translations of key words convey fear and need to change – https://theconversation.com/cancer-care-in-africa-translations-of-key-words-convey-fear-and-need-to-change-241928

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Coloured South Africans are all but erased from history textbooks – I asked learners how that makes them feel

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Natasha Robinson, PhD Candidate and research consultant, University of Oxford

    South African Grammy winner Tyla is proud of her Coloured identity. Emma McIntyre/Getty Images for The Recording Academy

    South African singer-songwriter Tyla made history in February 2024 when she won the inaugural Grammy for Best African Music Performance.

    Her win was celebrated at home. But the 22-year-old sparked controversy in the US by referring to herself as “Coloured”. There, the word is a slur dating back to the Jim Crow era, when state and local laws enforced racial discrimination against African Americans. In South Africa it has a very different meaning – and, by claiming her Coloured identity, Tyla has become an inspiration for many Coloured people who have long felt underrepresented in public life.

    In South Africa, Coloured people are typically understood to be a group that encompasses geographically diverse ancestries. The Coloured community was positioned between white and Black in apartheid’s racial hierarchy of privilege.

    During the 1970s and onwards, in an effort to unify anti-apartheid resistance, activists like Steve Biko sought to collapse any distinctions between oppressed groups. They encouraged anyone who was not white to identify as “Black”.

    In recent years many people have reclaimed the term “Coloured” to discuss their identity and culture. The latest South African census indicated that there are more than 5 million people across the country who identify as Coloured.

    Tyla’s comments are just one example of how “Colouredness” has, in the past few years, found a new voice in South African society. The electoral success of the Patriotic Alliance, which claims to be “born in the heart of the Coloured community”, is another. The highly acclaimed 2023 book Coloured by Lynsey Ebony Chutel and Tessa Dooms also brought conversations about Coloured identity to the fore.

    I research the relationship between history and identity in societies that have experienced conflict. I wanted to know how society’s increasingly positive perceptions of the term “Coloured” are playing out in South Africa’s school history curriculum.

    My resulting research presents a worrying picture. The way that Coloured identity is discussed in textbooks and curricula is leading young self-described Coloured people to believe that their history – and therefore their identity – is shameful.

    The research

    My research involved 10 months of ethnographic observation in two predominantly Coloured schools in Cape Town. I also analysed the history curricula and textbooks used in these schools, as well as repeatedly interviewing five grade 9 students, aged 14 and 15, and their history teachers from each school to understand their views on apartheid history and racial identity.

    There is no mention of the word “Coloured” in the grade 9 South African curriculum assessment policy statements for History. In contrast, the racial terms “white”, “Black” and “Indian” are mentioned 11, 44, and nine times respectively. In my analysis of the four most commonly used grade 9 history textbooks, Coloured identity is referred to, but infrequently. The Pearson textbook, for example, explains that “when we refer to ‘black’ South Africans in this topic [apartheid], it refers to African people, ‘Coloured’ people and Indian people”. It continues:

    The apartheid government found it hard to define race, especially when it came to what they called ‘Coloured’ people. The word ‘Coloured’ is controversial and possibly insulting, so here we have used it in inverted commas. (2013, p. 175)

    Subsuming Coloured identity into Black identity, and referring to the term “Coloured” as “insulting”, makes it difficult to learn about the lives and contributions of those who identified as Coloured.

    For example, all four textbooks contain photographs of Sophia Williams (later Sophia Williams-De Bruyn) and list her as one of the organisers of the 1956 Women’s March, during which 20,000 women marched to the government buildings to protest against racist laws.

    But all four textbooks fail to mention that Williams was classified in terms of apartheid laws as Coloured, identified as Coloured, was a full-time organiser for the Coloured People’s Congress in Johannesburg, and was assigned by the Coloured People’s Congress to work on issues relating to the 1950 Population Registration Act.

    So a student using these textbooks might learn about Williams – but still believe that Coloured people made no contribution to ending apartheid.

    Shame and lack of interest

    This denial of Coloured identity continued in the schools where I conducted ethnographic fieldwork. Teachers in a school on the Cape Flats – with a student population that overwhelmingly identified as Coloured – still referred to the school as a “Black school” by virtue of its involvement in the anti-apartheid struggle.

    The grade 9 history teacher, for example, taught that “the apartheid government gave us labels”, and that “if we didn’t cooperate [by uniting under a Black identity] then South Africa would be a failure”. This statement positioned the students’ distinct Coloured identity as being in opposition to South Africa’s success.

    When the teacher spoke about anti-apartheid struggle heroes, his students frequently complained that life was better under apartheid, and when he espoused ideas of non-racialism, they shook their heads. All of this suggested that the students were actively resisting South Africa’s founding narrative: that brave South Africans united to overcome the darkness of apartheid, and to found a democratic rainbow nation.

    My interviews with students from this school suggested that they felt no connection to South Africa’s history. When I asked about his family’s experiences during apartheid, Lester (aged 14) replied that “they were just a normal Coloured family. Nothing interesting.”

    In another school, a slim majority of students identified as Coloured. Again, Coloured history was not explicitly taught. Students felt alienated from Coloured history in different ways. Bahir (aged 15), for example, felt shame and discomfort about his Coloured identity. When I asked him whether he wished he could study more Coloured history, he declined:

    I actually wouldn’t want to like hear such a thing as slavery … I don’t actually like to hear that my family was put into that like category or something.

    The only Coloured history Bahir could consider was one of enslavement.

    Deborah (aged 14), meanwhile, suspected that there might be a proud Coloured history of anti-apartheid resistance, but assumed it hadn’t been written yet. She attributed the lack of Coloured pride among her classmates to a lack of historical scholarship.

    If I had a reason for why people do not want to be Coloureds, it’s because they don’t have a status, and they don’t have history that’s jotted down also.

    Catching up

    One thing was clear from my research: the absence of Coloured identity in history curriculum, textbooks, or lesson plans did not stop students from identifying as Coloured. However, they felt confused, ashamed or alienated from their history and South Africa’s history.

    Tyla and others are proudly, loudly defending their right to identify as Coloured. It’s time for South Africa’s history curriculum to catch up.

    Natasha Robinson receives funding from the ESRC and the British Academy.

    – ref. Coloured South Africans are all but erased from history textbooks – I asked learners how that makes them feel – https://theconversation.com/coloured-south-africans-are-all-but-erased-from-history-textbooks-i-asked-learners-how-that-makes-them-feel-234832

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: My family lived the horrors of Native American boarding schools – why Biden’s apology doesn’t go far enough

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Rosalyn R. LaPier, Professor of History, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

    A photograph archived at the Center for Southwest Research at the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque shows a group of Indigenous students who attended the Ramona Industrial School in Santa Fe. AP Photo/Susan Montoya Bryan

    I am a direct descendant of family members that were forced as children to attend either a U.S. government-operated or church-run Indian boarding school. They include my mother, all four of my grandparents and the majority of my great-grandparents.

    On Oct. 25, 2024, Joe Biden, the first U.S. president to formally apologize for the policy of sending Native American children to Indian boarding schools, called it one of the most “horrific chapters” in U.S. history and “a mark of shame.” But he did not call it a genocide.

    Yet, over the past 10 years, many historians and Indigenous scholars have said that what happened at the Indian boarding schools “meets the definition of genocide.”

    From the 19th to 20th century, children were physically removed from their homes and separated from their families and communities, often without the consent of their parents. The purpose of these schools was to strip Native American children of their Indigenous names, languages, religions and cultural practices.

    The U.S. government operated the boarding schools directly or paid Christian churches to run them. Historians and scholars have written about the history of Indian boarding schools for decades. But, as Biden noted, “most Americans don’t know about this history.”

    As an Indigenous scholar who studies Indigenous history and the descendant of Indian boarding school survivors, I know about the “horrific” history of Indian boarding schools from both survivors and scholars who contend they were places of genocide.

    Was it genocide?

    The United Nations defines “genocide” as the “intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.” Scholars have researched different cases of genocide of Indigenous peoples in the United States.

    Historian Jeffery Ostler, in his 2019 book “Surviving Genocide,” argues that the unlawful annexation of Indigenous lands, the deportation of Indigenous peoples and the numerous deaths of children and adults that occurred as they walked hundreds of miles from their homelands in the 19th century constitute genocide.

    The mass killings of Indigenous peoples after gold was found in the 19th century in what is now California also constitutes genocide, writes historian Benjamin Madley in his 2017 book “An American Genocide.” At the time, a large migration of new settlers to California to mine gold brought with it the killing and displacement of Indigenous peoples.

    Other scholars have focused on the forced assimilation of children at Indian boarding schools. Sociologist Andrew Woolford argues that scholars need to start calling what happened at Indian boarding schools in the 19th and 20th century “genocide” because of the “sheer destructiveness of these institutions.”

    Woolford, a former president of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, explains in his 2015 book “This Benevolent Experiment” that the goal of Indian boarding schools was the “forcible transformation of multiple Indigenous peoples so that they would no longer exist as an obstacle (real or perceived) to settler colonial domination on the continent.”

    First- and second-grade students sit in a classroom at the former Genoa Indian Industrial School in Genoa, Neb. Researchers are now trying to locate the bodies of more than 80 Native American children buried near the school.
    National Archives/AP

    Indigenous writers have explained how this transformation at Indian boarding schools occurred. “Federal agents beat Native children in such schools for speaking Native languages, held them in unsanitary conditions, and forced them into manual and dangerous forms of labor,” writes Indigenous law professor Maggie Blackhawk.

    What my grandmother witnessed

    Secretary of the Interior Debra Anne Haaland has stated that every Native American family has been impacted by the “trauma and terror” of Indian boarding schools. And my family is no different.

    One of the more horrific stories that my maternal grandmother shared with her grandchildren was that she witnessed the death of another student. They were both under the age of 10. The student died of poisoning after lye soap was put in her mouth as a punishment for speaking her Indigenous language.

    We know that similar punishments happened and children died at Indian boarding schools. The Department of Interior reported in 2024 that 973 children died at Indian boarding schools.

    Tribes are increasingly seeking the return of the remains of children who died and are buried at Indian boarding schools.

    A worker digs for the suspected remains of children who once attended the Genoa Indian Industrial School, on July 11, 2023, in Genoa, Neb.
    AP Photo/Charlie Neibergall

    Lasting legacy

    The U.S. government is beginning to encourage survivors to tell their stories of their Indian boarding school experiences. The Department of the Interior is in the process of recording and documenting their stories on digital video, and they will be placed in a government repository.

    At 84 years old, my mother is the only living Indian boarding school survivor in our family. She shared her story with the Department of the Interior this past summer, as did dozens of other survivors.

    Haaland stated these “first person narratives” can be used in the future to learn about the history of Indian boarding schools, and to “ensure that no one will ever forget.”

    “For too long, this nation sought to silence the voices of generations of Native children,” Biden added at the apology ceremony, “but now your voices are being heard.”

    As a descendant of Indian boarding school survivors, I appreciate President Biden’s apology and his effort to break the silence. But, I am also convinced that what my mother, grandmother and other survivors experienced was genocide.

    Rosalyn R. LaPier does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. My family lived the horrors of Native American boarding schools – why Biden’s apology doesn’t go far enough – https://theconversation.com/my-family-lived-the-horrors-of-native-american-boarding-schools-why-bidens-apology-doesnt-go-far-enough-242249

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Alberta’s impending anti-2SLGBTQIA+ legislation is stoking fear and anxiety

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Corinne L. Mason, Professor, Women’s and Gender Studies, Mount Royal University

    The Alberta Legislature has reconvened for its fall sitting, and the United Conservative Party is expected to table new anti-2SLGBTQIA+ legislation that will restrict trans women and girls’ access to sports, curtail inclusive education and ban youth from accessing gender affirming care.

    Some of the potential measures include banning puberty blockers for youth, and having parents opt-in for their children to be present for formal lessons on sexual health. In addition, trans women could be banned from competing in women’s sports.

    In February, when Alberta Premier Danielle Smith first announced these policies, she was riding the wave of the “parental rights” movement. Smith framed these policies as the government protecting children from harm, telling the media that she was “sympathetic to parents who want to preserve the innocence of their kids for as long as they can.”

    The parental rights movement has reintroduced homophobic and transphobic narratives from the 1970s that position 2SLGBTQIA+ people as pedophiles and “groomers” who “recruit” children. According to parental rights proponents, kids have to be protected from “gender indoctrination.” This hate movement has led to violent attacks against 2SLGBTQIA+ communities, such as bomb threats targeting drag performers at library storytimes.

    Despite growing awareness that “parental rights” proponents are connected to a larger network of dangerous hate groups including the Proud Boys, The Patriot Front and the neo-Nazi group Blood Tribe, provincial conservative governments and parties in New Brunswick, Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia have introduced anti-2SLGBTQIA+ policies inspired by this movement.

    As concerned parents, we have been following how the “parental rights” movement is influencing provincial government policies. As researchers, we have been publishing our analysis about the rise in anti-2SLGBTQIA+ sentiments in Alberta for the past two years.

    In early 2024, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith announced her government will implement new policies relating to transgender youth.

    Our conversations with parents

    As the parental rights movement and associated anti-2SLGBTQIA+ legislation are new, scholars and other organizations are just beginning to publish findings showing the harm they have created. For example, a recently published academic study from the United States found that in states where anti-transgender laws legislation has been enacted, suicide attempts among transgender and non-binary youth have increased by up to 72 per cent.

    Academic scholarship about the impact of anti-2SLGBTQIA+ legislation in Canada does not yet exist. This gap in knowledge motivated us to undertake a research project that could capture the experiences of parents as this new “parental rights” legislation rolls out.

    Set in Calgary, Alberta, our ongoing study involves 10 parents from 2SLGBTQIA+ families who have committed to bi-monthly focus groups over the period of a year. By facilitating conversations with parents, our aim is to track the short and long-term impacts of the anti-2SLGBTQIA+ climate in Alberta. The participants in our study are a mix of straight, cisgender, queer and trans parents. All of them are already experiencing the negative outcomes of Alberta’s move to legislate 2SLGBTQIA+ lives.

    Below, we have used pseudonyms to protect their identities.

    We held our first focus group in late September 2024 where we asked participants about their concerns related to the impending changes to education, health care and sports in the province. We also asked parents what they knew about the parental rights movement, and how the rhetoric of parental rights is affecting their families.

    One of the overwhelming sentiments of the parents was that the parental rights movement excluded parents of 2SLGBTQIA+ kids. According to our participants, voices of 2SLGBTQIA+ parents and families are missing or silenced in the conversations around “protecting children.”

    One participant, Maia, said: “There needs to be more representation of the parents especially because it’s a legislation that’s being fought on behalf of parents so we need to make our voices heard.”

    Olivia similarly stated, “I feel like people keep talking for parents. I’m a parent and you’re not saying anything I think … so I just feel very unheard.”

    When it came to parental rights, participants remarked that their parental choice to support their 2SLGBTQIA+ kids is not being protected. In fact, they felt their responsibility to protect their children from harm is being taken away by the provincial government that is making choices for their families.

    Courtney stated: “It makes me really angry that our kid’s medical care can be adjusted based on the government. I work in health care. The thought that the government could step in and get a doctor to go against evidence-based medical care is … insanity.”

    2SLGBTQIA+ youth express fear

    According to the parents in our study, the impending legislation has stoked so much fear and anxiety in their children that their school experiences have already been negatively affected. Courtney’s trans child has missed a large chunk of school since the announcement of impending anti-2SLGBTQIA+ policies last February.

    Another parent, Sophia, told us that her teenager’s overall well-being has “deteriorated” since the impending legislation was announced: “She has started self harming. She is missing school. She is terrified for what’s coming … even though she knows that for her she’s somewhat protected with her HRT [hormone replacement therapy], but it doesn’t mean that they’re not going to say something about bathrooms or that her friends are safe.”

    Saskatchewan’s Conservative Premier Scott Moe recently promised to implement a new policy that would ban trans girls from school change rooms. In Alberta, the UCP’s policy resolutions for 2024 include a similar ban, but instead of focusing on schools, the party aims to remove trans women and girls from all “exclusively female spaces.”

    Our research, while preliminary, demonstrates that harmful effects are already taking shape in Alberta, and parents in 2SLGBTQIA+ families are terrified of what is coming with the legislation dropping soon.

    As we map the fallout of Alberta’s anti-2SLGBTQIA+ legislation over the next year, we expect to collect similar findings to that of our U.S. research counterparts who are publishing evidence that these policies are associated with adverse consequences to mental and physical well-being.

    Corinne L. Mason receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    Leah Hamilton receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    – ref. Alberta’s impending anti-2SLGBTQIA+ legislation is stoking fear and anxiety – https://theconversation.com/albertas-impending-anti-2slgbtqia-legislation-is-stoking-fear-and-anxiety-241874

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Reportage: New app set to slash merchant payment fees and transform how NZers manage their money

    Source: BNZ statements

    Imagine running a bustling café where every transaction not only saves you money on fees, but also automatically updates your loyalty programme, provides smart sales insights, and even puts you on the map for potential new customers.

    Meanwhile, your regulars can pay their brunch bill without even bringing a wallet, quickly send their share of the brunch tab to friends, manage their bank accounts, loyalty cards and gift vouchers seamlessly in one place, and easily track their daily flat white habits.

    Soon this will be the reality for New Zealand businesses and their customers with the launch of Payap – the country’s first digital wallet and Point of Sale (POS) app compatible with all New Zealand banks.

    Leveraging the power of open banking, Payap offers a new lower cost, contactless way to pay and get paid. Payap makes transactions effortless: users simply scan QR codes dynamically generated on an EFTPOS terminal, enabling instant cash transfers directly from their bank account. It also provides a low-cost ecommerce solution, making it easy and affordable for businesses to accept payments online.

         

    With Payap’s 0.39% payment acceptance rate, a retail business turning over $100,000 monthly could save up to $7,320 annually compared to the average 1% merchant service fee reported by the Commerce Commission. For ecommerce businesses, Payap’s 0.59% fee is approximately 80% cheaper than the percentage fees charged by some other providers.

    • Businesses using Payap also have access to a suite of powerful features, including:
    • The ability to create and manage loyalty programmes, making it easy to reward customers and build brand loyalty
    • Enhanced visibility over transactions and the ability to manage discounts and refunds through a dedicated portal
    • Increased visibility with Payap’s ‘store finder’ map, showcasing location, business details, and available offers to app users
    • Use existing hardware – Payap is supported by all leading EFTPOS providers

    For consumers, Payap brings together all your accounts from New Zealand banks, as well as loyalty, and even gift cards in one easy-to-use digital wallet. It allows seamless payments from any linked account and offers a range of features that simplify money management:

    • Manage your bank accounts, loyalty, and gift cards in one place
    • Split a payment across multiple sources, combining different bank accounts, debit cards, or gift card balances, all managed seamlessly within Payap
    • Easily split bills or manage shared expenses with friends with peer-to-peer payments
    • Log all your receipts in one place and get smart insights to gain a clear view of your spending patterns
    • Level up your loyalty, with rewards automatically applied during transactions

          

    Powered by New Zealand fintech Centrapay and backed by BNZ, Payap is now available for business sign-ups ahead of the March 2025 consumer launch. The onboarding process is quick and free, and businesses are encouraged to register their interest. Payap is available to all businesses regardless of who they bank with.

    “Payap is the country’s first comprehensive digital payment service that leverages the power of open banking to fill a clear gap in the New Zealand market,” says Centrapay CEO Greg Beehre.

    “We’re excited to introduce this innovative solution that will transform how businesses accept payments and how we manage our money.”

    BNZ Executive Customer Products and Services, Karna Luke, says the potential Payap offers to both businesses and consumers is impressive.

    “Our team is working closely with our business customers to onboard them before the consumer launch, and we expect thousands of businesses to be on the platform on day one when their customers start using the app.

    “Payap is designed to benefit businesses across Aotearoa, and we welcome all interested businesses – from small street vendors to enterprise retailers and everything in between – to get in touch with us to explore how it can enhance their payment system and customer experience.”

    Core payments, acceptance and rewards features will be available at launch, with additional capabilities like peer-to-peer payments being rolled out progressively throughout 2025.

    Businesses interested in learning more about Payap can visit www.payap.com or www.bnz.co.nz/payap

    The post New app set to slash merchant payment fees and transform how NZers manage their money appeared first on BNZ Debrief.

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How a Trump election win could hit the US food industry and leave millions of Americans hungry

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Shonil Bhagwat, Professor of Environment and Development, The Open University

    Sheila Fitzgerald/Shutterstock

    As the US presidential election inches closer, a recent survey found that the economy is the top issue for voters, and many are also concerned about healthcare, foreign policy and inequality. Amid all the noise about these key issues however, food has received only marginal coverage in the campaigning despite the country’s high cost of living.

    Project 2025, a 900-page policy document produced by conservative thinktank the Heritage Foundation, has become a major talking point in the election campaign. Although Republican candidate Donald Trump has denied any links between his campaign and Project 2025, the people who have authored this document are no strangers to the former president, with more than half of the 307 contributors having served in the Trump administration or on his campaign or transition teams.

    Trump’s Democratic rival in the race to the White House, Vice President Kamala Harris, has been very vocal about the dangers to the American people if the Project 2025 proposals were to be implemented. Instead, her campaign has promised an “opportunity economy” to support the American middle class, which will seek to cut prices and taxes, lower household costs, and offer various tax reliefs.

    Analyses of Harris’ versus Trump’s economic policies suggest that the tariffs Trump has proposed will cause a rise in prices of imported goods – including food. On the other hand, Trump’s policies could lower energy costs because more domestic fossil fuel production could make US-produced foodstuffs cheaper.

    But Project 2025 proposes deregulation of US dietary guidelines and US food assistance programmes, including Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (Snap), Women, Infants and Children Program (WIC), and the National School Lunch Program. Democrats have argued that this will “drastically reduce” the access that families have to fresh American-grown food, threatening the health of the most vulnerable.



    Read more:
    How Harris and Trump’s economic pledges stack up

    Democrats have also claimed that Project 2025 policies would reduce support to small-scale farmers, favouring large agribusinesses while deregulating the flow of ultra-processed food manufactured and distributed by influential corporations. Some estimates suggest that 73% of US food supply is already made up of ultra-processed foods, and they have been found to provide 60% of the calories consumed by the average US adult.

    The links between ultra-processed food and negative health outcomes are increasingly being drawn. As such, food policy under Project 2025 would be very likely to have a negative impact on wider public health in the US.

    But at the same time, Project 2025 would probably make healthcare less affordable and more restrictive for millions of citizens. It promises to reinstate the ability of the pharmaceutical industry to fix prices, raising the cost of drugs for American people.

    It would also cut funding for health coverage for low-income Americans, threatening the survival of hospitals, health centres or doctors who serve those people.

    These healthcare policies, combined with deregulation of the food industry and dietary guidelines, as well as the defunding of food assistance programmes, could spell a triple whammy for the health and wellbeing of some of the most vulnerable people in America.

    How do Harris’s plans compare?

    Harris’s plans, on the other hand, aim to make healthcare less expensive and more accessible, particularly for those from vulnerable groups such as black Americans or those on low incomes, the elderly or veterans.

    But while these proposals might remove barriers to healthcare, they won’t directly improve food provision for Americans. Some of the proposals in Harris’s “opportunity economy”, however, could directly address the issue.

    The outcome of the presidential election could have serious consequences for food security and wellbeing – especially among America’s poorer populations.
    Tada Images/Shutterstock

    Harris’s proposals focus on strengthening and diversifying supply chains for food production, processing and distribution. She has been outspoken about investigating price-fixing of food products by large corporations – and prosecuting firms anywhere in the supply chain where this is found to have happened.

    Harris’s plans would also support small producers, processors, distributors, family farms and food and farm workers with more funding to compete with large conglomerates. This could result in more decentralised supply chains, which are known to make it easier to provide healthier food to more people by encouraging crop diversity and lowering the cost of fresh local products.

    And she is promising to crack down on mergers and acquisitions of food corporations, which are known to compromise the sustainable provision of healthy food by curbing farmers’ bargaining power and leaving communities with little say over how their land is used.

    Food is integral to the public sector economy, alongside things such as providing healthcare, protecting the environment and reducing inequalities. The organisation of the entire food system – from production to processing, trade to transport, and consumption to nutrition – needs to consider ways in which feeding a country can strenghten its public sector economy, and meet its obligation to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals. The US has already made a commitment to these goals through global food security programmes like Feed the Future.

    These issues are especially pertinent to the US, as its food system is highly centralised. In fact, 6% of farms grow 60% of food. Meanwhile family farms – which represent 88% of the total – contribute only 19%. Harris’s proposals could go some way to correcting this imbalance. But the rhetoric coming from her rivals on the other hand could ultimately end up making the US worse off in terms of food provision and health.

    Shonil Bhagwat is a member of the UK Department for Environment Food & Rural Affairs Science Advisory Council: Social Science Expert Group and the National Trust, UK, Specialist Advice Network: Natural Environment Advisory Group. He has received funding from UK Research and Innovation (Research England, Natural Environment Research Council, Economic and Social Research Council), European Union Horizon 2020, The Leverhulme Trust, The Royal Society, and the British Ecological Society.

    – ref. How a Trump election win could hit the US food industry and leave millions of Americans hungry – https://theconversation.com/how-a-trump-election-win-could-hit-the-us-food-industry-and-leave-millions-of-americans-hungry-242316

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Japan-style ‘tiny forests’ are taking root in British cities

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Hanyu Qi, PhD Candidate, School of Architecture and Landscape, University of Sheffield

    Anatta_Tan/Shutterstock

    A staggering one in three people in England lack access to nature-rich spaces within a short walk from their homes. Now, a growing movement is bringing nature back to cities across the UK. The Miyawaki forest method involves planting a diverse mix of densely packed native woodland trees – or “tiny forests” – that grow quickly in small areas, around the size of a tennis court.

    Already, there are more than 280 Miyawaki-style forests nationwide. Tucked away within housing estates, school grounds and wasteland on the urban edge, these urban forests are growing faster than conventionally planted trees.

    This tree planting approach was developed by Japanese ecologist Akira Miyawaki in the 1970s. Proponents argue that tiny forests create more habitat for wildlife and increase the capacity of land to store carbon, although few studies aim to quantify those benefits in western countries. If planted in a certain way, they can help create a more complete plant community structure from the ground up to the canopy.

    This means that the forest has distinct layers from the slow-growing canopy species right down to the smaller shrubs and ground covering herbs. These habitats are self-sustaining, so after three to five years’ growth they apparently don’t need much maintenance.

    The environmental charity Earthwatch Europe uses the Miyawaki method to plant tiny forests in urban areas. So far, with the help of local communities, they have planted 285 forests since 2022.

    Some local councils and community groups are embracing this tiny forest revolution. At Tychwood in Witney, near Oxford, the UK’s first tiny forest now has an outdoor classroom area that’s used by schoolchildren and local residents who can work on citizen science projects and tree maintenance.

    Since it was first planted in March 2020, the habitat has become home to insects, birds and lots of native plants such as oak, birch, crab apple, dogwood and goat willow.

    But while a government-funded pilot project called Trees Outside Woodlands has received attention for its possible socio-environmental benefits, very little research has quantified how best to do this effectively. One report published by conservation charity the Tree Council shows that Miyawaki plots have significantly higher survival rates and are more cost-effective than non-Miyawaki plots. But lots of unknowns remain.

    A climate of uncertainty

    Despite recognition of the potential benefits, including carbon storage, biodiversity conservation and educational opportunities, there’s a lot of uncertainty about how to apply the tiny forest method in different climates, particularly in the UK.

    Our recent study, published in the Arboricultural Journal, explores how suitable these tiny forests are within the UK context. Our interviews with 12 professionals (tree experts from academia or practitioners) reveal that while half of them supported the Miyawaki method, especially in specific urban areas such as schools and small parks, concerns remained about tree mortality and the high costs of buying saplings, prepping soil and maintaining trees. A few people told us that they could see potential in using unused farmland to establish tiny forests in rural settings too.

    Climate adaptation is paramount and planting trees in urban environments has never been more important. Access to nature also improves people’s health and wellbeing, with green spaces helping to connect communities and reduce loneliness, as well as mitigate the negative effects of climate change, such as air pollution, heatwaves and flooding, and improve biodiversity.

    As UK cities face both climate change and biodiversity loss, the tiny forest method offers a promising solution. There are still many challenges to overcome as this movement is still in its infancy – but it could be key to a greener, more resilient future.


    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like? Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 35,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Nicola Dempsey is on the Board of Green Estate, CIC, Secretary of the Sheffield Green Spaces Forum and a member of the Sheffield Street Tree Partnership.

    Hanyu Qi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Japan-style ‘tiny forests’ are taking root in British cities – https://theconversation.com/japan-style-tiny-forests-are-taking-root-in-british-cities-239005

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How a crisis of truth is putting US electoral system under stress

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Clodagh Harrington, Lecturer in American Politics, University College Cork

    America is in the grip of a crisis of truth and its political and electoral systems are under duress. Losing the connection between what is true and what is fiction could have enormous consequence in the middle of this US election campaign.

    Academics refer to this as an epistemological crisis, a situation where different people believe different “truths” and it becomes difficult to get a shared understanding of key facts. This, they argue, can lead to polarisation and potentially, even, an ungovernable country, based on an inability to decide on what is factually correct.

    Jonathan Rauch, the journalist and author of The Constitution of Knowledge: A Defense of Truth, says historically disagreement about what is true has, on some occasions, led to untold killing and suffering.

    Right now in the US, it’s clear that there are massive differences in what people believe is true. Polls show, for instance, that around 69% of Republicans and Republican-leaning voters think the 2020 election result was not legitimate and that Joe Biden did not win.

    This division is amplified by what is happening in and around the campaigns, and the use of new and developing techniques. The Trump campaign, for instance, continues to make claims that the 2020 election was stolen.

    Sharing misinformation (that is, when inaccurate content is disseminated but not with the intent to mislead) has always been part of political life, but it is now quickly amplified by social media. Spreading disinformation takes this to the next level, when organisations or individuals deliberately spread lies. But the means to do so have grown more sophisticated, as demonstrated in the recent Moldovan election, where a massive Russian disinformation campaign was discovered.

    History reminds us that fake news is at a premium during wartime and the world is currently experiencing two major conflicts. In both cases, the geopolitical consequences for the US are sky-high.

    By spring 2024, US news media were reporting on Russia’s potential to interfere in the US election. The US administration’s position on the Ukraine war in particular matters greatly to the Kremlin, and it is no secret that a Donald Trump victory would suit Putin far better than a continuation of the Ukraine-funding Democrat alternative.

    What is an epistemological crisis?

    In September, US officials warned of election threats, not only from Russia but also Iran and China. Former director of the US Cyber-Security and Infrastructure Agency, Chris Krebs, stated that 2024 is “lining up to be a busy election interference season”. What makes these multi-faceted and constantly evolving threats even harder to manage is the fact that Maga influencers are embroiled in the proceedings. This makes a unified American response against an external threat all but impossible.



    Read more:
    Why do millions of Americans believe the 2020 presidential election was ‘stolen’ from Donald Trump?

    One recent such example involved a company in Tennessee which was used by members of the Russian state-owned broadcaster RT (formerly Russia Today) to spread Russia-friendly content. The content-creators were paid US$10 million (£7.7 million) by RT to publish pro-Russia videos in English on a range of social media platforms. The RT employees were charged with conspiracy to commit money laundering and violating the Foreign Agent Registration Act.

    This is one of many developments by the foreign interference machine as the election on November 5 nears. Other incidents include dozens of internet domains used by the Kremlin to spread disinformation on websites designed to look like news sites and to undermine support for Ukraine. The US government response to these complex and boundary-blurring threats is complicated by the tension between maintaining discretion and informing the public.

    Old challenges, new technology

    Looking back, the 2016 presidential campaign and subsequent victory for Trump brought many firsts, some comical, others deadly serious in this post-truth arena. The lighter side included inaccurate claims made by White House press secretary Sean Spicer about the size of Trump’s 2017 inauguration crowd. When Trump advisor Kellyanne Conway declared on television to have “alternative facts” to those reported by the media on the crowd size, her phrase entered general use.

    With hindsight, such falsehoods now seem a little quaint, as the images from the day told the truth better than any script. Far more disturbingly, Russia’s Project Lakhta involved a “hacking and disinformation campaign” described in Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s 2019 Report as vast and complex in scale. The scheme involved human and technological input and targeted politicians on the political left and right, with a view to causing maximum disruption. Just a year later, Russia interfered in the 2020 race, this time spreading falsehoods about Biden and working in Trump’s favour.

    Fast forward to 2024 and we are awash with AI-created images and writing. Now any sort of lie is possible. Deep fakes, voice, image and video manipulation now mean that we literally can no longer believe our ears and eyes.

    Kellyanne Conway on alternative facts.

    Meanwhile, back on the campaign trail in 2024, Team Trump demonstrates few qualms when dishing out alternative facts. A long-time proponent of “truthful hyperbole” the former real-estate dealer takes exaggeration to a point no longer on the scale. From sharing an AI-generated image of Taylor Swift endorsing him (she soon backed his opponent) to claims that helicopters were not getting through with hurricane relief, the news cycle is awash with baseless content.

    An inevitable outcome of this crisis and conflict over truth is voters’ confusion and disengagement, and increasing public tension, with a new poll reporting that the majority of Americans are expecting violence after the election.

    Voters deserve to know whether what they know is real, but in this campaign it is increasingly clear that they don’t and the consequences of this could be stark.

    Clodagh Harrington does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How a crisis of truth is putting US electoral system under stress – https://theconversation.com/how-a-crisis-of-truth-is-putting-us-electoral-system-under-stress-242046

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: US election: Puerto Rican voters could deliver Donald Trump an unwelcome ‘October surprise’

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Todd Landman, Professor of Political Science, University of Nottingham

    As it moves into the final week, the US election campaign remains so tight that most commentators are calling it a toss-up. But Donald Trump’s campaign may have just dealt itself its own “October surprise” – something no candidate for the US president wants as it stands for a last-minute disaster.

    At his much anticipated “closing argument” rally at Madison Square Garden in New York City on October 27, various warm-up speakers engaged in strong, dark rhetoric about the state of the nation that laid the ground for Trump to take the stage and assert his position as the “protector”,“fixer”, and “liberator” of what he and his support base like to think of as an “occupied” country.

    But the tone and content of the event was problematic from the start. Comedian Tony Hinchcliffe made opening remarks in which he described Puerto Rico as an “island of garbage”.

    Deep offence at these remarks rippled across America’s Puerto Rican community and beyond. His slur on Puerto Rico drew condemnation across the political spectrum and mobilised a rash of new endorsements for the Harris-Walz campaign. The incident has raised the prospect of a Puerto Rican backlash that could well have an impact on the outcome of the election.

    Tony Hinchcliffe: an October surprise?

    Causing such deep offence to a significant minority population at a crucial moment in the campaign could have real consequences. Ultimately, the outcome of the election is determined by electoral college votes. These, in the end, will rely heavily on tallies across seven swing states: Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, North Caroline, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.

    The outcome of the 2016 and 2020 elections, although the Democrats received far more votes than the Republicans in total (3 million and 7 million, respectively), came down to very close margins across these swing states. In 2020, Joe Biden won the electoral college vote across these seven states – but with an average of less than half a percentage point (0.47%).

    Why Puerto Rico matters

    Puerto Rico is what is known as an “unincorporated territory” of the United States. Since it is not a state, it does not have any electoral college votes. But Puerto Ricans are citizens of the United States – a status they have enjoyed since 1917 – and can move freely between Puerto Rico and the mainland.

    Those who reside in Puerto Rico may not vote in federal elections, but those who do live in the United States are eligible to vote in the states where they are registered.

    Historically Puerto Ricans have been more likely to support the Democrats. But their turnout has been in consistent in the past. And both campaigns have made special effort to target this group. If enough people take offence at Hinchcliffe’s remarks, this could have a significant impact on the election result.

    Millions of Puerto Ricans have made successful lives and careers in the US. As of 2021, Puerto Ricans make up 2% of the US population (5.8 million, up from 4.7 million in 2010). Despite this relatively low percentage overall, it is the distribution of the Puerto Rican population that makes them important in the presidential election.

    The table below shows the Puerto Rican population across swing states in 2024 as well as the number of electoral college votes that are up for grabs in each state and the winning vote margin for Joe Biden in 2020. The figures in the table are for the whole Puerto Rican population.

    Across these seven swing states, it is clear that the distribution of Puerto Ricans is not insignificant. This is especially the case in the key state of Pennsylvania. The total number and proportion of Puerto Ricans living there is easily large enough to affect the marginal vote share needed to tip the state to one of the two main political parties, which has 19 electoral college votes.

    It’s telling that the Harris-Walz campaign was in Pennsylvania actively courting Latino voters at the same time the rally was underway in New York. The rapid impact from the rally manifested in real time and included the endorsement of the Harris-Walz campaign from world-famous celebrities.

    Shortly after the remarks at the rally, Bad Bunny, the world’s most-streamed musical artist on Spotify between 2020 and 2022, endorsed Harris, as did singer Ricky Martin and actress Jennifer Lopez, whose parents come from Puerto Rico.

    Bad Bunny showed his support by resharing with his millions of social media followers a video of Harris speaking about Trump’s response to the devastating hurricanes Irma and Maria that ravaged Puerto Rico in 2017. Ricky Martin posted “Esto es lo que piensan en nosotros” (This is what they think of us) with a tag of “vote for @kamalaharris”.

    In a race where margins of victory are extremely thin, a small island country like Puerto Rico with its special status and mobile voters may just tip the scales in Harris’s direction.

    Todd Landman receives funding from International Justice Mission, US State Department Trafficking in Persons Office, J. Sainsbury’s Ltd., and the US National Institute for Justice. .

    – ref. US election: Puerto Rican voters could deliver Donald Trump an unwelcome ‘October surprise’ – https://theconversation.com/us-election-puerto-rican-voters-could-deliver-donald-trump-an-unwelcome-october-surprise-242326

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Five reasons Warhammer 40,000 should be considered a great work of science fiction

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mike Ryder, Lecturer in Marketing, Lancaster University

    Games Workshop, the British company behind the tabletop war game Warhammer and its futuristic counterpart Warhammer 40,000 (also known as Warhammer 40k), is now worth in the region of £3.75 billion. And it counts among its fans celebrities like Henry Cavill, Brian May and the late Robin Williams.

    The original Warhammer (known as Warhammer Fantasy Battle) was a fantasy tabletop miniature war-game. Released in 1983 it featured J.R.R. Tolkien-esque orc, goblin, dwarf and elf characters. A few years later, Games Workshop launched a science fiction version of the game, Warhammer 40k, where many of the fantasy races were re-imagined for a futuristic science fiction setting.

    Historically, many fans of science fiction have looked down on Warhammer 40k as something of a niche interest, the darker, grimier cousin of the clean-cut American franchises of Star Wars and Star Trek. But things are starting to change. Warhammer 40k is now so much more than a simple tabletop battle game. It is a whole universe of rich and diverse characters of great depth, and it is supported by a body of literature.

    Here are five reasons the Warhammer 40k franchise is as worthy of science fiction fandom as its American cousins.

    1. The grand scope of its format

    Warhammer 40k is no longer just a miniatures game. Rather, it is a complete fictional universe far grander in scope than any other science fiction universe that exists today.

    This multi-modal format means that fans don’t just have to collect model miniatures to enjoy it. There are so many different formats available, including animations, role-playing and video games, as well as comic books and the extensive literary publications from the Black Library, the publishing arm of Games Workshop.

    2. The franchise’s scale

    Warhammer 40k universe is huge. And I mean, seriously huge. The Horus Heresy series – the key saga that sets the context for the “present day” universe – spans some 54 books, with a further ten books mapping out the series’ conclusion.

    This is arguably the biggest single collective literary undertaking in all of science fiction. The series started in 2006 with the novel Horus Rising, and has now reached its conclusion, with just the final few books awaiting their paperback release.

    3. Depth of storytelling

    Make no mistake, Warhammer 40k is no simple battle of good versus evil. Rather, it is a universe of deep politics, philosophy and nuance, where even the so-called “good guys” are forced to make difficult choices in the name of survival.

    This tension is encapsulated in the leader of the Imperium (humanity), known as The Emperor, who has sat atop his golden throne for more than 10,000 years. He is sustained by the ritual daily sacrifice of thousands of souls, who give up their lives in order that he continue his psychic battle with the forces of chaos in the psychic realm, known as The Warp.

    Such depth has helped the universe flourish over many decades, providing a constant stream of ideas for fans to engage with, and characters to explore.

    4. The grimdark aesthetic

    Such has been the impact of the Warhammer 40k universe that it has even spawned its own unique sub-genre of science fiction and fantasy, known as grimdark. Spearheaded by legendary artist John Blanche, grimdark is characterised by its bleak aesthetic that calls back to a kind of primordial existence, where day-to-day survival is not guaranteed.

    This sub-genre extends far beyond the realms of Warhammer, even shaping the work of bestselling fantasy novelists such as Joe Abercrombie, author of The First Law trilogy.

    5. Research potential

    Researchers are also now starting to take Warhammer seriously. In September, Germany hosted the world’s first academic conference dedicated to all things Warhammer. The conference attracted almost 60 speakers, with academics from across the globe looking at the universe through their own particular academic lens.

    Meanwhile, the depth of academic literature on Warhammer is also growing rapidly. In my own research I often write about science fiction and its potential to help us think about complex problems in new ways. With Warhammer, I have been able to explore what it means to be a soldier, and the symbolic relationship between the soldier and the state. I do this by exploring the portrayal of 40k’s most iconic characters, the space marines – genetically enhanced super-soldiers who live a monk-like existence committed to waging endless war against the enemies of mankind.

    The Prime series Secret Level will feature a Warhammer 40k episode.

    Time to go mainstream

    While it is fair to say that Warhammer 40k has so far been fairly underrepresented in science fiction circles, it seems the tide is finally starting to turn. Just last year Games Workshop signed a deal with Amazon to produce a TV series. There will also be a Warhammer 40k animation, due for release in December 2024. There have also been several important critical successes for 40k in the realm of video games, the most recent example being Space Marine II.

    With the growth of the tabletop hobby, the continued success of licensed video games and with an Amazon series on the horizon, we are now at a point where Warhammer is about to go mainstream. No longer is it merely a game of rolling dice, and painting model miniatures. Rather now, it is a huge and deeply significant work of science fiction, and one that is worthy of being spoken about in the same way as its American peers.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Mike Ryder does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Five reasons Warhammer 40,000 should be considered a great work of science fiction – https://theconversation.com/five-reasons-warhammer-40-000-should-be-considered-a-great-work-of-science-fiction-241040

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: MC Duke: a pioneering British rapper more people should know about

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam de Paor-Evans, Research Lead at Rhythm Obscura / Lecturer in the School of Art, Design and Architecture, University of Plymouth

    MC Duke (Kashif Adham) was a key figure in the development of hip-hop in Britain in the late 80s. When he died in April, British rap lost a giant. From the East End of London, Duke strengthened the evolution of the genre in the UK by relating directly to US hip-hop and an emerging British rap identity through his lyrics and visual style.

    At the time of MC Duke’s arrival on the rap scene, British hip-hop was transitioning from the electro-based sound by London artists such as DSM, Three Wize Men and Family Quest, to a more sample-based style, much like the sounds of US artists Eric B. and Rakim and Biz Markie.

    In this transition, Duke emerged as the frontrunner in this new generation due to his embrace of hip-hop’s visual tropes as much as his sound.

    His first release, Jus-Dis landed in 1987 on Hard As Hell! Rap’s Next Generation, a compilation released on Music Of Life – a staple label for homegrown British talent. Jus-Dis presents Duke’s battle rap attitude through the diss track – a concept where the song’s narrative attacks another party.

    His lyrics and wordplay on the song title present social commentary on Britain and its legal system: “There ain’t no law, there’s only jus-dis.” Duke also brought the idea of the diss to live audiences throughout the UK by accelerating the dispute with Overlord X, another pioneering British rapper, as part of his stage routine.

    His first proper single release, Miracles, the next year, visually presented MC Duke and his DJ, DJ Leader 1, for the first time to audiences. The record sleeve depicts Duke donning a bright red goose jacket, a black leather cap, Cazal-style shades, gold rope chain and a name belt buckle – all highly sought-after attire in hip-hop fashion.

    These fashion choices linked the US image of rap with an emerging British one. In the US, rap pioneers T La Rock and Kool Moe Dee had previously used similar accessories on album covers to denote a sense of identity. In the UK, graffiti writers and breakdancers particularly were sporting name belt buckles.

    Miracles heavily samples The Jackson Sister’s I Believe In Miracles, which was a mainstay of the rare groove scene that developed in London during the early 80s. With the inclusion of vocal samples from Run-D.M.C.’s Run’s House and Public Enemy’s Bring The Noise, Miracles starts to bring together a transatlantic idea of hip-hop.

    Got To Get Your Own based on Reuben Wilson’s song of the same name and MC Duke’s follow-up single, I’m Riffin (English Rasta) heavily samples Funky Like A Train (link) by Equals, again a core record from many rare groove playlists.

    The introduction to I’m Riffin (English Rasta) is sampled from the powerful speech by American civil rights leader Jesse Jackson from Introduction (Complete). This immediately frames MC Duke’s lyrics with a sense of Black identity and history, as he raps: “Known to speak about men of freedom, Look for books on King and read ‘em”.

    Duke returns the narrative to a sense of the everyman: “We cover and smother another brother, Throw him away just like a used rubber,” twice referring to the system as at the heart of Black-on-Black crime.

    Duke’s “English Rasta” pseudonym is also a comment on Jamaican culture in Britain, in particular the second generation who grew up through an evolving Black British identity.

    M.C. Duke and DJ Leader 1’s debut album Organised Rhyme challenges the British class system, the aristocracy, colonialism and imperialism. Duke claims their associated visual tropes and brings them into a rap frame fusing tweed suits, hunting boots, Bentley cars and stately homes with the African medallions and chunky gold jewellery of hip-hop.

    In 1990, Duke countered the conventions of the British aristocracy as a producer and performer on the album The Royal Family, a collective of artists from the Music Of Life camp, including the likes of Lady Tame and Doc Savage. This album resonates with US label-related collectives such as Marley Marl’s Juice Crew and The 45 King’s Flavor Unit. Again, this enforces the transatlantic approach to hip-hop that Duke maintained.

    Duke’s work ensured British fans felt homegrown rap was becoming closer to US artists like Eric B. & Rakim and Public Enemy. Additionally, his music laid the foundation for future solo British rappers as diverse as Ty, Dizzee Rascal and Stormzy.

    As well as being a forerunner in British hip-hop, Duke worked across dance genres and influenced many jungle, drum ‘n’ bass and grime emcees. As Jumpin Jack Frost (the DJ behind the seminal jungle track Burial, which he released under the alias Leviticus) attested: “Duke was a true trailblazer who was one of the first UK MCs with a major record deal … His legacy will be remembered as someone who helped to shape UK MCs from jungle to grime we all owe MC Duke a lot.”

    MC Duke bridged the gap between US hip-hop history and set a new British trajectory for rap. His work should serve as a critical signpost for British rap audiences.

    Adam de Paor-Evans does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. MC Duke: a pioneering British rapper more people should know about – https://theconversation.com/mc-duke-a-pioneering-british-rapper-more-people-should-know-about-229966

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Rising vet fees leave pet owners facing tough choices – and vets often bear the brunt

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rachel Williams, Reader in Human Resource Management, Cardiff University

    shutterstock SAI SU PAW KA/Shutterstock

    If you’re a pet owner, you may have noticed increases in your vet bills in recent years. The average cost of pet booster injections increased by 48% in the UK between 2020 and early 2024, while pet insurance prices rose by 21% in the year to March. Many families are struggling to afford care for their pets.

    But this situation isn’t just about rising prices – it’s about how these changes are affecting the people at the heart of veterinary care. For the past three years, I’ve been studying the experiences of early-career vets and what I’ve found is unsettling.

    The vets I spoke to described an emotional and ethical struggle that goes far beyond routine pet care. They’re increasingly having to balance the cost of treatment with the welfare of animals – sometimes being forced to euthanise otherwise healthy pets because the owners can’t afford treatment.

    Concerns about veterinary fees are also receiving national attention. The Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) is conducting an investigation into the sector, citing a lack of transparency in pricing and the dominance of corporate ownership. For example, 60% of UK vet practices are owned by just six companies, including VetPartners, MediVet and IVC.

    Strikes at branches of Valley Vets in south Wales – the first in the UK veterinary sector – have also drawn attention to the issue of pay and the rising cost of treatment. Staff at the practice, owned by York-based VetPartners, are demanding a fair wage and pushing back against fee hikes that are pricing owners out of care.

    For vets, the stakes are high. Many enter the profession out of a love for animals, but increasing costs force them into difficult conversations with owners who can’t afford the necessary treatment.

    One early-career vet I interviewed described treating a four-month-old puppy with a broken leg. The owners couldn’t pay for surgery and had to make the heartbreaking decision to put the dog down. This not only caused distress to the family but also to the veterinary team performing the procedure.

    Prevention

    Veterinary practices are increasingly promoting preventative care to help avoid costly treatment down the road. But some pet owners view this merely as an attempt to maximise profit.

    The Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons (RCVS), which regulates the sector, has expressed concern about a rise in abusive behaviour towards vets. The RCVS is encouraging owners to raise fee issues with practice owners rather than individual vets. Many practices have started removing abusive clients from their client lists, though some vets I spoke to were unhappy that abusive clients were allowed to return.

    Vet students are taught how to discuss costs with clients. For many new vets, however, these conversations are nerve-wracking, particularly when charges are high. Several vets described how they “forgot” to charge for items or charged reduced amounts when they believed the fees were too high. In some cases, the vets believed that managers chose not to notice, whereas others were criticised.

    But as vets gained experience, they also began to charge more accurately, partly due to valuing their training and expertise. They also realised that if they reduced a bill, clients were more likely to complain if the next vet charged correctly.

    60% of UK vet practices are owned by just six companies.
    FamVeld/Shutterstock

    I found evidence that over time some vets became less emotionally attached to their patients, particularly when they had no long-term relationship with the owner. They always wanted to reduce suffering and provide the best care. At the same time, though, they were exasperated at owners who acquired pets without investigating future costs or who failed to set money aside for emergencies.

    Some also expressed frustration at the owners of their practices imposing large fee increases. They described being ignored when warning managers that further fee increases would lead to a reduction in clients, and vindicated when clients left and associated income reduced.

    The CMA review could potentially reshape the veterinary sector, introducing greater price transparency and competition. The RCVS has welcomed the investigation, seeing it as an opportunity for much needed legislative reform.

    It is also seeking to extend its regulatory oversight to entire veterinary practices, not just individual vets and nurses. But it has warned the CMA to be cautious of breaking up businesses as this may lead to the closure of practices and leave pet owners without access to veterinary care.

    Crossroads

    The veterinary profession is at a crossroads. Rising costs, recruitment and retention challenges, as well as increasing emotional burnout are driving many vets to leave the profession. Meanwhile, pet owners are left struggling with tough decisions about how much care they can afford for their beloved animals.

    There are no easy answers. Teaching veterinary students how to offer treatment options that fit different budgets could help reduce the emotional burden on both vets and owners. Addressing vet retention through manageable working hours, supportive workplaces and fair salaries may also reduce pressures.

    Transparent pricing and educating owners about the real costs of pet care may help to enable more informed decisions. And giving vets a say in business and pricing decisions could help practices balance financial sustainability with compassionate animal care.

    Rachel Williams does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Rising vet fees leave pet owners facing tough choices – and vets often bear the brunt – https://theconversation.com/rising-vet-fees-leave-pet-owners-facing-tough-choices-and-vets-often-bear-the-brunt-241647

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Alzheimer’s drug approved in the UK, but it won’t be available on the NHS – here’s why

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rahul Sidhu, PhD Candidate, Neuroscience, University of Sheffield

    Donanemab is delivered intravenously to slow the progression of Alzheimer’s disease. Studio Romantic/ Shutterstock

    The UK’s drugs regulator – the MHRA – has approved the Alzheimer’s drug donanemab, but it won’t be available on the NHS.

    The National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (Nice), which determines what treatments are available on the NHS, decided not to recommend donanemab for NHS use. This is because of its cost, potential side-effects and what some consider insufficient benefits.

    While Nice’s decision is disappointing for a lot of people (about 70,000 people people in England would have qualified to receive the drug), it’s important to know why the decision was made.

    Slowing decline

    A key characteristic of Alzheimer’s disease is the presence of amyloid plaques. These are sticky proteins that clump together and destroy brain cells (neurons), resulting in Alzheimer’s.

    Donanemab is a monoclonal antibody – a lab-made protein that targets and binds to amyloid to help eliminate it. This treatment is administered by an intravenous infusion, so the drug is delivered directly into the bloodstream. Each session lasts about 30 minutes and is needed every four weeks.

    In a clinical trial, donanemab was shown to be reasonably successful. The trial compared participants with early Alzheimer’s disease taking donanemab against those taking a placebo.

    Donanemab slowed the decline in memory and thinking by as much as 35% in people in the early stages of Alzheimer’s disease. This is the equivalent of reducing the disease’s progression by four to seven months. Participants taking donanemab experienced a 40% slower decline in their ability to perform daily tasks, including managing finances, driving and enjoying hobbies.

    Donanemab helps eliminate amyloid from the brain.
    Signal Scientific Visuals/ Shutterstock

    While these results are promising, it’s important to note that the clinical trial had some limitations.

    The trial lasted only 18 months, so it remains unclear how donanemab’s effects will play out long-term for those using it. Future studies will be needed to explore the long-term effects.

    Although the trial had a large sample size of 1,736 participants with early Alzheimer’s disease, 90% of the participants were white. More diversity in clinical trials is needed to ensure that donanemab is effective for people of all races and ethnic backgrounds. Unfortunately, this lack of diversity is a common issue in medical research.

    But the major drawback with donanemab was its side-effects. About 80% of the side-effects participants experienced were either mild or participants showed no symptoms at all and side-effects were only picked up in further tests.

    However, 15% of participants had a serious side-effect. This included brain swelling or small brain bleeds known as amyloid-related imaging abnormalities. This may initially cause mild symptoms such as headaches, confusion or dizziness. But without constant monitoring, these conditions can become detrimental to health.

    There were three deaths believed to be linked to this brain swelling among the 853 participants who were administered the drug.

    Another concern in using the drug relates to the existing difficulties with diagnosis. To even qualify for the treatment, patients must be in the very early stages of Alzheimer’s disease – and already have confirmed high amyloid levels through a PET scan or lumbar puncture.

    In the UK, only 2% of dementia patients receive these gold-standard diagnoses. More than one-third of people living with dementia don’t receive a diagnosis at all.

    Improved and more accessible diagnostic methods would ensure more patients are eligible to receive the drug at the optimal time.

    But the key reason donanemab isn’t available through the NHS is its cost. The treatment is estimated to cost around £25,000 a year per patient, based on the US cost. This does not include the expense of brain scans to monitor its effects.

    Additionally, it requires monthly infusions at the hospital and careful monitoring for side-effects, which may seem excessive considering the treatment’s modest benefits.

    The future for Alzheimer’s treatments

    Nice’s decision on donanemab closely mirrors the decision they made about lecanemab in August 2024. This was the first ever Alzheimer’s slowing drug approved by the MHRA, and, like donanemab, is only available via private healthcare. The reasons both drugs were rejected by the Nice and the NHS are similar – with costs and side-effects being the main concerns.

    While people with dementia and their families may feel let down by this decision, the fact that these new therapies can slow the disease, even slightly, offers hope.

    Nice will be reassessing donanemab in 2025. There are also over 100 drugs currently in clinical trials for treating Alzheimer’s. Hopefully, one of these will prove to be as effective, if not more effective, as donanemab but with fewer side-effects and at a lower cost.

    Still, it’s a remarkable step that there are two drugs licensed in the UK for treating Alzheimer’s. Although there’s still a way to go before an NHS treatment is readily available.

    Rahul Sidhu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Alzheimer’s drug approved in the UK, but it won’t be available on the NHS – here’s why – https://theconversation.com/alzheimers-drug-approved-in-the-uk-but-it-wont-be-available-on-the-nhs-heres-why-242127

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Scabies outbreak in UK universities – what you need to know

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael Head, Senior Research Fellow in Global Health, University of Southampton

    Sarcoptes scabiei Arshindi/Shutterstock

    Scabies is an itchy skin infection that sees outbreaks across the world.

    It is caused by mites, similar to but much smaller than head lice. These mites burrow under the skin, lay eggs and reproduce, causing an immune response which generates the unpleasant itching associated with the disease.

    Outbreaks often occur in institutional settings, such as residential care homes for the elderly. In October 2024, outbreaks around UK university settings were reported in the media.

    The incubation period for scabies is typically four to six weeks. This is the time between being infected – a mite getting onto and then under the skin – and a patient showing symptoms such as the classic unpleasant itch.

    So, the cases reported in October 2024 would have been infected mid to late September, around the time of student arrival at their universities around the country.

    Given this long incubation period, it can be difficult to prevent and control outbreaks. The condition can also be difficult to diagnose because the clinical presentation on the skin can be tricky to spot – for example, between the fingers.

    Transmission is typically by prolonged skin-to-skin contact and sharing contiminated bedding, towels, clothes and soft furnishings where the mites can wait and crawl onto the next person who uses them. Guidance recommends washing bedding, clothes and towels at high temperatures to kill the mites, or if that is not possible then to seal the items inside plastic bags for three to four days.

    Stigma and under-reporting

    Data from The Royal College of General Practitioners’ report on communicable and respiratory disease in England for October 2024 indicates that the reported case numbers of scabies are higher than the seasonal average.

    These official figures are also likely to be conservative. Like many skin infections, scabies is a stigmatised disease and so under-reporting or late reporting are common.

    There is a perception that scabies is a disease “of the unwashed”. This is likely to be incorrect, with the burrowing of the scabies mites meaning they simply cannot be washed away by bathing. Also, scabies can appear in areas covered by clothes, including in the groin or on the buttocks – another reason for stigma and under-reporting. This means the data we have is likely to be much lower than the true number of cases.

    Treatment and prevention

    Treatment is usually a skin lotion called permethrin or sometimes another cream called malathion. In order to be effective, these creams have to be rubbed all over the body, not just at the site of infection.

    Ivermectin, taken orally, is also extremely effective at curing scabies and can be prescribed to control outbreaks. Public information campaigns can help with alerting the general public and describing the possible symptoms.

    The World Health Organization defines a range of diseases as Neglected Tropical Diseases (NTDs). As the name indicates, the majority of these are mostly found in tropical countries. These include skin infections such as leprosy and mosquito-transmitted diseases such as dengue. However, scabies is unique among NTDs in being common in more temperate environments such as the UK. The mites thrive in almost all climates, and an infection does not go away unless correctly diagnosed and treated.

    In September 2023, there were scabies outbreaks and treatment shortages in the UK. It is uncertain whether there are shortages in the October 2024 outbreak. Regardless, anyone with a persistent itch or known contact with a scabies case should report this to a healthcare worker for follow up.

    While scabies does not kill many people, it is a thoroughly unpleasant infection that causes significant impact on quality of life. Awareness and early reporting can help to bring outbreaks to a rapid conclusion.

    Michael Head has previously received funding from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Research England and the UK Department for International Development, and currently receives funding from the UK Medical Research Foundation.

    – ref. Scabies outbreak in UK universities – what you need to know – https://theconversation.com/scabies-outbreak-in-uk-universities-what-you-need-to-know-242237

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: You’ve heard of Asterix and Obelix, but who really were the Gauls? And why were they such a problem for Rome?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Frederik Juliaan Vervaet, Associate Professor of Ancient History, The University of Melbourne

    JayC75/Shutterstock

    The year is 50 BC. Gaul is entirely occupied by the Romans. Well, not entirely. One small village of indomitable Gauls still holds out against the invaders.

    So begins the Asterix comic series, which positions Julius Caesar as the power-lusting dictator of the mighty Roman Empire who conquered all of Gaul. All except, of course, for one heroic village, where Asterix, Obelix and Dogmatix are among the Gauls (or Gaul dogs) frustrating Rome’s hapless legions.

    Well, that’s the comic book version.

    But who really were the Gauls? And why were they such a problem for Rome?

    The Gauls are the most famous group of Celtic peoples who occupied most of the lands west of the Rhine, thus causing this area to be known in antiquity as Gaul.

    They sported long blonde or reddish dreadlocks (often washing their hair in lime-water and pulling it back to the nape of the neck), handlebar moustaches on the men, colourful shirts and striped coats. The ethnonym Galli is believed to derive from a Celtic root gal- meaning “power” or “ability”, and has been linked to the Irish word gal, meaning “bravery” or “courage”.

    Fearsome warriors

    From the fifth to third centuries BCE, the Celtic tribes of central Europe were among the continent’s most fearsome warriors.

    This 1842 illustration depicts Gaul warriors with their customary large shields, swords, long hair and distinctive helmets.
    Wattier/Marzolino/Shutterstock

    From their heartlands around what is now the Czech Republic (Bohemia derives its name from the powerful Boii Gallic tribe), they conquered the British Isles, all of France and Belgium (Gaul proper) and parts of Spain. They also conquered the fertile alluvial plains of what became known to Romans as Cisalpine Gaul, meaning “Gaul this side of the Alps”.

    The Gauls even conquered lands as far afield as in present-day Turkey. The descendants from these once mighty peoples still live in Ireland (Gaelic comes from the word Gaul), Wales and Brittany.

    The Gauls had a very warlike reputation. They produced tall and muscular warriors who often wore helmets that, according to the Greek historian Diodorus Siculus, sometimes had horns attached or “images of the fore-parts of birds or four-footed animals”. He also wrote that:

    The women of the Gauls are not only like the men in their great stature but they are a match for them in courage as well.

    Gauls fought with long broad-swords, barbed spears, and chariots drawn by two horses. They fastened the severed heads of their enemies about the necks of their horses.

    Possessing huge quantities of alluvial gold, Gallic nobles wore heavy necklaces (known as “torcs”) of solid gold and consumed untold amounts of imported wine, fabulously enriching Italian merchants.

    Their acts of bravery were immortalised by lyric poets called bards, and they put great stock in their shamans, called druids, who also presided over regular human sacrifices.

    In 387 BCE, Gallic raiders from Cisalpine Gaul sacked Rome. They only failed to take the Capitol because of a hostile incursion into their own homelands, forcing them to break camp and return – not before, however, exacting a crippling price in gold from the profoundly humiliated Romans.

    The Romans were so impressed with Gallic military kit they resorted to wholesale plagiarism. The iconic armour of Roman republican legionaries was largely of Celtic origin.

    The Gauls had a very warlike reputation.
    J. Photos/Shutterstock

    Rome rallies against the Gauls

    In 295 BCE, the Senones (a Gallic tribe) inhabiting the Adriatic coastline south of Cisalpine Gaul were part of an alliance soundly defeated by the Roman Republic in the battle of Sentinum.

    This represented a watershed moment on the road to Roman hegemony in the Italian peninsula.

    In 232, against the backdrop of renewed hostilities with the Cisalpine Gauls, leading Roman politician Gaius Flaminius passed legislation redistributing land won from the Senones (following their final defeat in 283) among Romans from the lower property classes.

    To ease Roman colonisation, the same Flaminius in 220 commissioned the construction of the Via Flaminia, a paved speedway from Rome all the way to Rimini, at the doorstep of Cisalpine Gaul.

    Fearing the same fate as the Senones, the Cisalpine Gauls united against Rome, aided by some Transalpine Gauls.

    By 225, this alliance became strong enough to invade peninsular Italy, ravage Tuscany, and threaten Rome itself.

    This famously triggered the Romans to muster all Roman and Italian manpower at their disposal (about 800,000 draftable men, according to ancient the historian Pliny).

    Being now superior in every respect, the Romans and their Italian allies decisively defeated the Cisalpine Gauls in 223 and 222. The Roman general Marcus Claudius Marcellus even managed to kill a Gallic king in single combat.

    The vanquished Cisalpine Gauls then joined the feared Carthaginian general Hannibal, who at the time posed a great risk to Rome and defeated its forces in many battles. They joined Hannibal en masse after he crossed the Alps to invade Italy in 218.

    But Hannibal failed to vanquish Rome and was later defeated. The Roman conquest of Cisalpine Gaul continued after Roman forces defeated Hannibal’s brother Hasdrubal at the Metaurus River in 207.

    To secure their rich holdings in Cisalpine Gaul and the land corridor to their Spanish provinces, the Romans subsequently conquered first Liguria and next southern Gaul, incorporated as the Province of Transalpine Gaul. The area was so thoroughly colonised it is still known today as La Provence (“the province”).

    Caesar’s self-interested war on the Gauls

    Julius Caesar, eager to amass glory and wealth, subjugated all of Gaul in less than a decade (from 58 to 50 BCE).

    He sold this outright aggression to the Senate and people in Rome as a war waged in defence of tribes allied with Rome, a necessary pre-emptive strike of sorts.

    In addition to enslaving perhaps up to one million Gauls, Caesar proudly claimed to have killed well over another million, a staggering casualty rate considered by Pliny the Elder “a prodigious even if unavoidable wrong inflicted on the human race”.

    Julius Caesar subjugated all of Gaul in less than a decade.
    Paolo Gallo/Shutterstock

    Caesar got away with mass murder because he shamelessly played into lingering feelings of metus Gallicus, or “Gallic fear”.

    The Roman fear of Gauls was heightened by the so-called Cimbric War that took place in earlier years, when a formidable confederacy of Germanic and Gallic tribes inflicted a series of costly defeats upon Rome, threatening Italy itself.

    But Rome would triumph in the end. Under the leadership of Gaius Marius, the Romans destroyed these tribes in 102/101 BCE in Transalpine and Cisalpine Gaul.

    Turned into a Roman province in final stages of this war, Cisalpine Gaul eventually became so heavily Romanised it was incorporated into Roman Italy proper in 42 BCE.

    Frederik Juliaan Vervaet receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    – ref. You’ve heard of Asterix and Obelix, but who really were the Gauls? And why were they such a problem for Rome? – https://theconversation.com/youve-heard-of-asterix-and-obelix-but-who-really-were-the-gauls-and-why-were-they-such-a-problem-for-rome-233447

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why building more big dams is a costly gamble for our future water security and the environment

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John Kandulu, Research Fellow, College of Business, Government and Law, Flinders University

    Climate change and biodiversity loss are mounting threats to Australia’s water security. So ee often hear calls for more dams. But is that the answer?

    Our recent research reveals large dam projects are costly gambles with public money. They often fail to deliver promised economic benefits. They also have major environmental, financial and social impacts.

    In New South Wales, some members of the Lower Lachlan River community were concerned about plans to expand Wyangala Dam. They first asked us in 2020 to investigate its full costs and benefits, with findings presented at a local workshop in 2022.

    The first WaterNSW estimate of capital and operating costs was A$620 million in 2018. Within a few years, it had soared to as much as $2.1 billion. In 2023, the project was scrapped because it wasn’t economically viable.

    Similar concerns surround other projects overseas and in Australia, including Hells Gate Dam in Queensland, and Dungowan Dam and Snowy Hydro 2.0 in NSW.

    To avoid repeating costly mistakes and mismanaging taxpayers’ money, we need a smarter approach to major water projects. This includes independent assessments and greater transparency, with business cases made public and decision-making open to scrutiny. And planning for climate change must become a priority.

    Lessons from past mistakes

    Inadequate economic assessments of big dam projects are a global problem. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and India’s Subansiri Lower Hydroelectric Project promised big, but had rising price tags and devastating impacts on ecosystems.

    In Australia and worldwide, big dam cost overruns can be up to 825%. The average overrun is 120%. This casts serious doubt on such projects’ financial and social viability. Public costs for private gains are a major concern.

    Our study reviewed the original business case for the Wyangala Dam expansion. The original study had concluded there would be net social benefits and gave the project the green light.

    Our review found the business case was seriously flawed. It overestimated benefits and grossly underestimated physical capital and environmental costs.

    Estimated building costs blew out by 239%. If the project had gone ahead, the costs would undoubtedly have increased.

    On top of this, assessments of impacts on rivers and wetlands were poor and superficial. They greatly undervalued the environmental effects of expanding the dam, particularly on downstream wetlands.

    On the other side of the equation, its benefits were overblown, particularly for water security and agriculture.

    Local voices believed many of their concerns had been ignored. There were deep concerns that flood-dependent farmers downstream might lose some of their livelihoods. Indigenous communities were worried about their cultural sites being destroyed.

    Our analysis provided a more rigorous assessment of benefits and costs of the Wyangala Dam expansion.

    We found total project costs were underestimated by at least 116%. The benefits were inflated by 56%. This meant the true impacts on the environment, agriculture and local communities were misrepresented.

    Rethinking Australia’s water future

    Our analysis provides a salutary lesson on why we need to rethink water security. Instead of sinking billions into dams, we should find smart and sustainable ways to manage our water.

    The fixation on building and expanding dams means innovative alternatives are often ignored. These other options include recycling water, managing demand and carefully recharging aquifers (using aquifers as underground dams).

    The National Water Grid Fund exemplifies the misguided “build more dams” mindset. Its portfolio of 61 large water projects has a total capital cost estimate of up to $10 billion.

    Despite this massive investment, only 23 of these projects have publicly available business cases. It leaves more than $1.7 billion in committed funding shrouded in secrecy.

    This lack of transparency is alarming, given the history of cost overruns and inadequate assessment of environmental damage. It points to the urgent need to reassess our approach to water security. The public has a right to know that their governments are spending wisely.

    To avoid repeating costly mistakes and mismanaging taxpayers’ money, we need a smarter approach. Independent business cases should be mandated for all major water projects.

    We also need a strong public sector capable of transparent evaluation. Promised new National Environmental Standards as part of reforms to environmental protection laws are likely to require rigorous scrutiny too. We must embrace transparency by opening decision-making to public scrutiny and diverse perspectives, including local voices and Indigenous stakeholders, from the start.

    Finally, infrastructure planning must account for long-term climate impacts on water availability. Planning for climate change is vital.

    As projects such as the proposed Wyangala Dam expansion demonstrate, Australia can no longer afford to gamble its water future on outdated, costly and environmentally destructive solutions. It’s time to end the wasteful spending.

    Instead, we need to channel our efforts into truly effective, sustainable and transparent water management. Strategies must give priority to community needs, First Nations’ water rights, environmental protection and long-term climate resilience.

    John Kandulu is a recipient of funding from various sources, such as state and Commonwealth governments, as well as non-profit organisations. His affiliations include the Centre for Social Impact at Flinders University and the Environment Institute at the University of Adelaide.

    Richard Kingsford receives funding from a range of organisations, including the Australian Research Council, state and Commonwealth governments, non-government organisations, including World Wide Fund for Nature and Australian Conservation Foundation. He is a member of the Wentworth Group of Concerned Scientists and a councillor on the Biodiversity Council.

    Sarah Ann Wheeler receives funding from a range of organisations, including the Australian Research Council, state and Commonwealth governments and non-government organisations.

    – ref. Why building more big dams is a costly gamble for our future water security and the environment – https://theconversation.com/why-building-more-big-dams-is-a-costly-gamble-for-our-future-water-security-and-the-environment-239106

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: 6 reasons why people enjoy horror movies

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shane Rogers, Lecturer in Psychology, Edith Cowan University

    Tero Vesalainen/Shutterstock

    The creeping shadows and haunting decorations transform the everyday into something eerie at Halloween. And you might be thinking about scaring yourself with a good horror movie.

    Grotesque imagery, extreme violence, startling jump scares and menacing characters are common elements, making viewers feel fear, dread and disgust.

    We generally aim to avoid these negative emotions in our everyday lives.

    So why would some people seek them out, and enjoy them, in horror movies?

    1. Fear can be thrilling

    There is lots of overlap between the emotions of fear and excitement. In both, stress hormones are released that can produce physical symptoms such as increased heart and breathing rates, sweating and muscle tension. People also feel more alert and “on edge”.

    Research has consistently shown people with personalities that crave intense emotional experiences, including fear and excitement, tend to enjoy horror movies.

    But for more fearful people, the jump scares and violent scenes can be too intense. This can result in coping behaviours such as looking away or putting their hands over the ears, especially if they are highly immersed in the movie.

    Although, if they also happen to enjoy intense emotion, they may still enjoy the thrill of the ride.

    Movie makers work hard to get these ‘jump scares’ just right. And viewers enjoy the thrill.

    2. There’s a sense of relief

    People may enjoy horror movies because of a sense of relief after a scary moment has passed.

    Watching a horror movie can be a bit of an emotional rollercoaster, with distinct peaks and troughs of fear and relief over the course of the film.

    For example, in the 2017 movie It the main protagonists survive a series of scary encounters with a demonic clown. The scary moments are separated by calmer scenes, prompting a rollercoaster of emotions.

    In the classic 1975 movie Jaws, viewers experience relief from the scary moments, only to be scared again and again.

    Jaws is a rollercoaster of emotions.

    3. They satisfy our morbid curiosity

    Many horror movies feature supernatural themes and characters such as zombies, werewolves and vampires. So horror movies can help satiate a morbid curiosity.

    The violence, death, destruction and grotesque elements can provide curious people a safe space to explore things that are not safe (or socially appropriate) in the real world.

    Horror movies can help people satisfy their curiosity about death. But why are they curious in the first place?

    4. We can work out our limits

    Horror movies can reflect our deepest fears and prompt introspection about our personal thresholds of fear and disgust.

    So some people may enjoy watching them to get a better understanding of their own limits.

    Watching horror might also be a way to push personal boundaries to potentially become less fearful or grossed out by things in real life.

    In a study one of us (Coltan) conducted, horror movie fans reported less psychological distress during the early months of the COVID pandemic compared with people not identifying as a horror movie fan.

    5. They can be social

    Some people say the social aspect of watching horror movies with others is a big part of their appeal.

    Watching with others might help some people feel safer. Alternatively, this might help amplify the emotional experience by feeding off the emotions of people around them.

    Horror movies are also a common pick as a date night movie. Being scared together gives a good excuse to snuggle and take comfort in each other.

    6. They give us pleasure in other people’s misery

    Horror movies can provide the pleasurable emotion we feel when witnessing the misfortune of others, known as schadenfreude. This occurs most when we feel the person experiencing misfortune deserves it.

    In many horror movies the characters that suffer a gruesome fate are only side characters. Much of the time these unfortunate souls are made out to be unlikeable and often make foolish choices before their grisly end.

    For example, in the 1996 teen witch movie The Craft, the character Chris Hooker is portrayed as being cruel to women. Then he dies by being blasted out of a window.

    Despite the grisly nature of horror movies, a study by one of us (Coltan) found horror fans seem to have the same levels of empathy as anyone else.

    In The Craft, viewers enjoy witnessing the misfortune of others, particularly if the character is a ‘baddy’.

    What do I make of all this?

    Horror movies allow us to confront our deepest fears through the safety of make-believe.

    People enjoy them for lots of different reasons. And the precise combination of reasons differs depending on the specific movie, and the person or people watching it.

    What is certain though, is the increasing popularity of horror movies, with many to choose from.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. 6 reasons why people enjoy horror movies – https://theconversation.com/6-reasons-why-people-enjoy-horror-movies-241480

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: What is AI superintelligence? Could it destroy humanity? And is it really almost here?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Flora Salim, Professor, School of Computer Science and Engineering, inaugural Cisco Chair of Digital Transport & AI, UNSW Sydney

    Maxim Berg / Unsplash

    In 2014, the British philosopher Nick Bostrom published a book about the future of artificial intelligence (AI) with the ominous title Superintelligence: Paths, Dangers, Strategies. It proved highly influential in promoting the idea that advanced AI systems – “superintelligences” more capable than humans – might one day take over the world and destroy humanity.

    A decade later, OpenAI boss Sam Altman says superintelligence may only be “a few thousand days” away. A year ago, Altman’s OpenAI cofounder Ilya Sutskever set up a team within the company to focus on “safe superintelligence”, but he and his team have now raised a billion dollars to create a startup of their own to pursue this goal.

    What exactly are they talking about? Broadly speaking, superintelligence is anything more intelligent than humans. But unpacking what that might mean in practice can get a bit tricky.

    Different kinds of AI

    In my view the most useful way to think about different levels and kinds of intelligence in AI was developed by US computer scientist Meredith Ringel Morris and her colleagues at Google.

    Their framework lists six levels of AI performance: no AI, emerging, competent, expert, virtuoso and superhuman. It also makes an important distinction between narrow systems, which can carry out a small range of tasks, and more general systems.

    A narrow, no-AI system is something like a calculator. It carries out various mathematical tasks according to a set of explicitly programmed rules.

    There are already plenty of very successful narrow AI systems. Morris gives the Deep Blue chess program that famously defeated world champion Garry Kasparov way back in 1997 as an example of a virtuoso-level narrow AI system.

    Some narrow systems even have superhuman capabilities. One example is Alphafold, which uses machine learning to predict the structure of protein molecules, and whose creators won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry this year.

    What about general systems? This is software that can tackle a much wider range of tasks, including things like learning new skills.

    A general no-AI system might be something like Amazon’s Mechanical Turk: it can do a wide range of things, but it does them by asking real people.

    Overall, general AI systems are far less advanced than their narrow cousins. According to Morris, the state-of-the-art language models behind chatbots such as ChatGPT are general AI – but they are so far at the “emerging” level (meaning they are “equal to or somewhat better than an unskilled human”), and yet to reach “competent” (as good as 50% of skilled adults).

    So by this reckoning, we are still some distance from general superintelligence.

    How intelligent is AI right now?

    As Morris points out, precisely determining where any given system sits would depend on having reliable tests or benchmarks.

    Depending on our benchmarks, an image-generating system such as DALL-E might be at virtuoso level (because it can produce images 99% of humans could not draw or paint), or it might be emerging (because it produces errors no human would, such as mutant hands and impossible objects).

    There is significant debate even about the capabilities of current systems. One notable 2023 paper argued GPT-4 showed “sparks of artificial general intelligence”.

    OpenAI says its latest language model, o1, can “perform complex reasoning” and “rivals the performance of human experts” on many benchmarks.

    However, a recent paper from Apple researchers found o1 and many other language models have significant trouble solving genuine mathematical reasoning problems. Their experiments show the outputs of these models seem to resemble sophisticated pattern-matching rather than true advanced reasoning. This indicates superintelligence is not as imminent as many have suggested.

    Will AI keep getting smarter?

    Some people think the rapid pace of AI progress over the past few years will continue or even accelerate. Tech companies are investing hundreds of billions of dollars in AI hardware and capabilities, so this doesn’t seem impossible.

    If this happens, we may indeed see general superintelligence within the “few thousand days” proposed by Sam Altman (that’s a decade or so in less scifi terms). Sutskever and his team mentioned a similar timeframe in their superalignment article.

    Many recent successes in AI have come from the application of a technique called “deep learning”, which, in simplistic terms, finds associative patterns in gigantic collections of data. Indeed, this year’s Nobel Prize in Physics has been awarded to John Hopfield and also the “Godfather of AI” Geoffrey Hinton, for their invention of Hopfield Networks and Boltzmann machine, which are the foundation for many powerful deep learning models used today.

    General systems such as ChatGPT have relied on data generated by humans, much of it in the form of text from books and websites. Improvements in their capabilities have largely come from increasing the scale of the systems and the amount of data on which they are trained.

    However, there may not be enough human-generated data to take this process much further (although efforts to use data more efficiently, generate synthetic data, and improve transfer of skills between different domains may bring improvements). Even if there were enough data, some researchers say language models such as ChatGPT are fundamentally incapable of reaching what Morris would call general competence.

    One recent paper has suggested an essential feature of superintelligence would be open-endedness, at least from a human perspective. It would need to be able to continuously generate outputs that a human observer would regard as novel and be able to learn from.

    Existing foundation models are not trained in an open-ended way, and existing open-ended systems are quite narrow. This paper also highlights how either novelty or learnability alone is not enough. A new type of open-ended foundation model is needed to achieve superintelligence.

    What are the risks?

    So what does all this mean for the risks of AI? In the short term, at least, we don’t need to worry about superintelligent AI taking over the world.

    But that’s not to say AI doesn’t present risks. Again, Morris and co have thought this through: as AI systems gain great capability, they may also gain greater autonomy. Different levels of capability and autonomy present different risks.

    For example, when AI systems have little autonomy and people use them as a kind of consultant – when we ask ChatGPT to summarise documents, say, or let the YouTube algorithm shape our viewing habits – we might face a risk of over-trusting or over-relying on them.

    In the meantime, Morris points out other risks to watch out for as AI systems become more capable, ranging from people forming parasocial relationships with AI systems to mass job displacement and society-wide ennui.

    What’s next?

    Let’s suppose we do one day have superintelligent, fully autonomous AI agents. Will we then face the risk they could concentrate power or act against human interests?

    Not necessarily. Autonomy and control can go hand in hand. A system can be highly automated, yet provide a high level of human control.

    Like many in the AI research community, I believe safe superintelligence is feasible. However, building it will be a complex and multidisciplinary task, and researchers will have to tread unbeaten paths to get there.

    Flora Salim receives funding from Australian Research Council and Cisco. She acknowledges the support from the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society (ADM+S) (CE200100005).

    – ref. What is AI superintelligence? Could it destroy humanity? And is it really almost here? – https://theconversation.com/what-is-ai-superintelligence-could-it-destroy-humanity-and-is-it-really-almost-here-240682

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Pesticides: farming chemicals make insects sick at non-deadly doses – especially in hot weather

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dave Goulson, Professor of Biology (Evolution, Behaviour and Environment), University of Sussex

    Farm workers are also at risk of serious harm from pesticide exposure. Bell Ka Pang/Shutterstock

    The various regulatory systems for approving pesticides in operation around the world are crude and flawed. This has long been clear to scientists and it is deeply worrying, as this regulation is supposed to protect people and the environment from harm.

    The EU regulatory system for pesticides is arguably the most rigorous in the world, yet it has repeatedly approved the use of pesticides that have subsequently been found to cause harm to humans or wildlife, leading to eventual bans. It often takes decades for the harm to accumulate before it is recognised.

    The history of pesticide use is littered with such examples: DDT, parathion, paraquat, chlorpyrifos, neonicotinoids, chlorothalonil and many more. Most pesticides that were once deemed safe for humans and wildlife that aren’t the target, like bees, have since been banned. This ought to tell us that the regulatory system is not working.

    A new study offers yet more evidence. Research by the European Molecular Biology Laboratory shows how pesticide tests focus on the death of an animal and ignore any important “sublethal” effects.

    If a creature, such as a honeybee, is alive 48 hours after exposure, then it is deemed that all is well, and the chemical may be approved for use. The bee may be unable to fly or navigate, or its immune system may no longer function, but that is not recorded.

    Multiple regulatory failings

    There are many other failings in UK and EU pesticide regulation.

    Regulatory tests assess the “active substance” in a pesticide, but farmers use products with lots of extra ingredients that can amplify its toxicity. Strangely, the product used by farmers is not evaluated.

    Insecticide use on a vineyard in Missouri, US.
    Damann/Shutterstock

    Tests to ascertain how deadly new pesticides are for wildlife are often done in-house by the companies seeking approval. This research is rarely made public as it is considered commercially sensitive.

    Tests focus on the short-term (often 48-hour) effects of exposure in healthy test animals, such as honeybees, predatory beetles or zebra fish. In reality, exposure may last for weeks, months or years, and its effects may be cumulative.

    Tests also focus on exposing subjects to a single pesticide, when wild organisms – and humans – are exposed to complex mixtures of pesticides, some of which act synergistically (meaning the harm they do is more than the sum of the effects of each chemical in isolation).

    In the new study, the researchers used the larvae of fruit flies (Drosophila melanogaster) as a model species. This provided the scientists with huge numbers of test insects with which to study the lethal and sublethal effects of 1,024 different pesticides (almost all of the chemicals available to farmers worldwide, predominantly comprising insecticides, fungicides and herbicides).

    The researchers exposed these larvae to a range of concentrations of pesticides, spanning what insects are likely to encounter in cropland, and subsequently measured aspects of their behaviour, physiology, fitness and survival over time.

    Herbicides and fungicides harm insects too

    Several of this study’s findings highlight inadequacies in pesticide regulation.

    First, many non-insecticides kill insects. Farmers often avoid spraying insecticides when beneficial insects such as bees are active and instead spray late in the evening. They don’t usually worry about when they spray chemicals designed to target weeds and fungi. The new study suggests that it would be safer to assume that all pesticides can harm insects.

    Second, many non-insecticides killed few if any insects during the 16 hours for which they were exposed to them in this study, but many died in the following ten days. Clearly, only assessing short-term effects misses the total impact.

    Third, 57% of the pesticides tested affected the behaviour of insect larvae, including 382 non-insecticides, demonstrating that sublethal effects are widespread.

    Fourth, the researchers found that the effects of pesticides on insect survival were often much higher at elevated temperatures, something not examined by any regulatory system in the world.

    Exposure to a concentration of less than one part per million of the insecticide lindane, for example, killed no insects at 25°C but killed 79% of them at 29°C. This is obviously relevant to climate change, and particularly to the increasing frequency of heatwaves. We should perhaps not be surprised that organisms struggle to cope when faced with multiple sources of stress at the same time.

    Pesticide exposure heightens the threat of climate change to insects.
    Kzww/Shutterstock

    There have been attempts to introduce more rigorous regulations that include assessing the sublethal and chronic effects of pesticides. In 2013, the European Food Standards Agency published a revised protocol for safety testing of the effects of new pesticides on bees with a group of independent scientists. Eleven years on and the protocol has not been adopted due to stiff opposition from the pesticide industry, which argues that it would be more expensive to implement.

    We are in the midst of a biodiversity crisis. A recent study estimated that wild populations of vertebrates have declined by 73% since 1970. Insects are less thoroughly monitored, but recent reviews estimate that their populations have fallen dramatically and continue to decline at an average rate of 1-2% a year.

    There is lots of evidence that pesticides are contributing to these declines, and that the regulatory system has failed us. Ian Boyd, the UK Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs chief scientist, wrote in 2017 that pesticides passing a battery of tests in a lab or field trial are assumed to be benign even when used at industrial scales. “The effects of dosing whole landscapes with chemicals have been largely ignored by regulatory systems,” he said.

    Despite this admission by a senior government scientist, the system remains unchanged in both the UK and EU. While this remains the case, insect populations will continue to decline, with consequences for all of us.


    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get our award-winning weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Dave Goulson is a member of the Green Party

    – ref. Pesticides: farming chemicals make insects sick at non-deadly doses – especially in hot weather – https://theconversation.com/pesticides-farming-chemicals-make-insects-sick-at-non-deadly-doses-especially-in-hot-weather-241856

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Where’s the harm in that? How we think about workplace hazards hampers the application of health and safety law

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Louise Deacon, PhD Graduand, Te Kunenga ki Pūrehuroa – Massey University

    Current thinking about workplace problems, mental health and the law is hindering New Zealand’s ability to prevent job-related mental harm.

    The inclusion of mental health in New Zealand’s Health and Safety at Work Act (HSWA) is meant to protect workers from the risk of harm arising from exposure to workplace psychosocial hazards.

    These arise from the way work is designed, managed and led, and the context in which work is carried out. They can cause psychological, social or physical harm. Common examples include long work hours, role ambiguity, emotional demands, job insecurity and bullying.

    Our research examined how the most senior company decision-makers understood their legal duties as they relate to mental health.

    Under the HSWA, these officers – including company directors and chief executives – must exercise due diligence to ensure their company is compliant with the law.

    But most of the 24 research participants, who were officers of large companies, expressed uncertainty and ambiguity about the meaning of “mental health” within the HSWA.

    The harms of work

    Exposure to psychosocial hazards is commonly reported by New Zealand workers.

    Those working in jobs such as policing, nursing and teaching, for example, report high levels of emotional demands.

    Māori and Pacific workers, workers in retail, and workers in their 30s report higher than average levels of job insecurity.

    The harm caused by exposure to these these hazards typically presents as psychological. But it has also been strongly linked to cardiovascular disease and musculoskeletal disorders.

    Lack of expertise

    Managerial decisions relating to how work is designed, organised and managed influence how people experience work and the psychosocial hazards they may face.

    Psychosocial risk often stems from operational and performance decisions relating to things like intensification, staffing, production and market demands.

    In many organisations, these decisions are made in the boardroom – far removed from where the core work of the business is carried out.

    Many of the research participants felt the uncertainty about the meaning of mental health within the HSWA arose from a lack of expertise in New Zealand’s health and safety workforce, a lack of clear regulatory guidance, and the complexity of psychosocial risk.

    As one participant said:

    There’s no boundaries, there’s no playbook, there’s no formula they can follow, it’s hard and it’s complex and it’s different for each person, and there’s nobody who you can point to and go, “They’ve absolutely nailed it”.

    But our analysis also found that uncertainty and ambiguity arose from other factors.

    These included a belief that the risk of exposure was often rooted in the personal characteristics and behaviours of workers rather than in their work. There was also a focus on fixing harm rather than preventing it and the conflation of psychosocial risks with other risks.

    Unfortunately, these beliefs also limited the application of the HSWA.

    Instead of addressing work-related risk, senior managers became distracted by workers’ personal lives and focused on reactive management strategies rather than preventative ones. They adopted an approach to risk management that emphasised “risks to the organisation” rather than “risks to workers”.

    Bullying in the workplace

    These limits were most clearly evident when participants described their oversight of organisational responses to bullying and harassment.

    Many of the causes of bullying and harassment lie in the way work is organised, managed and led.

    However, in detailing their performance of due diligence, participants described ensuring such risks were managed by recounting conflict reporting and resolution systems, support for victims, and organisational policy stressing “zero tolerance” for poor workplace behaviour.

    While these responses might form part of a comprehensive approach to bullying and harassment (although in practice these could be unjust, ineffective or even counterproductive), on their own they may also be inadequate when the problem is considered under work health and safety law.

    The risk-based, preventative nature of the HSWA requires that harm is prevented through understanding, anticipating and intervening in the contributing factors within the work environment.

    Research has firmly established that bullying is more likely in organisations where there are unreasonable workloads, high job demands and job insecurity, along with laissez-faire or “hands off” management, or management strategies that relentlessly require workers do more with less.

    Consideration of these risks may be relevant in the current context of job insecurity and job cuts across the public sector which could result in increased demands on remaining workers.

    The link between hazards and harm

    Risk assessment must focus on what can, and ought to be, known about the relationship between these psychosocial hazards and potential harm. Risk management must aim to eliminate or minimise risks as far as reasonably practicable.

    Importantly, acting on risk does not require evidence of harm. Responding to harm once it has happened is contrary to the overall purpose of the HSWA.

    But addressing deeper organisational factors is much more difficult and uncomfortable for those in charge.

    Preventing bullying and harassment requires considering how decisions about the design, organisation and management of work may contribute to the risk of harm.

    Prevention can therefore explicitly question the decisions and practices of company directors, executives and managers – not traditionally considered within the remit of work health and safety.

    As a result, bullying and harassment tend to be framed as an interpersonal problem between workers and their managers. This is less challenging than bringing the decisions relating to the management and governance of a company into question.

    The preventative focus is then placed on correcting and improving behaviour rather than managing or changing the conditions of work which give rise to bullying and harassment.

    Louise Deacon received a grant from Health and Safety Association of New Zealand and a Massey University Doctoral Scholarship for this research.

    Bevan Catley has recieved funding in the past from The Health Research Council of New Zealand and WorkSafe New Zealand concerning work-related psychosocial risks.

    David Tappin has received research funding in the past from The Health Research Council of New Zealand and WorkSafe New Zealand concerning work-related psychosocial risks.

    – ref. Where’s the harm in that? How we think about workplace hazards hampers the application of health and safety law – https://theconversation.com/wheres-the-harm-in-that-how-we-think-about-workplace-hazards-hampers-the-application-of-health-and-safety-law-240794

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Sexual precarity’: how insecure work puts migrants at risk of being sexually harassed, assaulted or trafficked

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Boucher, Associate Professor in Public Policy and Political Science, University of Sydney

    wiratho/Shutterstock

    Some of the ways migrants are exploited in the workforce get a lot of public attention. We hear tragic stories about wage theft, forced unpaid overtime, unsafe work conditions or discrimination. And we are likely to hear more such grim stories revealed at a NSW parliamentary inquiry that will examine modern slavery in Australia.

    These vulnerabilities all relate to what researchers call workplace precarity – insecurity or uncertainty at work. But too often, a major piece of this picture gets overlooked.

    My recent analysis of more than 900 court cases brought by migrant workers shines a light on migrants being sexually harassed, sexually assaulted or trafficked for sexual reasons in their workplaces.

    Yet, with the exception of a recent landmark research report on sexual harassment experienced by migrant women, this issue has not received the attention it deserves.

    The taboo nature of sexual crimes likely plays a role in this neglect. When it is covered, there is often a somewhat sensationalist focus by the media on the sex work industry.

    In the process, we may overfocus on sex work and neglect many other workplaces in which migrant workers can face forms of sexual violence. Any reckoning with workplace precarity more broadly cannot afford to ignore the risk of sexual exploitation.



    Read more:
    Migrant workers have long been too scared to report employer misconduct. A new visa could change this

    What is ‘precarity’?

    Workplace “precarity” – insecurity or uncertainty at work – can affect us all.

    It can encompass a wide range of aspects, including a lack of workplace protections, job insecurity and social or economic instability at work.

    Visa status, a lack of knowledge of local laws and language barriers can all make migrants more vulnerable to workplace precarity.

    Unscrupulous employers may exploit these known vulnerabilities to extract favours and take advantage.

    Many theories of economic precarity do not consider sexual risk at all.

    Migrants can face unique vulnerabilities in the workforce.
    Chiarascura/Shutterstock

    What my research uncovered

    My research, drawn from more than 900 court cases brought by migrant workers, uncovered some harrowing examples.

    In one case in Canada, an employer sexually harassed and in one case raped two migrant women who worked in his business as fish filleters. One of the women felt she had to comply with demands for fellatio to avoid deportation back to Mexico.

    Following a ruling, the women were awarded damages under Ontario human rights law.

    In another highly publicised case in Australia, a farmer was found guilty of raping a young British backpacker, threatening refusal to sign off on her farm work if she did not comply.

    Such a “sign off” is required for a working holiday maker to be able to extend their visa for an additional year.

    Sex slavery

    A further case concerned sex slavery. Two Thai women entered Australia fraudulently on tourist visas with the intention of undertaking sex work. The sex work began, with their consent.

    However, they came to be subjected to work that went beyond what had been contracted in terms of the number of clients, the nature of sexual services provided, frequency and rest periods.

    One woman suffered damage to her sexual organs. They also had their mobile phones removed. After several legal appeals, this behaviour was found to amount to sex trafficking and the defendant employer was imprisoned.

    An attempt to overturn the conviction was refused.

    Recent research by the NSW Anti Slavery Commissioner’s Office with migrant workers on NSW farms also suggests allegations of sexual violence could be unreported due to a perceived risk of retaliation.

    Interwoven risks

    These cases, and many others, all demonstrate that economic and sexual exploitation can commingle for migrant workers.

    In such cases, employers may use economic and visa vulnerability to extract sexual favours. At times in these cases, there are also egregious examples of underpayment or even non-payment.

    To capture this relationship in migration systems, I developed the term sexual precarity. This has five core components:

    1. restrictive visa conditions
    2. debt bondage
    3. live-in arrangements that heighten exposure to employers during non-working hours
    4. entrapment and slavery
    5. the combination of sexual violence with economic exploitation or other forms of physical injury.

    What needs to be done?

    First, as with broader migrant worker rights, education campaigns for migrants are required.

    These would extend beyond making them better informed about their rights on economic exploitation to issues of discrimination and protection from sexual exploitation.

    Second, practical safeguards can be put in place to protect migrant women in isolated workplaces.

    This might include female-only sleeping dorms, female-only agriculture workforces, support person rules for meetings with male employers and general advice on sexual consent laws for both employers and employees.

    Third, policymakers could consider whether sexual offences that are accompanied by a visa threat should suffer additional penalties under criminal or immigration law.

    This has already been made the case with recent changes to visa sponsorship where employers who coerce migrants into breaching their visa conditions are subjected to certain penalties.

    Anna Boucher received funding from the Australian Research Council and the University of Sydney that funded this prior research. She is Vice President (Independent) on the Australian Institute of Employment Rights. 2023-4 she was on the NSW Anti-Slavery Commissioner’s Advisory Panel.

    – ref. ‘Sexual precarity’: how insecure work puts migrants at risk of being sexually harassed, assaulted or trafficked – https://theconversation.com/sexual-precarity-how-insecure-work-puts-migrants-at-risk-of-being-sexually-harassed-assaulted-or-trafficked-238880

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Is Donald Trump a fascist? No – he’s a new brand of authoritarian

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Geoff M Boucher, Associate Professor in Literary Studies, Deakin University

    Is Donald Trump a fascist? General Mark Milley, the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff under Trump, thinks so. Trump is “fascist to the core,” he warns.

    John Kelly, Trump’s former chief of staff, agrees. So does Vice President Kamala Harris, his opponent in this year’s presidential election.

    But political commentators who have a grounding in history are not so sure. Writing in The Guardian, Sidney Blumenthal calls Trump “Hitlerian” and his rallies “Naziesque”, but stops short of calling him a fascist.

    Michael Tomasky of The New Republic understands the reservations, but he is tired spending time debating the difference between “fascistic” and just plain “fascist”. “He’s damn close enough,” Tomasky writes, “and we’d better fight”.

    I understand this logic. It’s the reason Harris uses the term “fascist” to describe Trump – to send “a 911 call to the American people”. But there’s a problem.

    I have spent the past six years researching right-wing, authoritarian political communication in America. I can say with confidence how these kinds of labels can misfire. They can very easily be made to look like liberal hysteria, playing straight into the hands of the far right.

    Here are the two reasons why it is crucial to call Trump exactly what he is.

    1. Calling Trump a fascist, and then instantly adding, “or close enough,” plays directly into the hands of the far right. “See?” they might say. “Anytime anyone steps outside the liberal consensus, they get labelled a fascist. This is how political correctness silences dissent.”

    2. Trump’s kind of authoritarianism thrives on ambiguity about what sort of right-wing populist figure he is. Its success depends on the fact that “fascist” is the only name we have right now for authoritarian politics.

    In my view, Trump is not a fascist. Rather, he is part of a “new authoritarianism” that subverts democracy from within and solidifies power through administrative, rather than paramilitary, means.

    Why the ‘fascism’ label is unhelpful

    This brand of new authoritarianism hides in plain sight because there is no name for it yet. It looks like something else – for example, right-wing populism that is anti-liberal, but not yet anti-democratic. And then suddenly, it shows itself as anti-democratic extremism, as Trump did in refusing to accept the 2020 election result and encouraging the storming of the Capitol.

    This moment starkly revealed Trump as a new authoritarian. Supplementary debate about whether Trump is like Adolf Hitler risks being pointless. But the problem is that fascism is the only name we have now for anti-democratic extremism.

    All fascists are authoritarians. But not all authoritarians are fascists. It’s crucial to understand there are other types of authoritarianism – and how they differ.

    This is not just important for preventing Trump from seeking to subvert American democracy. It is also vital for stopping Trump imitators, who will now spring forth in other democracies. If there is still no name for what they are other than “fascist,” then they, too, will thrive on ambiguity.

    What is ‘new authoritarianism’?

    I suggest we focus on what Trump actually is – an anti-democratic, “new authoritarian” – and understand what this means and how he is gaining wider support using right-wing populism.

    The new authoritarians don’t necessarily take a sledgehammer to a nation’s institutions, for example, by doing away with elections. Rather, they hollow out democracy from within, so it becomes a façade draped over a one-party state.

    We have many examples of this kind of ruler today: Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Hungary’s Viktor Orban, Belarus’ Alexander Lukashenko, Tunisia’s Kais Saied and, of course, the poster-figure for the new authoritarians, Russia’s Vladimir Putin.

    Trump’s admiration for Putin is a matter of public record. For alt-right thinkers who are influential with Trump, such as Steve Bannon, Putin provides a blueprint for how new authoritarianism works.

    Authoritarians like Putin must govern through the state, not the people, because, as social psychologist Bob Altemeyer explains, they ultimately represent a tiny minority of the population.

    Military dictatorships rule through the armed forces. The fascist regimes of 20th century Europe were ultimately police states. They relied on converting paramilitary death squads into secret police (like the Gestapo) and state security (the SS in Nazi Germany).

    The new authoritarians, however, govern through the transformation of the civil service into their own personal political machines.

    That is why Trump is obsessed with the “deep state”, by which he means the way in which democratic institutions have built-in legal safeguards defended by civil servants, who can potentially frustrate executive orders. The new authoritarian strategy is to appoint a stratum of political loyalists to key positions in their administrations, who can circumvent institutional checks. But that is no easy matter.

    If Trump is elected, he has vowed to “crush the deep state”, for example, by purging thousands of nonpolitical civil service employees. As part of this, he has pledged to establish a “truth and reconciliation commission” oriented to punishing those he thinks opposed him the past.

    Trump has been following this new authoritarian playbook for nearly his entire political career. These are the three steps he is taking to lay the groundwork for authoritarian rule:

    1) Undermine electoral integrity

    The first key to new authoritarianism: subvert democracy by undermining electoral integrity. The acid test here? Authoritarians do not accept election results when the opposition has won. As Trump has very bluntly put it, “I am a very proud election denier”.

    Trump’s opening move in this regard was to take over the Republican Party. He used election denialism to do this, while also marginalising any moderates who opposed him.

    The Trump Republican Party is now a minority party, oriented to white grievance, resentment of immigrants and the anti-democratic idea that a country should be run like a company.

    Its only hope for winning government as a minority party is by trying to suppress the vote of its opponents. To do this, pro-Trump Republican states have passed a number of laws since 2020 to make voting more difficult.

    These states have also aggressively removed people from the voting rolls. Texas alone has stricken one million voters off its rolls since 2021, only 6,500 of whom were deemed non-citizens.

    If Trump wins, he will likely make it even harder for people to vote. Civil rights groups fear he may introduce a citizenship question to the census, use the Department of Justice to conduct a massive purge of voter rolls, and launch criminal investigations of electoral officials.

    As a backup, Trump will likely resurrect the “election integrity commission” he established in 2017 to justify his claims of alleged voter fraud in the 2016 election and support his election denialism narrative.

    2) Weaken the legislative and judicial branches

    The second key to new authoritarianism: circumventing the checks-and-balances function of the legislative branch of government. The goal here is to rule by executive fiat or govern through a stacked legislative majority.

    The new authoritarians often govern through executive orders, including the use of emergency powers. For instance, Trump has envisaged a scenario in which a Republican Congress could enact emergency powers to empower the president to overturn the authority of state governors to fire their prosecutors and use the National Guard for law enforcement.

    Such a development would depend on a number of factors, including the complicity of the judiciary. This is why new authoritarians also attempt to stack the judiciary with loyalists.

    In his first term, Trump not only appointed three Supreme Court justices, he also placed judges to the federal appeals courts, district courts and circuit courts.

    3) Attack their enemies

    This leads to the third pillar of new authoritarianism: decapitating the political opposition and suppressing dissent.

    Trump’s threats to investigate and prosecute his enemies, including leading figures in the Democratic Party, should be taken very seriously. His calls to target the “enemy from within” were pointedly directed at what he deemed “radical left lunatics”.

    Journalists and the news media would also likely be targeted. Trump’s statement that the broadcast licenses of national networks should be revoked, for example, needs to be understood in the context of his pledges to dismantle federal regulatory agencies if elected.

    That matters, because the next step for new authoritarians to solidify their power is through suppressing dissent. Trump has proposed using the military in civil contexts to target criminals and prevent illegal immigration. He has reportedly even questioned why the military couldn’t “just shoot” protesters.

    It is important to understand how this differs from fascism, because it is central to Trump’s ability to retain electoral support.

    Classical fascism under dictators like Hitler and Italy’s Benito Mussolini was based on street-fighting, paramilitary movements, which used violence to intimidate and crush the opposition. The equivalents of this today are right-wing militias such as the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers.

    Trump keeps one foot on the edge of this camp. But alt-right figures like Bannon understand that swastika flags and paramilitary uniforms are a political liability. Their preference is for new authoritarianism, which is able to push
    a right-wing extremist agenda by reducing democracy to sham elections, rather than openly setting up a totalitarian regime.

    As such, Trump can dodge accusations of being a “fascist” by telling the Proud Boys to “stand by”, while throwing up a smokescreen of equivocations about the January 6 Capitol insurrection. He can distance himself from kind of paramilitary violence that is reminiscent of classical fascism.

    It is about time to call things by their true names. Trump has the anti-democratic tendencies of a new authoritarian – and, as his opponents point out, he seems likely to put his words into actions if elected a second time.

    Geoff M Boucher does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Is Donald Trump a fascist? No – he’s a new brand of authoritarian – https://theconversation.com/is-donald-trump-a-fascist-no-hes-a-new-brand-of-authoritarian-241586

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What to do if your vote is challenged: Practical advice from a civil rights attorney for Election Day

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Karen Figueroa-Clewett, Lecturer, Agents of Change program, Department of Political Science and International Relations, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

    Stickers on a table on the first day of Virginia’s in-person early voting, Sept. 20, 2024, in Arlington. Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

    With the general election drawing close, it’s important to know your rights in case your vote is challenged.

    The best way to ensure that your vote is counted is to advocate for yourself. I’m a civil rights attorney and lecturer for the University of Southern California’s undergraduate civil rights advocacy initiative, Agents of Change. Here are several straightforward ways to ensure your vote is counted and two practical remedies for you to consider if your vote remains challenged.

    A major part of ensuring that you are able to vote is doing the necessary preparation before you even get to the polling place. Read on to find out how and where to register, where and when you can cast your ballot, and what numbers to call for any information you can’t find online.

    Are you registered to vote? Check it out

    Before you vote, you need to ensure that you’re registered to vote. You can verify your registration status using this tool. If you can’t use an online tool, then call your local election office or a voter help line like the ones listed in the hotline section below.

    If you find you’re not registered, you can use this tool from the National Conference of State Legislatures to find your state’s online registration application. If you need to do this in person, then call your local election office for instructions.

    At this point, you may have missed your state’s deadline for voter registration. But it may not be too late to register.

    Many states allow same-day registration at the polling site. You can find your state’s same-day voter laws detailed here. Ask the poll worker, at the correct polling location, for a same-day registration form; complete the form and then ask for a “conditional ballot.” A conditional ballot allows election officials to count your vote after verifying your voter eligibility. If you can’t research online, you can call your local election office to find out if you can register on Election Day.

    Marchellos Scott, right, helps Morehouse College students fill out a voter registration form at a college registration booth on Aug. 19, 2024, in Atlanta.
    Elijah Nouvelage / AFP via Getty Images

    Gather documents to verify your identity

    If you live in a state that requires identity verification to vote in person, gather the required documents – which may range from a driver’s license to bank statements with identifying information – before traveling to the correct polling place. You can find your county election office’s contact information here. This webpage includes a table listing each state’s acceptable ID documents and possible exceptions for some people. You may also call your local election office to find out what’s required.

    Absentee voters: Locate your state’s identity verification rules here.

    Find the correct polling location

    You can ensure that you’re headed to the right polling place with this tool. Or call your county election office to find your polling place and its hours of operation; you can look up your county’s election office contact information here.

    Once you know your polling place and its hours, you can go there and check in. In most cases, you’ll be handed a ballot, shown where to vote and asked to put your ballot in a machine or a box, and then you can go merrily along your way.

    But the moment of check-in is where things might go wrong.

    Problems at your polling place

    Here are potential vote challenges and ways to overcome them.

    Possibility No. 1: Out-of-order polling machines.

    If you’re asked to leave because of malfunctioning machines, don’t. Instead, ask for a paper ballot.

    Possibility No. 2: You’re in line and officials announce the polls have closed.

    If you’re in line at the polling location before it closes, don’t let them turn you away at closing time if you haven’t voted. You have the legal right to vote under those circumstances, so stay in line and wait to cast your ballot.

    Possibility No. 3: You’re not on the registered voters list.

    If you’re told you can’t vote because your name is not on the voter roster, ask the poll site worker to check again and to check what’s called the list of supplemental voters. If they still can’t find your name, ask the poll worker to verify that you’re at the right location.

    Poll workers want you to vote. But sometimes there are problems.
    Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images

    Possibility No. 4: Someone claims you shouldn’t be allowed to vote.

    If your voting eligibility remains challenged after ensuring you’re at the right polling location, ask to cast a provisional ballot, which is available in every state except Idaho and Minnesota. You can find details about your particular state’s provisional ballot rules here.

    Track your provisional ballot here.

    Call a hotline

    If you are not given a provisional ballot, call an election hotline for help. Here are four hotlines, run by members of the nonpartisan Election Protection coalition, that can help you:

    English: 866-OUR-VOTE/866-687-8683, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law

    Spanish: 888-VE-Y-VOTA/888-839-8682, the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials Education Fund

    Asian Languages: 888-API-VOTE/888-274-8683, Asian and Pacific Islander American Vote

    Arabic: 844-YALLA-US/844-925-5287, Arab American Institute

    Report voter intimidation

    If someone tries to scare you into voting or not voting for a candidate, stand your ground and demand a ballot from the poll site, call one of the hotlines above to report the intimidation, and file a claim with the FBI later by phone at 800-CALL-FBI – 800-225-5324 – or online at tips.fbi.gov.

    File a lawsuit

    If you are still blocked from voting, consider legal action – but get advice on your exact situation from one of the hotlines, which have free lawyers on hand. It’s a good idea to write down the names of people who prevented you from voting and to ask people who witnessed the incident for their contact information.

    Leer in español

    This is an updated version of a story that was originally published on Nov. 2, 2022.

    Karen Figueroa-Clewett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What to do if your vote is challenged: Practical advice from a civil rights attorney for Election Day – https://theconversation.com/what-to-do-if-your-vote-is-challenged-practical-advice-from-a-civil-rights-attorney-for-election-day-239066

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Hamas at a crossroads: Sinwar’s death leaves a vacuum; Israeli actions make it harder to fill with a moderate

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Mkhaimar Abusada, Visiting Scholar of Global Affairs, Northwestern University

    Yahya Sinwar left his print on Hamas and the Palestinian cause. Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via Getty Images

    Hamas will soon begin the process of deciding who will next head the militant Palestinian organization following the Oct. 16, 2024, killing of former leader Yahya Sinwar – but the task won’t be easy, or quick.

    What makes his replacement as chairman of Hamas’ political bureau a hard one is that since the Oct. 7, 2023, attack – for which, Sinwar was seen as the main architect – Israel has killed many of the senior political and military commanders that would be in line to replace him, or at least be tasked with determining the future direction of Hamas.

    Just two months before Sinwar’s death, his predecessor in the role, Ismail Haniyeh, was assassinated in Tehran, purportedly in an Israeli operation. Meanwhile, Hamas’ military chief, Mohammed Deif, was killed in July and Saleh Arouri, a senior Hamas official and deputy of Haniyeh, was earlier killed in a Beirut drone strike.

    As an expert on Palestinian politics, I believe the death of Sinwar will leave a vacuum in Hamas that will likely last for many months, if not years. The question is whether the group eventually opts for a leader who continues Sinwar’s hard-line legacy or tries to moderate Hamas’ approach.

    Sinwar’s legacy

    Sinwar’s uncompromising stance has shaped not only Hamas but also the Palestinian cause.

    Born and raised in the Gazan refugee camp Khan Younis, Sinwar joined Hamas in the early days of the organization, which was established in 1987. He quickly rose through the ranks and was responsible for establishing Majd, a security agency within the military wing of Hamas responsible for apprehending and executing Palestinian collaborators with Israel.

    Sinwar confessed to Israeli interrogators to have killed and buried 12 suspected collaborators – earning him a life sentence in Israeli jail. He served 22 years before being released in a prisoner-swap deal in 2011, which also saw the release of Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit.

    Children play around a reception tent showing Yahya Sinwar’s image, while inside the former prisoner greets friends and relatives after being released from an Israeli jail in 2011.
    Lynsey Addario/Getty Images Reportage

    A few years later, he made it to the top of Hamas, serving as chairman of Hamas’ political bureau in Gaza since 2017. After Haniyeh’s assassination in late July, 2024, Sinwar assumed overall leadership.

    Throughout, Sinwar has been a proponent of Hamas’ hard-line stance on Israel – an approach that won him respect within the organization.

    Less than a year after assuming power in Gaza, Sinwar endorsed the “Great March of Return and Breaking the Siege” protests of March 2018 along Israel-Gaza borders. The demonstrations – during which Israeli troops shot dead scores of Palestinian protesters – succeeded in galvanizing international support for the Palestinian cause.

    The protests may have also contributed to Israel’s decision in August of that year to allow Qatar to begin making monthly payments of millions of dollars to Hamas and Gaza in an attempt to defuse and de-escalate tensions.

    More concessions came as Israel tried to satisfy Sinwar and avoid the further escalation of unrest in Gaza, including allowing Gazan laborers to work in Israel for the first time since Israel’s disengagement from Gaza in 2005.

    But Sinwar had less success in getting Israel to agree to releasing the fellow Hamas members he had left behind in Israeli jails and had vowed to get out. He tried many times to strike a deal for the bodies of two Israeli soldiers and two civilians, but Israel was not interested. That failure probably contributed to Hamas’ decision to attack Israel on Oct. 7, 2023.

    How Hamas reacts to blows

    The killing of Sinwar has weakened Hamas, but Hamas as an idea and an ideology is harder to kill.

    Israel knows this. In March 2004, an Israeli missile struck and killed Hamas’ founder and spiritual leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin; a month later, his successor Abdel Aziz Rantisi was also killed.

    But those deaths did not weaken Hamas. On the contrary, the organization grew more radical. A younger and more defiant leadership took over the organization, which fought Israel repeatedly from 2008 onward, culminating int the Oct. 7 attacks.

    Palestinian mourners carry the coffin of Sheikh Ahmed Yassin in Gaza City on March 22, 2004.
    Mohammed Abed/AFP via Getty Images

    Hamas’ reaction to that double blow may give an insight into the current decision-making process now.

    The killing of Yassin was an opportunity for Hamas to revise its military tactics against Israel – which then mainly consisted of suicide bombings against Israeli civilians.

    But in the end, Hamas vowed to continue the violent struggle against Israel.

    Moderation or radicalization?

    Hamas is again at a crossroad. It is weakened, alienated from Arab moderate governments and increasingly unpopular among Gazans.

    But throughout the last year of conflict it has remained defiant. Footage of an injured Sinwar, fighting to the last and trying to down an Israeli drone with a stick, has only added to his legacy, making him a legend to many supporters.

    The new leadership will have to chose between continuing down the road of radicalization that Sinwar represented or opting for moderation.

    But Israel is not making that second option any easier.

    Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s only offer to Hamas is total surrender – he has not left the group any face-saving exit.

    So it seems likely that Hamas will choose to continue the fight.

    As such, one of the most likely candidates for post-Sinwar leadership of Hamas is Khalil al-Hayya, a Palestinian politician who has served as the deputy chairman of the Hamas political bureau since August 2024.

    Al-Hayya is known for his hawkish attitude toward the idea of Hamas’ reconciliation with rival Palestinian group Fatah, and his hawkish statements on Israel. After Sinwar’s death, he vowed to continue the fight against Israel, an indication that the spirit of Sinwar will continue to guide Palestinian resistance in the coming years.

    His main challenger for the role of leader is Khaled Mashaal, who served as chairman of Hamas’ political bureau from 1996 to 2017 and currently serves as its chairman in exile.

    Mashaal, who has a large network of regional and international allies, is considered a more moderate option. He was responsible for drafting Hamas’ 2017 manifesto – seen as a departure from the earlier, more radical and blatantly antisemitic 1988 charter.

    Collective leadership: Room for maneuver?

    But a decision on who will assume the role of leader is not expected immediately. Hamas appears more inclined toward collective leadership until scheduled elections in March 2025, if conditions permit.

    In the meantime, a five-member committee that was formed in August following the assassination of Haniyeh will take over decision-making. The committee is tasked with “governing the movement during the war and exceptional circumstances, as well as its future plans,” and the new committee is authorized to “make strategic decisions,” according to Hamas sources who spoke to Agence France-Presse reporters.

    Collective leadership of this sort would seemingly indicate that at present Hamas sees no single person as being able to fill the vacuum left by Sinwar.

    It would also give Hamas potentially more room to maneuver regarding negotiations with Israel and regional players, as some members of the committee are seen as acceptable faces to moderate Arab governments.

    Collective leadership also provides Hamas with a survival mechanism, making it harder for Israel to claim the type of success it has so far achieved in assassinating named Hamas “leaders.”

    No doubt, Israel has weakened Hamas with this strategy – notably with the killing of Sinwar. And while the assassination of leading Hamas figures does not constitute “total victory” over the group, as Israel wants, it does make the choice in choosing the next leader that much harder for Hamas.

    Mkhaimar Abusada serves as deputy chairman on the board of directors at the Palestinian Center for Human Rights and is a board member at the Independent Commission for Human Rights.

    – ref. Hamas at a crossroads: Sinwar’s death leaves a vacuum; Israeli actions make it harder to fill with a moderate – https://theconversation.com/hamas-at-a-crossroads-sinwars-death-leaves-a-vacuum-israeli-actions-make-it-harder-to-fill-with-a-moderate-241990

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Apprentice: Trump biopic is riddled with perfect examples of a man with the ‘dark triad’ of personality traits

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lee John Curley, Lecturer in Psychology, Glasgow Caledonian University

    The Apprentice is a thought-provoking and chilling film that depicts a young Donald Trump on his journey from naive, malleable, nepo-baby to cold, dark and narcissistic businessman. During the film, Trump, meets his mentor and father figure, Roy Cohn. Cohn shapes his young apprentice (reminiscent of Palpatine and a young Anakin Skywalker from Star Wars), teaching a young Trump his “three rules of life” and the power of deception and misinformation.

    Trump has been critical of the film, calling it a “politically disgusting hatchet job”. Regardless of the authenticity of the film’s depictions, as an expert in psychology, I was struck by how perfect its illustration of some the darker sides of human psychology were.

    Psychological research in the past 20 years has highlighted that certain personality traits are indicative of the dark side of human behaviour, such as callous manipulation – a grandiose sense of self-importance, and a lack of empathy. Pyschologists Delroy Paulhus and Kevin Williams found evidence to suggest that three personality traits, known now as the “dark triad”, existed which exemplified the darkest parts of human psychology. The three traits are machiavellianism, narcissism and psychopathy.

    While these are separate traits, it has been found that it is likely that someone who presents with high levels of one may also present with high levels of one of the other traits.

    Machiavellianism

    Machiavellianism is the manipulative personality trait. Individuals who show machiavellianism are more likely to “behave in a cold and manipulative fashion”. The name of the trait comes from Italian philosopher and writer, Niccolo Machiavelli. In his famous 16th-century political treatise, The Prince, Machiavelli discuses how princes (or apprentices), gain and keep power.

    In The Prince, Machiavelli states that “it is better to be feared than loved, if you cannot be both”. He writes that if you have the power to subordinate another person, they can stop loving you, but they can never stop fearing you.

    Cohn in the film provides many examples of machiavellian behaviour. In one scene, for example, he shows a young Trump recordings/photos he has that he can use to blackmail and manipulate powerful people to gain favour and ensure that a decision regarding a tax break goes their way.

    Cohn’s three rules of success are also good examples: “Number one: attack, attack, attack. Number: admit nothing, deny everything. Number three: always claim victory, never admit defeat.” These rules are machiavellian to their core: attack to promote fear and gain power. Rules two and three: admit nothing and claim victory, help the person to control and manipulate the narrative.

    Narcissism

    The film also highlights narcissism. Key components of narcissism are a sense of “grandiosity, entitlement, dominance and superiority,” according to Paulhus and Williams. The final scene of the film perfectly encapsulates this, here Trump discusses with Tony Schwartz, the journalist co-writer of his business book The Art of the Deal, how he is superior. Trump explains how you are either born to make deals or not, how Trump does “not just like making deals”, he “loves them”.

    In the film, Trump speaks about his abilities with such confidence and pleasure that it gives a key insight into his grandiose perception of himself. A sense of entitlement and dominance rear their heads in one of the darkest scenes where Trump is shown to rape his then wife, Ivana. The scene suggests that Trump feels superior to Ivana and is entitled to use her body. The rape in the film even seems like a gesture to reaffirm his dominance in the relationship. In real life, the allegation that Trump raped Ivana has never been proved in court.

    Psychopathy

    Finally, the film also features examples of psychopathy, which is characterised by key elements such as high impulsivity, thrill seeking and low empathy.

    Trump’s impulsive and thrill-seeking streak is exemplified in the film by his need to build the Taj Mahal casino in Atlantic city. He pursues its construction contrary to the advice of Cohn. His impulsivity later in the film leads to his downfall as he becomes mired in debt and faces threats from debt collectors.

    Trumps lack of empathy also shines through in how he treats Cohn, once his father figure. Towards the end of the film Cohn is dying from Aids-related complications. During this time, the film suggests that Trump won’t speak to him, he makes jokes at his expense and publicly embarrasses Cohn at a private party. At one point, he even shouts mockingly in the street to Cohn: “you do not look too well.”

    By the end of the film, the humanity and empathy that Trump had has been stripped away. What is left is someone who has an inflated sense of self, a lack of empathy for others, and the ability to use misinformation to get what they want. It is a strong case study of someone possessed of the dark triad of personality traits.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Lee John Curley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Apprentice: Trump biopic is riddled with perfect examples of a man with the ‘dark triad’ of personality traits – https://theconversation.com/the-apprentice-trump-biopic-is-riddled-with-perfect-examples-of-a-man-with-the-dark-triad-of-personality-traits-242138

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Is Donald Trump a fascist? Here’s what an expert thinks

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Benedetta Carnaghi, British Academy Newton International Fellow, Department of History, Durham University

    Gen. John Kelly, Donald Trump’s longest-serving chief of staff, went public this week with his concerns that the former president met the definition of a fascist. Speaking to the New York Times, Kelly declared that Trump “would govern like a dictator if allowed”. Days later in an interview vice-president Kamala Harris agreed with him.

    Trump replied in his usual style. On Truth Social, he called Kelly a “degenerate … who made up a story out of pure Trump Derangement Syndrome Hatred”. He also posted on X, falsely accusing Harris of “going so far as to call me Adolf Hitler, and anything else that comes to her warped mind”. In fact, Harris has not called him “Hitler”. Funnily enough, it was his own running mate, J.D. Vance, who once called him “America’s Hitler” in a private text message.

    Helpfully, Kelly also provided a surprisingly rigorous definition of fascism, a term famously flexible as both a political concept and a political insult. He described it as “a far-right authoritarian, ultranationalist political ideology and movement characterised by a dictatorial leader, centralised autocracy, militarism, forcible suppression of opposition, belief in a natural social hierarchy”.

    This is remarkably close to widely accepted historical definitions of the political tendency that arose with the foundation of Italy’s fascist movement in 1919 and spread across interwar Europe. Federico Finchelstein, professor of history at the New School for Social Research, has summed it up as “a political ideology that encompassed totalitarianism, state terrorism, imperialism, racism, and, in Germany’s case … the Holocaust”.

    Historians on fascism

    Historians have been debating whether the term applies to Trump since his first presidential campaign and his election on November 9 2016. Very early on, in a 2015 conversation with a Vice reporter, Cornell University history professor Isabel Hull stated that Trump was “not principled enough to be a fascist”. She described him as more of a “nativist-populist”.

    Finchelstein wrote an entire book to explain the difference between historical fascism and contemporary populism. While they share many features, he argued fascism is a form of dictatorship while populism functions within the boundaries of democracy.

    Yet, populism can turn into fascism when it resorts to the practices of identifying and persecuting internal enemies. Timothy Snyder, a professor of history and global affairs at Yale University, has repeatedly stated that Trump is indeed a fascist, recently telling Vanity Fair that Americans might just quietly adapt to the “banality” of tyranny.



    Read more:
    How Elon Musk has become a powerful figure in US politics

    Finchelstein’s own perspective evolved after January 6 2021, when Trump appeared to incite his supporters to attack the United States Capitol, in order to prevent a peaceful transfer of power to Joe Biden. In response, Finchelstein wrote an op-ed in The Washington Post in which he argued that Trump had outgrown the populist camp and was now assuming the fascist mantle as a definitive threat to democracy.

    And Finchelstein was not the only one to consider January 6 an irrevocable turning point. Robert Paxton, Mellon professor emeritus of social sciences at Columbia University, also changed his mind, writing that the “[fascist] label now seems not just acceptable but necessary”.

    Others remain unconvinced. Richard Evans, an emeritus professor at Cambridge University, feels that Trump was not a fascist, arguing in the New Statesman that “6 January was not a coup” and “the attack on Congress was not a pre-planned attempt to seize the reins of government”.

    According to Evans, Trump doesn’t display the classic fascist hunger for conquest and expansionist violence, and it is politically unwise for his opponents to fixate on a past category rather than analysing his politics as a new phenomenon.

    Meanwhile, Ruth Ben-Ghiat, professor of history and Italian studies at New York University, remains more divided on the issue. She wrote in an essay that “in some ways, the label of Fascism is too reductive for Trump” because he “praises Communist dictators as much as he praises the Fascistic leaders”, but “it is beyond doubt that Trump has provided a new stage and a new context for fascist ideologies and practices”.

    Kamala Harris has called Donald Trump a fascist.

    I believe that Trump would act as fully-fledged fascist if he could. The question is: will the American people let him do so? He has, in fact, enacted fascist-lite policies to the extent that his power allowed.

    He attempted to overturn a democratic election; he nominated Supreme Court justices to effectively overturn Roe v Wade and govern women’s bodies. He also created additional procedural barriers to prevent immigrants from seeking asylum in America, some of which are reminiscent of fascist racial laws. He also threatened to deploy the military and law enforcement to target political opponents.

    However, he has so far been forced to operate within the boundaries of the democratic rule of law. If the American people vote him into power a second time, there is no guarantee that those boundaries will hold. If fascism repeats itself, it will be as tragedy again — not farce.

    Benedetta Carnaghi receives funding from the British Academy as a Newton International Fellow at Durham University.

    – ref. Is Donald Trump a fascist? Here’s what an expert thinks – https://theconversation.com/is-donald-trump-a-fascist-heres-what-an-expert-thinks-242243

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: From The Apprentice to It’s A Sin: the making of heroes and villains in screen depictions of Aids

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Deborah Shaw, Professor of Film and Screen Studies, University of Portsmouth

    Culturally, we are in the middle of an Aids “memory boom” as film and television creatives turn to stories from the terrifying crisis that began in the early 1980s. In the last few years we have seen the huge success of dramas like It’s A Sin and Pose, which explore the lives and experiences of gay men and trans women during the early days of the Aids epidemic.

    The latest – and perhaps unexpected – addition to this raft of dramas revolving around the issue is the new biopic about Donald Trump’s early business career, The Apprentice. Here we see the former president learning the ropes from his homosexual business mentor, the lawyer Roy Cohn, who later died of Aids.

    In the 1980s, the Aids epidemic in the US and UK affected mainly gay men who were just beginning to emerge from decades of discrimination and criminalisation to take pride in their gay identity.

    There was much fear, anxiety and stigma surrounding the virus, with Aids used as a weapon to demonise homosexuals. As the virus was transmitted through sex, gay men would become defined through their “sexual deviancy”. Governments led by Ronald Reagan in the US and Margaret Thatcher in the UK, refused to discuss the virus in public and take action against it, and mainstream media often legitimised homophobic attitudes.

    However, as the Aids epidemic took hold, those living with the disease began to tell their stories. Journalist Oscar Moore, a columnist for The Guardian, wrote about his experiences of the disease for more than two years until his death in 1996 at the age of 36. He had lived with Aids for 13 years.

    British filmmaker Derek Jarman announced his diagnosis publicly in 1987 and later chronicled his deterioration in his last film Blue, released in 1993. The sharing of personal stories challenges associations of Aids with deviancy, an approach that continues in the depiction of the condition in film and television today.

    As film and media academics we are involved in ongoing research that analyses how the Aids crisis is memorialised on screen and how it is represented to contemporary mainstream audiences.

    Programmes and documentaries like the BBC’s Aids: The Unheard Tapes and Rock Hudson: All That Heaven Allowed reveal prejudiced historical attitudes towards gay men and Aids.

    Rock Hudson, the Hollywood heart-throb of the 1950s and 1960s, would have been villainised and his career sunk, had he been open about his sexuality at the time. However, the death of this all-American movie star from Aids in 1985 helped to shift public attitudes towards gay men and the disease. The All That Heaven Allowed documentary tells a fuller story and affords Hudson the legacy he deserves.

    In turn, hugely popular drama series such as It’s A Sin, Pose, and Fellow Travelers all document in vivid detail the historical discrimination against gay men, and reveal the defiance, humour, pleasure and horrors of gay life in the years before and during the Aids crisis.

    These productions provide an important and too-often neglected history for contemporary audiences. They memorialise those who have died of Aids and hold to account the people in power for their failure to provide adequate healthcare and basic human rights to people living and dying with Aids. A key function of these narratives is to provide a moral compass with which to judge figures from history, whether biographical or imagined.

    The Apprentice and the making of a villain

    In The Apprentice, the lack of moral compass demonstrated by the young Trump (Sebastian Stan) is depicted through his relationship with his mentor, the unscrupulous lawyer Roy Cohn (Jeremy Strong).

    A huge influence on Trump as a younger man, Cohn was a malign and corrupt presence in the world of American business and politics. His hypocrisy as an amoral closeted gay man who would persecute other gay men in positions of power has been well documented, and is revealed in the Trump biopic.

    While the lawyer’s ruthless methods are central to the creation of Trump as Cohn’s apprentice in the film, it is Trump’s callous treatment of Cohn when he is weak and dying from Aids that is key in depicting the former president as a villain.

    In The Apprentice, Trump refuses to take calls from Cohn when he is sick and no longer of use to him. Trump’s character is further revealed when he has Cohn’s lover, Russell Eldrige (Ben Sullivan), removed from one of his hotels once he discovers he has Aids, and sends Cohn the bill for his stay.

    Heroes of the epidemic

    While Trump’s villain status is bolstered in the film by his treatment of the dying Cohn, many LGBTQ+ television dramas place the spotlight on the heroes who emerged from the Aids epidemic. Pose showcases a diverse community of carers as trans and gay members of the ballroom scene in New York look after each other when sick, and take to the streets to publicly protest their neglect by the authorities.

    One of the main heroes is Judy (Sandra Bernhard), a lesbian nurse who gives practical care to the community, offers wise counsel and leads the protagonists to embrace the performative political acts of the Aids protest movement. In Pose, Judy represents and pays homage to the many lesbians who were carers and activists in the early days of Aids when patients were faced with the neglect of doctors and scientists.

    Another woman who stands up to gay prejudice is embodied in It’s A Sin through the character of Jill Baxter (Lydia West), based on the real-life Aids activist Jill Nalder.

    While not a nurse, Jill takes on the caring for gay friends as they start to get sick from the virus. She is also the agent of change – acquiring and sharing vital Aids information, volunteering for helplines, visiting isolated Aids patients in hospital – and plays a key role in activist protests. Following the success of It’s A Sin, the hashtag #BeMoreJill trended on Twitter and was adopted by the writer Russell T. Davies himself.

    If the history of Aids on screen teaches us anything, it is that this epidemic revealed true heroes and villains, and provides a perspective on the behaviour of society, governments and the media during this crisis, and that of people who stood up for those who could not stand up for themselves. In these documentaries, films and dramas, audiences are invited to reflect on the way people with Aids were treated, and condemn homophobic and transphobic bigotry.

    This article is part of our State of the Arts series. These articles tackle the challenges of the arts and heritage industry – and celebrate the wins, too.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. From The Apprentice to It’s A Sin: the making of heroes and villains in screen depictions of Aids – https://theconversation.com/from-the-apprentice-to-its-a-sin-the-making-of-heroes-and-villains-in-screen-depictions-of-aids-242017

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Animals that are all black or all white have reputations based on superstition − biases that have real effects

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Elizabeth Carlen, Living Earth Collaborative Postdoctoral Fellow, Arts & Sciences at Washington University in St. Louis

    Black is beautiful. Akeem Ranmal/500px via Getty Images

    Imagine it’s a crisp and sunny fall morning. You just left your local coffee shop, ready to start your day.

    Out of the corner of your eye, you catch a glimpse of something moving in the bushes. Is it a squirrel stashing acorns for the winter? A robin fattening up for migration? As you get closer, the image becomes clear and you unconsciously hold your breath.

    It’s a black cat out for its morning stroll.

    You pause for a second to decide your next move. Cross the street so the cat can’t cross your path? Muster the courage to walk past it, or even crouch down to pet it? Rationally, you know the idea that a black cat is bad luck is just a silly superstition … but you have an important meeting this afternoon and don’t want to jinx it.

    This superstition about black cats and other black animals in general has shaped people’s preferences about animals. It’s left its mark on things such as lower adoption rates for black cats and beliefs that black cats are more aggressive. Yet, these biases are unfounded.

    As two biologists who focus on human-wildlife interactions, what we find scary is how superstitions, lore and myths can shape your subconscious – particularly biases toward the animals people are trying to conserve and protect.

    A rare spirit bear is not albino, with a complete lack of melanin, but rather leucistic, with a reduction in pigments.
    KenCanning/E+ via Getty Images

    Rarity of a solely black or white animal

    Of course, animal fur, feathers and scales come in various colors across the visible and invisible-to-humans spectrum. These colorations play a significant role in the survival of wildlife by functioning as a form of concealment, temperature regulation or communication. In white-tailed deer, for instance, a flash of a white tail can indicate danger is near, while the sharp red breast of a male cardinal attracts females that are ready to mate.

    Within species, color variations are found throughout the animal kingdom, including melanistic animals with more dark pigmentation and leucistic animals with a reduction of pigment. There are black panthers, a melanistic version of a leopard, Panthera pardus, or jaguar, Panthera onca. On the other side of the spectrum are white spirit bears, a leucistic version of an American black bear, Ursus americanus. There are also albino animals that lack most or all pigment.

    Scientists recognize these color variations as extreme abnormalities within the natural world. Being all black or all white is a rare phenomenon, unlikely to persist in the wild because it’s a selective disadvantage. These animals often have a tougher time blending into their habitat – a challenge for predators trying to ambush their prey, and for prey trying to conceal themselves from predators. They may also struggle to regulate their temperature and to communicate with others in their species.

    A suite of genes that can change in many ways is behind this rainbow of wildlife coloration. One of the most well-known and studied genes is MC1R. In animals, loss-of-function mutations in the MC1R gene can result in light, yellow or reddish coat color. In humans, redheads have up to five loss-of-function mutations in MC1R, leading to hair that ranges from strawberry blonde to copper.

    One of these has special protection from hunters.
    Kristian Bell/Moment via Getty Images

    Protection based on unique color

    Recently, we explored how charismatic coloring, including melanistic and leucistic or albinism coloration, affects the conservation of animals in the United States. As we read through local laws and found news stories of wildlife being protected or culled, we noticed a trend: Many albinistic and leucistic animals are protected.

    Minnesota, Illinois and Wisconsin laws protect albino/white deer from being hunted. In Marionville, Missouri, white squirrels are protected and given the right-of-way on all public streets, with a penalty of up to US$500 or 90 days in jail for failing to abide by the law. In Louisiana, it’s prohibited to take white alligators from the wild, with a fine of at least $10,000 and six months in jail. The World Wilderness Congress recently adopted a resolution: Making Space to Protect White Animals, Messengers of Peace.

    We also found white animals readily celebrated. Brevard, North Carolina, hosts a yearly festival called “White Squirrel Weekend.” People often release white doves at weddings and funerals as symbols of purity and peace. The California Academy of Sciences’ famous albino alligator named Claude has a whole book written about him. And members of the Olney, Illinois, police department wear a patch on their uniform with a white squirrel.

    We found similar laws and celebrations do not exist in these jurisdictions for the white animals’ melanistic/black counterparts. We did identify a few cities and schools, including Marysville, Kansas, and Goshen College, that made the black squirrel their mascot.

    This discrepancy surprised us because the genetic mutation that causes melanism occurs less frequently than the one that causes albinism/leucism. Pure black animals are more novel. We thought the more rare melanistic animals would pique human interest for being more unusual and trigger more protections.

    More rare but less beloved than an all-white counterpart?
    Elango V/500px via Getty Images

    Colors have long-standing associations

    For many thousands of years, people have shared with each other stories, lore, tales and myths that attempt to explain the world.

    Sometimes these stories provide cautionary advice about the dangers that lurk around us. As our early ancestors sat around fires, telling thrilling stories, they sought refuge together from the darkness that concealed looming threats. The partiality evident in our history can linger for significant periods of time, making it difficult to unlearn.

    Many human biases developed as a survival response – one reason a darkly colored nocturnal predator would be fearsome is that it’s so hard to see at night, for instance. Modern preconceptions, though, can be based on harmful ideologies. Somewhere, way back when, white became synonymous with “good” and “pure,” while black aligned more with “evil” and “unclean.” And even now these unconscious affiliations influence how people celebrate and protect – or not – rare animals.

    Perhaps more chilling than a black cat darting past you is the thought of how much in your subconscious mind goes unquestioned. Ideologies – whether detrimental or benign – permeate human society, influencing people’s perceptions of reality and informing how they interact with the world.

    This Halloween, rather than the spooky proposition of goblins and ghouls, consider whether the more horrifying specters are the unacknowledged and dangerous biases we humans possess.

    Elizabeth Carlen receives funding from the Living Earth Collaborative and the National Science Foundation.

    Tyus Williams receives funding from the National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship under Grant No. DGE-2146752

    – ref. Animals that are all black or all white have reputations based on superstition − biases that have real effects – https://theconversation.com/animals-that-are-all-black-or-all-white-have-reputations-based-on-superstition-biases-that-have-real-effects-240658

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Sydney’s beloved Footbridge Theatre launched some of our biggest stars. After nearly 20 years, it’s making a grand return

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Laura Ginters, Associate Professor, Department of Theatre and Performance Studies, University of Sydney

    The Footbridge Theatre in the 1960s, when it was known as the Union Theatre. University of Sydney Archives

    After nearly 20 years as a lecture theatre, the University of Sydney’s Footbridge Theatre is reopening as a live performance venue in the university’s arts precinct.

    The Footbridge is home to a long history of student theatre on campus. When it opened in 1961 as the 655-seat Union Theatre (replacing the old Union Hall) it was the first theatre to have been built in Sydney in more than 20 years.

    Hopes were high for the new venture to be shared by student theatre groups and Sydney’s first professional repertory company, the Union Repertory Theatre Company (not to be confused with the Melbourne Theatre Company’s original name, the Union Theatre Repertory Company).

    For decades, the Footbridge Theatre was host to both industry heavyweights and budding talent from across the arts sectors, before being converted to a lecture hall in 2006. Now, it’s back.

    Hitting the ground running

    The theatre opened with productions from the Sydney University Musical Society, including Claudio Monteverdi’s ballet Il Ballo Delle Ingrate and Henry Purcell’s opera Dido and Aeneas.

    Also on show was the Sydney University Theatre Council’s Serjeant Musgrave’s Dance, starring John Bell in the title role. Ken Horler, with whom Bell founded the famous Nimrod Theatre a decade later, co-directed the play with May Hollinworth, who ran the university’s Dramatic Society in the 1920s and ’30s. The production also featured John Gaden, Bob Ellis, Bruce Beresford, Richard Brennan and Mungo MacCallum.

    The following year, Horler directed Coriolanus, with Bell in the title role and Gaden and Arthur Dignam in the cast.

    John Bell and Arthur Dignam in Coriolanus.
    University of Sydney

    Horler would go on to direct the first Australian production of Bertolt Brecht’s Mother Courage in 1963. The cast included Germaine Greer as Mother Courage, Peter Carroll and Ron Blair.

    Bell also acted in and directed a number of shows in the following years. He returned again in the early 1990s to stage a series of productions with his fledgling Bell Shakespeare company.

    Peter Carroll, Germaine Greer, Maree D’Arcy, Ron Blair and Paul Thom in Mother Courage.
    University of Sydney

    A smidge of controversy

    The university students of the 1960s had been delighted to have their “own” venue after years of makeshift spaces. They produced some adventurous – as well as some scandalous – works.

    When the Dramatic Society staged its Revue of the Absurd in 1963, it included a controversial film by the then-nascent filmmakers Bruce Beresford and Albie Thoms. It Droppeth as the Gentle Rain depicted a cocktail party coming to a sticky end as shit rained down from the sky.

    The film was promptly banned. This ban was reinstated the following year when Beresford and Thoms sought to show it at a gala commemorating the Dramatic Society’s 75th birthday.

    Bruce Beresford and Albie Thoms’ film, It Droppeth as the Gentle Rain, was banned in 1963 – and again the following year.
    University of Sydney

    Student revues were a popular feature of the theatre in its early years. One of these was the 1964 revue called Jump, which starred Colin Anderson, Germaine Greer, John Gaden and Paul Thom.

    The revue Jump featured Paul Thom and John Gaden (left), as well as Colin Anderson and Germaine Greer (right).
    University of Sydney

    The Union Repertory Theatre Company was short-lived, collapsing within 12 months of its launch in 1961.

    Also, ironically, the Footbridge was too expensive for students to hire often. Nonetheless, it was still a launching pad for those involved in student theatre, including Henry Szeps (who later acted in the 1984–94 series Mother and Son), Jack Thompson, who played Claudius in a production of Hamlet (1969), and Neil Armfield in Much Ado About Nothing (1974).

    Fellow student actor and director David Marr would later acknowledge Armfield’s genius as a director, while diplomatically adding “acting was not his strength”.

    A poster designed by Martin Sharp for the 1965 revue First, No Pinky.
    University of Sydney

    What’s in a name?

    The Union Theatre was a venue for hire throughout the 1970s, with student theatre, concerts, music theatre, French language theatre and other genres sporadically staged. In 1981, it was renamed the Footbridge Theatre (after a footbridge that was constructed over Parramatta Road in 1972).

    For two decades from the mid-1980s, the Gordon Frost Organisation leased the theatre to present a number of popular commercial productions.

    It also rented the theatre to other companies, including Bell Shakespeare, the Sydney Theatre Company, Ensemble Theatre and Sydney Festival, which programmed outstanding international works such as the Irish Druid Theatre’s 1998 production of The Leenane Trilogy.

    The 1990s also saw students back onstage in annual faculty revues.

    The next act begins

    A squeeze on space at the university led to Footbridge’s conversion to a lecture theatre in 2006. Following extensive renovations, the now 300-seat theatre is opening once again, with Stephen Sondheim’s Into the Woods.

    The university’s Dramatic Society first produced Into the Woods in the early 2000s (starring Virginia Gay). The Sydney University Musical Theatre Ensemble (MUSE) staged it again in 2011.

    This time around the production is showcasing the talents of the inaugural cohort of music theatre students from the university’s Conservatorium of Music.

    Just as it was for the “Johns” (Bell and Gaden) who, in the early 1960s, took their first steps as student actors into their future careers – and are still going strong six decades later – campus theatres remain vitally important for students finding their feet as the artists of the future.

    Now, in a new decade and with a new generation of students, it’s time to go into the woods again.

    Laura Ginters and Robyn Dalton co-authored a history of drama activities at the University of Sydney, The Ripples Before The New Wave 1957-1963 (2018). The authors interviewed many of the student actors mentioned here for that book.

    – ref. Sydney’s beloved Footbridge Theatre launched some of our biggest stars. After nearly 20 years, it’s making a grand return – https://theconversation.com/sydneys-beloved-footbridge-theatre-launched-some-of-our-biggest-stars-after-nearly-20-years-its-making-a-grand-return-241561

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –