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Category: Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Global: For an estimated 4 million people with felony convictions, restoring their right to vote is complicated – and varies state by state

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Naomi F. Sugie, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of California, Los Angeles

    Desmond Meade, right, registers to vote in Florida on Jan. 8, 2019. after completing his sentence on a federal conviction. Phelan M. Ebenhack for The Washington Post via Getty Images

    People who are convicted of felonies might think they can’t vote.

    Even in California, where they do have the right to vote, people convicted of felonies cite cases in Florida and Texas where people with felonies who have completed their sentences have been arrested and sentenced to prison for trying to vote illegally.

    It’s almost an article of faith that a person loses their right to vote once they have been convicted.

    But that’s not universally true.

    Since 1997, 26 states and Washington have passed reforms that have expanded voting eligibility to over 2 million people with felony convictions.

    The reforms reflect the growing recognition by some politicians that felony disenfranchisement laws often excluded people from voting long after they served their sentences. Rooted in historical racism that restricted access to the ballot box, these laws are at odds with the idea that punishment should end after someone completes their sentence.

    But with these reforms comes a new challenge – ensuring that people who have the right to vote are aware that they can.

    Different states, different laws

    A popular assumption among the general public, and even among those convicted of felonies, is that they can’t vote for life.

    During our research, we conducted interviews and focus groups with 137 people, as well as text message conversations with over 1,800 people across five states (California, Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Texas). Delia, a 40-year-old Hispanic woman in Texas, explained: “It’s very confusing on purpose. The majority of people that I know, who get booked in and are going to jail, one of the biggest things is, you can’t ever vote again. Right. And so, that’s what I believed.”

    Laws on felony disenfranchisement vary by state]. In some instances, people with convictions can still vote while they are serving time in Maine, Vermont and Washington, D.C.

    Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis announced on Oct. 18, 2022, that the state’s new Office of Election Crimes and Security was in the process of arresting 20 individuals for voter fraud.
    Joe Raedle/Getty Images

    According to the National Conference of State Legislatures, those convicted of felonies have their rights automatically restored in 23 states when released from prison. But in 10 other states, those convicted of certain felonies can lose rights indefinitely or require a governor’s pardon for voting rights to be restored.

    Making matters even more confusing is that state laws make different distinctions on who can and cannot vote. In some cases, the distinctions are based on whether the conviction was a felony or misdemeanor.

    Other states distinguish between the timing of the end of imprisonment, parole or probation – and whether all fines and fees have been paid.

    The Florida eligibility question

    In 2018, for example, Florida voters approved a ballot initiative that “restores the voting rights of Floridians with felony convictions after they complete all terms of their sentence including parole or probation.”

    Known as Amendment 4, the measure excluded people who committed murder or a felony sex offense.

    But before the measure went into effect, a legal dispute arose over the definition of what it meant to complete a sentence. In 2019, Florida’s Republican-controlled Legislature passed a law that required payment of outstanding fees and fines before a person convicted of a felony conviction could regain their voting rights.

    Though the American Civil Liberties Union challenged the constitutionality of the law in court, a federal appellate court backed the Republican lawmakers.

    As a result, an estimated 730,000 Floridians who have completed their sentences remain disenfranchised.

    Extending voting rights

    Over the past nearly 30 years, many states have moved to make it easier for those convicted of felonies to regain their voting rights, starting in 1997 in Texas, where lawmakers eliminated a two-year waiting period before a person convicted of a felony regained their right to vote.

    As a result, the number of people with felonies who had lost their right to vote dropped from a high of 6.1 million in 2016 to an estimated 4 million in this election, according to the Sentencing Project. During the U.S. presidential election in 2020, that number was 5.2 million.

    So far in 2024 alone, officials in three states have tinkered with their laws on voter eligibility requirements for people convicted of felonies.

    In Virginia, lawmakers approved on April 5 a new law that allows registered voters who are imprisoned while awaiting trial or have been convicted of a misdemeanor to vote by absentee ballot.

    A month later, in May, Oklahoma lawmakers clarified their existing laws by passing a measure that allows people convicted of felonies to vote under certain conditions, such as receiving a pardon or a reduction of their felony conviction to a lesser misdemeanor.

    Though passed by state lawmakers in April 2024, the Nebraska Supreme Court ruled on Oct. 16 that the new law could take effect. The law eliminates the two-year waiting period following the completion of a prison sentence before voting rights could be restored.

    Increasing voter turnout

    Numerous studies of those with felony convictions have shown that they believe the voting process is unclear and confusing.

    In our study of voting behavior of people with convictions, we interviewed Raymond, a 49-year-old Black man in Michigan. When asked about the process of registering to vote, he told us: “I ain’t going to say scary, but it was unfamiliar. It can be overwhelming for people who don’t want to do it. You don’t know where to go, you don’t know who to really vote for.”

    To get the word out to newly eligible voters, community organizations across the U.S. have launched grassroots operations to inform people with convictions of their voting rights and help guide them through the registration process.

    As part of that effort, community organizations such as Alliance for Safety and Justice and TimeDone are working with academic researchers to further understand how different methods of outreach can increase voter turnout among people with felony convictions.

    With many people newly eligible to vote in their first presidential election this year, I believe providing them with accurate information about voting and their state’s felony voting laws is critical to ensuring that the idea of a second chance includes the right to vote.

    Naomi F. Sugie receives funding from the National Science Foundation, National Endowment for the Humanities, Council on Library and Information Resources, Orange County, Alliance for Safety and Justice, Crankstart, and Public Agenda.

    – ref. For an estimated 4 million people with felony convictions, restoring their right to vote is complicated – and varies state by state – https://theconversation.com/for-an-estimated-4-million-people-with-felony-convictions-restoring-their-right-to-vote-is-complicated-and-varies-state-by-state-239681

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Trump’s racist talk of immigrant ‘bad genes’ echoes some of the last century’s darkest ideas about eugenics

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Shannon Bow O’Brien, Associate Professor of Instruction, The University of Texas at Austin

    Donald Trump speaks at Madison Square Garden in New York on Oct. 27, 2024. John Salangsang/Invision/AP

    Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump has repeatedly denounced immigrants who enter the U.S. illegally and the danger he says that poor immigrants of color pose for the U.S. – often using hateful language to make his point.

    In early October 2024, Trump took his comments a step further when he questioned immigrants’ faulty genes, saying without support that “Many of them murdered far more than one person, and they are now happily living in the United States. You know, now a murderer, I believe this, it’s in their genes. And we got a lot of bad genes in our country right now.”

    It was far from the first time Trump has invoked eugenics – a false, racist theory that some people, and even some races, are genetically superior to others.

    In 1988, for example, Trump told Oprah Winfrey during an interview: “You have to be born lucky in the sense that you have to have the right genes.”

    In 2016, Trump said that his German roots are the reason behind his greatness:

    “I always said that winning is somewhat, maybe, innate. Maybe it’s just something you have; you have the winning gene. Frankly it would be wonderful if you could develop it, but I’m not so sure you can. You know, I’m proud to have that German blood, there’s no question about it. Great stuff.”

    And in 2020, Trump again alluded to his belief that bloodlines convey excellence:

    “I had an uncle who went to MIT who is a top professor. Dr. John Trump. A genius. It’s in my blood. I’m smart.”

    Trump’s repeated and countless comments about white people’s racial superiority to people of color have prompted some comparisons to the Nazis and their ideology of racial superiority.

    The Nazis are indeed the most infamous believers of the false idea that white, blue-eyed, blonde-haired people were superior to others – and that the human population should be selectively managed to breed white people.

    But the Nazis didn’t originate these ideas. In fact, the Nazis were so impressed with many American eugenic ideas that they incorporated them into their racist, antisemitic laws.

    Root of eugenics

    The British scientist Francis Galton, a cousin of the evolutionist Charles Darwin, first developed the theory of eugenics in the 1860s, and it gained a foothold in the U.S. and Britain around this time.

    Eugenics sets racial identity, and especially white identity, as the most desirable and worthy.

    By the dawn of the early 1900s, much of the American eugenics scholarship looked down on American immigrants from any place other than Scandinavia, thus coining the term “Nordicism.”

    In the late 19th and early 20th century, immigration to the U.S. was at its peak. In 1890, 14.8% of people living in the U.S. were immigrants. Many people felt concerned about immigration in the U.S., and there were many prominent eugenicists in America. Two of the most famous were Madison Grant and Lothrop Stoddard.

    Both were avowed white supremacists who advocated for scientific racism. They wrote popular and widely read books that helped shape American and German law in the 1920s and 1930s.

    Grant, Stoddard and other theorists in the U.S. embraced eugenics as a way to justify racial segregation, restrict immigration, enforce sterilization and uphold other systemic inequalities.

    Stoddard attacked the United States’ immigration policies in his 1920 book, “The Rising Tide of Color: The Threat Against White World-Supremacy.” He wrote: “If the present drift is not changed, we whites are all ultimately doomed. … We now know that men are not, and never will be equal. We now know that environment and education can only develop what heredity brings.”

    Another prominent eugenicist was Harry H. Laughlin, an educator and superintendent of the Eugenics Record Office, a now-defunct research group that gathered biological and social information about the American population.

    Laughlin wrote an influential 1922 book, “Eugenical Sterilization in the United States,” which included a chapter on model sterilization laws. The Third Reich used his book and laws as a template when implementing them in Germany during the height of the Nazi period.

    Laughlin also regularly testified before U.S. Congress, with this 1922 testimony representative of his message to lawmakers: “Immigration is essentially and fundamentally a racial and biological problem. There are many factors to consider, but, from the standpoint of the future, immigration is primarily a long time national investment in human family stocks.”

    Eugenicists, including Laughlin, have long been specifically preoccupied with Norwegian genetics – believing that America is under attack when immigration occurs from non-Nordic countries.

    In November 1922, Laughlin said, “Some of our finest and most desirable immigrants are from Norway.”

    In 1924, Congress approved the Immigration Act, which severely limited immigration to the U.S., established quotas for immigrants based on nationality and barred immigrants from Asia.

    It was only following the end of World War II and the Holocaust that eugenics fell out of favor and lost its prominence in American thinking.

    Trump’s recycling of history

    Fears over foreign immigrants weakening the U.S. were popular a century ago, and Trump and many of his followers still embrace them today.

    Trump has promised that he will carry out mass deportations of immigrants living in the U.S. illegally, forcibly detaining immigrants in camps and removing 1 million people a year.

    In April 2024, Trump used dehumanizing language to express his apparent belief that immigrants are unworthy of empathy. “The Democrats say, ‘Please don’t call them animals. They’re humans.’ I said, ‘No, they’re not humans, they’re not humans, they’re animals.’”

    Trump has also promoted eugenicists’ obsession with Scandinavia and the superiority of white people.

    In 2018, Trump spoke about immigrants from Haiti, El Salvador and Africa, saying “Why are we having all these people from shithole countries come here?”

    In the same meeting, Trump also reportedly suggested that the U.S. should instead draw in more people from countries like Norway.

    In April 2024, Trump again embraced this idea of Scandinavian superiority, saying that he wants immigrants from “Nice countries. You know, like Denmark, Switzerland? Do we have any people coming in from Denmark? How about Switzerland? How about Norway?”

    A dangerous flash to the past

    A person running for president in 1924 would seem more likely than a candidate in 2024 to espouse this now-discredited point of view.

    President Calvin Coolidge ran for election on an “America First” platform in 1924, with the slogan only falling out of favor after groups like the Ku Klux Klan embraced it around the same time.

    The idea of America First, at the time, denoted American nationalism and exceptionalism – but also was linked to anti-immigration and fascist movements.

    When Coolidge signed the heavily restrictive 1924 Immigration Act into law he stated, “America must remain American.”

    One hundred years later, Trump calls to mind an America First mentality, including when he regularly reads the lyrics to a song called “The Snake” during his rallies as a way to explain the dangers of welcoming immigrants into the U.S. The civil rights activist Oscar Brown wrote this poem in 1963, and his family has said that Trump misinterprets the song’s words.

    ‘I saved you,’ cried that woman.

    ‘And you’ve bit me even, why’

    ‘You know your bite is poisonous and now I’m going to die.’

    ‘Oh shut up, silly woman,’ said the reptile with a grin,

    ‘You knew damn well I was a snake before you took me in.’

    I have written a book on this and I used many of my citations in Chapter 4 to help develop this piece though I reworded or reframed it.

    – ref. How Trump’s racist talk of immigrant ‘bad genes’ echoes some of the last century’s darkest ideas about eugenics – https://theconversation.com/how-trumps-racist-talk-of-immigrant-bad-genes-echoes-some-of-the-last-centurys-darkest-ideas-about-eugenics-241548

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cannabis legalization may hit a ‘red wall’ at the ballot box

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By William Garriott, Professor of Law, Politics and Society, Drake University

    Early voting runs from Oct. 21 through Nov. 3 in Florida. Joe Raedle/Getty Images

    Cannabis legalization is on the ballot again this November.

    Voters in Florida, North Dakota and South Dakota will decide whether to allow adults 21 and up in their states to use cannabis recreationally.

    Voters in Nebraska will decide whether to allow medical access under a doctor’s care.

    Voters in Arkansas will see a question about medical access on their ballot, but the state supreme court ruled that the votes can’t be counted because the name and title of the measure were “misleading.”

    The results of these ballot measures obviously matter to residents of each state, but they also will be telling for the future of the cannabis legalization movement. That’s because these states are all so-called red states where Republicans dominate state politics. They are part of the legalization movement’s biggest obstacle – what I call the “red wall.”

    And because federal legalization is unlikely in the next few years, red wall states are now the front line of the fight over cannabis reform.

    A bipartisan coalition in the beginning

    Cannabis legalization hasn’t always been so partisan.

    In fact, bipartisanship has been key to the success of the contemporary legalization movement, which began in the 1990s.

    How do I know? Because I’ve been told as much by the people who made it happen.

    Since 2014, I’ve been researching cannabis legalization in the U.S.. I’ve been trying to understand the contemporary legalization movement’s success and what it means for the future of U.S. drug policy. As an anthropologist, my process is to go where the action is and talk to people with lived experience.

    And so I’ve been talking to people in Colorado. In 2012, it became one of the first two states to legalize recreational use of cannabis, also called “adult use.”

    Today, 48 states and Washington D.C. have approved cannabis for some kind of medical use, although 10 of those states have legalized only the limited use of oils containing low levels of THC, the active compound in cannabis. Adult use for anyone 21 and older is now allowed in 24 states and Washington.

    This is a dramatic change that is undoing decades of prohibition.

    Any political movement takes thousands of people to be successful, but it also takes leaders. In Colorado, attorney Brian Vicente and activist Mason Tvert played a pivotal role. With support from the Marijuana Policy Project, they spent most of the 2000s building the movement that made recreational legalization possible in Colorado.

    When I asked Vicente and Tvert how they made it happen, they emphasized the same thing: To be effective, they had to build a new kind of coalition. They had to appeal to people who had no personal interest in consuming cannabis.

    Brian Vicente, left, and Mason Tvert, center, celebrate the passage of medical marijuana in Colorado in 2012.
    Karl Gehring/The Denver Post via Getty Images

    In Colorado, they made the case that marijuana should be regulated like alcohol, with tax money going to schools. The fact that Colorado allowed ballot initiatives was also key. It let activists take the issue directly to voters, bypassing opposition from the governor and other elected officials.

    The strategy worked.

    Liberals liked the social justice arguments. Conservatives liked that it enhanced individual liberty. And a broad cross section of voters liked that it would generate tax revenue and let the criminal justice system focus on more serious threats to public safety.

    These voters made for a powerful coalition. And for years, such coalitions helped legalization measures pass in blue states like Oregon and California, and in red states like Alaska and Montana.

    Hitting the red wall

    But since 2020, legalization has become more partisan.

    Of the 26 states where cannabis remains illegal for adult use, 20 are red states with a Republican trifecta, meaning that Republicans control both chambers of the state legislature and the governor’s office.

    Another four – Kansas, Wisconsin, Kentucky and North Carolina – have Republican-controlled state legislatures and Democratic governors.

    Pennsylvania is the only state in the nation where legislative control is split. Medical cannabis was legalized there in 2016, but recreational use is not allowed.

    And Hawaii is the lone blue state that has yet to legalize recreational cannabis. A slimmer majority of voters support it than in other blue states, and there are unique concerns such as the potential impact on the tourist economy.

    All told, 92% of the states where adult use is still illegal are dominated – if not completely controlled – by Republicans who are much less likely to support legalization than either Democrats or independents. This is true of both elected leaders and rank-and-file party members.

    What’s more, 16 of the 26 states that have not legalized adult use cannabis don’t have a ballot initiative process, so supporters can’t take the issue directly to voters. The states with measures on the ballot this November are part of the minority that do.

    Voters in states without ballot initiatives have no choice but to wait on their state legislatures to act. But most Republican-controlled legislatures have shown little interest in the issue, even when the majority of voters in the state support it – like in Iowa.

    Will the red wall hold this November?

    Could the third time be the charm for recreational pot in North Dakota?
    Jakub Porzycki/NurPhoto via Getty Images

    Based on polling and precedent, the red wall will likely hold during the 2024 election.

    In South Dakota, most voters oppose adult use legalization, so the measure is likely to fail for the third time.

    Voters in conservative North Dakota have also rejected adult use legalization twice before, which makes success this year unlikely. On the other hand, it has more support from Republican state legislators than in other states, and more voters are undecided on the issue.

    The medical measure in Nebraska is likely to pass, but its future is uncertain. It faces an ongoing legal challenge spurred in part by the state’s Attorney General Mike Hilgers who is a staunch opponent of cannabis legalization.

    And even if it survives legal challenge, that does not mean recreational legalization is around the corner. The most recent polling of Nebraskans shows lower support for recreational use than medical use, particularly among Republicans.

    Florida could go either way

    The wild card is Florida. It has already legalized medical cannabis, and supporters have been trying for years to get adult use on the ballot.

    Polling this summer showed a majority of Republicans supported it, but more recent polls show a slim majority now oppose the referendum.

    It still probably has the votes to pass, but it faces a few obstacles.

    First, it must pass with 60% of the vote.

    Second, it has divided party leaders, with the state’s two highest-profile Republicans, Donald Trump and Gov. Ron DeSantis, taking different positions on the issue. Trump says he’s voting yes, while DeSantis is a strong no.

    And third, it has drawn the ire of some legalization supporters for potentially giving disproportionate control of the market to a small group of large cannabis companies. The concern is that the amendment as written does not require the state to increase the number of licensed businesses. Only already-licensed businesses would be guaranteed the opportunity to expand into the recreational cannabis market.

    These same companies are the primary funders of the initiative, with Trulieve alone donating most of the more than US$90 million raised by the Yes campaign. The company already runs more than 150 medical dispensaries in Florida and is one of the largest cannabis companies in the U.S..

    Ironically, DeSantis’ No campaign has put concerns about corporate control at the center of its own messaging, creating a potential coalition between people who oppose adult use legalization under any circumstances and those who oppose it when there’s too much corporate control.

    Trulieve, for its part, has filed a defamation suit against the Republican Party of Florida over the claims.

    Where the movement goes from here

    Unless there are significant surprises this November, legalization supporters will need to find a new strategy to appeal to red state voters and legislators. They will need to take concerns over public health and safety seriously, address the persistence of racial disparities in cannabis arrests in legalization states, tackle the growing corporate influence within the movement, and respond to the moral critiques of people like former Alabama Senator and U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions who feel that, simply put, “good people don’t smoke marijuana.”

    William Garriott’s research has been funded by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research.

    – ref. Cannabis legalization may hit a ‘red wall’ at the ballot box – https://theconversation.com/cannabis-legalization-may-hit-a-red-wall-at-the-ballot-box-241738

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Grow fast, die young? Animals that invest in building high-quality biomaterials may slow aging and increase their lifespans

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Chen Hou, Associate Professor of Biology, Missouri University of Science and Technology

    Allocating more energy for growth versus for maintenance comes with longevity trade-offs. Matthias Clamer/Stone via Getty Images

    Fancy, high-quality products such as Rolex watches and Red Wing boots often cost more to make but last longer. This is a principle that manufacturers and customers are familiar with. But while this also applies to biology, scientists rarely discuss it.

    Researchers have known for decades that the faster an animal grows, the shorter its lifespan, at least among mammals. This holds across species of different sizes. Ecophysiologists like me have been studying the trade-offs between allocating energy for growth or for maintenance, and how those trade-offs affect aging and lifespan.

    One explanation is that since animals have a limited amount of energy available, investing more energy in growth will reduce the energy they have left to maintain their health, therefore leading to faster aging.

    Another explanation is based on the observation that metabolism – all the physical and chemical processes that convert or use energy – fuels growth. Some researchers have suggested that fast growth is associated with high metabolism, in turn causing stress that speeds up aging.

    However, these two explanations may not capture the whole picture of the trade-off between growth and longevity. For example, certain species allocate a larger fraction of their energy to maintenance but don’t have better resistance to stress than species that allocate less energy to those processes. This finding indicates that the amount of energy allocated to maintenance may not be the only thing that determines its quality.

    Meanwhile, I found that this negative association still strongly holds even after accounting for metabolic rate. That means the higher metabolism associated with faster growth cannot completely explain faster aging. There had to be other missing links to consider.

    What have scientists overlooked? My recently published research suggests that the energy cost it takes to make biological materials, or the biosynthetic cost, also affects lifespan.

    Whales have some of the longest lifespans among mammals.
    lisabskelton/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    Cost of making biomass

    It costs energy to make biological materials, or biomass, such as assembling individual amino acids into whole proteins. It also costs energy to check newly synthesized materials for errors, break down and rebuild materials with errors, and transport finished materials to where they need to be.

    To measure the energy investment in building biomass across species, I derived a mathematical relationship between biosynthetic cost and rates of growth and metabolism. I based my equation on the first principle of energy conservation, which states that energy is neither created nor destroyed, and data on the growth and metabolism rates of different mammals routinely measured by other researchers in the field.

    While researchers previously believed that the cost of synthesizing new biomass was the same across species, my analysis of data from 139 different animals found that there is a great difference in biosynthetic cost between species. For example, a naked mole rat has a biosynthetic cost that is over three times as that of a mouse with the same body mass. While the naked mole rat has a lifespan of 30 years, the mouse’s lifespan is only two to three years.

    My findings suggest that some species spend more energy than others to make one unit of biomass. This is perhaps partially due to living in a more dangerous environment. Animals that grow faster are more likely to reach reproductive maturity than animals that grow more slowly, but the price to pay is low-quality biomaterials.

    Biosynthetic cost and aging

    If everything else is kept the same, the more expensive growth is, the lower the growth rate will be. But how does this energy cost contribute to the aging process?

    I used what I call a cost-quality hypothesis to answer this question. At the cellular level, biosynthetic cost is in part determined by the cell’s tolerance for errors in making materials. Take proteins as an example. Research has repeatedly suggested that protein homeostasis – the collective processes that maintain protein level, structure and function – plays a key role in the aging process. In simple terms, the accumulation of proteins with errors leads to aging.

    Protein synthesis and folding is imperfect. Researchers have estimated that 20% to 30% of new proteins are rapidly degraded after they’re made due to errors. Different species have different degrees of error tolerance and protein quality control. For example, the mouse proteome has two- to tenfold higher levels of proteins with incorrect amino acids relative to the proteome of naked mole rats.

    Let’s consider two species, where one is picky about protein errors and the other not so much. The picky species will break down and remake a protein when it finds an error, constantly using protein quality control mechanisms to proofread, quickly unfold and refold, degrade or resynthesize proteins. Not only do these processes cost energy, they also slow down an animal’s overall biomass growth rate. A pickier species would spend more energy for a unit of net new biomass synthesized than a species with high tolerance, growing more slowly overall.

    On the other hand, a species with higher tolerance to errors would have a lower biosynthetic cost because it would just incorporate the faulty protein into their new biomass. Because this species can function with faulty proteins, it is more resistant to stress and therefore lives longer.

    Naked mole rats live the longest among rodents – their lifespans can push past 30 years.
    Tennessee Witney/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    Making things last

    An animal’s ability to maintain homeostasis not only depends on the amount of energy it allocates to maintenance but also on the quality of the tissue it produces. And the quality of that tissue is at least partially due to the energy it invests in making biomass.

    In other words, fancy stuff costs more to make but lasts longer.

    My hope is that these results could be used as a framework to investigate how differences in a person’s development and growth rate affect their health, risk for aging-related diseases and lifespan. It also opens a door to a new research area: Could we manipulate the mechanisms that determine the energetic cost of biosynthesis and slow aging?

    Chen Hou does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Grow fast, die young? Animals that invest in building high-quality biomaterials may slow aging and increase their lifespans – https://theconversation.com/grow-fast-die-young-animals-that-invest-in-building-high-quality-biomaterials-may-slow-aging-and-increase-their-lifespans-240517

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Making a Snickers bar is a complex science − a candy engineer explains how to build the airy nougat and chewy caramel of this Halloween favorite

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Richard Hartel, Professor of Food Science, University of Wisconsin-Madison

    From their caramel centers to chocolatey coatings, several widely used candy-making processes go into the production of a single Snickers bar. NurPhoto / Contributor via Getty Images

    It’s Halloween. You’ve just finished trick-or-treating and it’s time to assess the haul. You likely have a favorite, whether it’s chocolate bars, peanut butter cups, those gummy clusters with Nerds on them or something else.

    For some people, including me, one piece stands out – the Snickers bar, especially if it’s full-size. The combination of nougat, caramel and peanuts coated in milk chocolate makes Snickers a popular candy treat.

    As a food engineer studying candy and ice cream at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, I now look at candy in a whole different way than I did as a kid. Back then, it was all about shoveling it in as fast as I could.

    Now, as a scientist who has made a career studying and writing books about confections, I have a very different take on candy. I have no trouble sacrificing a piece for the microscope or the texture analyzer to better understand how all the components add up. I don’t work for, own stock in, or receive funding from Mars Wrigley, the company that makes Snickers bars. But in my work, I do study the different components that make up lots of popular candy bars. Snickers has many of the most common elements you’ll find in your Halloween candy.

    Let’s look at the elements of a Snickers bar as an example of candy science. As with almost everything, once you get into it, each component is more complex than you might think.

    Snickers bars contain a layer of nougat, a layer of caramel mixed with peanuts and a chocolate coating.
    istarif/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    Airy nougat

    Let’s start with the nougat. The nougat in a Snickers bar is a slightly aerated candy with small sugar crystals distributed throughout.

    One of the ingredients in the nougat is egg white, a protein that helps stabilize the air bubbles that provide a light texture. Often, nougats like this are made by whipping sugar and egg whites together. The egg whites coat the air bubbles created during whipping, which gives the nougat its aerated texture.

    A boiled sugar syrup is then slowly mixed into the egg white sugar mixture, after which a melted fat is added. Since fat can cause air bubbles to collapse, this step has to be done last and very carefully.

    The final ingredient added before cooling is powdered sugar to provide seeds for the sugar crystallization in the batch. The presence of small sugar crystals makes the nougat “short” – pull it apart between your fingers and it breaks cleanly with no stretch.

    Chewy caramel

    On top of the nougat layer is a band of chewy caramel. The chewiness of the caramel contrasts the nougat’s light, airy texture, which provides contrast to each bite.

    Caramel stands out from other candies as it contains a dairy ingredient, such as cream or evaporated milk. During cooking, the milk proteins react with some of the sugars in a complex series of reactions called Maillard browning, which imparts the brown color and caramelly flavor.

    Maillard browning starts with proteins and certain sugars. The end products of these reactions include melanoidins, which are brown coloring compounds, and a variety of flavors. The specific flavor molecules depend on the starting materials and the conditions, such as temperature and water content.

    Commercial caramel, like that in the Snickers bar, is cooked up to about 240-245 degrees Fahrenheit (115-118 degrees Celsius), to control the water content. Cook to too high a temperature and the caramel gets too hard, but if the cook temperature is too low, the caramel will flow right off the nougat. In a Snickers bar, the caramel needs to be slightly chewy so the peanuts stick to it.

    Chocolate coating

    To make chocolate, raw cocoa beans are harvested from cacao pods and then fermented for several days. After the fermented beans are dried, they are roasted to develop the chocolate flavor. As in caramel, the Maillard browning reaction is an important contributor to the flavor of chocolate.

    The milk chocolate coating on the Snickers bar happens through a process called enrobing. The naked bar, arranged on a wire mesh conveyor, passes through a curtain of tempered liquid chocolate, covering all sides with a thin layer. Tempering the chocolate coating makes it glossy and gives it a well-defined snap.

    The enrobing process in action.

    The flow of the tempered chocolate needs to be controlled precisely to give a coating of the desired thickness without leading to tails at the bottom of the candy bar.

    The Snickers bar

    When done right, the result is a delicious Snickers bar, a popular Halloween – or anytime – candy.

    With about 15 million bars made each day, getting every detail just right requires a lot of scientific understanding and engineering precision.

    Richard Hartel has previously consulted for Mars Wrigley, but not in the past decade, and does not receive funding from them nor own shares in their company.

    – ref. Making a Snickers bar is a complex science − a candy engineer explains how to build the airy nougat and chewy caramel of this Halloween favorite – https://theconversation.com/making-a-snickers-bar-is-a-complex-science-a-candy-engineer-explains-how-to-build-the-airy-nougat-and-chewy-caramel-of-this-halloween-favorite-241534

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Israel’s ban on UNRWA continues a pattern of politicizing Palestinian refugee aid – and puts millions of lives at risk

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Nicholas R. Micinski, Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, University of Maine

    The Israeli parliament’s vote on Oct. 28, 2024, to ban the United Nations agency that provides relief for Palestinian refugees is likely to affect millions of people – it also fits a pattern.

    Aid for refugees, particularly Palestinian refugees, has long been politicized, and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, or UNRWA, has been targeted throughout its 75-year history.

    This was evident earlier in the current Gaza conflict, when at least a dozen countries, including the U.S., suspended funding to the UNRWA, citing allegations made by Israel that 12 UNRWA employees participated in the attack by Hamas on Oct. 7, 2023. In August, the U.N. fired nine UNRWA employees for alleged involvement in the attack. An independent U.N. panel established a set of 50 recommendations to ensure UNRWA employees adhere to the principle of neutrality.

    The vote by the Knesset, Israel’s parliament, to ban the UNRWA goes a step further. It will, when it comes into effect, prevent the UNRWA from operating in Israel and will severely affect its ability to serve refugees in any of the occupied territories that Israel controls, including Gaza. This could have devastating consequences for livelihoods, health, the distribution of food aid and schooling for Palestinians. It would also damage the polio vaccination campaign that the UNRWA and its partner organizations have been carrying out in Gaza since September. Finally, the bill bans communication between Israeli officials and the UNRWA, which would end efforts by the agency to coordinate the movements of aid workers to prevent unintentional targeting by the Israel Defense Forces.

    Refugee aid, and humanitarian aid more generally, is theoretically meant to be neutral and impartial. But as experts in migration and international relations, we know funding is often used as a foreign policy tool, whereby allies are rewarded and enemies punished. In this context, we believe Israel’s banning of the UNRWA fits a wider pattern of the politicization of aid to refugees, particularly Palestinian refugees.

    What is the UNRWA?

    The UNRWA, short for United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, was established two years after about 750,000 Palestinians were expelled or fled from their homes during the months leading up to the creation of the state of Israel in 1948 and the subsequent Arab-Israeli war.

    Palestinians flee their homes during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war.
    Pictures from History/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    Prior to the UNRWA’s creation, international and local organizations, many of them religious, provided services to displaced Palestinians. But after surveying the extreme poverty and dire situation pervasive across refugee camps, the U.N. General Assembly, including all Arab states and Israel, voted to create the UNRWA in 1949.

    Since that time, the UNRWA has been the primary aid organization providing food, medical care, schooling and, in some cases, housing for the 6 million Palestinians living across its five fields: Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, as well as the areas that make up the occupied Palestinian territories: the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

    The mass displacement of Palestinians – known as the Nakba, or “catastrophe” – occurred prior to the 1951 Refugee Convention, which defined refugees as anyone with a well-founded fear of persecution owing to “events occurring in Europe before 1 January 1951.” Despite a 1967 protocol extending the definition worldwide, Palestinians are still excluded from the primary international system protecting refugees.

    While the UNRWA is responsible for providing services to Palestinian refugees, the United Nations also created the U.N. Conciliation Commission for Palestine in 1948 to seek a long-term political solution and “to facilitate the repatriation, resettlement and economic and social rehabilitation of the refugees and the payment of compensation.”

    As a result, UNRWA does not have a mandate to push for the traditional durable solutions available in other refugee situations. As it happened, the conciliation commission was active only for a few years and has since been sidelined in favor of the U.S.-brokered peace processes.

    Is the UNRWA political?

    The UNRWA has been subject to political headwinds since its inception and especially during periods of heightened tension between Palestinians and Israelis.

    While it is a U.N. organization and thus ostensibly apolitical, it has frequently been criticized by Palestinians, Israelis as well as donor countries, including the United States, for acting politically.

    The UNRWA performs statelike functions across its five fields, including education, health and infrastructure, but it is restricted in its mandate from performing political or security activities.

    Initial Palestinian objections to the UNRWA stemmed from the organization’s early focus on economic integration of refugees into host states.

    Although the UNRWA officially adhered to the U.N. General Assembly’s Resolution 194 that called for the return of Palestine refugees to their homes, U.N., U.K. and U.S. officials searched for means by which to resettle and integrate Palestinians into host states, viewing this as the favorable political solution to the Palestinian refugee situation and the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In this sense, Palestinians perceived the UNRWA to be both highly political and actively working against their interests.

    In later decades, the UNRWA switched its primary focus from jobs to education at the urging of Palestinian refugees. But the UNRWA’s education materials were viewed by Israel as further feeding Palestinian militancy, and the Israeli government insisted on checking and approving all materials in Gaza and the West Bank, which it has occupied since 1967.

    A protester is removed by members of the U.S. Capitol Police during a House hearing on Jan. 30, 2024.
    Alex Wong/Getty Images

    While Israel has long been suspicious of the UNRWA’s role in refugee camps and in providing education, the organization’s operation, which is internationally funded, also saves Israel millions of dollars each year in services it would be obliged to deliver as the occupying power.

    Since the 1960s, the U.S. – the UNRWA’s primary donor – and other Western countries have repeatedly expressed their desire to use aid to prevent radicalization among refugees.

    In response to the increased presence of armed opposition groups, the U.S. attached a provision to its UNRWA aid in 1970, requiring that the “UNRWA take all possible measures to assure that no part of the United States contribution shall be used to furnish assistance to any refugee who is receiving military training as a member of the so-called Palestine Liberation Army (PLA) or any other guerrilla-type organization.”

    The UNRWA adheres to this requirement, even publishing an annual list of its employees so that host governments can vet them, but it also employs 30,000 individuals, the vast majority of whom are Palestinian.

    Questions over links of the UNRWA to any militancy has led to the rise of Israeli and international watch groups that document the social media activity of the organization’s large Palestinian staff.

    In 2018, the Trump administration paused its US$60 million contribution to the UNRWA. Trump claimed the pause would create political pressure for Palestinians to negotiate. President Joe Biden restarted U.S. contributions to the UNRWA in 2021.

    While other major donors restored funding to the UNRWA after the conclusion of the investigation in April, the U.S. has yet to do so.

    ‘An unmitigated disaster’

    Israel’s ban of the UNRWA will leave already starving Palestinians without a lifeline. U.N. Secretary General António Guterres said banning the UNRWA “would be a catastrophe in what is already an unmitigated disaster.” The foreign ministers of Canada, Australia, France, Germany, Japan, South Korea and the U.K. issued a joint statement arguing that the ban would have “devastating consequences on an already critical and rapidly deteriorating humanitarian situation, particularly in northern Gaza.”

    Reports have emerged of Israeli plans for private security contractors to take over aid distribution in Gaza through dystopian “gated communities,” which would in effect be internment camps. This would be a troubling move. In contrast to the UNRWA, private contractors have little experience delivering aid and are not dedicated to the humanitarian principles of neutrality, impartiality or independence.

    However, the Knesset’s explicit ban could, inadvertently, force the United States to suspend weapons transfers to Israel. U.S. law requires that it stop weapons transfers to any country that obstructs the delivery of U.S. humanitarian aid. And the U.S. pause on funding for the UNRWA was only meant to be temporary.

    The UNRWA is the main conduit for assistance into Gaza, and the Knesset’s ban makes explicit that the Israeli government is preventing aid delivery, making it harder for Washington to ignore. Before the bill passed, U.S. State Department Spokesperson Matt Miller warned that “passage of the legislation could have implications under U.S. law and U.S. policy.”

    At the same time, two U.S. government agencies previously alerted the Biden administration that Israel was obstructing aid into Gaza, yet weapons transfers have continued unabated.

    Sections of this story were first used in an earlier article published by The Conversation U.S. on Feb. 1, 2024.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Israel’s ban on UNRWA continues a pattern of politicizing Palestinian refugee aid – and puts millions of lives at risk – https://theconversation.com/israels-ban-on-unrwa-continues-a-pattern-of-politicizing-palestinian-refugee-aid-and-puts-millions-of-lives-at-risk-242379

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The ancient Irish get way too much credit for Halloween

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Lisa Bitel, Dean’s Professor of Religion & Professor of History, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

    The Celtic festival of Samhain celebrates a time of year when the division between Earth and the otherworld collapses, allowing spirits to pass through. Matt Cardy/Getty Images

    This time of year, I often run across articles proclaiming Halloween a modern form of the pagan Irish holiday of Samhain – pronounced SAW-en. But as a historian of Ireland and its medieval literature, I can tell you: Samhain is Irish. Halloween isn’t.

    The Irish often get credit – or blame – for the bonfires, pranksters, witches, jack-o’-lanterns and beggars who wander from house to house, threatening tricks and soliciting treats.

    The first professional 19th-century folklorists were the ones who created a through line from Samhain to Halloween. Oxford University’s John Rhys and James Frazer of the University of Cambridge were keen to find the origins of their national cultures.

    They observed lingering customs in rural areas of Britain and Ireland and searched medieval texts for evidence that these practices and beliefs had ancient pagan roots. They mixed stories of magic and paganism with harvest festivals and whispers of human sacrifice, and you can still find echoes of their outdated theories on websites.

    But the Halloween we celebrate today has more to do with the English, a ninth-century pope and America’s obsession with consumerism.

    A changing of the seasons

    For two millennia, Samhain, the night of Oct. 31, has marked the turn from summer to winter on the Irish calendar. It was one of four seasonal signposts in agricultural and pastoral societies.

    After Samhain, people brought the animals inside as refuge from the long, cold nights of winter. Imbolc, which is on Feb. 1, marked the beginning of the lambing season, followed by spring planting. Beltaine signaled the start of mating season for humans and beasts alike on May 1, and Lughnasadh kicked off the harvest on Aug. 1.

    But whatever the ancient Irish did on Oct. 31 is lost to scholars because there’s almost no evidence of their pagan traditions except legends written by churchmen around 800 A.D., about 400 years after the Irish started turning Christian. Although they wrote about the adventures of their ancestors, churchmen could only imagine the pagan ways that had disappeared.

    A neopagan celebration of Samhain in October 2021.
    Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    An otherworld more utopian than terrifying

    These stories about the pagan past told of Irish kings holding annual weeklong feasts, markets and games at Samhain. The day ended early in northwestern Europe, before 5 p.m., and winter nights were long. After sundown, people went inside to eat, drink and listen to storytellers.

    The stories did not link Samhain with death and horror. But they did treat Samhain as a night of magic, when the otherworld – what, in Irish, was known as the “sí” – opened its portals to mortals. One tale, “The Adventure of Nera,” warned that if you went out on Samhain Eve, you might meet dead men or warriors from the sí, or you might unknowingly wander into the otherworld.

    When Nera went out on a dare, he met a thirsty corpse in search of drink and unwittingly followed warriors through a portal into the otherworld. But instead of ghosts and terror, Nera found love. He ended up marrying a “ban sídh” – pronounced “BAN-shee” – an otherworldly woman. But here’s the medieval twist to the tale: He lived happily ever after in this otherworld with his family and farm.

    The Irish otherworld was no hell, either. In medieval tales, it is a sunny place in perpetual spring. Everyone who lives there is beautiful, powerful, immortal and blond. They have good teeth. The rivers flow with mead and wine, and food appears on command. No sexual act is a sin. The houses sparkle with gems and precious metals. Even the horses are perfect.

    Clampdown on pagan customs

    The link between Oct. 31, ghosts and devils was really the pope’s fault.

    In 834, Pope Gregory IV decreed Nov. 1 the day for celebrating all Christian saints. In English, the feast day became All Hallows Day. The night before – Oct. 31 – became known as All Hallows Eve.

    Some modern interpretations insist that Pope Gregory created All Hallows Day to quell pagan celebrations of Samhain. But Gregory knew nothing of ancient Irish seasonal holidays. In reality, he probably did it because everyone celebrated All Saints on different days and, like other Popes, Gregory sought to consolidate and control the liturgical calendar.

    In the later Middle Ages, All Hallows Eve emerged as a popular celebration of the saints. People went to church and prayed to the saints for favors and blessings. Afterward, they went home to feast. Then, on Nov. 2, they celebrated All Souls’ Day by praying for the souls of their lost loved ones, hoping that prayers would help their dead relatives out of purgatory and into heaven.

    But in the 16th century, the Protestant rulers of Britain and Ireland quashed saints’ feast days, because praying to saints seemed idolatrous. Protestant ministers did their best to eliminate popular customs of the early November holidays, such as candle-lit processions and harvest bonfires.

    In the minds of ministers, these customs smacked of heathenism.

    A mishmash of traditions

    Our Halloween of costumed beggars and leering jack-o’-lanterns descends from this mess of traditions, storytelling and antiquarianism.

    Like our ancestors, we constantly remake our most important holidays to suit current culture.

    Jack-o’-lanterns are neither ancient nor Irish. One of the earliest references is an 18th-century account of an eponymous Jack, who tricked the devil one too many times and was condemned to wander the world forever.

    Supposedly, Jack, or whatever the hero was called, carved a turnip and stuck a candle in it as his lantern. But the custom of carving turnips in early November probably originated in England with celebrations of All Saints’ Day and another holiday, Guy Fawkes Day on Nov. 5, with its bonfires and fireworks, and it spread from there.

    Guy Fawkes Day, an annual celebration in Great Britain, features fireworks and bonfires and is observed on Nov. 5.
    Hulton-Deutsch Collection/Corbis via Getty Images

    As for ancient bonfires, the Irish and Britons built them to celebrate Beltaine, but not Samhain – at least, not according to the medieval tales.

    In 19th-century Ireland, All Hallows Eve was a time for communal suppers, games like bobbing for apples and celebrating the magic of courtship. For instance, girls tried to peel apples in one long peel; then they examined the peels to see what letters they resembled – the initials of their future husbands’ names. Boys crept out of the gathering, despite warnings, to make mischief, taking off farm gates or stealing cabbages and hurling them at the neighbors’ doors.

    Halloween with an American sheen

    Across the Atlantic, these customs first appeared in the mid-19th century, when the Irish, English and many other immigrant groups brought their holidays to the U.S.

    In medieval Scotland, “guisers” were people who dressed in disguise and begged for “soul cakes” on All Souls Day. These guisers probably became the costumed children who threatened – and sometimes perpetrated – mischief unless given treats. Meanwhile, carved turnips became jack-o’-lanterns, since pumpkins were plentiful in North America – and easier to carve.

    Like Christmas, Valentine’s Day and Easter, Halloween eventually became a feast of consumerism. Companies mass-produced costumes, paper decorations and packaged candy. People in Britain and Ireland blamed the Americans for the spread of modern Halloween and its customs. British schools even tried to quash the holiday in the 1990s because of its disorderly and demonic connotations.

    The only real remnant of Samhain in Halloween is the date. Nowadays, no one expects to stumble into a romance in the sí. Only those drawn to the ancient Celtic past sense the numinous opening of the otherworld at Samhain.

    But who’s to say which reality prevails when the portals swing open in the dark of Oct. 31?

    Lisa Bitel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The ancient Irish get way too much credit for Halloween – https://theconversation.com/the-ancient-irish-get-way-too-much-credit-for-halloween-239801

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Rising partisanship is making nonprofits more reluctant to engage in policy debates − new research

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Heather MacIndoe, Associate Professor of Public Policy, UMass Boston

    Divisiveness is on the rise. wildpixel/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    Afraid of partisan rancor, nonprofits are biting their tongues, with divisive politics hindering public policy engagement by social service organizations. This is one of our findings in a new study we conducted on behalf of Independent Sector – a coalition of nonprofits, foundations and corporate giving programs.

    Although the law bars charitable nonprofits from endorsing political candidates, charities are allowed to engage in at least some advocacy, lobbying and public affairs work tied to issues that are relevant to their own work. For example, a food pantry can hold an event about food insecurity in its neighborhood. Or the executive director of a homeless shelter can lobby elected officials about proposed zoning changes that would interfere with a planned expansion.

    Nonprofit advocacy involves attempts to influence government policy. This may include some lobbying, along with information-sharing activities, such as sponsoring events to raise public awareness of an issue, conducting research, or educating the public about policies that affect an organization.

    We, scholars who research nonprofits, spoke with a diverse sample of nonprofit leaders to learn about their organizations’ policy engagement.

    Some of the 40 executive directors of social service nonprofits across the nation whom we interviewed had engaged in advocacy, and others had not. The groups were of different sizes and were founded at different times. They were located in red, blue and purple states.

    Our team set out to identify some of the causes of a decline in nonprofit advocacy through these interviews.

    A few of these nonprofit leaders indicated that they lack expertise or don’t fully understand the restrictions they face regarding advocacy. We also heard many of these executives express concerns about partisanship and political polarization.

    As this growing divisiveness has permeated even the most local aspects of American life, many food pantries, homeless shelters and other social service nonprofits are hesitating to take policy positions that may appear partisan to members of their local communities or donors.

    In 2023, fights erupted at Glendale, Calif., school board meetings over the adoption of a resolution recognizing June as Pride Month.
    Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

    When addressing a social media post about Israel and Palestine that had been misconstrued and sparked controversy, the leader of a legal services nonprofit remarked: “The more polarized we are as Americans, the harder it becomes for us to have an open conversation.”

    Other nonprofits feared the consequences of any kind of engagement regarding policy questions.

    “Nonprofits sometimes are afraid to engage with government officials,” a food security nonprofit leader said, because that advocacy might lead to “some form of retaliation” by the authorities.

    Another concern they expressed: Advocacy might alienate donors who disagree with the nonprofit leaders’ stances.

    “It’s like there’s no middle ground anymore,” said the executive director of an emergency housing center. Others discussed how polarization has led to more divisions in board rooms and the loss of donors. That makes it harder for these organizations to decide to take a public stand on many issues.

    Why it matters

    This study followed up on an earlier stage of our research, which showed that nonprofit advocacy and lobbying had declined over the past two decades.

    Extreme partisanship weakens democracy and erodes social relationships.

    We find this trend especially concerning because charitable nonprofits often serve as a voice for many people who don’t have one in American society.

    As a result, when nonprofits fail to engage in the policy process, those voices go unheard, and their needs may become more likely to go unmet. One reason for this is that the people with direct expertise aren’t weighing in on policies that could reduce the need for those services in the first place.

    “The loudest voices are the ones that get heard,” as one nonprofit leader put it. The “people we support don’t have a voice.”

    What still isn’t known

    We don’t know how polarization might affect longer-term engagement by the nonprofit sector.

    Indeed, some of these organizations have stepped up their advocacy efforts over the past five years, and some took strategic steps to buffer their organizations from resistance to policy engagement, such as by replacing board members who were opposed to taking policy stances that represented their clients’ interests.

    Future research is needed to understand these dynamics more fully and how nonprofits respond to prolonged contentious political discourse.

    The Research Brief is a short take about interesting academic work.

    Heather MacIndoe receives funding from Independent Sector and is a current Visiting Scholar with them.

    Lewis Faulk previously received funding from Independent Sector, where he is also a former visiting scholar.

    Mirae Kim previously received funding from Independent Sector. She is affiliated with the Association for Research on Nonprofit Organizations and Voluntary Action (ARNOVA) as a non-paid board member.

    – ref. Rising partisanship is making nonprofits more reluctant to engage in policy debates − new research – https://theconversation.com/rising-partisanship-is-making-nonprofits-more-reluctant-to-engage-in-policy-debates-new-research-231225

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Corporate social responsibility disclosures are a double-edged sword, new research suggests

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Vivek Astvansh, Associate Professor of Quantitative Marketing and Analytics, McGill University

    Hoping to win over customers, businesses from Amazon to Zoom have taken to touting their good deeds in corporate social responsibility reports.

    CSR reports let companies spotlight what they’ve done for workers, consumers, communities and the environment – essentially all their goals beyond simply making a profit. Research shows that CSR statements are linked to rising sales.

    As a marketing professor, I thought that raised an interesting question: When companies find success with CSR disclosures, are they bringing in new customers – or are their extra sales coming from their existing base alone?

    In a recent study of several hundred Chinese companies, a colleague and I put the question to the test. We found that a CSR disclosure lowers a business’s dependence on current customers by 2.1%.

    That’s welcome news for businesses. It means those additional sales are coming from new customers, who are indeed impressed by the company’s CSR efforts.

    But the findings weren’t all positive.

    To sell more products, companies generally need to buy more supplies. So a logical follow-up question is: Does a company’s CSR disclosure lead it to source purchases from new suppliers?

    In fact, we found the opposite. Companies that released CSR disclosures seemed to scare away new suppliers. This is probably because suppliers often bear the costs when a company chooses to prioritize social responsibility.

    Becoming dependent on suppliers comes at a cost to businesses. When suppliers know a company depends on them, they tend to demand payment in cash rather than credit. That can hurt a company, because it now has less cash for investments.

    So while CSR reports impress customers, they appear to antagonize suppliers – and that comes at a price.

    Why it matters

    Prior research has shown that CSR disclosures can boost sales, but it’s long been unclear whether these additional sales are sourced from old customers or newly acquired ones. Our work brings clarity that businesses can use in making decisions.

    The findings are also of interest to lawmakers, regulators and corporate responsibility advocates who are debating making CSR reports mandatory.

    The U.S. doesn’t require businesses to release CSR reports, but some countries do. One is China, which in 2008 mandated that all public companies submit annual CSR reports starting in 2009. This created the conditions for the nearly natural experiment we conducted.

    Interestingly, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission has reportedly considered making some form of corporate social responsibility reporting mandatory. In the absence of requirements, many American corporations will continue to voluntarily report their CSR.

    In other words, the need for empirical evidence on the cost and benefits of CSR disclosure is greater than ever.

    What’s next

    The increasing incidence of extreme weather events and weather-related fatalities and injuries has piqued my interest in environmental responsibility. I have two ongoing research projects.

    First, I’m using a company’s public disclosures to measure its environmental risks and the activities it has undertaken to mitigate them. Second, I am researching how CEO incentives shape a company’s environmental disclosure, activities and spending – or the lack thereof.

    The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

    Vivek Astvansh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Corporate social responsibility disclosures are a double-edged sword, new research suggests – https://theconversation.com/corporate-social-responsibility-disclosures-are-a-double-edged-sword-new-research-suggests-241540

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Beyond bottled water and sandwiches: What FEMA is doing to get hurricane victims back into their homes

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Shannon Van Zandt, Professor of Landscape Architecture and Urban Planning, Texas A&M University

    Two people survey their beachfront home and business, which was destroyed in Hurricane Milton, on Manasota Key, Fla., Oct. 13, 2024. AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell

    In a pattern all too familiar to people affected by disasters, hurricanes Helene and Milton have disappeared from the headlines, just a few weeks after these disasters ravaged the Southeast. Although reporters have moved on, recovery is just beginning for people who were displaced.

    According to government and private analysts, damages may exceed US$50 billion apiece for these two storms. The Red Cross estimates that over 7,200 homes were destroyed or severely damaged and that more than 1,200 people were living in shelters across the affected states as of late October 2024.

    Staffers from the Federal Emergency Management Agency have been on the ground since before Helene and Milton hit, positioned to help as soon as the storms passed, along with state and local responders. But many people aren’t clear about how FEMA helps or what its responsibilities are.

    This may be one reason why the agency has had to dispel rumors about its response to Helene in North Carolina, such as assertions that representatives were coming to seize damaged property.

    We study the impacts of natural disasters and how communities recover. Here’s what FEMA does in zones battered by disasters like Helene and Milton:

    This FEMA video explains how to initiate claims after federally declared disasters.

    Quick cash grants, then funding for repairs

    FEMA works year-round helping communities prepare for disasters and training emergency management personnel to respond to these events. In the wake of declared federal disasters, it offers its Public Assistance and Individuals and Households programs.

    Public Assistance Program funds are available to state and local governments and some nonprofits to help pay for things like removing debris, preventing further damage and restoring public infrastructure. Support from the Individuals and Households Program may include funds for temporary housing and for repairing or replacing primary residences, as well as provision of temporary housing units for people displaced from their homes.

    FEMA launched a new form of flexible aid in March 2024 that provides quick cash payments of $750 per household for immediate needs, such as food, water, gasoline and emergency shelter. Contrary to rumors that have circulated in the wake of Helene, these payments are just a start, not the maximum support that FEMA offers.

    Applicants have to file claims to receive further aid. These requests go through extensive review, such as inspections of home damage. FEMA then decides how much aid to provide, if any.

    The agency will fund repairs intended to make the home safe to live in, but this work may not be enough to return the home to its pre-disaster state. Currently, the maximum FEMA aid for housing assistance is $42,500, plus an additional $42,500 for other disaster-related needs. For many, these amounts will be insufficient.

    FEMA officials say the agency has enough funding to handle immediate response and recovery from both Helene and Milton. However,
    until damage from both storms has been fully assessed, it is hard to know whether FEMA will need supplemental funds from Congress to support long-term recovery.

    Insurance plays a key role

    FEMA’s programs are intended to help with temporary housing and other needs that aren’t covered by insurance. Homeowners are expected to protect themselves against losing their dwellings by insuring their homes.

    However, some natural disasters are not always covered by homeowners insurance. They include storm-driven flooding, earthquakes and wind damage from hurricanes and tornadoes.

    In places that are vulnerable to these hazards, homeowners may have to seek separate coverage, either from private insurers or government-backed lenders of last resort. Households that don’t purchase special coverage, either because it costs too much or they don’t think they need it, will struggle to recover.

    According to FEMA, only 4% of U.S. homeowners have flood insurance, while 99% of U.S. counties have experienced flooding since 1996.

    Other federal funding sources

    Another federal funding source for housing repair and replacement and other personal property losses is the Small Business Administration. But, unlike FEMA grants that don’t need to be repaid, the SBA only offers low-interest loans.

    The main source of funding for long-term housing recovery is the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development’s Community Development Block Grant – Disaster Recovery grants. These funds must be approved by Congress following a disaster, so it can take months or years for funds to reach communities.

    Awarding this money as block grants gives state and local governments more flexibility to meet the needs of affected communities. However, it also makes it easier to allocate the funds in ways that don’t address the housing needs of the people they are intended to help.

    In recent years, we have seen many cases in which state or local officials have spent these funds inappropriately. For example, after Hurricane Katrina in 2005, Mississippi Governor Haley Barbour redirected most of his state’s HUD funds to economic development projects, including expanding the port of Gulfport, rather than rebuilding housing for storm survivors.

    Fighting to direct funds to those who need them most often requires legal action, extending the wait for hard-hit communities that need it.

    Renters have few options

    Disaster recovery programs often overlook renters, even though in many areas up to half of residents may rent their homes. Renters have little control over whether their homes are rebuilt at all, much less whether they will be allowed to return to them.

    Our research has shown that owner-occupied housing generally recovers much more quickly than rental housing. Apartment buildings also face a more uncertain recovery than single-family homes.

    Helping the neediest victims

    Even after recent updates to its rules, FEMA still struggles to adequately meet the needs of the most vulnerable groups in society. This includes low-income and minority households, people with disabilities and those who are undocumented.

    Poor households often live in homes that are in bad shape or that have gone through previous disasters without repair. In such cases, it can be hard for FEMA inspectors to determine how much damage was caused by the current disaster, which in turn can lead to claims being denied.

    In south Texas, after hurricanes Dolly and Ike in 2008, thousands of low-income households’ claims were denied, leading to a class-action lawsuit that homeowners ultimately won. After Hurricane Maria devastated Puerto Rico in 2017, many homeowners were denied rebuilding aid because they couldn’t provide a title to prove ownership.

    In response, FEMA created new rules in 2023 for demonstrating ownership. For example, FEMA has modified and expanded the types of documentation needed to prove ownership. The agency has also changed eligibility and assistance rules to make it easier to qualify for assistance.

    Recent research suggests that, at least on the whole, FEMA’s Individual Assistance Program is not likely to underserve poor households. Nonetheless, as people across the Southeast take stock of losses from this year’s hurricanes, we believe it will be important to pay special attention to under-resourced households, whose needs may not be adequately addressed by federal programs.

    Shannon Van Zandt receives funding from the U.S. Department of Housing & Urban Development and the National Institutes for Standards & Technology. She is a board member of Texas Housers, a non-profit that advocates for housing for low-income Texans.

    Walter Gillis Peacock research has been funded by a number of agencies including the National Institute for Standards and Technology, the National Science Foundation, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, the Department of Homeland Security, and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers.

    – ref. Beyond bottled water and sandwiches: What FEMA is doing to get hurricane victims back into their homes – https://theconversation.com/beyond-bottled-water-and-sandwiches-what-fema-is-doing-to-get-hurricane-victims-back-into-their-homes-241176

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Scotland’s approach to special needs education is more inclusive than the rest of the UK – but it doesn’t always work in practice

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Joan Mowat, Reader in the School of Education, University of Strathclyde

    nimito/Shutterstock

    Across the UK, how children are identified with special educational needs, and how they are then supported, differs according to where they live. There are broad similarities in the approaches in Wales, England and Northern Ireland. But in Scotland things are done differently.

    Northern Ireland, Wales and England define children with learning needs as those who have significantly greater difficulty in learning than their peers.

    Scotland takes a more distinctive approach, using the term “Additional Support Needs” (ASN). A child or young person has ASN if they are unable, without the provision of additional support, to benefit from the school education provided.

    This much broader definition means that there is a wide range of reasons a learner could have ASN. These could be permanent or temporary in nature: they could be, for instance, experiencing family bereavement or bullying. Unsurprisingly, Scotland’s broader definition has meant that it has a significant proportion of learners identified with ASN – 37% in 2023.

    Across a wide range of policy documentation, inclusive education in Scotland is understood broadly to encompass an extensive range of issues, such as addressing discrimination more widely – not just related to disability.

    This is underpinned by a presumption of mainstreaming in Scottish law. This is the assumption that, with the exception of specific circumstances, children identified with additional support needs will be educated in mainstream schools.

    Making inclusivity work

    There is a broad consensus from parents, children, teachers, politicians and others that the Scottish approach to inclusive education is the correct way forward. However, there is significant divergence between policy intent and practice.

    An independent 2020 review investigated how provision for additional support needs worked in practice – and found many failures.

    The review showed that the needs of children and young people for additional support were not being met adequately. There were disconnects between the system’s intentions and what children and young people were actually experiencing.

    The report established that not all children, young people and those who support them flourish or are equally valued within the education system. Their voices are not being heard by those who have the power to make a difference. Service providers and senior leaders in schools experience significant challenges in being able to meet needs, but this is not recognised sufficiently at a higher level.

    A subsequent inquiry, concluded in 2024, found many reasons for this divergence between policy and practice. These included a lack of resources, the need for ongoing professional training for school staff and issues with school culture.

    The inquiry heard that resourcing for Additional Support for Learning had decreased over time. It found that many recently built schools had not been designed to be accessible to all. It heard about the need for school leaders to have training which has equity, inclusion and social justice at its heart to effect the necessary cultural change.

    Learning from practice

    Across the UK and in Ireland, an issue of concern is the lack of a clear definition of what inclusive education means and entails and how it should be implemented in practice. This is reflected in the current crisis in the growing demand for specialist provision.



    Read more:
    There’s a crisis in special educational needs provision: here’s the situation across the UK and Ireland

    A recent review of special educational needs education in England by the National Audit Office has pointed out that mainstream schooling needs to be much more inclusive, that schools are not incentivised to prioritise it, and that the Department of Education should “develop a vision and long-term plan for inclusivity across mainstream education”.

    In Scotland, in contrast to the other nations, greater attention has been devoted to coming to a shared understanding of what an inclusive education system constitutes. This is reflected within the National Framework for Inclusion, the third edition of which was published in 2022. This framework underpins the professional standards for teachers and informs policy more generally.

    The Framework, produced under the auspices of the Scottish Universities Inclusion Group and influenced by the work of inclusive education expert Lani Florian and colleagues on inclusive pedagogy, offers a series of reflective questions to promote inclusive practice. This is indicative of a more consensual and collaborative approach towards educational policy making in general. But it is clear that more work needs to be done to make this understanding of inclusivity a widespread reality in schools.

    The differences in policy approaches to additional support and learning needs mean that the profile of a child identified with special educational needs will vary depending on which country they live in. Furthermore, the variations in the education systems themselves will affect the child’s placement and the support they may receive.

    Collaborative cross-nation work is essential to gain a stronger understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of different approaches to meeting the additional learning needs of children and young people.

    Carmel Conn has received funding from Welsh Government.

    Brahm Norwich and Joan Mowat do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Scotland’s approach to special needs education is more inclusive than the rest of the UK – but it doesn’t always work in practice – https://theconversation.com/scotlands-approach-to-special-needs-education-is-more-inclusive-than-the-rest-of-the-uk-but-it-doesnt-always-work-in-practice-240257

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Haiti’s gangs turn to starving children to bolster their ranks

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Amalendu Misra, Professor of International Politics, Lancaster University

    After months of relentless gang violence, thousands of killings, and the unseating of a government, Haiti is faced with another heartbreaking issue which seems likely to prolong the Caribbean island nation’s woes for another generation. Testimonies collected by Amnesty International have uncovered how Haiti’s armed gangs are enlisting hundreds of children.

    Ana Piquer, Americas director at Amnesty International, says: “We have documented heartbreaking stories of children forced to work for gangs: from running deliveries to gathering information and performing domestic tasks under threats of violence.”

    Boys as young as six are being forced to work as lookouts, made to build street barriers, trained to use machine guns, and are being ordered to participate in kidnappings and other acts of violence. Girls in the possession of gangs are subjected to rape and other forms of sexual violence by older male gang members, according to Piquer.

    Haiti’s 200 or so armed gangs currently control around 90% of the capital city, Port-au-Prince, and large parts of the country are ungovernable. The collapse in law and order has allowed gang leaders such as Jimmy “Barbecue” Chérizier to commit terrible atrocities largely unchallenged.



    Read more:
    Jimmy ‘Barbecue’ Chérizier: the gangster behind the violence in Haiti who may have political aspirations of his own

    The involvement of children in Haiti’s gangs is not exactly new. According to Unicef, between 30% and 50% of children in Haiti are involved with armed groups in some capacity. There are several socioeconomic explanations for this.

    Haiti was once the wealthiest European colony in the Americas – and staged the only ever successful slave rebellion against its French colonial masters before declaring independence in 1804. But modern Haiti is a failed state where more than half of the population now live below the World Bank’s poverty line.

    According to figures published by the International Fund for Agricultural Development, Haiti has the highest prevalence of food insecurity in Latin America and the Caribbean. One-third of the population goes hungry every day.

    Impoverishment and grinding poverty has made the population desperate. With limited options for survival, many children in Haiti are drawn into criminal groups. At times, the promise of a single meal can be enough to attract a child to join a gang.

    That said, the breakdown of order throughout the country has undoubtedly encouraged the gangs to increase their recruitment of children. As with most conflict zones, once indoctrinated, child soldiers make for cheap and deadly combatants.

    There is also one other specific social factor that contributes to some parents turning a blind eye to their children joining the gangs. The prevalence of child recruitment by gangs can be linked to a Haitian socioeconomic practice called restaveks.

    A restavek, which is Creole for “to stay with”, is a child who is given away by impoverished parents with the unwritten understanding that they will be fed, looked after and will not die of hunger. It has become a form of modern-day slavery.

    The End Slavery Now project has found that “more than 300,000 children are victims of domestic slavery” in Haiti today. Many of these children regularly undergo forms of physical and sexual violence.

    A set pattern

    Child sex slavery and sexual abuse are familiar occurrences in societies torn by civil war. It is more likely to take place in settings where the process of governance is weak or non-existent. This situation facilitates conditions of criminal impunity, leading various actors involved in conflict to sexually exploit children.

    There is an established pattern of predatory child sexual slavery in Haiti. Following the devastating earthquake that struck Haiti in 2010 and the ensuing cholera epidemic, some members of the UN peacekeeping force stationed in the country were found to have been running a child sex racket.

    In 2017, an investigation by the Associated Press revealed at least 134 Sri Lankan peacekeepers were involved. It has been documented that girls as young as 11 were sexually abused and impregnated by the peacekeepers, and then subsequently abandoned to raise their children alone. Impoverished and starving Haitian children fell victim to this racket in exchange for scraps of the peacekeepers’ leftover food.

    According to its own admission, the UN peacekeeping force was responsible for “transactional sex” during its operations in the country.



    Read more:
    ‘They put a few coins in your hands to drop a baby in you’ – 265 stories of Haitian children abandoned by UN fathers

    In 2019, the UN secretary general, António Guterres, branded violence against children as a “silent emergency” of our time. Unfortunately, not much is being done to address this challenge, despite the urgency of Guterres’ statement.

    There are many existential challenges facing Haiti. Some of them are homegrown, such as the prevalence of gangs and their terror techniques.

    But, as it is located on a geological fault line in a region susceptible to severe storms, Haiti is particularly prone to natural disasters. A devastating earthquake in 2010 and a cholera epidemic in 2016 debilitated the country, and the knock-on effects will last decades.

    To make matters worse, Haiti also suffers from a compassion deficit. A lack of real engagement from the international community has contributed to the erosion of the Haitian civil society and left the population at the mercy of gang violence.

    Even the Kenyan-led policing mission tasked with restoring order is suffering from inadequate funding and equipment, which has affected its operational capacity. Only around US$400 million (£308 million) of the US$600 million that was originally pledged for the mission has materialised, with the US shouldering a disproportionate financial burden.

    Preoccupied with more high-profile conflicts elsewhere, the international community appears to have little interest in the horrors that are unfolding under the tropical sun in the faraway Caribbean.

    Amalendu Misra is a recipient of British Academy and Nuffield Foundation fellowships.

    – ref. Haiti’s gangs turn to starving children to bolster their ranks – https://theconversation.com/haitis-gangs-turn-to-starving-children-to-bolster-their-ranks-241386

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The supernatural beliefs of medieval people – from elves and fairies to abductions and the undead

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anne Lawrence-Mathers, Professor in Medieval History, University of Reading

    Medieval people have a reputation for being superstitious – and many of the supernatural phenomena found in the pages of medieval chronicles, miracle stories and romances are still alive in modern culture. Think ghosts, werewolves, demons, vampires, fairies and witches. But while (almost all) people today regard these beings as entirely fictional, many medieval people believed in them.

    Christian theologians accepted the existence of the supernatural, categorising such beings broadly as “fallen angels” who viewed humanity as a battleground in their ongoing conflict with God. Their enormous power meant they could even appear as deities, including the pagan gods and goddesses – they were seen to take on a monstrous appearance mainly when claiming the souls of the damned or being defeated by a Christian leader.

    The smaller and less powerful supernatural creatures known in Old and Middle English as “elves”, however, were seen to have less straightforward explanations.

    Elves, fairies and sirens

    Medieval elves were not usually as powerful as the glamorous beings envisioned centuries later by J.R.R. Tolkien. They merged with demons in some accounts and with fairies in others.

    A siren and a centaur depicted in a bestiary (1278–1300).
    Courtesy of the Getty Open Content Program

    For the 13th-century English priest Layamon, it was elves (alven) who gave King Arthur magical gifts and who, in the form of beautiful women, carried him away to the mythical island of Avalun to heal. However, Layamon was careful to say that this was the belief of “the Britons” (Celtic people), which he was simply recording.

    Fairies first appeared in French-language accounts and quickly blended with other categories of supernatural being. They were apparently more human in appearance than elves, though wings were added later.

    They formed one category of the large group of tempting, supernatural female creatures who lured human men into dangerous relationships. Perhaps most famous is the fairy Melusine, who was strongly linked to water.

    Melusine’s Secret Discovered, from Le Roman de Mélusine (circa 1450).
    National Library of France

    Melusine was half-human, half-serpent and was both beautiful and powerful. She brought prosperity and numerous sons to her human husband, but forbade him to see her at a specified time (Saturdays). When he broke his promise, Melusine’s true form was revealed, and she left forever.

    It is unclear whether the chroniclers and readers who enjoyed such stories entirely believed them, but it seems likely that fairies were considered more real in the middle ages than now.

    Medieval abductions and miracles

    For medieval people, elves, fairies and sirens inhabited the ambiguous territory between fact and fiction. The same may be said of mysterious beings who abducted unsuspecting humans, often women, and carried them off to strange and frightening regions. Those who allegedly reported these experiences believed them to be real, although they were condemned as demonic illusions by moralists.

    Depiction of a miracle from 1531.
    The Book of Miracles

    Being taken high above the Earth is a recurring theme in medieval writing, including tales of witches deliberately flying on the backs of animals. These abduction tales could be compared to modern accounts of alien abductions.

    While tales of abduction by fairies were sometimes dismissed as delusions, stories of saints’ miracles and natural marvels were usually accepted as true. It might be tempting to compare the powers of miracle-working saints with those of modern superheroes – but miracles were considered overt demonstrations of the power of God, whereas superheroes tend to result from scientific or technological extremes.

    A revenant rises from his grave (16th-century facsimile).
    Bavarian State Library, Munich

    A particularly sensational example was recorded in the Life of St Modwenna (an early Irish princess and abbess), written by the abbot Geoffrey of Burton circa 1120-1150. In his account, two tenants of Burton Abbey stirred up a violent feud between the abbot and Count Roger the Poitevin. The troublemakers died suddenly and were buried in haste, but apparently reappeared at sunset carrying their own coffins, before transforming into terrifying animals.

    These revenants (spirits or animated corpses) reportedly brought death to the village – only three people were left alive. When the graves of the runaways were opened, they were found to be bloodstained but intact. A formal apology to the abbey and the saint was followed by ritual dismembering of these corpses and burning of their hearts. This apparently led to the expulsion of an evil spirit and the recovery of the surviving peasants.

    Natural marvels

    “Natural marvels” were medieval phenomena which were accepted as parts of God’s creation, but could not be scientifically explained. Many of the creatures found in bestiaries (medieval encyclopedias of animals both real and mythological) fitted here, such as dragons, unicorns and basilisks.

    Dragons and unicorns remain popular fantasy characters today, but basilisks are less well known – although a giant one once proved a fearsome opponent for Harry Potter. Basilisks were said to be so poisonous that their scent, their fiery breath and even their gaze could kill. They were attested not only by bestiaries but by the Roman philosopher and botanist Pliny in his book Natural History (circa AD77). They were found in the province of Cyrene, in modern Libya.

    A basilisk depicted in a bestiary (circa 1200-1225).
    British Library

    Similarly, different regions of the Earth were characterised by natural marvels recorded in works such as priest and historian Gerald of Wales’s book, The History and Topography of Ireland (1185-88).

    Gerald noted that some readers would find his stories “impossible or ridiculous”, but testified to their accuracy. They included strange islands where no female creature could survive and nobody could die a natural death, as well as strange creatures and humans forced to transform periodically into wolves by the power of St Natalis (an Irish monk and saint).

    Medieval people believed in a wide array of supernatural beings. While today we mostly see them as the stuff of nightmarish fiction, our enthusiasm for this diversity hasn’t waned – just look at the breadth of supernatural costumes on display every Halloween.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Anne Lawrence-Mathers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The supernatural beliefs of medieval people – from elves and fairies to abductions and the undead – https://theconversation.com/the-supernatural-beliefs-of-medieval-people-from-elves-and-fairies-to-abductions-and-the-undead-240756

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Palestine’s economy teeters on the brink after a year of war and unrelenting destruction

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dalia Alazzeh, Lecturer in Accounting and Finance, University of the West of Scotland

    The Palestinian economy has been devastated beyond recognition. Israel’s intense military operations in Gaza have led to unprecedented destruction, wiping out much of the enclave’s essential infrastructure, private property and agricultural resources.

    Meanwhile, the occupied West Bank is also under severe strain. Similar patterns of destruction, alongside rising settler violence, land confiscations and expanding settlements, have left its economy buckling under the pressure of mounting public debt, unemployment and poverty.

    Gaza’s economy was being suffocated even before the war. A blockade imposed by Israel in 2007 has severely restricted the import and export of goods, while fishermen were limited to a six-mile zone, crippling their ability to earn a livelihood.

    The blockade caused Gaza’s GDP per capita (a measure of the wealth of a country) to shrink by 27% between 2006 and 2022, with unemployment rising to 45.3%. This gave rise to a situation where 80% of the population depended on international aid.

    In addition to the economic blockade, Gaza suffered massive physical destruction due to Israeli military operations in 2008–2009, 2012, 2014, 2021 and 2022. Yet the cumulative effects of 16 years of blockade and military attacks are minor compared to the sheer destruction caused by the current war.

    A report by the UN’s trade and development wing (Unctad) has revealed that in the space of just eight months, between October 2023 and May 2024, Gaza’s GDP per capita was fell by more than half. The economic situation now is almost certainly worse.

    According to the report, which was released in September 2024, Gaza’s GDP dropped by 81% in the final quarter of 2023 alone. The report concluded that the war had left Gaza’s economy in “utter ruin”, warning that even if there was an immediate ceasefire and the 2007–2022 growth trend of 0.4% returns, it will take 350 years just to restore the GDP levels of 2022.


    The only sectors still functioning are health and humanitarian services. All other industries, including agriculture, are at a near standstill. The destruction of between 80% and 96% of agricultural assets has led to rampant food insecurity.

    The scale of destruction in Gaza is unprecedented in modern times and is happening under the world’s gaze. From October 2023 to January 2024 alone, the total cost of damage reached approximately US$18.5 billion (£14.2 billion) – equivalent to seven times Gaza’s GDP in 2022.

    A separate report by the UN Development Programme, which was published in May, predicts that it will take more than 80 years to rebuild just Gaza’s housing stock if it repeats the rate of restructuring seen after Israeli military operations in 2014 and 2021. Merely clearing the debris could take up to 14 years.

    The war has displaced almost all of Gaza’s population, and has thrown people into dire poverty. Unemployment surged to 80%, leaving most households without any source of income. And prices of basic commodities have increased by 250%, which is contributing to famine across the Strip.

    The Gaza Strip is in ruins after more than a year of relentless bombardment.
    Anas-Mohammed / Shutterstock

    The economic crisis has also extended to the West Bank, where GDP has fallen sharply. Military checkpoints, cement blocks and iron gates at the entrances to Palestinian towns and cities, as well as the denial of work permits for Palestinians in Israeli settlements, have resulted in more than 300,000 job losses since the start of the war.

    The Unctad report reveals that the rate of unemployment in the West Bank has tripled to 32% since the start of the conflict, with labour income losses amounting to US$25.5 million. Poverty is rising rapidly.

    Israeli forces have also continued to confiscate Palestinian homes and land. Over the past year alone, 24,000 acres of land in the West Bank have been seized, and over 2,000 Palestinians have been displaced.

    This devastation has been exacerbated by Israel’s decision to withhold the tax revenue it collects for the Palestinian Authority, which typically accounts for between 60% and 65% of the Palestinian public budget, as well as a significant decline in international aid. Aid to Palestine has dropped drastically over the past decade or so, falling from the equivalent of US$2 billion in 2008 to just US$358 million by 2023.

    The Palestinian Authority is facing a massive budget deficit, which is projected to increase by 172% in 2024 compared to the previous year. This financial strain has crippled the Palestinian government’s ability to provide essential services, pay salaries and meet the needs of a population battered by war, displacement and severe poverty.

    The road to recovery

    For the Palestinian economy to have any chance at recovery, several immediate steps are necessary.

    First, international aid should flow into Gaza uninterrupted, and pressure must be applied to ensure that humanitarian aid – particularly food aid – reaches those in need. Data analysis by organisations working in Gaza suggests that Israel is currently blocking 83% of food aid from reaching Gaza.

    Second, the destruction of homes, schools and infrastructure must cease. However, this seems improbable as Israel continues to pursue its military goal of destroying Hamas – an objective most analysts believe to be unachievable.

    And third, the economic restrictions imposed on Gaza and the West Bank must be lifted. Sustainable development – and any prospect for recovery – cannot be achieved without granting the Palestinian people the right to self-determination and sovereignty over their resources.

    This would require new peace agreements, an outcome that appears unlikely at present. But without these crucial interventions, the Palestinian economy will be completely devastated and the humanitarian crisis will worsen, making any future recovery within the lifetime of anyone currently living in Gaza virtually impossible to imagine.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Palestine’s economy teeters on the brink after a year of war and unrelenting destruction – https://theconversation.com/palestines-economy-teeters-on-the-brink-after-a-year-of-war-and-unrelenting-destruction-241607

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How language barriers influence global climate literacy

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mario Saraceni, Associate Professor in English Language and Linguistics, University of Portsmouth

    Creativa Images/Shutterstock

    Our planet is getting hotter at an alarming rate. Climate change is one of the most serious global issues today. Its consequences affect every single human being on Earth. So it seems perfectly logical that scientific publications about global warming are written in the global language: English.

    And yet, it is precisely because it is written in English, that climate science is largely inaccessible to the majority of people globally.

    To explain this apparent contradiction, we need to look at some numbers. Nearly 90% of scientific publications globally are in English. This is a staggering dominance of just one language. But English, often called a global language, is only spoken by a minority of the world’s population.



    Read more:
    Indigenous languages must feature more in science communication

    How do we know that most people in the world don’t speak English? English the main language of society in only a handful of countries: the UK, Ireland, the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. The population of these countries, combined, amounts to about 400 million – a very small percentage of the world’s population.

    In many other former British colonies, such as India, Nigeria or Malaysia, English exists alongside other languages. In these contexts English tends to be an elite language, used mostly by urban, middle-class, well-educated people. Elsewhere, English functions as a lingua franca, used mostly in transnational communication.

    Given these diverse scenarios, it is extremely difficult to estimate the number of speakers of English with any precision. About 20 years ago, linguist David Crystal suggested that the number may be somewhere between 1 and 2 billion. Even if we take the upper limit of that extremely large range, we’re talking about only one quarter of the world’s population. This means that three out of four people in the world do not speak English.



    Read more:
    Italian government wants to stop businesses using English – here’s why it’s the lingua franca of firms around the world

    That means at least three quarters of the world’s population do not speak the language in which the science about climate change is disseminated globally. At the same time, languages other than English are marginalised and struggle to find space in the global communication of science.

    So this linguistic inequality creates an imbalance in the distribution of scientific knowledge about climate change. But it also reinforces two other types of existing inequality.

    One has to do with the production of scientific knowledge in general, which is disproportionately emanating from the two main Anglophone countries: the US and the UK. Out of the top 100 scientific journals for impact and prestige, 91 are based in these two countries.

    Out of 100 top scientific journals, 91 are published in the UK and the US.
    Sergei25/Shutterstock

    The other form of inequality has to do with social injustice. Scientific literature is almost exclusively written in English. But this language is virtually unknown by most people, especially in developing countries. And so, societies who suffer more from climate change are precisely those where access to scientific literature about it is severely limited.

    What is the solution? Unesco’s Open Science initiative, is attempting to tackle the problem. It aims to “make scientific research from all fields accessible to everyone for the benefits of scientists and society as a whole”. One of its objectives is to “ensure that scientific collaborations transcend the boundaries of geography, language and resources”.

    Breaking language barriers

    Achieving the objectives set by Open Science is no easy task. One approach is to break the barrier of English monolingualism by promoting multilingualism.

    On the one hand, opportunities must be created for scientists from around the world to communicate their research and their scholarship in languages other than English.

    On the other, the great technological advancement made in machine translation, especially with the advent of AI, should be put to use in order to ensure that content is available in languages other than English. This is precisely the goal of Climate Cardinals, a non-profit organisation whose mission is to “make the climate movement more accessible to those who don’t speak English” by translating information into more than 100 languages.

    These kinds of concrete efforts offer hope for climate literacy and, consequently, for action to lessen the impact of climate change.

    Mario Saraceni does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How language barriers influence global climate literacy – https://theconversation.com/how-language-barriers-influence-global-climate-literacy-241867

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Four reasons weight-loss jabs alone won’t help get people back to work

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lucie Nield, Senior Lecturer in Nutrition and Dietetics, Sheffield Hallam University

    Weight-loss injectables don’t address the many core reasons for why weight gain and unemployment occur in the first place. oleschwander/ Shutterstock

    Prime Minister Keir Starmer and health secretary Wes Streeting have recently discussed plans to trial weight-loss injections for around 250,000 people with obesity who are unemployed in a bid to get them back into work, ease pressure on the NHS and boost the economy.

    Obesity is estimated to cost UK society around £35 billion annually. This is due to lower productivity and higher NHS treatment costs.

    Around 26% of the English adult population (approximately 15 million) are considered obese. However, it’s not known what proportion of unemployed people are obese.

    While weight-loss injections have proven to be very effective in helping people who are obese to lose weight and lower their risk of certain chronic diseases, there are many reasons why these drugs alone won’t help tackle obesity and unemployment rates in the UK.

    1. Lack of capacity

    The majority of UK people who are obese are likely to meet the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence’s eligibility criteria for weight-loss injections.

    But prescribing these drugs is just one part of the equation. Eligible patients will require support from specialist services who provide guidance in making the appropriate lifestyle changes (such as to their diet) to successfully lose weight while on these drugs. This is crucial, as all of the weight-loss injection trials to date have involved a behaviour change component. This may potentially be key to the successful weight losses observed in these studies.

    However, current demand for weight-loss services is already outstripping capacity. Nearly half of eligible patients in England are unable to get an appointment with a specialist team. Weight-loss injections can only be prescribed through such services currently. If the government is to roll out the proposed programme, they will need to rethink the way weight-loss services are delivered so all eligible patients can access support.

    2. Won’t work for everyone

    Weight-loss jabs don’t necessarily work for everyone. One study found that 9-15% of participants who took the drug tirzepatide (Mounjaro) did not lose clinically significant amounts of weight.

    Weight-loss jabs may also cause intolerable side-effects for some. Trials have shown between 4-8% of participants couldn’t tolerate the side-effects, causing them to drop out of the study. Constipation, diarrhoea and nausea are some of the most commonly reported.

    People with certain health conditions may be unable to use weight-loss injections – such as those with inflammatory bowel disease and pancreatitis. In such cases, weight-loss jabs may worsen symptoms or interact with the prescription drugs used to manage these conditions, increasing risk of harm.

    There are many reasons why weight-loss jabs may not work for a person.
    Douglas Cliff/ Shutterstock

    Additionally, some people may not want to take an injection – whether that’s simply due to personal preference or even fear of needles.

    3. Obesity is a complex issue

    There are many complex factors that contribute to weight gain – such as opportunities for physical activity, access to healthy foods and levels of deprivation in a community. Prescribing weight-loss jabs to help people lose weight may not be effective long-term if the rest of these factors are not also addressed.

    A more effective way of seeing significant, sustainable reductions in obesity levels across a population is by using a “whole systems approach”. This would address to the multiple environmental, social and economic factors that contribute to obesity.

    Where whole systems approaches have been embedded in healthcare design and delivery, they have led to improvements in services and patient outcomes – including obesity-related metrics (such as patients making healthier food choices and being more active).

    However, one limitation to whole systems approaches is challenges in measuring impact. This can reduce political will to implement these approaches.

    4. Obesity stigma

    Obesity stigma in the workplace is a huge barrier to satisfactory employment and leads to poor wellbeing and burnout.

    Obesity stigma in the workplace perpetuates harmful weight-based stereotypes that overweight and obese people are lazy, unsuccessful, unintelligent and lack willpower. As a result, people with obesity are more likely to be in insecure and lower-paid jobs than those who may be considered of a healthy weight.

    It’s also well-evidenced that regular exposure to stigmatising, isolating and degrading prejudices has long-term consequences on physical and mental health – and may lead to problems such as binge eating and depression.This can lead to a loss of productivity, absenteeism and loneliness.

    Prescribing weight-loss jabs to help a person lose weight doesn’t address the core reasons for why they may have been absent from work or unemployed in the first place. Nor does it help to address the mental health struggles they may still harbour as a result of discrimination they might have experienced.

    5. Barriers to employment

    Weight loss alone does not begin to address the complex physical and mental health reasons for why a person might be unemployed. A person may also be unemployed due to factors such as caring responsibilities or disability.

    Current prescribing restrictions also limit some injections to a maximum of 24 months (although further trials are ongoing). This means that even if a person has successfully lost weight, they may regain that weight again when they stop using the drug. This could mean any health problems they experienced prior to losing weight (and which may have prevented them from being in employment) could reemerge.

    There are better ways of getting people back into work than prescribing weight-loss jabs. Flexible working approaches, for instance, may make it easier for someone who is unemployed due to caring responsibilities or health problems to transition back into employment. Supportive policies and workplace wellbeing programmes may be a more cost-effective way of helping people to overcome barriers, improve their health and transition back into work.

    Lucie Nield has received funding from The National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) for evaluation of children’s weight management services.

    Lucie Nield sits on the Board of Trustees for Darnall Wellbeing (a local community service organisation).

    – ref. Four reasons weight-loss jabs alone won’t help get people back to work – https://theconversation.com/four-reasons-weight-loss-jabs-alone-wont-help-get-people-back-to-work-241835

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Humans evolved to share beds – how your sleeping companions may affect you now

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Goffredina Spanò, Lecturer in Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience, Kingston University

    Jacob Lund/Shutterstock

    Recent research on animal sleep behaviour has revealed that sleep is influenced by the animals around them. Olive baboons, for instance, sleep less as group sizes increase, while mice can synchronise their rapid eye movement (REM) cycles.

    In western society, many people expect to sleep alone, if not with a romantic partner. But as with other group-living animals, human co-sleeping is common, despite some cultural and age-related variation. And in many cultures, bedsharing with a relative is considered typical.

    Apart from western countries, caregiver-infant co-sleeping is common, with rates as high as 60-100% in parts of South America, Asia and Africa.

    Despite its prevalence, infant co-sleeping is controversial. Some western perspectives, that value self-reliance, argue that sleeping alone promotes self-soothing when the baby wakes in the night. But evolutionary scientists argue that co-sleeping has been important to help keep infants warm and safe throughout human existence.

    Many cultures do not expect babies to self-soothe when they wake in the night and see night wakings as a normal part of breastfeeding and development.

    Concerns about Sudden Infant Death Syndrome (Sids) have often led paediatricians to discourage bed-sharing. However, when studies control for other Sids risk factors including unsafe sleeping surfaces, Sids risk does not seem to differ statistically between co-sleeping and solitary sleeping infants.

    This may be one reason why agencies such as the American Academy of Pediatrics, the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence and the NHS either recommend that infants “sleep in the parents’ room, close to the parents’ bed, but on a separate surface,” or, if bedsharing, to make sure that the infant “sleeps on a firm, flat mattress” without pillows and duvets, rather than discouraging co-sleeping altogether.

    Researchers don’t yet know whether co-sleeping causes differences in sleep or, whether co-sleeping happens because of these differences. However, experiments in the 1990s suggested that co-sleeping can encourage more sustained and frequent bouts of breastfeeding. Using sensors to measure brain activity, this research also suggested that infants’ and caregivers’ sleep may be lighter during co-sleeping. But researchers speculated that this lighter sleep may actually help protect against Sids by providing infants more opportunities to rouse from sleep and develop better control over their respiratory system.

    Other advocates believe that co-sleeping benefits infants’ emotional and mental health by promoting parent-child bonding and aiding infants’ stress hormone regulation. However, current data is inconclusive, with most studies showing mixed findings or no differences between co-sleepers and solitary sleepers with respect to short and long-term mental health.

    Co-sleeping in childhood

    Childhood co-sleeping past infancy is also fairly common according to worldwide surveys. A 2010 survey of over 7,000 UK families found 6% of children were constant bedsharers up to at least four years old.

    Some families adopt co-sleeping in response to their child having trouble sleeping. But child-parent bedsharing in many countries, including some western countries like Sweden where children often co-sleep with parents until school age, is viewed culturally as part of a nurturing environment.

    It’s normal for children to bedshare in many parts of the world.
    Yuri A/ Shutterstock

    It is also common for siblings to share a room or even a bed. A 2021 US study found that over 36% of young children aged three to five years bedshared in some form overnight, whether with caregivers, siblings, pets or some combination. Co-sleeping decreases but is still present among older children, with up to 13.8% of co-sleeping parents in Australia, the UK and other countries reporting that their child was between five and 12 years old when they engaged in co-sleeping.

    Two recent US studies using wrist-worn actigraphs (motion sensors) to track sleep indicated that kids who bedshare may have shorter sleep durations than children who sleep alone. But this shorter sleep duration is not explained by greater disruption during sleep. Instead, bedsharing children may lose sleep by going to bed later than solitary sleepers.

    The benefits and downsides of co-sleeping may also differ in children with conditions such as autism spectrum disorder, mental health disorders and chronic illnesses. These children may experience heightened anxiety, sensory sensitivities and physical discomfort that make falling and staying asleep difficult. For them, co-sleeping can provide reassurance.

    Adults sharing beds

    According to a 2018 survey from the US National Sleep Foundation, 80-89% of adults who live with their significant other share a bed with them. Adult bedsharing has shifted over time from pre-industrial communal arrangements, including whole families and other household guests, to solo sleeping in response to hygiene concerns as germ theory became accepted.

    Many couples find that bedsharing boosts their sense of closeness. Research shows that bedsharing with your partner can lead to longer sleep times and a feeling of better sleep overall.

    Bedsharing couples also often get into sync with each other’s sleep stages, which can enhance that feeling of intimacy. However, it’s not all rosy. Some studies indicate that females in heterosexual relationships may struggle more with sleep quality when bedsharing, as they can be more easily disturbed by their male partner’s movements. Also, bedsharers can have less deep sleep than when sleeping alone, even though they feel like their sleep is better together.

    Many questions about co-sleeping remain unanswered. For instance, we don’t fully understand the developmental effects of co-sleeping on children, or the benefits of co-sleeping for adults beyond female-male romantic partners. But, some work suggests that co-sleeping can comfort us, similar to other forms of social contact, and help to enhance physical synchrony between parents and children.

    Co-sleeping doesn’t have a one-size-fits-all answer. But remember that western norms aren’t necessarily the ones we have evolved with. So consider factors such as sleep disorders, health and age in your decision to co-sleep, rather than what everyone else is doing.

    Gina Mason receives funding from the American Academy of Sleep Medicine Foundation (grant #334-BS-24). The views expressed herein are her own, and do not represent the official views of the Academy or any other professional organization with which she is affiliated.

    Goffredina Spanò does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Humans evolved to share beds – how your sleeping companions may affect you now – https://theconversation.com/humans-evolved-to-share-beds-how-your-sleeping-companions-may-affect-you-now-241803

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The ancient Irish get far too much credit for Halloween

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Lisa Bitel, Dean’s Professor of Religion & Professor of History, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

    The Celtic festival of Samhain celebrates a time of year when the division between Earth and the otherworld collapses, allowing spirits to pass through. Matt Cardy/Getty Images

    This time of year, I often run across articles proclaiming Halloween a modern form of the pagan Irish holiday of Samhain – pronounced SAW-en. But as a historian of Ireland and its medieval literature, I can tell you: Samhain is Irish. Halloween isn’t.

    The Irish often get credit – or blame – for the bonfires, pranksters, witches, jack-o’-lanterns and beggars who wander from house to house, threatening tricks and soliciting treats.

    The first professional 19th-century folklorists were the ones who created a through line from Samhain to Halloween. Oxford University’s John Rhys and James Frazer of the University of Cambridge were keen to find the origins of their national cultures.

    They observed lingering customs in rural areas of Britain and Ireland and searched medieval texts for evidence that these practices and beliefs had ancient pagan roots. They mixed stories of magic and paganism with harvest festivals and whispers of human sacrifice, and you can still find echoes of their outdated theories on websites.

    But the Halloween we celebrate today has more to do with the English, a ninth-century pope and America’s obsession with consumerism.

    A changing of the seasons

    For two millennia, Samhain, the night of Oct. 31, has marked the turn from summer to winter on the Irish calendar. It was one of four seasonal signposts in agricultural and pastoral societies.

    After Samhain, people brought the animals inside as refuge from the long, cold nights of winter. Imbolc, which is on Feb. 1, marked the beginning of the lambing season, followed by spring planting. Beltaine signaled the start of mating season for humans and beasts alike on May 1, and Lughnasadh kicked off the harvest on Aug. 1.

    But whatever the ancient Irish did on Oct. 31 is lost to scholars because there’s almost no evidence of their pagan traditions except legends written by churchmen around 800 A.D., about 400 years after the Irish started turning Christian. Although they wrote about the adventures of their ancestors, churchmen could only imagine the pagan ways that had disappeared.

    A neopagan celebration of Samhain in October 2021.
    Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    An otherworld more utopian than terrifying

    These stories about the pagan past told of Irish kings holding annual weeklong feasts, markets and games at Samhain. The day ended early in northwestern Europe, before 5 p.m., and winter nights were long. After sundown, people went inside to eat, drink and listen to storytellers.

    The stories did not link Samhain with death and horror. But they did treat Samhain as a night of magic, when the otherworld – what, in Irish, was known as the “sí” – opened its portals to mortals. One tale, “The Adventure of Nera,” warned that if you went out on Samhain Eve, you might meet dead men or warriors from the sí, or you might unknowingly wander into the otherworld.

    When Nera went out on a dare, he met a thirsty corpse in search of drink and unwittingly followed warriors through a portal into the otherworld. But instead of ghosts and terror, Nera found love. He ended up marrying a “ban sídh” – pronounced “BAN-shee” – an otherworldly woman. But here’s the medieval twist to the tale: He lived happily ever after in this otherworld with his family and farm.

    The Irish otherworld was no hell, either. In medieval tales, it is a sunny place in perpetual spring. Everyone who lives there is beautiful, powerful, immortal and blond. They have good teeth. The rivers flow with mead and wine, and food appears on command. No sexual act is a sin. The houses sparkle with gems and precious metals. Even the horses are perfect.

    Clampdown on pagan customs

    The link between Oct. 31, ghosts and devils was really the pope’s fault.

    In 834, Pope Gregory IV decreed Nov. 1 the day for celebrating all Christian saints. In English, the feast day became All Hallows Day. The night before – Oct. 31 – became known as All Hallows Eve.

    Some modern interpretations insist that Pope Gregory created All Hallows Day to quell pagan celebrations of Samhain. But Gregory knew nothing of ancient Irish seasonal holidays. In reality, he probably did it because everyone celebrated All Saints on different days and, like other Popes, Gregory sought to consolidate and control the liturgical calendar.

    In the later Middle Ages, All Hallows Eve emerged as a popular celebration of the saints. People went to church and prayed to the saints for favors and blessings. Afterward, they went home to feast. Then, on Nov. 2, they celebrated All Souls’ Day by praying for the souls of their lost loved ones, hoping that prayers would help their dead relatives out of purgatory and into heaven.

    But in the 16th century, the Protestant rulers of Britain and Ireland quashed saints’ feast days, because praying to saints seemed idolatrous. Protestant ministers did their best to eliminate popular customs of the early November holidays, such as candle-lit processions and harvest bonfires.

    In the minds of ministers, these customs smacked of heathenism.

    A mishmash of traditions

    Our Halloween of costumed beggars and leering jack-o’-lanterns descends from this mess of traditions, storytelling and antiquarianism.

    Like our ancestors, we constantly remake our most important holidays to suit current culture.

    Jack-o’-lanterns are neither ancient nor Irish. One of the earliest references is an 18th-century account of an eponymous Jack, who tricked the devil one too many times and was condemned to wander the world forever.

    Supposedly, Jack, or whatever the hero was called, carved a turnip and stuck a candle in it as his lantern. But the custom of carving turnips in early November probably originated in England with celebrations of All Saints’ Day and another holiday, Guy Fawkes Day on Nov. 5, with its bonfires and fireworks, and it spread from there.

    Guy Fawkes Day, an annual celebration in Great Britain, features fireworks and bonfires and is observed on Nov. 5.
    Hulton-Deutsch Collection/Corbis via Getty Images

    As for ancient bonfires, the Irish and Britons built them to celebrate Beltaine, but not Samhain – at least, not according to the medieval tales.

    In 19th-century Ireland, All Hallows Eve was a time for communal suppers, games like bobbing for apples and celebrating the magic of courtship. For instance, girls tried to peel apples in one long peel; then they examined the peels to see what letters they resembled – the initials of their future husbands’ names. Boys crept out of the gathering, despite warnings, to make mischief, taking off farm gates or stealing cabbages and hurling them at the neighbors’ doors.

    Halloween with an American sheen

    Across the Atlantic, these customs first appeared in the mid-19th century, when the Irish, English and many other immigrant groups brought their holidays to the U.S.

    In medieval Scotland, “guisers” were people who dressed in disguise and begged for “soul cakes” on All Souls Day. These guisers probably became the costumed children who threatened – and sometimes perpetrated – mischief unless given treats. Meanwhile, carved turnips became jack-o’-lanterns, since pumpkins were plentiful in North America – and easier to carve.

    Like Christmas, Valentine’s Day and Easter, Halloween eventually became a feast of consumerism. Companies mass-produced costumes, paper decorations and packaged candy. People in Britain and Ireland blamed the Americans for the spread of modern Halloween and its customs. British schools even tried to quash the holiday in the 1990s because of its disorderly and demonic connotations.

    The only real remnant of Samhain in Halloween is the date. Nowadays, no one expects to stumble into a romance in the sí. Only those drawn to the ancient Celtic past sense the numinous opening of the otherworld at Samhain.

    But who’s to say which reality prevails when the portals swing open in the dark of Oct. 31?

    Lisa Bitel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The ancient Irish get far too much credit for Halloween – https://theconversation.com/the-ancient-irish-get-far-too-much-credit-for-halloween-239801

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Climate change is making it harder for people to get the care they need

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Maria S. Floro, Professor Emerita of Economics, American University

    The world is witnessing the consequences of climate change: long-lasting changes in temperature and rainfall, and more intense and frequent extreme weather events such as heat waves, hurricanes, typhoons, flooding and drought. All make it harder for families and communities to meet their care needs.

    Climate change affects care systems in various ways. First, sudden illnesses and unexpected disabilities heighten the need for care. Second, it reduces access to important inputs for care such as water, food and safe shelter. Third, it can damage physical and social care infrastructures.

    It can also lead to breakdowns of traditional units of caregiving such as households and communities. And it creates new situations of need with the increase in displaced person settlements and refugee camps.

    Climate change creates sudden spikes in the demand for care, and serious challenges to meeting the growing need for care. All this has immediate and long lasting effects on human well-being.

    The size of the current unmet care needs throughout the world is substantial. In childcare alone, about 23% of children worldwide – nearly 350 million – need childcare but do not have it. Families in low- and lower-middle-income countries are the most in need.

    Similarly, as the world’s population ages rapidly, only a small proportion of the elderly who need assistance are able to use formal care (in an institution or paid homecare). Most are cared for by family members or other unpaid caregivers. Much of this unpaid care and formal care work is provided by women and girls.

    Hundreds of millions of people around the world struggle to get healthcare. Expansion of access to essential health services has slowed compared to pre-2015 . And healthcare costs still create financial hardship.

    Without comprehensive public and global support for care provision and the integration of care in the climate agenda, unmet care needs will only grow and inequalities will widen.

    Impact

    Climate change interacts with human health in complex ways. Its impact is highly uneven across populations. It depends on geographical region, income, education, gender roles, social norms, level of development, and the institutional capacity and accessibility of health systems.

    In 2018-22, Africa experienced the biggest increase in the
    heat-related mortality rate since 2000-05    . This is not surprising as the continent has more frequent health-threatening temperatures than ever before and a growing population of people older than 65.

    Africa is also the region most affected by droughts in 2013-22, with 64% of its land area affected by at least one month of extreme drought per year on average. It was followed by Oceania (55% of its land area) and South and Central America (53%).

    Scientific evidence also points to increases in health inequalities caused by climate change. The health effects of climate change are not uniformly felt by different population groups.

    Exposure, severity of impact, and ability of individuals to recover depend on a variety of factors. Physiological characteristics, income, education, type of occupation, location, social norms and health systems are some of them.

    For example, older people and young children face the greatest health risks from high temperatures.

    There is also evidence of the disproportionate effect of climate change on the health of people living in poverty and those who belong to disadvantaged groups.

    Women of lower social and economic status and with less education are more vulnerable to heat stress compared to women in wealthier households and with higher education or social status. They are exposed to pollution in the absence of clean cooking fuel, and to extreme heat as they walk to gather water and fuel, or do other work outdoors.

    Bad sanitation in poor urban areas increases the incidence of water-borne diseases after heavy rains and floods.

    Lack of access to healthcare services and the means to pay for medicines make it difficult for women and men in low-income households to recover from illness, heat strokes, and air pollution-related ailments.

    Mental health problems are being attributed to climate change as well. Studies show that the loss of family or kin member, home, livelihood and a safe environment can bring about direct emotional impacts.

    These adverse impacts increase the demand for caregiving and the care workload. Climate-induced health problems force family and community caregivers, particularly women, to spend more time looking after the sick and disabled, particularly frail elderly people and children.

    Effect on food and water

    Climate change threatens the availability of food, clean water and safe shelter. It erodes households’ and communities’ care capacity and hence societies’ ability to thrive.

    Fluctuations in food supply and rising food prices as a result of environmental disasters, along with the inadequacy of government policies, underscore the mounting challenge of meeting food needs.

    The threat of chronic shortage of safe drinking water has also risen. Water scarcity is an area where structural inequalities and gender disparities are laid bare.

    Care for the sick and disabled, the young and the elderly is compromised when water is scarce.

    Effects on providing care

    Extreme weather events disrupt physical care infrastructures. It may be hard to reach hospitals, clinics, daycare centres, nursery schools and nursing homes. Some facilities may be damaged and have to close.

    Another type of care system that can break down is family networks and support provided by friends and neighbours. These informal care sharing arrangements are illustrated in a study of the three large informal settlements in Nairobi.

    About half (50.5%) of the sampled households reported having had a sick member in the two weeks before the survey. The majority relied on close friends and family members living nearby for care and support.

    Studies have shown that climate change eventually leads to livelihood loss and resource scarcity, which can weaken social cohesion and local safety nets in affected communities.

    Heightened risks and uncertainty and imminent changes in socio-economic and political conditions can also compel individuals or entire households to migrate. Migration is caused by a host of factors, but it has increasingly been a climate-related response.

    The World Bank’s Groundswell Report released in 2018, for example, projected that climate change could force 216 million people to move within their countries by 2050 to avoid the slow-onset impacts of climate change.

    A possible consequence of migration is the withdrawal of care support provided by the migrating extended kin, neighbours or friends, increasing the caregiving load of people left behind.

    In the case of forced displacements, the traditional social networks existing in communities are disrupted entirely.

    What’s needed

    There are compelling reasons to believe that meeting care needs can also help mitigate the effects of climate change. And actions to meet carbon-zero goals, prevent biodiversity loss and regenerate ecosystems can reduce the care work burden that falls heavily on families, communities and women.

    Any effort to tackle these grave problems should be comprehensive in scope and must be based on principles of equality, universality, and responsibility shared by all.

    This article is part of a series of articles initiated through a project led by the Southern Centre for Inequality studies, in collaboration with the International Development Research Centre and a group of feminist economists and climate scientists across the world.

    Maria S. Floro does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Climate change is making it harder for people to get the care they need – https://theconversation.com/climate-change-is-making-it-harder-for-people-to-get-the-care-they-need-240557

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Brics+ could shape a new world order, but it lacks shared values and a unified identity

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Anthoni van Nieuwkerk, Professor of International and Diplomacy Studies, Thabo Mbeki African School of Public and International Affairs, University of South Africa

    The last two summits of Brics countries have raised questions about the coalition’s identity and purpose. This began to come into focus at the summit hosted by South Africa in 2023, and more acutely at the recent 2024 summit in Kazan, Russia.

    At both events the alliance undertook to expand its membership. In 2023, the first five Brics members – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – invited Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to join. All bar Saudi Arabia have now done so. The 2024 summit pledged to admit 13 more, perhaps as associates or “partner countries”.

    On paper, the nine-member Brics+ strikes a powerful pose. It has a combined population of about 3.5 billion, or 45% of the world’s people. Combined, its economies are worth more than US$28.5 trillion – about 28% of the global economy. With Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UAE as members, Brics+ produces about 44% of the world’s crude oil.

    Based on my research and policy advice to African foreign policy decision-makers, I would argue that there are three possible interpretations of the purpose of Brics+.

    • A club of self-interested members – a kind of global south cooperative. What I’d label as a self-help organisation.

    • A reforming bloc with a more ambitious goal of improving the workings of the current global order.

    • A disrupter, preparing to replace the western-dominated liberal world order.

    Analysing the commitments that were made at the meeting in Russia, I would argue that Brics+ sees itself more as a self-interested reformer. It represents the thinking among global south leaders about the nature of global order, and the possibilities of shaping a new order. This, as the world moves away from the financially dominant, yet declining western order (in terms of moral influence) led by the US. The move is to a multipolar order in which the east plays a leading role.



    Read more:
    Russia’s Brics summit shows determination for a new world order – but internal rifts will buy the west some time

    However, the ability of Brics+ to exploit such possibilities is constrained by its make-up and internal inconsistencies. These include a contested identity, incongruous values and lack of resources to convert political commitments into actionable plans.

    Summit outcomes

    The trend towards closer trade and financial cooperation and coordination stands out as a major achievement of the Kazan summit. Other achievements pertain to global governance and counter-terrorism.

    When it comes to trade and finance, the final communiqué said the following had been agreed:

    • adoption of local currencies in trade and financial transactions. The Kazan Declaration notes the benefits of faster, low cost, more efficient, transparent, safe and inclusive cross-border payment instruments. The guiding principle would be minimal trade barriers and non-discriminatory access.

    • establishment of a cross-border payment system. The declaration encourages correspondent banking networks within Brics, and enabling settlements in local currencies in line with the Brics Cross-Border Payments Initiative. This is voluntary and nonbinding and is to be discussed further.

    • creation of an enhanced roles for the New Development Bank, such as promoting infrastructure and sustainable development.

    • a proposed Brics Grain Exchange, to improve food security through enhanced trade in agricultural commodities.

    All nine Brics+ countries committed themselves to the principles of the UN Charter – peace and security, human rights, the rule of law, and development – primarily as a response to the western unilateral sanctions.



    Read more:
    South Africa walks a tightrope of international alliances – it needs Russia, China and the west

    The summit emphasised that dialogue and diplomacy should prevail over conflict in, among other places, the Middle East, Sudan, Haiti and Afghanistan.

    Faultlines and tensions

    Despite the positive tone of the Kazan declaration, there are serious structural fault lines and tensions inherent in the architecture and behaviour of Brics+. These might limit its ambitions to be a meaningful change agent.

    The members don’t even agree on the definition of Brics+. President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa calls it a platform. Others talk of a group (Russia’s President Vladimir Putin, India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi) or a family (Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Lin Jianan).

    So what could it be?

    Brics+ is state-driven – with civil society on the margins. It reminds one of the African Union, which pays lip service to citizens’ engagement in decision-making.

    One possibility is that it will evolve into an intergovernmental organisation with a constitution that sets up its agencies, functions and purposes. Examples include the World Health Organization, the African Development Bank and the UN general assembly.

    But it would need to cohere around shared values. What would they be?

    Critics point out that Brics+ consists of democracies (South Africa, Brazil, India), a theocracy (Iran), monarchies (UAE, Saudi Arabia) and authoritarian dictatorships (China, Russia). For South Africa this creates a domestic headache. At the Kazan summit, its president declared Russia a friend and ally. At home, its coalition partner in the government of national unity, the Democratic Alliance, declared Ukraine as a friend and ally.



    Read more:
    When two elephants fight: how the global south uses non-alignment to avoid great power rivalries

    There are also marked differences over issues such as the reform of the United Nations. For example, at the recent UN Summit of the Future the consensus was for reform of the UN security council. But will China and Russia, as permanent security council members, agree to more seats, with veto rights, on the council?

    As for violent conflict, humanitarian crises, corruption and crime, there is little from the Kazan summit that suggests agreement around action.

    Unity of purpose

    What about shared interests? A number of Brics+ members and the partner countries maintain close trade ties with the west, which regards Russia and Iran as enemies and China as a global threat.

    Some, such as India and South Africa, use the foreign policy notions of strategic ambiguity or active non-alignment to mask the reality of trading with east, west, north and south.

    The harsh truth of international relations is there are no permanent friends or enemies, only permanent interests. The Brics+ alliance will most likely cohere as a global south co-operative, with an innovative self-help agenda, but be reluctant to overturn the current global order from which it desires to benefit more equitably.

    Trade-offs and compromises might be necessary to ensure “unity of purpose”. It’s not clear that this loose alliance is close to being able to achieve that.

    Anthoni van Nieuwkerk does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Brics+ could shape a new world order, but it lacks shared values and a unified identity – https://theconversation.com/brics-could-shape-a-new-world-order-but-it-lacks-shared-values-and-a-unified-identity-242308

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Autocrats and cities: how capitals have become a battleground for protest and control

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By David Jackman, Departmental Lecturer in Development Studies, University of Oxford

    Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the world’s longest reigning female political leader, fled Bangladesh on 5 August 2024 for the safety of India. Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of protesters descended on Bangladesh’s capital city, Dhaka. The crowds ransacked her official residence, occupied the nation’s parliament and burnt down her family home.

    Hasina, who had ruled the country for more than 20 years in total, had been widely accused of turning autocratic and clamping down severely on any opposition to her rule.

    For many, the Bangladesh revolution offers hope in the context of growing global authoritarianism. It illustrates the power of the youth to confront entrenched leaders, and the fragility of authoritarianism. It also highlights a striking feature of contemporary global politics: how central capital cities are to the political life of nations.

    In our new book, Controlling the Capital: Political Dominance in the Urbanizing World, a diverse range of scholars argue that capital cities are crucial political sites. They’re where governing elites seek to assert and maintain political control, and they are also stages for political contestation.

    The book is focused on sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, the two fastest-urbanising regions of the world.

    Authors explore the strategies and tactics used by ruling elites to politically dominate their capital cities in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

    The authors also consider how urban populations have engaged with these efforts. People may resist authority, but they can also cooperate with it in ways that benefit themselves – which sometimes reinforces or supports authoritarian control.

    This is increasingly important in the context of two contemporary trends. First, authoritarianism is growing globally. Just 10 years ago under half of the world’s population lived under authoritarian rule; now the figure is at 71%. The second trend is the ongoing rapid urbanisation of the world’s population, with the majority of us globally now living in urban areas.

    Urban unrest

    Over the past year we’ve seen how capital cities are spaces for contestation.

    Some pro-democracy movements draw from their own histories of struggle and the paths that have been carved by those before them. The template of Bangladesh’s 2024 revolution is ingrained in politics from the ways in which liberation was fought and how later struggles against authoritarian rule were won. The capital city has also been crucial, and students at Dhaka University were key mobilisers in such movements.

    In other contexts, the link between political resistance and urban areas is a relatively new and surprising route to political change. One example is “the struggle” seen in Sri Lanka’s capital Colombo and the unseating of the Rajapaksa family, who were perceived as increasingly authoritarian rulers of the country. The Colombo chapter in this volume highlights how such protests emerged in a context where urban unrest had rarely threatened those in power before.

    Even where anti-authoritarian protests have proved futile time and again, urban populations rarely remain quiet.

    In Kampala, Uganda, demonstrations prior to the 2021 elections resulted in a horrifying government crackdown. Inspired by events in neighbouring Kenya, protesters took to the streets once more in July 2024 to demonstrate against corruption.



    Read more:
    Kenya’s protests happened in every major urban centre – why these spaces are explosive

    The protests that erupted in Nairobi from late June 2024 against tax rises engulfed the capital city. They continued for some time, fuelled by the brutal police response. Similarly, Nigeria’s 2020 #EndSARS protests against police brutality created a powerful movement in cities such as Abuja and Lagos which shook government, and resonated across much of the continent.

    In an age of social media, learning and mimicry across national borders is increasingly common. One of the defining images of Kenya’s 2024 urban uprising was of a group of men with their arms raised and crossed at the wrists – a gesture of anti-authoritarian protest that gained particular resonance several years back during neighbouring Ethiopia’s own uprising.

    As urban protest seems set to continue and spread – often taking intentionally similar forms – techniques of urban authoritarian control are more varied and complex.

    Strategies to dominate and control city populations can be dramatic and repressive – such as the brute force of police violence – and they can also be subtle, deeply ingrained, and sometimes difficult to discern.

    Authoritarian tactics

    Our book argues that authoritarian leaders are increasingly aware of the power of the urban masses. As a result, they are using a range of subtle, and not-so-subtle, tactics to entrench their domination in capital cities.

    We broadly described two types of interventions that elites use.

    The first are policies and favours that actively build support among urban groups. These can range from inclusion in political parties to investments in social provisions or infrastructure to win support. The book’s chapter on Addis Ababa shows how the latter were particularly striking under the previous governing regime in Ethiopia.

    The second are repressive interventions that aim to crush opposition. These are also diverse, and include violent crackdowns, but also surveillance and intimidation.

    In practice, the two types of interventions often overlap. The line also blurs through various forms of manipulation. For instance, misinformation or the delivery of goods in exchange for performances of political loyalty, underpinned by implicit threats of coercion.

    We also highlight the significance of urban geography.

    Ruling elites often seek to divide city populations (for example inner-city dwellers versus the peripheries). This is evident in our book’s chapter on Colombo, Sri Lanka. The Rajapaksas tried to consolidate power by appealing to the new middle class suburbanites through “beautification” projects. But these displaced and excluded the inner-city poor.

    Chapters on Harare and Kampala also show how particular peripheral areas have become central to efforts to build an urban support base by Zanu-PF and the National Resistance Movement. This often plays out through the informal parcelling out of land to supporters.

    Contesting autocratic rule

    Concerns about authoritarian politics are at an all-time high.

    The above Google Ngram highlights the perilous rise in the use of the term “autocratization” in published work over the past decade.

    Meanwhile, the contestation of autocratic rule will continue to erupt in cities, especially in rapidly urbanising parts of the world. In this context, the need to understand how autocracy and urbanisation collide could hardly be more important.

    If pro-democracy forces are to have any hope of prevailing against efforts by authoritarian ruling elites to entrench their position, there is a crucial need to better understand their urban strategies and tactics.

    David Jackman received funding from the Leverhulme Trust.

    Tom Goodfellow is currently a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, which funded part of the research on which this book is based.

    – ref. Autocrats and cities: how capitals have become a battleground for protest and control – https://theconversation.com/autocrats-and-cities-how-capitals-have-become-a-battleground-for-protest-and-control-240377

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Autocrats and cities: how capitals have become a battleground for protest and control

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By David Jackman, Departmental Lecturer in Development Studies, University of Oxford

    Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the world’s longest reigning female political leader, fled Bangladesh on 5 August 2024 for the safety of India. Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of protesters descended on Bangladesh’s capital city, Dhaka. The crowds ransacked her official residence, occupied the nation’s parliament and burnt down her family home.

    Hasina, who had ruled the country for more than 20 years in total, had been widely accused of turning autocratic and clamping down severely on any opposition to her rule.

    For many, the Bangladesh revolution offers hope in the context of growing global authoritarianism. It illustrates the power of the youth to confront entrenched leaders, and the fragility of authoritarianism. It also highlights a striking feature of contemporary global politics: how central capital cities are to the political life of nations.

    In our new book, Controlling the Capital: Political Dominance in the Urbanizing World, a diverse range of scholars argue that capital cities are crucial political sites. They’re where governing elites seek to assert and maintain political control, and they are also stages for political contestation.

    The book is focused on sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, the two fastest-urbanising regions of the world.

    Authors explore the strategies and tactics used by ruling elites to politically dominate their capital cities in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

    The authors also consider how urban populations have engaged with these efforts. People may resist authority, but they can also cooperate with it in ways that benefit themselves – which sometimes reinforces or supports authoritarian control.

    This is increasingly important in the context of two contemporary trends. First, authoritarianism is growing globally. Just 10 years ago under half of the world’s population lived under authoritarian rule; now the figure is at 71%. The second trend is the ongoing rapid urbanisation of the world’s population, with the majority of us globally now living in urban areas.

    Urban unrest

    Over the past year we’ve seen how capital cities are spaces for contestation.

    Some pro-democracy movements draw from their own histories of struggle and the paths that have been carved by those before them. The template of Bangladesh’s 2024 revolution is ingrained in politics from the ways in which liberation was fought and how later struggles against authoritarian rule were won. The capital city has also been crucial, and students at Dhaka University were key mobilisers in such movements.

    In other contexts, the link between political resistance and urban areas is a relatively new and surprising route to political change. One example is “the struggle” seen in Sri Lanka’s capital Colombo and the unseating of the Rajapaksa family, who were perceived as increasingly authoritarian rulers of the country. The Colombo chapter in this volume highlights how such protests emerged in a context where urban unrest had rarely threatened those in power before.

    Even where anti-authoritarian protests have proved futile time and again, urban populations rarely remain quiet.

    In Kampala, Uganda, demonstrations prior to the 2021 elections resulted in a horrifying government crackdown. Inspired by events in neighbouring Kenya, protesters took to the streets once more in July 2024 to demonstrate against corruption.



    Read more:
    Kenya’s protests happened in every major urban centre – why these spaces are explosive

    The protests that erupted in Nairobi from late June 2024 against tax rises engulfed the capital city. They continued for some time, fuelled by the brutal police response. Similarly, Nigeria’s 2020 #EndSARS protests against police brutality created a powerful movement in cities such as Abuja and Lagos which shook government, and resonated across much of the continent.

    In an age of social media, learning and mimicry across national borders is increasingly common. One of the defining images of Kenya’s 2024 urban uprising was of a group of men with their arms raised and crossed at the wrists – a gesture of anti-authoritarian protest that gained particular resonance several years back during neighbouring Ethiopia’s own uprising.

    As urban protest seems set to continue and spread – often taking intentionally similar forms – techniques of urban authoritarian control are more varied and complex.

    Strategies to dominate and control city populations can be dramatic and repressive – such as the brute force of police violence – and they can also be subtle, deeply ingrained, and sometimes difficult to discern.

    Authoritarian tactics

    Our book argues that authoritarian leaders are increasingly aware of the power of the urban masses. As a result, they are using a range of subtle, and not-so-subtle, tactics to entrench their domination in capital cities.

    We broadly described two types of interventions that elites use.

    The first are policies and favours that actively build support among urban groups. These can range from inclusion in political parties to investments in social provisions or infrastructure to win support. The book’s chapter on Addis Ababa shows how the latter were particularly striking under the previous governing regime in Ethiopia.

    The second are repressive interventions that aim to crush opposition. These are also diverse, and include violent crackdowns, but also surveillance and intimidation.

    In practice, the two types of interventions often overlap. The line also blurs through various forms of manipulation. For instance, misinformation or the delivery of goods in exchange for performances of political loyalty, underpinned by implicit threats of coercion.

    We also highlight the significance of urban geography.

    Ruling elites often seek to divide city populations (for example inner-city dwellers versus the peripheries). This is evident in our book’s chapter on Colombo, Sri Lanka. The Rajapaksas tried to consolidate power by appealing to the new middle class suburbanites through “beautification” projects. But these displaced and excluded the inner-city poor.

    Chapters on Harare and Kampala also show how particular peripheral areas have become central to efforts to build an urban support base by Zanu-PF and the National Resistance Movement. This often plays out through the informal parcelling out of land to supporters.

    Contesting autocratic rule

    Concerns about authoritarian politics are at an all-time high.

    The above Google Ngram highlights the perilous rise in the use of the term “autocratization” in published work over the past decade.

    Meanwhile, the contestation of autocratic rule will continue to erupt in cities, especially in rapidly urbanising parts of the world. In this context, the need to understand how autocracy and urbanisation collide could hardly be more important.

    If pro-democracy forces are to have any hope of prevailing against efforts by authoritarian ruling elites to entrench their position, there is a crucial need to better understand their urban strategies and tactics.

    David Jackman received funding from the Leverhulme Trust.

    Tom Goodfellow is currently a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, which funded part of the research on which this book is based.

    – ref. Autocrats and cities: how capitals have become a battleground for protest and control – https://theconversation.com/autocrats-and-cities-how-capitals-have-become-a-battleground-for-protest-and-control-240377

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Amid the West’s wavering aid to Ukraine, North Korea backs Russia in a mutually beneficial move

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By James Horncastle, Assistant Professor and Edward and Emily McWhinney Professor in International Relations, Simon Fraser University

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy recently accused North Korea of plans to send 10,000 soldiers to fight for Russia in Ukraine. South Korean intelligence later gave credence to Zelenskyy’s assertion, as the country’s legislators noted that North Korea has already dispatched 3,000 soldiers to Russia.

    North Korea lending a helping hand to Russia is nothing new. The country has already provided Russia with significant munitions to supplement its depleted reserves. North Korean soldiers, in fact, are likely already fighting in the conflict.

    North Korea’s alleged decision to send additional soldiers to fight demonstrates the inadequacy of the West’s actions. Wavering western commitment to Ukraine has not only made the situation in Ukraine worse, it’s compromised global security too.



    Read more:
    Kim Jong-un sends North Korean troops to fight in Ukraine – here’s what this means for the war

    Immediate benefits for Russia

    Each side in the Russia-Ukraine conflict is seeking any and all assistance from its allies. In Russia’s case, western efforts to make Russian President Vladimir Putin a pariah caused him to turn to another pariah in the international order: North Korea.

    Russian-North Korean diplomatic relations are longstanding. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Boris Yeltsin initially favoured relations with South Korea over its northern counterpart. But since Putin assumed power in 2000, Russia has strengthened its ties with North Korea, albeit with a few notable exceptions.

    Russia has always been the dominant partner in the relationship. North Korea, however, has leveraged Russia’s diplomatic isolation for its own benefit. This explains why it’s providing soldiers to Russia on a scale that helps address the most immediate Russian concern: lessening the burden on its population.

    Russia has employed mass mobilization in the conflict, but it has sought to push this burden onto the ethnic minorities and rural population of the country.

    The protracted nature of the conflict, however, means that it’s increasingly difficult for Russia to disproportionately mobilize these elements. The more Putin’s government relies on ethnic Russians from the larger cities of the country, the more it puts his position under strain. Ten thousand North Korean soldiers will help alleviate this issue in the short term.



    Read more:
    Russians flee the draft as the reality of the war in Ukraine hits home

    Benefits for North Korea

    Despite North Korea’s diplomatic connections with Russia, it remains one of the world’s most isolated countries.

    North Korea’s closest relationship is with China, which is both a blessing and a curse — a blessing because China, for its own reasons, frequently provides diplomatic cover for North Korean actions; a curse because it puts North Korea at risk of becoming dependent on China, even though their objectives do not often align.

    North Korea’s deepening alliance with Russia is reminiscent of its strategy during the Cold War, when it maintained strong relations with both the Soviet Union and China to prevent itself from being subsumed by either.

    North Korea will also receive substantive benefits from its alliance with Russia. An endemic problem for North Korea is food shortages. During the 1990s, as many as three million people died from starvation.

    There is evidence North Korea faced famine conditions as recently as 2023. Russia’s delivery of almost 500 goats to North Korea in what’s been dubbed a “goats for guns” exchange addresses a pressing need for North Koreans.

    North Korean participation in the Russia-Ukraine war also gives the country opportunities to access Russian military training. While western analysts have criticized Russia’s military performance in terms of training and doctrine, it still represents a substantial upgrade for North Korea. Furthermore, there is no substitute for the live experience North Korean soldiers will amass on the battlefield.



    Read more:
    3 ways Russia has shown military ‘incompetence’ during its invasion of Ukraine

    Perhaps more worrisome is potential Russian aid for North Korea’s missile program. As one of the world’s nuclear powers, North Korea has lagged in its ability to deploy nuclear weapons, with its ballistic missile tests frequently ending in malfunctions, disasters or both.

    While Russian missile technology has its own limitations, it is still significantly beyond North Korea’s current capabilities.

    Given the pressure that North Korea has been able to exert with its missile tests alone in recent years, any improvement in its capabilities has the potential to destabilize the Asia-Pacific region.

    Global consequences for western inaction

    Russia’s need for North Korean support will undoubtedly improve North Korea’s military technology, as well as provide its army with valuable military experience.

    North Korea has in the past — and will likely in the future — stoke instability in the Asia-Pacific region. The gains North Korea has made from its partnership with Russia will only increase its ability to pose a threat in the region.

    It should not be a shocking development that North Korea provided Russia with soldiers. Instead, what should be controversial is how the West’s wavering support of Ukraine and delays in providing meaningful aid have resulted in a protracted conflict that gave Russia the time to muster resources, like North Korean soldiers, for the conflict.

    Western states, in so doing, not only put Ukraine in a disadvantageous position, but weakened their own security as well.

    James Horncastle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Amid the West’s wavering aid to Ukraine, North Korea backs Russia in a mutually beneficial move – https://theconversation.com/amid-the-wests-wavering-aid-to-ukraine-north-korea-backs-russia-in-a-mutually-beneficial-move-241970

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Pennsylvania’s election results will take time to count

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Alauna Safarpour, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Gettysburg College

    John Zapf drops off a mail-in ballot on Oct. 15, 2024, in Doylestown, Pa. Hannah Beier/Getty Images

    The country is unlikely to know who wins the battleground state of Pennsylvania on election night. That’s because of a quirk in Pennsylvania’s laws.

    I am an assistant professor of political science at Gettysburg College in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, where I teach and conduct research in American politics, public opinion, voting and elections. I have previously explained why Pennsylvania is crucial to both the Harris and Trump campaigns, and why Pennsylvania will likely prove pivotal in determining the presidency.

    Here are five things that are important to understand about the timing of the election outcome in Pennsylvania.

    The state sets the rules for voting and counting

    Under the U.S. Constitution, states and the federal government share power. Some powers are exclusively reserved for the states, while other powers are exclusively under the control of the federal government, for instance signing treaties, or declaring war on a foreign nation. Under this system, known as federalism, states – not the federal government – run elections. Individual states and local jurisdictions within states determine polling locations, how citizens vote and other rules surrounding election administration.

    Elections are run differently across states. Some states require photo identification at the polls when you vote, while some verify identities of voters in other ways.

    An official Pennsylvania mail-in ballot, seen in Pittsburgh, Oct. 3, 2024.
    AP Photo/Gene J. Puskar

    Differences also extend to how ballots are counted and how long it takes for states to report results.

    Nearly all states prohibit releasing election results until after the polls close on Election Day. However some states begin to count mail-in and early ballots as they are cast. This means that they can report the results of an election sooner on Election Day, because the work of processing and counting is already done.

    Under Pennsylvania law, voters may cast ballots through the mail. Local election officials are prohibited from opening the envelopes containing mail-in ballots until 7 a.m. on Election Day.



    Read more:
    Why Pennsylvania is the key to a Harris or Trump Electoral College victory

    Prior to 2020, the only Pennsylvania voters permitted to vote by mail needed an excuse – for instance, serving overseas in the armed forces. The first time Pennsylvania voters were able to vote by mail without an excuse was in 2020. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, a record number of voters nationwide chose to vote by mail when that option was allowed, including in Pennsylvania.

    Out of the nearly 7 million total Pennsylvania voters in the 2020 presidential election, roughly 2.6 million voted by mail. Prior to 2020, local election officials never needed to count such a large number of ballots received through the mail, and news organizations could typically announce Pennsylvania’s unofficial winner quickly.

    For instance, in 2016, media organizations could project a Trump victory in Pennsylvania at 2:29 a.m. the Wednesday after Election Day. But in 2020, it took four days for enough ballots to be counted for news organizations to project that Joe Biden won Pennsylvania and would be the next president.

    As of 10 a.m. on Oct. 28, 2024, about 2.09 million Pennsylvania voters had requested mail-in ballots. That number was likely to increase, as Pennsylvanians could request a mail-in ballot until Oct. 29. County boards of elections must receive mail-in ballots by 8 p.m. on Election Day for those ballots to be counted. Members of the military and overseas absentee ballots have until Nov. 12.

    Mail-in ballots take time to count

    It’s impossible to definitively say how long it will take to know who won Pennsylvania. The more ballots there are to count, the longer America will need to wait.

    The length of time it will take to determine the winner will also depend on how close the election turns out to be.

    If the margin of victory for the winning candidate is very small – say tens of thousands of votes – then election officials will need to count enough ballots that it becomes mathematically impossible for the other candidate to catch up, regardless of how the remaining ballots voted and only then will credible news organizations announce a projected winner of each state.

    If the election is within half a percentage point, Pennsylvania state law dictates that an automatic recount is required, although recounts are unlikely to change the winner of a statewide race.

    But the wait may not be as long as it was in 2020

    Although no one can say for certain how long it will take – anyone who says otherwise is wrong – there are indications that it might not take as long as it did in 2020.

    First, it is highly likely that fewer Pennsylvanians will choose to vote by mail in 2024. A smaller proportion of voters opted to vote by mail in the 2022 midterm election than in the 2020 general election, and that trend is likely to continue in 2024. Thus far, fewer voters have requested mail-in ballots than in 2020, so that assertion is supported by the available data at this point.

    Counting may also take less time because election officials have more experience counting the mail-in ballots now than in 2020. That year was the first time election officials counted so many mail-in ballots.

    Counties have also secured better machines to assist in the process. For instance, Philadelphia County will use new machines to help them open the envelopes faster. This should speed up the process, according to Pennsylvania’s chief elections official, Secretary of State Al Schmidt, a Republican, although Schmidt recently told NPR news it is unlikely that a winner will be declared in Pennsylvania on election night.

    In the 2020 presidential election, roughly 2.6 million Pennsylvanians voted by mail. On Nov. 4, 2020, Luzerne County employees open mail-in ballots to be counted at the elections board in Wilkes-Barre.
    Aimee Dilger/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

    One more thing to expect

    According to the Associated Press, Pennsylvania will report small batches of mail-in ballots first, followed by in-person Election Day votes. After that, the remaining mail-in ballots will be tabulated and released. This process will likely result in predictable patterns in the results of the election.

    We know several things because of who in Pennsylvania has requested mail-in ballots this cycle, which follows a similar pattern as in 2020. Most voters who opted to vote by mail in 2020 were Democrats, while Republicans were more likely to vote in person on Election Day.

    The results for in-person, Election Day voters can generally be reported faster. That’s because voters themselves will feed their ballots into vote tabulating machines at various precincts, which count them immediately. Election Day ballots in 2020 generally supported Trump, although the Republican party has recently tried to encourage more of their voters to vote by mail.

    The results will then likely change as mail-in ballots are counted, which takes time. As they are counted, you should expect to see Trump’s vote share decline and Harris’ share increase. That expectation is based on the voters who have requested mail-in ballots so far.

    As of 10 a.m. on Oct. 28, 2024, data from the Pennsylvania Department of State indicated that 56% of the mail-in ballots requested at that point in Pennsylvania were from registered Democrats, about 32% from Republicans, with the remaining 13% from voters who did not register with a party or listed a third party. In 2020, over 6 in 10 mail-in ballots were requested by Democrats and about 1 in 4 by Republicans.

    Be patient

    Although conspiracy theories are prevalent in American politics these days, resist the temptation to believe unfounded claims. Such claims are often advanced by individuals or groups with a personal motivation to do so – to get more clicks or likes on social media, make money or gain political power.

    American elections are administered by dedicated public servants on both sides of the political aisle who are observed by representatives from both political parties as well as nonpartisan watchdog groups. Academics and journalists across the nation also closely monitor elections and would be the first to ring the alarm if there were evidence of malfeasance.

    Ballot counting in Pennsylvania will take time, and ultimately election officials have said they prioritize “accuracy over speed.” We will know the results of the election in time. Until then, be patient and watch one of the world’s oldest democracies at work.

    Professor Safarpour has previously published articles on election administration, including a paper published in 2022 that used data provided by the State of Pennsylvania’s Board of Elections in the 2016 election. Professor Safarpour did not consult with state election officials prior to the publication of this article and does not receive funding or support from any state government or board of elections for her research. The analysis presented here represents the best available data at the time of publication.

    – ref. Why Pennsylvania’s election results will take time to count – https://theconversation.com/why-pennsylvanias-election-results-will-take-time-to-count-240305

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Three lessons the west can learn from China’s economic approach to AI

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jialu Shan, Research Fellow at the TONOMUS Global Center for AI and Digital Transformation, International Institute for Management Development (IMD)

    Phonlamai Photo/Shutterstock

    AI is already everywhere, ready to change the way we work and play, how we learn and how we are looked after. From hospitality to healthcare, entertainment to education, AI is transforming the world as we know it.

    But it’s developing at a different pace in different parts of the world. In the west, it seems, there is a tendency to aim for perfection, with companies taking their time to refine AI systems before they are implemented.

    China, on the other hand, has taken a more pragmatic path, on which speed and adaptability are prioritised over flawless execution. Chinese companies appear more willing to take risks, accept AI’s current limitations and see what happens.

    And China’s desire to be the world leader in AI development seems to be working. Here are three important lessons the west can learn from China’s economic strategy towards AI.

    1. Embrace imperfection

    Many Chinese companies have adopted a “good enough” mentality towards AI, using it even when the technology is not fully developed. This brings risks, but also encourages fast learning.

    For example, in 2016, Haidilao, a popular Chinese restaurant chain, introduced “Xiaomei”, an AI system which dealt with customers calling up to make reservations. While Xiaomei is not the most sophisticated AI system (it only understands questions about reservations), it was effective, managing over 50,000 customer interactions a day with a 90% accuracy rate.

    It’s not perfect, but it provides a valuable service to the business, proving that AI doesn’t need to be flawless to make a big impact.

    2. Make it practical

    A key distinction between AI strategies in China and the west is the focus on practical, problem-solving applications. In many western industries, AI is often associated with cutting-edge technology like robot-assisted surgery, or complex predictive algorithms.

    While these advances are exciting, they do not always bring immediate impact. China, by contrast, has made significant strides by applying AI to solve more basic needs.

    In China, some hospitals use AI to help with routine – but very important – tasks. For instance, in April 2024, Wuhan Union Hospital introduced an AI patient service which acts as a kind of triage nurse for patients using a messaging app.

    Patients are asked about their symptoms and medical history. The AI then evaluates the severity of their needs, and prioritises appointments based on urgency and the medical resources available at that time. The results are then relayed to a human doctor who makes the final decision about what happens next.

    By helping to ensure that those with the most critical needs are seen first, the system plays a crucial role in improving efficiency and reducing waiting times for patients seeking medical attention. It’s not the most complex technology, but in its first month of use in the hospital’s breast clinic, it reportedly provided over 300 patients with extra consultation time – 70% of whom were patients in urgent need of surgery.

    3. Learn from mistakes

    China’s rapid adoption of AI hasn’t come without challenges. But failures serve as critical learning experiences.

    One cautionary tale over AI implementation comes not from China, but from Japan. When Henn na Hotel in Nagasaki became the world’s first hotel staffed by robots, it received a great deal of attention for its futuristic concept.

    But the reality soon fell short of expectations. Churi, the hotel’s in-room assistant robot, frequently misunderstood guest requests, leading to confusion. One guest was reportedly woken up repeatedly because a robot in his room mistakenly understood the sound of his snoring to be a question.

    In contrast, many Chinese hotels have taken a more measured approach, opting for simpler yet highly effective robotic solutions. Delivery robots are now commonplace in hotel chains across the country, and while not overly complex, they are adept at navigating hallways and lifts autonomously, bringing meals to guests.

    By focusing on specific, high-impact problems, Chinese companies have successfully integrated AI in ways that minimise disruption and maximise usefulness.

    The Chinese restaurant chain I mentioned earlier provides another good illustration of this approach. After the success of its chatbot, Haidilao introduced “smart restaurants” equipped with robotic arms and automated food delivery systems. While innovative, the technology struggled during peak hours and lacked the personal touch many customers valued.

    Instead of abandoning the project, Haidilao continued to adjust and refine its use of AI. Rather than adopting a fully automated restaurant model, it went for a hybrid approach, combining automation with human staff to enhance the dining experience.

    This flexibility in the face of setbacks represents a crucial willingness to pivot and adapt when things don’t go as planned. Overall, China’s pragmatic approach to AI has enabled it to take the lead in many areas, even as the country lags behind the west in terms of technological sophistication. This is driven by a willingness to embrace AI’s imperfections, and then adapt where necessary.

    Where speed and adaptability are critical, companies can’t afford to wait for perfect solutions. By embracing AI’s imperfections, focusing on practical applications and real-world feedback, Chinese companies have unlocked the economic value of AI in a way that others are being too timid to emulate.

    Jialu Shan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Three lessons the west can learn from China’s economic approach to AI – https://theconversation.com/three-lessons-the-west-can-learn-from-chinas-economic-approach-to-ai-240598

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: For many Venezuelan migrants in the US, working all hours means hope for a life back home

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Matt Wilde, Lecturer in Human Geography, University of Leicester

    Migrants seeking asylum at El Paso, Texas, on the US-Mexico border. Ruben2533 / Shutterstock

    Donald Trump and his followers have eagerly whipped up anti-immigrant sentiment throughout the US presidential campaign, as a growing number of migrants from Haiti and Venezuela arrive due to continuing crises at home.

    Stories about Haitians eating pets in Springfield, Ohio, have ultimately been proven to be false. And accounts of Venezuelan gangs taking over apartment blocks in Aurora, Colorado, have been called “an incredible exaggeration” by the city’s mayor.

    Progressives have rightly challenged such accounts. But the absence of an effective counter-narrative about migration cedes ground to regressive messaging that reduces the complexities of human mobility to a zero-sum game between national populations and migrant-others.

    As an anthropologist conducting research with Venezuelan migrants in Chicago, two points strike me as vital to changing the terms of this debate.

    The first is that among the Venezuelans I work with – most of whom hold what’s known as temporary protected status – the US isn’t a place they ultimately plan to settle. Their overwhelming focus is on earning enough money to build a life back home. The second is that to truly understand migration, we need to place migrant experiences and motivations in historical context.

    Working all hours

    Two days after the televised presidential debate in September where Trump made repeated references to immigrants, I shared cold beers with eight young Venezuelan men in the backyard of a rented house on Chicago’s South Side.

    Each had his own story of the journey to the US, with most making the perilous walk through the Darién Gap – or la selva (“the jungle”), as they call it – before claiming asylum at the Mexico-US border.

    Having eventually been granted the right to work, the men are now employed on the same assembly line in a Chicago factory. Many of them also work as delivery drivers after hours.

    “I don’t have to defend myself with words or argue with people,” says Hector, a 24-year-old from San Cristóbal in western Venezuela. “I just need to show that my work is good. In that way, I’m contributing to the better image of Venezuelans.”



    Read more:
    Venezuelan migrants are boosting economic growth in South America, says research

    Guillermo, a 38-year-old from Venezuela’s third-largest city, Valencia, works 12 to 14 hours a day, seven days a week. When he isn’t working or resting, he’s on WhatsApp talking to friends and family, many of whom are among the estimated 8 million Venezuelans who now live abroad due to the country’s economic and political crisis.

    Each week, Guillermo sends several hundred dollars home to his father, wife and daughter. He’s also been slowly working towards buying a house in his home city, a goal that motivates him amid the many hardships he’s endured abroad.

    “I’m a guerrero [warrior],” he jokes as he recounts his journey since he left Venezuela in 2017. In that time, Guillermo has worked as a street vender in Colombia, a taxi driver under precarious conditions in Chile, and has crossed borders from Bolivia to Mexico on foot.

    This determination to return is shared by Guillermo’s Venezuelan friends in Chicago, all of whom hope to go home despite recent allegations of electoral fraud against the country’s president, Nicolás Maduro. “With Maduro, without Maduro, with whoever is there … eventually we want to return to our country,” Guillermo explains.



    Read more:
    Venezuela: Maduro’s declaration of victory isn’t fooling anyone

    Guerrilla redistribution

    The reasons for Venezuela’s present situation are complex. Few would dispute the claim that Maduro has grossly mismanaged the economy. But there’s a longer backstory rooted in the deep inequalities between the global north and the global south, as well as the country’s vulnerability as a postcolonial petrostate that has repeatedly experienced cycles of boom and bust.

    And then there are the sanctions that were levelled against the country by the Trump administration. According to researchers Benedicte Bull and Antulio Rosales, the sanctions have accelerated Maduro’s transformation of Venezuela into what they term “authoritarian capitalism”.

    The bitter irony for the young people I work with is that all of this means they have had to travel thousands of miles to have a chance of building a better life at home. For Hector and Guillermo, the biggest difference between the US and countries like Chile or Colombia is the US dollar, the strength of which means their labour goes much further when it’s sent home in the form of remittances.

    In this sense, perhaps a better way of understanding these recent arrivals to the US is that, against all the odds, they’re enacting a form of “guerrilla redistribution” in a profoundly unequal world. For progressives, the urgent political challenge is to widen the terms in which we understand what migration is and what it could be on a more just planet.

    The research for this article was funded by the British Academy (SRG2324240415). The author thanks Ana Mattioli for support with interview transcriptions.

    – ref. For many Venezuelan migrants in the US, working all hours means hope for a life back home – https://theconversation.com/for-many-venezuelan-migrants-in-the-us-working-all-hours-means-hope-for-a-life-back-home-241648

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Encephalitis lethargica: the mysterious disease that inspired Awakenings is finally starting to give up some clues

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Rogers, Wellcome Trust Clinical Fellow in Psychiatry, UCL

    “People have forgotten what life is all about,” Robert De Niro’s character says in the film Awakenings after being revived from the shut-down state he had been in for 30 years. “They’ve forgotten what it is to be alive.”

    Based on a true story told by Dr Oliver Sacks, Awakenings focuses with exquisite detail on the experiences of a few extraordinary people affected by a disease known as encephalitis lethargica, or the “sleepy sickness”. Yet far from being a rarity, this disease affected a million people worldwide during and after the first world war. Then it vanished and has remained a mystery for the past century. The question that has never been answered is: what caused it?

    The disease was first described by a neurologist in Vienna in 1917. It was noted that the initial symptoms were similar to those of flu, but that’s where the similarities ended. Over the next few weeks, some would be unable to sleep at all, while others would be so drowsy they could be woken for only a few minutes to eat.

    About half died in this early phase, but those who survived were even more perplexing. After recovering, often returning to work, many started to notice stiffness, slowness in their movements and even that their eyes would get stuck in certain positions. Sadly, this slowly progressed. And many were left – like De Niro’s character – in a frozen state, unable to speak or move.

    But that wasn’t all. Many would develop monotonous or slurred speech. Some had changes to their mood, perceptions and personality. In a study my colleagues and I conducted, we even came across four patients who developed kleptomania (compulsive stealing) as part of their illness.

    What could have caused this?

    Finding the origin of a disease isn’t as straightforward as it sounds. HIV as a cause of Aids or HPV causing cervical cancer were both long journeys and were not at all obvious early on. It’s the same with encephalitis lethargica.

    Given that it started suddenly and then went away, some have suggested it might be related to an infection. Spanish flu occurred around the same time, although the first cases of encephalitis lethargica were earlier. We haven’t found any influenza virus in the brains of people who were affected, so it doesn’t quite fit in a simple way.

    To look at what might be going on, we spent hours reading through the meticulously preserved records of more than 600 patients who had encephalitis lethargica. We found that only 32% of them had had anything even remotely like flu in the year before their illness started. And less than 1% had an affected family member. So the flu infection story isn’t very convincing – at least on its own.

    What about something in the environment? 1917 was a fairly eventful year – to say the least – with the first world war involving an enormous mobilisation of people, arms and supplies. Perhaps it was some new chemical being used. Yet our study found no link to people who worked with particular substances.

    More recently, a new theory for encephalitis lethargica has been proposed. The idea is that there might be an autoimmune process involved – that is, the body’s natural defence mechanisms might have turned on itself and attacked the brain.

    This happens elsewhere in the body. A reaction against cells in the pancreas causes type 1 diabetes, while antibodies to cells in the thyroid gland can trigger Graves’ disease. In the brain, the results can be devastating, and in recent years, we have recognised that multiple sclerosis also results from a problem with the immune system.

    Something called autoimmune encephalitis is where certain antibodies attack nerve cells in the brain. We found that almost half of the patients diagnosed with encephalitis lethargica might have had autoimmune encephalitis, though it didn’t fit the pattern for any of the types we recognise today.

    How could this explain a disease that arose out of nowhere and caused such a range of symptoms? Some patients found that their movements and thoughts were massively slowed down. Others hallucinated, had bizarre delusions or even seemed to lose their sense of right and wrong.

    This is where we may have to return to the idea of an infection, either flu or something else. Some autoimmune conditions can be triggered by an infection of some kind, which may look a bit like something the body is familiar with. It’s a good disguise for the invading bug, but once your body has recognised it, there’s a risk it turns the body’s defences on itself.

    Does this all really matter? Is it worth solving a pandemic where the last survivor died two decades ago? Well, sadly, encephalitis lethargica wasn’t the first neurological epidemic of its kind and – if we don’t crack it – we won’t be prepared for the next.

    Jonathan Rogers has received funding from the Wellcome Trust and NIHR. He is a Council member for the British Association for Psychopharmacology, an Advisor to the Global Neuropsychiatry Group and a member of the Medical Advisory Board of the Catatonia Foundation.

    – ref. Encephalitis lethargica: the mysterious disease that inspired Awakenings is finally starting to give up some clues – https://theconversation.com/encephalitis-lethargica-the-mysterious-disease-that-inspired-awakenings-is-finally-starting-to-give-up-some-clues-237619

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Chris Kaba’s criminal history shouldn’t change how we think about the Martyn Blake trial – but it could affect future cases

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tara Lai Quinlan, Associate Professor in Law and Criminal Justice, University of Birmingham

    Members of Chris Kaba’s family at a march on the anniversary of his death. Shutterstock

    Two years after fatally shooting 24-year-old Chris Kaba in the head, the London Met Police firearms officer Martyn Blake was acquitted of Kaba’s murder.

    As soon as the trial concluded, newspapers published information about Kaba that they were barred from reporting during the proceedings. Chief among the details was the news that Kaba had allegedly shot a man in both legs at a nightclub days before his own death, although he was never prosecuted for or convicted of the crime.

    The post-trial publication of details of Kaba’s alleged criminal history should not affect how we view Blake’s prosecution and acquittal. But it will have implications for future cases where black men are killed by police. It will also further damage already-strained relationships between black communities and police.

    Kaba was shot by Blake after police stopped the car he was driving in south London. Kaba was unarmed. Police did not know that Kaba was driving, but believed the car had been connected to a shooting the night before. Blake told the court he fired his weapon because he believed his colleagues’ lives were at risk.

    The jury was not told of Kaba’s prior convictions during the trial, nor should they have been. Kaba was not on trial – Martyn Blake was. So this information did not play a role in their decision to acquit. Because Kaba was killed by Blake, Kaba’s prior convictions were not relevant in Blake’s trial. We correctly shun victim-blaming when it comes to other victims: it should be no different in this case, in which Kaba was the victim.

    Had Kaba been alive and testified for the prosecution against Blake, the judge could have considered whether his prior criminal convictions were relevant to his testimony and credibility. But disclosure of a witness’s previous convictions is rightfully very narrowly construed by the courts, and would have to meet a specific legal standard.

    Racial stereotypes

    The research is clear that when a person of colour is killed by police and posthumous information about the victim is released to the public, it has an impact on public perceptions of blame, sympathy and empathy for the black victim and police shooter, and perpetuates racial stereotypes. And this seems to be what is occurring here.

    Studies have shown for decades that black people, men in particular, are first and foremost viewed as perpetrators by police and members of the public, not as crime victims. We have seen the impact of this in the many killings of unarmed black men by police in the US, from Michael Brown to Eric Garner to George Floyd.

    These stereotypes have also played a role in cases in the UK. Black men and boys are often treated by the criminal justice system and the media as somehow responsible for their own deaths. For instance, Stephen Lawrence, who was killed in 1993 by a group of white men while waiting at a London bus stop, was regarded by police for a long time as a suspect, not a victim.

    Or Dea-John Reid, a 14-year-old black boy who was chased and killed by a group of white teens and adults in Birmingham in 2021. After his death, police initially doubted racism played a role in the killing, and it was suggested at the trial that Reid was involved in instigating events leading to his killing. While multiple defendants were brought to trial, only a 15-year-old boy was convicted of manslaughter for Reid’s death. Two adults, aged 36 and 39, and two other teenagers were acquitted of his murder.

    Police chiefs are asking the government to make it harder for the Crown Prosecution Service to charge officers.
    Svet foto/Shutterstock

    For decades, scholars have tracked how black men are viewed through the lens of the myth of criminality. This view, rooted in slavery and colonialism, erroneously suggests black men have a propensity for criminality. It persists today in crime figures that show minority ethnic people disproportionately represented in every stage of the criminal justice process.

    Yet the reality from government offending surveys is that black and white people commit crimes at the same rates. The myth is reinforced through the criminal justice system, which focuses on some crimes (and alleged criminals) more than others through decisions around deployment of personnel and resources, and decisions to arrest, charge, prosecute and sentence in disproportionate ways.

    For example, police stop and search rates for decades have been disproportionately shown to target black men. Arrest rates show similar disproportionate outcomes. These disparities are not due to a propensity for criminal offending, but rather the implicit and explicit stereotypes of the justice system.



    Read more:
    Stop and search disproportionately affects black communities – yet police powers are being extended

    These stereotypes mean that people of colour, and black men in particular, are not seen as deserving victims when they are the victims of crime or police wrongdoing.

    Academic research, as well as government inquiries by Lord Macpherson and Baroness Casey, have observed how policing culture is embedded with these stereotypes.

    Future of policing

    Following the Blake verdict, police leaders have called for further protections for officers who use force while on duty (even if not deadly force). The government has said that officers charged in future cases will stay anonymous unless convicted.

    The UK legal system already has rigorous standards for investigating, charging and convicting individuals, including police officers, of wrongdoing. Moreover, is it important to bear in mind that misconduct prosecutions in court against police officers are already very rare.

    Blake was the first officer in England ever charged with murder for killing someone on duty, and therefore none have ever been convicted of murdering a member of the public while on duty. There are therefore already sufficiently robust due process protections in place for officers charged with a crime and they do not require further enhancing.

    At a time when police have lost the trust of many of the communities they are meant to protect, particularly ethnic minority Britons, this sends the wrong message to the public that police can act without accountability.

    “We went two steps forward in terms of building relationships and it just feels like we’ve taken a step back,” said Anthony King, who runs a youth crime reduction organisation in London, of the Blake verdict.

    The persistence of negative racial stereotypes of people of colour generally, and black men in particular, continues to put black communities in a position of being overpoliced and yet underprotected. Treating Chris Kaba as a suspected criminal ahead of seeing him as a victim will only further this inequality.

    Tara Lai Quinlan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Chris Kaba’s criminal history shouldn’t change how we think about the Martyn Blake trial – but it could affect future cases – https://theconversation.com/chris-kabas-criminal-history-shouldnt-change-how-we-think-about-the-martyn-blake-trial-but-it-could-affect-future-cases-242051

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: From a scream to a whisper – ‘quiet horror’ novels are making a comeback

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nick Freeman, Reader in Late Victorian Literature, Loughborough University

    Readers need to be imaginative rather than being startled by jump scares. zef art/Shutterstock

    Ever since its inception with Horace Walpole’s novel The Castle of Otranto (1764), a delirious mixture of violent death and familial conspiracy, gothic literature has been a restless cultural form, constantly mutating and assuming new guises but always exploring the darker side of life. Sometimes, its fashions are those of the historical moment. Sometimes they are initiated by a book enjoying unprecedented commercial success.

    One of these was Thomas Harris’s The Silence of the Lambs (1988). After the film adaptation scooped five Oscars in 1991, the deviant genius became the villain of choice for gothic films and novels. For a time, the violent merging of the crime thriller with the “body horror” of 1980s cinema ensured that the genre was dominated by such characters. Usually (though not always) men with high IQs, elevated artistic taste and ingenious ways of torturing and killing their fellow human beings, Hannibal Lecter and his ilk became modern icons.

    In the wake of such influences, crime novels (and films) got bloodier and horror novels grew longer. John Connolly’s first novel, EveryDeadThing (1999), for example, spent 470 pages documenting the murderous activities of a serial killer who mutilated his victims in the style of Renaissance anatomical drawings.

    In recent years however, there has been a reaction against these excesses. So-called “quiet horror” has become increasingly popular on both sides of the Atlantic. Perhaps taking its name from a 1965 collection of short stories by Stanley Ellin, which was literally called “quiet horror”, this is a genre that prizes suspense and subtlety over graphic bodily violence.

    The novelist Selena Chambers characterises quiet horror as exploring “the unexplained, the suppressed, the supernal [otherworldly], the material, the cosmic, and the secular … everything we cannot see, or verbalise and fail to feel concretely”. As she implies, suggestion is crucial.

    Readers need to be patient and imaginative, sensitive to the nuances and implications of language and willing to respond to spooky ambiguities rather than being startled by jump scares or “gross out” imagery.

    Slasher movies usually treat their characters as no more than fodder for the next brutal killing. Quiet horror, by contrast, takes character development far more seriously and imbues its stories with greater psychological depth. This in turn can enhance readers’ involvement. Put simply, those who dislike “splatter fiction” are more likely to care what happens to a well-rounded, sympathetic character than a stereotypical US teenager about to be put under a steam hammer.

    Women and quiet horror

    Female novelists have been at the forefront of this style of writing since the Victorian period. Elizabeth Gaskell’s tales, including The Old Nurse’s Story (1852), a chilling tale of a family curse, are foundational works.

    A long line of women writers have explored how the familiar, the domestic, the marital and the homely can be imbued with subtle terrors, from loneliness and isolation to paranoia, alienation, captivity and psychological trauma.

    The haunted house does not need to contain a typical ghost. From Elizabeth Bowen’s The Demon Lover (1945) to Shirley Jackson’s The Haunting of Hill House (1959), to Sarah Waters’ The Little Stranger (2009) and beyond, the complex and fraught relationships between a dwelling and its occupants have frequently engaged women writers’ imaginations.

    The continuing success of Susan Hill’s The Woman in Black (1983) in its literary, theatrical and cinematic incarnations has helped ensure that quiet horror, particularly tales which recall the golden age of the ghost story a century or so ago, are once again much in vogue. This can be seen in the bestselling novels of Michelle Paver, such as Dark Matter (2010) and in anthologies such as The Haunting Season (2021).

    At the same time, readers are increasingly rediscovering forgotten practitioners of the genre. One such figure is Elizabeth Walter (1927-2006). As a writer (and the editor of Collins Crime Club for 30 years from the mid-1960s) Walter recoiled from sadistic violence, cardboard characterisation and haphazard plotting.

    Shirley Jackson was a master of ‘quiet horror’.
    Wiki Commons, CC BY

    After five collections of stories, beginning with Snowfall and Other Chilling Events (1965), she retired from writing supernatural fiction in the mid-1970s as the traits she didn’t like were becoming dominant within Anglo-American gothic. Many of her stories are set in the border country between England and Wales and draw upon folklore and a sensitivity to landscape to create creepily unnerving works such as The Sin Eater (1967) and Telling the Bees (1975).

    I edited a collection of Walter’s writing titled Let a Sleeping Witch Lie (2024). Spanning the ten years from Snowfall to her final collection, Dead Woman and Other Haunting Experiences (1975), the stories within anticipate some elements of Phil Rickman’s Merrily Watkins novels which also involve Welsh border settings, supernatural elements, and police procedural, though they lack Rickman’s religious dimension.

    There is no sense of providence at work in Walter’s borderlands, only ancient and mysterious menace. Marriages tend to be unhappy, families harbour terrible secrets, and the old ways continue to overshadow the present. Fifty years since her final collection, Walter’s work might be more relevant than ever before.

    Quiet horror has never really been away, but it seems to finding a new audience, one which both looks to its past and relishes its present.


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Nick Freeman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. From a scream to a whisper – ‘quiet horror’ novels are making a comeback – https://theconversation.com/from-a-scream-to-a-whisper-quiet-horror-novels-are-making-a-comeback-241945

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Gen Z is saying ‘no’ to middle management — and why you might want to reconsider

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Leda Stawnychko, Assistant Professor of Strategy and Organizational Theory, Mount Royal University

    Research shows that over half of Gen Z have no interest in pursuing middle management roles, meaning they are missing out on valuable opportunities. (Shutterstock)

    Gen Z is poised to become the most populous generation on the planet, and their influence is already shaping the future of work. As one of the most educated and racially and ethnically diverse generations, they bring fresh perspectives and new expectations for how we work and lead.

    Known as the first truly “digital native” generation, Gen Z grew up immersed in a world of technology and social media, giving them a natural edge in navigating the modern world. But there is more to Gen Z than their digital fluency.

    What truly sets them apart is their ambition, entrepreneurial spirit, financial savviness, commitment to ethical consumption and strong sense of social responsibility. For Gen Z, work is more than just a paycheck — it’s about committing to a higher purpose. They do best in people-centred organizations that value their contributions, prioritize well-being and align with their sense of mission.

    Gen Z is redefining leadership by choosing to lead through expertise rather than relying on formal positions of authority. One of the most striking trends is their growing reluctance to step into middle management roles — a phenomenon being called “conscious unbossing.”

    This powerful shift is catching many in the business world by surprise.

    No one’s 20s and 30s look the same. You might be saving for a mortgage or just struggling to pay rent. You could be swiping dating apps, or trying to understand childcare. No matter your current challenges, our Quarter Life series has articles to share in the group chat, or just to remind you that you’re not alone.

    Read more from Quarter Life:

    Where strategy meets execution

    Middle managers play a vital role in organizations, acting as the crucial link between a company’s big-picture strategy and its day-to-day operations.

    Unlike supervisors, who primarily focus on overseeing day-to-day tasks, middle managers are responsible for both their team’s performance and the implementation of broader organizational strategies. It’s a dynamic role where strategic vision meets practical execution.

    Middle managers are often the bridge between a company’s big-picture strategy and its day-to-day operations.
    (Shutterstock)

    However, research shows that over half of Gen Z have no interest in pursuing middle management roles. There is an understandable reason for this: these roles are known for their high levels of burnout and may initially seem at odds with Gen Z’s values of autonomy, flexibility and personal well-being.

    It is true that middle managers face real challenges. Over the past decade, their responsibilities have grown significantly. They manage competing priorities while contending with a polarized and rapidly shifting workplace. However, with the right approach, these roles can be deeply fulfilling and transformative, as my doctoral thesis research found.

    Why middle management matters

    Despite being highly ambitious, self-confident and driven by personal growth, Gen Z may be overlooking the valuable learning opportunities and influence that come with middle management.

    Middle management roles serve as a crucial stepping stone for those seeking to make a real, systemic and lasting impact, offering a platform to advocate for the values Gen Z cares deeply about, such as social responsibility, sustainability and equity.

    Additionally, middle management provides important opportunities to develop essential technical and human skills, including emotional intelligence, strategic thinking and complex decision-making. Embracing these roles can unlock the potential to lead change and inspire transformation.

    How to find joy in middle management roles

    If you are part of Gen Z and are unsure about middle management, reframing these roles to align with your values and aspirations can help you see it as a rewarding opportunity rather than a burden. This three-step framework can help you make the most of these roles while staying true to your values:

    1. Use it as a vehicle to increase self-awareness

    Middle management offers a unique environment to enhance self-awareness. By reflecting on how you respond to challenges, interact with others and make decisions under pressure, you can gain valuable insight into your strengths, areas for growth and leadership style.

    For example, self-awareness can help you delegate more effectively — empowering your team, preventing burnout, and freeing up time to focus on what matters most to you.

    Instead of viewing middle management as a burden or a step backward, consider how these roles can be an opportunity for growth, leadership and greater impact.
    (Shutterstock)

    2. Think of the role as a leadership incubator

    Viewing middle management as a leadership incubator can help you shift the focus toward its long-term value. These roles offer a training ground where you learn to negotiate priorities at multiple levels of the organization and give you access to important networks and development opportunities.

    The skills you develop — strategic thinking, negotiation and stakeholder management — not only prepare you for higher positions, but also equip you to effectively advocate for social change or succeed as an entrepreneur.

    3. Leverage the role to scale your impact

    Middle management is about expanding your influence and creating larger ripple effects. The role offers a unique vantage point to shape organizational culture and advocate for meaningful change. You can demonstrate to older generations in the workplace that ambitious goals can be achieved without compromising personal well-being or ethical standards.

    The path forward

    The world is counting on you and other members of Gen Z to lead the way forward. Middle management roles offer a powerful platform to exercise meaningful influence while developing the essential skills that will prepare you for success in any path you choose.

    Rather than viewing the roles as a burden, see them as opportunities to grow, inspire others and leave your legacy. Middle management allows you to connect strategy with execution, shape organizational culture and advocate for the values that matter most to you.

    By embracing the challenge of middle management rather than shying away, you’ll have a chance to shape the future of your organizations and become a leader who drives positive, systemic change for a better, more sustainable world.

    Leda Stawnychko receives funding from SSHRC.

    – ref. Why Gen Z is saying ‘no’ to middle management — and why you might want to reconsider – https://theconversation.com/why-gen-z-is-saying-no-to-middle-management-and-why-you-might-want-to-reconsider-241662

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –