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Category: Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Many tongues, one people: the debate over linguistic diversity in India

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sudhansu Bala Das, Postdoctoral researcher in Linguistics, University of Galway

    India is a home to numerous ancient and linguistically rich languages across its many regions. In a single home, a young person may speak, for example, Odia (the language spoken in the eastern state of Odisha) with their grandparents, switch to English for homework, and enjoy listening to Hindi songs on YouTube.

    Far from being confusing, this coexistence is necessary and natural. It’s a hallmark of a nation where language diversity is embraced as a strength rather than being a barrier to be overcome.

    India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, reflected this attitude in February this year when he remarked that there had “never been any animosity among Indian languages”. He was speaking at a major literary conference in the state of Maharashtra, where the vast majority of people, 84 million out of a population of 112 million, speak Marathi as a first language with Hindi a distant second.

    “[Indian languages] have always influenced and enriched each other, he said. “It is our social responsibility to distance ourselves from such misconceptions and embrace and enrich all languages.” His remarks reinforced a broader message: that linguistic diversity is not a barrier, but a shared cultural strength that binds India together.

    But language can also be a politically divisive issue in such a diverse country. And Modi and members of his government have been criticised for words and actions seen as trying to shape the use of Hindi, English and other languages within India. Because of the country’s linguistic complexity, the situation is always more complicated to navigate than it might first appear.

    India has a total of around 19,500 languages or dialects that are spoken as mother tongues, according to the 2011 census. Of those, 22 languages are recognised as official under the Indian constitution.

    The 2011 census found that 44% of Indians, about 528 million people, speak Hindi as their first language (meaning what is spoken at home). Similarly, around 57% of people use it as a second or third language.

    That means Hindi has a broad presence across regions, but it exists alongside many other languages with equal value, including Marathi, Bengali (97 million), Telugu (81 million), Tamil (69 million) and Meitei (1.8 million).

    First, second and third language speakers in India, according to the 2011 census.
    2011 Indian census, CC BY-NC-SA

    At the national level, India has two official languages: Hindi and English. Hindi is used for communication within the central government, while English is widely used in legal, administrative and international affairs. Each state can choose its own official language(s) for state-level governance. For example, Tamil Nadu uses Tamil, Maharashtra uses Marathi, and so on.

    But in daily life, people often switch between languages depending on where they are and who they are speaking to, at home, at work, or in public spaces. According to the 2011 census, nearly one in four Indians said they could speak at least two languages, and over 7% said they could speak three.

    India introduced a three-language formula in education the 1960s. This policy guideline encouraged students to learn three languages: their regional mother tongue, Hindi (if it is not already their first language) and English. This was intended to produce a flexible and inclusive approach across different states.

    In 2020, the Modi government introduced a new national education policy that gave states more flexibility to pick which two Indian languages should be taught alongside English, but made the recommendation compulsory in all states. This has led to a backlash in several states because some fear it effectively introduces Hindi teaching by the backdoor and will dilute the use of other languages.

    There is also considerable debate in India about the role of English, which about 10.6% of Indians speak to some degree but some believe is a relic of colonial rule. Modi himself has suggested this is the case and has taken action to reduce the official use of English, for example in medical schools.

    However, he has also acknowledged the importance of English, particularly in global communication, and spoken of the value all Indian languages bring to the country’s unity and progress. “It is our duty to embrace all languages,” he told the audience in Maharashtra, adding that Indian languages, including English, “have always enriched each other and formed the foundation of our unity”.

    Many see the language as a link between the many linguistic communities of India. Others see it is a tool for social mobility, especially for lower castes. Some have even accused the government of wanting to discourage English in order to maintain social privileges and promote the dominance of Hindi.

    On the other hand, the 2020 national education policy mandates the teaching of English. It recommends bilingual textbooks in English and local languages, and that English should be taught “wherever possible” alongside mother tongues in primary education.

    The government is also taking steps to make the digital world more inclusive to people, whatever their language. Launched by Modi in 2022, the Bhashini project is a national AI initiative supporting speech-to-text, real-time translation and digital accessibility in all 22 official languages. This aims to make digital platforms and public services more inclusive, especially for rural and remote communities.

    As poet and Nobel laureate Rabindranath Tagore once wrote: “If God had so wished, he would have made all Indians speak with one language … the unity of India has been and shall always be a unity in diversity.”

    In India, children today grow up speaking their mother tongue, with many learning Hindi to communicate across regions, and gaining English skills for global connections. India’s future does not depend on choosing one language over another, but on enabling them to flourish side by side.

    There’s a Chinese proverb: “To learn a language is to have one more window from which to look at the world.” With thousands of such windows, India’s future is rooted in both unity and diversity.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Sudhansu Bala Das does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Many tongues, one people: the debate over linguistic diversity in India – https://theconversation.com/many-tongues-one-people-the-debate-over-linguistic-diversity-in-india-261308

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Hormone-free male contraceptive pill passes first safety test

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Susan Walker, Associate Professor in Contraception, Reproductive and Sexual Health, Anglia Ruskin University

    The male contraceptive pill just completed phase 1 trials. Pixel-Shot/ Shutterstock

    A potential new male contraceptive drug has just undergone its first tests in human volunteers. The results give the first indication that the drug, which does not use artificial hormones or affect testosterone production by the testes, may be safe in humans.

    While previous attempts have been made to develop a male contraceptive in the past, these largely failed to pass clinical trials due to their unacceptable side-effects. But this newest contraceptive works differently from past attempts, which means it doesn’t require surgery and is much less likely to cause hormonal side-effects – problems that have helped stop previous attempts from reaching the market.

    The study showed the drug was well tolerated in a small group of healthy young men and did not appear to cause any serious side-effects at the doses used. Further research will be needed to demonstrate precisely how effective it is as a contraceptive.

    The new method uses a specially-designed chemical known as YCT-529 to target a specific cell receptor in the testes called retinoic acid receptor–alpha.

    Similar, but less specific compounds, had been shown to reduce sperm production in humans previously. But these compounds also had unwanted side-effects – such as feeling ill when drinking alcohol, altering salt levels in the bloodstream and not being fully reversible in all men. This made them unsuitable for contraceptive use.

    But in animal studies, YCT-529 was shown to produce fully reversible, temporary infertility without any significant side-effects. A study in mice also found that those who went on to father babies after stopping the drug produce normal, healthy offspring.

    Based on these results, the drug then entered into phase one trials in humans. This is the first stage of human testing, where a small group of healthy volunteers are recruited to test safety, tolerability and possible side-effects.

    This small trial involved 16 male volunteers who took the drug twice at increasing doses – either 10mg to 30mg or 90mg to 180mg. Some men took placebo pills for comparison.

    The participants were monitored for 15 days for any effects on normal hormone levels, inflammation (signs of cell damage), kidney and liver function, abnormal heart rhythms, sexual desire and mood.

    No changes were detected in the natural hormones in the body. There were also no lasting effects on liver and kidney function and no signs of cell damage. No dangerous abnormalities of heart rhythm were detected, and the participants reported no changes in mood or sexual desire.

    However, participants only took two doses of the drug and were only followed up for 15 days. The authors say in the paper that a larger phase two trial is underway which will test the drug in a greater number of men.

    This will then be followed by phase three trials in hundreds of men where the effectiveness, reversibility and side-effects of longer term use of the drug will be assessed. These are the hurdles which have prevented other approaches from being made widely available.

    Why past male contraceptives have failed

    At present there are no commercially available contraceptive methods for men that are not only safe and effective at preventing pregnancy, but which also allow sperm production to be turned off and on again at will.

    While condoms have few side-effects and are used at will, they have a relatively high failure rate (resulting in pregnancy around 12%-18% of the time with typical use).

    A vasectomy, which severs the tube connecting the sperm-producing testes to the rest of the male reproductive organs, is very effective (more than 99%) and safe – but it’s not easily reversible and requires a minor operation.

    There have been previous attempts (and some ongoing) at producing a reversible method of contraception for men. Some have proven to be effective at stopping sperm production or preventing sperm from exiting the male reproductive tract. However, they haven’t moved to the stage of commercial production, often because of unwanted side-effects.

    If the pill proves to be effective in phase 3 trials, it would give men another contraceptive option.
    TanyaJoy/ Shutterstock

    Most of these attempts used one of two main approaches to prevent pregnancy.

    One method involves injecting a substance into the vas deferens (a tube leading from the testes to the urethra). This substance filters out and damages sperm during ejaculation. This substance can be flushed out through a minor procedure if the man wishes to become fertile again.

    The drawback of this method is that it requires a minor surgical procedure (an injection into the scrotum) and that the man has to have a further procedure to reverse its effects.

    The second route involves stopping sperm production altogether by lowering the hormones that cause sperm to be made in the testes.

    The most successful of these trials used an injectable progestogen (a synthetic version of the sex hormone progesterone). This injectable signalled the brain to stop producing follicular stimulating hormone (FSH) and lutenising hormone (LH), which normally signal the testes to produce sperm and testosterone.

    However, suppressing LH also turned off the testosterone in the testes that is needed for normal, healthy function in men. To counteract the loss of testosterone, this contraceptive approach required men to take an “add back” testosterone – either as a tablet or a gel applied to the skin.

    But a major trial testing this method was stopped early because of the hormonal side-effects participants experienced, including mood swings, acne and changes to sex drive.

    There’s a long way to go before the new drug can be considered suitable for use as a male contraceptive. But this new approach shows a lot of promise because it avoids upsetting hormonal balance and can be taken orally – rather than requiring an invasive procedure.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Susan Walker has previously received funding from Bayer PLC who manufacture contraceptive devices.

    – ref. Hormone-free male contraceptive pill passes first safety test – https://theconversation.com/hormone-free-male-contraceptive-pill-passes-first-safety-test-262083

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Kemi Badenoch says she wants to be Britain’s Javier Milei – but is the Argentinian president a model to follow?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sam Halvorsen, Reader in Human Geography, Queen Mary University of London

    When UK Conservative party head Kemi Badenoch recently declared that she aspires to be Britain’s Milei, she aligned herself with one of the world’s most radical and controversial leaders.

    Javier Milei, Argentina’s self-styled “anarcho-capitalist” president, has gained global notoriety since his election in December 2023 for wielding a chainsaw at rallies, promising to destroy the so-called “political caste” and launching a scorched-earth economic reform programme.

    But what has Milei actually achieved since entering office? And should Britain really be looking to his administration for inspiration?

    Milei swept to power on a wave of anti-establishment anger. Styling himself as an outsider economist rallying against the ruling caste, he promised to slash state spending and replace Argentina’s peso with the more stable US dollar. He also pledged to eliminate entire government ministries, including health, education and culture.

    His now-famous “chainsaw plan” proposed a dramatic restructuring of Argentina’s political and economic institutions, which he blamed for decades of stagnation and corruption. Backed by business elites and libertarian ideologues, Milei offered a vision of Argentina remade through radical individualism and state retrenchment.

    His campaign, which contained some clear populist tendencies, was built as much on spectacle as substance. It contained daily media outbursts, personal attacks and an anti-caste rhetoric designed to turn governance into performance.

    Inflation was central to Milei’s campaign. When he took office, annual inflation in Argentina stood at over 130%, one of the highest rates in the world. Milei promised to bring it under control by slashing the fiscal deficit and enforcing monetary discipline.

    Monthly inflation doubled in the first months of his administration, forcing millions of Argentinians further into poverty. But it has fallen below 50% since the middle of 2025, which has been held by the government as a success.

    However, the decrease in the inflation rate is the result of economic recession. While international markets have praised Milei’s fiscal orthodoxy, there is little sign of a growth rebound. Investment has stalled, consumption has plummeted and local industries are struggling amid cuts to public procurement.

    Consumption has shown signs of recovery in the last few months, but only in the high-income segment. This has deepened a dual reality where middle-class and working sectors cannot make ends meet. Instead of helping the Argentinian economy recover, high-income consumption also pushes the trade balance to deteriorate.

    Milei’s government has endeavoured to keep the Argentine peso strong. A strong currency has seen foreign investments paused and, despite ongoing capital controls, millions of US dollars leave the country with a surge in Argentinian tourism abroad. This trend is exactly the opposite of the most controversial of Milei’s promises: to adopt the dollar in Argentina.

    Given the critical level of the central bank’s foreign reserves, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) approved the release of a US$4.7 billion (£3.5 billion) loan tranche in April 2024. It is expected to loan an extra US$2 billion before the 2025 mid-term elections in October.

    Squeezing Argentinian society

    Job losses have been extensive. Tens of thousands of public sector workers have been laid off, and many more have seen their salaries decimated by inflation. Entire agencies have been shut, from science and housing to the post office.

    Milei’s framing of public employees as part of a parasitic caste has helped him politically. It has reinforced his anti-establishment credentials and mobilised resentment among private sector workers and the self-employed. But it has further polarised an already fragmented Argentinian society.

    Unions and civil society organisations have mobilised in response, organising strikes and mass protests. These have been met in turn with crackdowns, the criminalisation of dissent and expanded police powers.

    Meanwhile, Congress has been sidelined. Milei’s critics warn of creeping authoritarianism as the president governs increasingly by decree, perhaps most notably by attempting to fill two vacancies of the Supreme Court in February.

    Environmental protection and foreign policy have also been reshaped by Milei’s radical agenda. The ministry of environment was among the agencies targeted for elimination. And Milei’s sweeping law of bases bill, which became law in 2024, included provisions to weaken environmental regulations and accelerate extractive industries such as lithium and oil.

    Milei dismisses environmental concerns as leftist distractions from economic freedom. This is a stance echoed in his foreign policy, which has seen Argentina pivot away from regional cooperation. He has snubbed neighbours like Brazil, withdrawn from the accession process to the Brics group of nations and has aligned himself more closely with the US, Israel and the global far right.

    He frequently rails against “global socialism”, and presents himself as a figurehead of a new anti-globalist movement. This posture appeals to his domestic base and international allies, but has further isolated Argentina diplomatically and eroded longstanding regional ties.

    If Badenoch wants to emulate Milei, it raises serious questions about the political and economic future she envisions for Britain. Argentina is currently living through a radical experiment in state destruction. Despite circumstantially winning praise from bond markets and libertarian circles, it has brought pain, polarisation and increasing levels of repression.

    For those looking beyond spectacle, Milei’s presidency offers not a blueprint for bold reform, but a cautionary tale about the dangers of governing by chainsaw.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Kemi Badenoch says she wants to be Britain’s Javier Milei – but is the Argentinian president a model to follow? – https://theconversation.com/kemi-badenoch-says-she-wants-to-be-britains-javier-milei-but-is-the-argentinian-president-a-model-to-follow-261915

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Ancient India, Living Traditions: an earnest effort to show how the art of Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism is sacred and personal

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ram Prasad, Fellow of the British Academy and Distinguished Professor in the Department Politics, Philosophy and Religion, University of Leicester

    The British Museum’s Ancient India, Living Traditions exhibition brings together exhibits on the sacred art of Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. It also encompasses the spread of the devotional art of these traditions to other parts of Asia.

    The exhibition speaks to religious identity and relationships. Buddhism and Jainism distinguish themselves from the vast surrounding traditions that together we call Hinduism; but they have close kinship with it in practices, beliefs and iconography. Museums that have presented sculptures in isolation have usually not attempted to narrate this complex history.

    Not all the items displayed, some going back 2,000 years, are of purely historical interest. There are representations of traditions that are continuously living in a way the gods of ancient Egypt or classical Europe are not.

    The most instantly recognisable example for visitors of such living ancient tradition is likely to be statues of the elephant-headed deity Ganesha. Visitors can see a rare and valuable 4th century sandstone Ganesha on show. They can also see a small bronze version of that ancient Ganesha that is like the kind you would find in people’s home and to which a quick prayer would be addressed every morning.

    The question of how to respect that sense of the sacred while still mounting an exhibition is a moral and aesthetic challenge that few museums (including in India) have started to address. It’s not uncommon to see such pieces wrenched from the reality of their continued practice and presented in secular art displays. Here, however, the curators have tried to make connections between “statues” on display and “icons” in temples and homes.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Finally, there’s the problematic history of the imperial museum and its need to reckon with its past. Most objects on display in this exhibition, and The British Museum more widely, have been presented with scarcely any acknowledgement of how they came to be acquired.

    The exhibition makes an earnest effort to tackle most of these issues.

    Ancient but not dead

    The spaces of the exhibition are structured to be respectful of the historical and contemporary sensitivities of Buddhism and Jainism. This is signalled through subtle changes of colour and the placement of translucent drapery, allowing for transitions between distinct Jain, Buddhist and Hindu displays.

    At the same time, conceptual and sensory commonalities are powerfully conveyed. The first space focuses on nature spirits and demi-deities that are shared across all the ancient traditions. The air is filled with the sound of south Asian birds and musical instruments. The explanatory labels draw attention to the percolation of iconographic features between traditions, for instance, those between the Buddha and the Jaina teachers, or the direct inclusion of the deity of learning (Sarasvati) in both Hindu and Jain worship.

    Also well presented is a final space on the spread of south Asian iconography to central, east and southeast Asia. This is a long story that needs its own telling, but can only be hinted at through some beautifully chosen figures.

    It’s the curators’ use of a community advisory panel of people who practice such traditions today that gives the information its sensitivity. Their inclusion in the exhibition’s production can be seen in a marked mindfulness that the content and symbols of these inert objects are alive and sacred to hundreds of millions.

    For example, one Ganesha from Java in Indonesia draws attention to different elements of his iconography. There is the trans-continentally stable depiction of his having a broken tusk (which, as Hindus will know, he is said to have broken off to write down the epic Mahabharata). But this Ganesha also holds a skull, which is unique to the Javanese version. The label gently points out that “various communities understood and worshipped him differently”.

    The combination of community engagement and creative presentation not only conveys a sense of respect for the traditions, but also elicits a respectful response from visitors. Those from within the tradition will note with satisfaction the description of a symbol or icon. Those from outside the traditions are invited to look at the exhibits with attention and care as they might in a cathedral.

    I saw a pair of young Indian Americans looking at a fossilised ammonite from Nepal that is taken as a symbolic representation of god for worshippers of Vishnu. They animatedly compared it to the one in their own diasporic home.

    Elsewhere in the exhibition, I caught an elderly English couple stood in wondering silence in front of a drum slab from the famous 1st century BC Amaravathi Buddhist site in south India. This slab was carved just before figural representations of the Buddha rapidly gained in popularity. Here, there are symbols associated with him, but the Buddha himself is represented by the empty seat from whence he has gone.

    How did it all get here?

    One potential interpretive danger lies in the emphasis on continuity between past objects and present realities. Hindus today from social backgrounds that did not have the privilege of reaching back to high sacred art might ask where they sit in the smoothed out historical narrative. More broadly, there is no acknowledgement of the complexity of Hindu identity and its formation across centuries, regions, social strata, languages and theologies.

    The weakest part of this exhibition’s generally innovative retelling is the faint-hearted way in which it obliquely acknowledges the dubious acquisition process of the British Museum. To say something was “collected” by a major general “while serving in the East India Company army” is hardly facing up to the question with which the exhibition boldly begins: “How did it get here?”

    This exhibition offers a powerful visual narrative of the multi-spiritual traditions of ancient India, mounted with sensitivity to their living communities today. Its immersive presentation is appealing, and the story it tells is respectful and innovative.

    The task of honest self-representation and difficult conversations on reparation remain. Within that larger imperative, Ancient India, Living Traditions is a step in the right direction. It is a direction towards addressing context, responsiveness and engagement that museums can no longer ignore.

    Ancient India, Living Traditions in on at The British Museum, London until October 19 2025

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Ram Prasad does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ancient India, Living Traditions: an earnest effort to show how the art of Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism is sacred and personal – https://theconversation.com/ancient-india-living-traditions-an-earnest-effort-to-show-how-the-art-of-hinduism-buddhism-and-jainism-is-sacred-and-personal-262163

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Modi’s visit to Ghana signals India’s broader Africa strategy. A researcher explains

    Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Veda Vaidyanathan, Associate, Harvard University Asia Center, Harvard Kennedy School

    Ghana has historically been an anchor of Indian enterprise and diplomacy on the African continent.

    New Delhi and Accra formalised ties in 1957. At the time, their partnership was grounded in shared anti-colonial ideals and a common vision for post-independence development. India offered counsel on building Ghana’s institutions, including its external intelligence agency. Meanwhile, Indian teachers, technicians, and traders regularly travelled to the west African country in search of opportunity.

    The July 2025 visit of the Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi, to Ghana – the first by an Indian leader in over three decades – came at a critical moment for the continent. As the global order shifts towards multi-polarity, countries like Ghana are navigating a complex landscape, which includes western donors scaling back commitments. This has opened space to deepen cooperation through pragmatic, interest-driven collaborations with longstanding partners like India. Speaking at the Munich Security Conference, Ghana’s President John Mahama captured the spirit of this global realignment, noting that

    as bridges are burning, new bridges are being formed.

    Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Modi’s visit offered an opportunity to both revive and recalibrate bilateral ties. The visit carried a strong economic and strategic orientation. Ghana positioned itself as a partner in areas where India holds comparative advantage, such as pharmaceuticals. Over 26% of Africa’s generic medicines are sourced from India. The Food and Drugs Authority’s (Ghana’s regulator of pharmaceutical standards) listing of foreign pharmaceutical manufacturing facilities is dominated by Indian firms.

    Defence cooperation was also on the agenda. Ghana is looking to India for training, equipment and broader security engagement in response to rising threats from the Sahel and coastal piracy.

    This emphasis on shared security interests is underscored by Ghana’s alignment with India on counter-terrorism. President Mahama for instance has condemned the Pahalgam terrorist attacks that occurred in April, 2025.

    Reviving economic ties

    Economic ties are at the heart of this renewed engagement between the two countries. Bilateral trade currently stands at around US$3 billion. Both leaders aim to double it to US$6 billion over the next five years. Currently, Ghana enjoys a trade surplus with India. This is mainly due to gold exports, which account for over 70% of its shipments. Cocoa, cashew nuts, and timber are also key exports, while imports from India include pharmaceuticals, machinery, vehicles, and various industrial goods.

    India has invested more than US$2 billion in Ghana. These investments span private capital, concessional finance and grants across 900 projects. India now ranks among Ghana’s top investors. Indian firms and state-backed institutions play a key role in critical infrastructure development. Landmark projects include the 97km standard gauge Tema-Mpakadan Railway Line and the Ghana-India Kofi Annan ICT Centre, a hub for innovation and research.

    In an earlier study, I documented the perspectives of Indian entrepreneurs in Ghana. The findings underscored the country’s appeal as a land of economic opportunity. In interviews, Indian businesses highlighted Ghana’s stable political environment. An expanding consumer base, and relatively transparent regulatory framework were also mentioned. Together, these factors continue to attract investor interest.

    This economic momentum likely paved the way to pursue a closer bilateral relationship, marked by the elevation to a ‘Comprehensive Partnership’.

    While delegates in the July visit addressed issues such as financial inclusion, healthcare and agriculture, the tangible outcomes were limited. Four memoranda of understanding were signed. They cover cooperation on traditional medicine, regulatory standards and cultural exchange. The creation of a joint commission to structure and advance bilateral collaboration across priority sectors was also signed.

    Moving forward, Ghana offers India an entry point into west Africa’s resource landscape. With reserves of gold, bauxite, manganese and lithium, Ghana is well positioned to contribute to India’s needs for critical minerals. President Mahama’s invitation for investment in mineral extraction and processing aligns with India’s National Critical Mineral Mission, New Delhi is looking for supply chains for its energy transition. It creates an opportunity for Indian mining companies to expand into African markets.



    Read more:
    The world is rushing to Africa to mine critical minerals like lithium – how the continent should deal with the demand

    Pragmatic diplomacy

    With nearly US$100 billion in trade, cumulative investments of nearly US$75 billion, and a 3.5 million strong diaspora, the broader contours of India’s Africa policy is increasingly pragmatic and issue based.

    New Delhi’s evolving relations with Accra reflects this. It comes as Ghana is making sweeping economic reforms domestically, particularly in fiscal management and debt restructuring.

    This ambitious “economic reboot” hinges on attracting private sector investment. In this context, the Indian diaspora, already deeply embedded in Ghana’s commercial networks, is well positioned to foster stronger economic ties.

    In his address to Ghana’s Parliament, The Indian Prime Minister spoke of development cooperation that is demand driven and focused on building local capacity and creating local opportunities. This approach “to not just invest, but empower”, signals India’s growing intent to anchor relationships in mutual agency, rather than dependency.

    Veda Vaidyanathan is Fellow, Foreign Policy and Security Studies, at a leading Indian think tank.

    – ref. Modi’s visit to Ghana signals India’s broader Africa strategy. A researcher explains – https://theconversation.com/modis-visit-to-ghana-signals-indias-broader-africa-strategy-a-researcher-explains-261187

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: 8 policies that would help fight poverty in South Africa’s economic hub Gauteng

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Adrino Mazenda, Senior Researcher, Associate Professor Economic Management Sciences, University of Pretoria

    Poverty goes beyond income. It often arises when health, education and opportunities fall short of meeting people’s needs.

    Individuals are classified as impoverished when they face deprivation in one-third or more of the indicators in a multidimensional poverty index. The index reflects the various influences on socioeconomic class. These include housing, sanitation, electricity, cooking fuel, nutrition and school attendance.

    The index is one of the most comprehensive measures of poverty. The fact that the multidimentional index captures multiple dimensions enables it to reflect overlapping disadvantages. And provides a fuller picture of well-being. Other monetary measures such as income aren’t as comprehensive.

    About 18% of the world’s population are poor by the definition of the multidimentional poverty index. Sub-Saharan Africa is especially affected, with a multidimensional poverty rate nearing 59%.

    In South Africa, it is at around 40%. This means it experiences four in 10 of the dimensions of poverty.

    The province of Gauteng is South Africa’s economic hub. Nevertheless it contains pockets of severe deprivation. About 4.6% of households are poor. In some wards up to 68% are severely deprived.

    We are social scientists with research histories in food systems and livelihoods, public policy and economics of human capital. We recently conducted a study focused on Gauteng. We wanted to determine what could enable poor and vulnerable households to move out of those categories.

    We used a modelling exercise that allowed us to isolate the most relevant factors for this transition.

    The study found six factors: education, age, income, working time, medical aid and being a recipient of a low income municipal support grant. We concluded from this that attending to these six variables was the foundation for upward mobility.

    Conversely, vulnerability to economic shocks, such as job loss or food insecurity, can trigger rapid downward mobility.

    Based on our findings we make eight policy recommendations. These include boosting education and skills training, better healthcare and affordable, reliable transport.

    Range of factors

    Multidimensional poverty intersects with socioeconomic class structures. It reinforces inequality by placing individuals into hierarchical groups. These range from the affluent and middle class to the transient, vulnerable, and chronically poor.

    These disparities shape access to resources, opportunities and upward mobility.

    Lower-class households differ from middle-class and affluent (non-poor) households across multiple dimensions. These differences include income stability, consumption patterns, access to services, asset ownership, social capital and vulnerability to shocks.

    In the light of this we adopted a multidimensional poverty approach to classify households. We used various dimensions and indicators of poverty to assess the extent of deprivation and associated poverty levels.

    We calculated the deprivation score and classified households into three levels: not poor, moderate poverty (vulnerable), and severe poverty (chronically poor).

    Working time had the strongest effect. Part- or full-time work greatly lowered odds of severe poverty (chronic poverty) and moderate poverty (transient poverty). Working time refers to the duration that a person is engaged in paid employment or work-related activities. This is usually between 35 and 45 hours per week for full-time employment. And fewer than 35 hours per week for part-time employment.

    Some factors only influenced certain groups. For severe poverty, transport access, household health, food parcel reliance, household size, and skipping meals were significant. For moderate poverty, gender, food parcel reliance and skipping meals mattered. And for the vulnerable non-poor (middle class), distance from public transport was the only additional factor.

    Social grants and being part of the black population group showed little influence. Transitions and the ability to transcend poverty classes were driven mainly by direct socio-economic factors.

    These dynamics underscore the precariousness of low-income households. They also highlight the importance of targeted interventions to break cycles of poverty.

    Higher education, stable income and access to full-time work, drastically reduce the odds of remaining in severe or moderate poverty or being vulnerable. Medical aid access and municipal assistance programmes that provide free or subsidised basic services, also serve as protective factors. These help households meet essential health and welfare needs.

    However, several structural and socio-economic constraints hinder transitions out of poverty. For example, living a greater distance from public transport increases the likelihood of severe poverty and vulnerability.

    Food insecurity, measured by skipping meals or dependence on food parcels, remains a persistent marker of entrenched deprivation.

    Gender disparities suggest underlying labour market or social vulnerabilities that require targeted policy interventions. For example, male-headed households are more likely than female-headed households to be moderately poor.

    What can be done

    Escaping multidimensional poverty in Gauteng requires targeted, practical and complementary interventions. Examples include subsidised transport, decentralised clinics, or housing closer to jobs.

    This will enable grants to be translated to improved well-being.

    We suggest eight areas for improvement:

    • access to education, vocational training and digital skills. This will help to increase employment prospects

    • public works and youth entrepreneurship support. This will boost income generation

    • social protection like indigent benefits, food vouchers and subsidised medical aid

    • food security. This can be done through community gardens and nutrition programmes

    • support for female-headed households and young people

    • affordable, reliable public transport. Services also need to be decentralised

    • data-driven municipal planning to guide infrastructure and service investments

    • consistently tracking progress against defined objectives.

    The province implements multiple poverty-reduction initiatives. These include expanded public works, township economy support, food gardens, free basic services, subsidised housing, and public transport projects.

    These efforts address income, food security and mobility. But they have limited impact due to persistent barriers. This is because many, particularly young people, don’t have market-relevant skills. In addition, spatial inequality results in long, costly commutes. And housing shortages and rising food prices deepen vulnerability.

    Fragmented funding, weak coordination and inadequate data tracking also undermine progress.

    Massimiliano Tani receives funding from Australian Research Council (unrelated to this article).

    Adrino Mazenda and Catherine Althaus do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. 8 policies that would help fight poverty in South Africa’s economic hub Gauteng – https://theconversation.com/8-policies-that-would-help-fight-poverty-in-south-africas-economic-hub-gauteng-261388

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Israel’s attack on Syria: Protecting the Druze minority or a regional power play?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Spyros A. Sofos, Assistant Professor in Global Humanities, Simon Fraser University

    A new round of violence recently erupted in southern Syria, where clashes between local Druze militias and Sunni fighters have left hundreds dead.

    In response, Israel launched airstrikes in and around the province of Sweida on July 15, saying it was acting to protect the Druze minority and to deter attacks by Syrian government forces.

    The strikes mark Israel’s most serious escalation in Syria since December 2024, and they underline a growing trend in its foreign policy: the use of minority protection as a tool of regional influence and power projection.

    The Druze minority

    The Druze, a small but strategically significant ethno-religious group, have historically occupied a precarious position in the politics of Syria, Israel and Lebanon.

    With an estimated million members across the Levant — a sub-region of west Asia that forms the core of the Middle East — the Druze have often tried to preserve their autonomy amid broader sectarian and political upheavals. In Syria, they make up about three per cent of the population, concentrated largely in the southern province of Sweida.

    Following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria in late 2024 and the rise of a new Islamist-led government under Ahmed al-Sharaa, the Druze in southern Syria have resisted central authority.

    Though not united in their stance, many Druze militias have rejected integration into the new Syrian army, preferring to rely on local defence networks. The latest wave of violence, sparked by the abduction of a Druze merchant, has been met with both brutality from pro-government forces and military retaliation by Israel.

    Truly protecting Syrian minorities?

    Israeli officials says they intervened to protect the Druze, which is not unprecedented. Over the past year, Israel has increasingly portrayed itself as a defender of threatened minorities in Syria — rhetoric that echoes past efforts to align with non-Arab or marginalized groups, such as the Kurds and certain Christian communities.

    This strategy may be less about humanitarian goals and, in fact, much more deeply political.

    By positioning itself as a regional protector of minorities, Israel could be seeking to craft a narrative of moral authority, particularly as it faces growing international outrage over its policies in the West Bank and Gaza. This is an example of what scholars refer to as strategic or nation branding by states to cultivate legitimacy and influence through selective interventions and symbolic gestures.

    But Israel’s actions may not just concern image. They could also be part of a broader geopolitical strategy of containment and fragmentation.

    The new authorities in Syria are seen as a significant threat, particularly because of the presence of Islamist factions operating near the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights. By creating what is in effect a buffer zone in southern Syria, Israel’s goal may be to prevent the entrenchment of hostile entities along its northern border while also capitalizing on Syria’s internal fragilities.

    Strategic risks

    With sectarian tensions resurfacing in Syria, the Israeli government probably sees an opportunity to build informal alliances with disaffected groups like the Druze, who may be skeptical of the new Syrian government. This reflects a shift in Israel’s foreign policy from reactive deterrence to proactive strategic disruption.

    This approach is not without risks. While some Druze leaders have welcomed Israeli support, others — particularly in Syria and Lebanon — have accused Israel of stoking sectarian tensions to justify military intervention and advance territorial or security aims.

    Such accusations echo longstanding criticisms that Israel’s involvement in regional conflicts is often guided less by humanitarian concern and more by cold strategic calculation.

    This new phase in Israeli foreign policy also fits into a broader pattern I’ve previously written about — the increasing revisionism of Israel’s regional strategy under Benjamin Netanyahu’s leadership. That strategy seemingly seeks to upend multilateral norms, bypass traditional diplomacy and pursue influence through direct engagement — often militarized — with non-state entities and marginalized communities.



    Read more:
    How Israel’s domestic crises and Netanyahu’s aim to project power are reshaping the Middle East

    Israel’s July 15 strikes, and an attack on Syria’s Ministry of Defence in Damascus the following day, have drawn strong condemnation from Arab states, Turkey and the United Nations.

    While Israeli officials have justified the attacks as defensive and humanitarian, the intensity and symbolic targets suggest a deeper intention: to demonstrate operational reach, and, more importantly, actively engage in a redesign of the region with fragmentation and state weakness as the main objective.

    Fragmentation of the Middle East

    The United States, while expressing concern over the violence, has largely remained silent on Israel’s expanding role in Syria. This could further embolden Israeli actions in a region where international norms are being increasingly upended and traditional great power engagement is waning.

    Sectarian clashes are likely to continue in Sweida and beyond as Syria’s central government struggles to reassert control. That means that for Israel, the opportunity to deepen its footprint in southern Syria under the guise of minority protection remains.

    But despite its effort to present itself as a stable, moral presence in an otherwise chaotic neighbourhood, Israel could be undermining the very stability it says it wants to protect as it militarizes humanitarianism.

    The world is not not just witnessing a series of airstrikes or another episode of sectarian violence in the Middle East. It’s watching a profound transformation in the regional order — one in which traditional borders, alliances and identities are being reshaped.

    Amid this environment, Israel’s role could evolve not just as a military power, but as a revisionist nation navigating, and helping to bring about, the fragmentation of the Middle East.

    Spyros A. Sofos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Israel’s attack on Syria: Protecting the Druze minority or a regional power play? – https://theconversation.com/israels-attack-on-syria-protecting-the-druze-minority-or-a-regional-power-play-261648

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: ‘Pay us what you owe us:’ What the WNBA’s collective bargaining talks reveal about negotiation psychology

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ryan Clutterbuck, Assistant Professor in Sport Management, Brock University

    WNBA all-star players, led by Indiana Fever’s Caitlin Clark and the Minnesota Lynx’s Naphessa Collier, recently made headlines by wearing “Pay Us What You Owe Us” T-shirts during the pregame warm-up.

    The T-shirts, which are now available for purchase, were a demonstration of players’ frustrations with the WNBA owners and the ongoing collective bargaining agreement negotiation. The collective agreement sets out the terms and conditions of employment (like salaries and benefits) between the league and its players, and is set to expire Oct. 31, 2025.

    Reportedly, players are asking for increased revenue sharing (the current agreement stipulates WNBA players receive only nine per cent of league revenue, relative to their NBA peers who receive 50 per cent), increased compensation (the average WNBA salary is US$147,745) and other benefits.

    Central to these demands is the perception that, despite a surge in popularity, media attention and viewership, WNBA players are still being underpaid and are undervalued.

    Negotiations for a new collective agreement are ongoing. But as the T-shirts and subsequent public statements from the players and the WNBA show, there is increasing frustration with how the process is unfolding.

    What is ‘owed’ to WNBA players?

    Debate over what is “owed” to WNBA players has intensified recently. ESPN commentator Pat McAfee, for example, has suggested the league should simply increase players’ salaries by US$30,000 per player, saying that contracts like Clark’s are “an embarrassment.”

    But others argue this discussion should go beyond players’ salaries. Syracuse University sport management professor Lindsey Darvin writes:

    “The question isn’t whether the WNBA can afford to pay players what they’re worth; it’s whether the league can afford not to make the investments necessary to realize its full potential.”

    According to Darvin, because the WNBA is an economically inefficient — and arguably exploitative — business, its focus should be on increasing revenue, and not simply on reducing its labour costs. For example, with the goal to satisfy increasing market demands for the WNBA, strategies to increase revenue could include expanding the league to new markets, scheduling more games at the 3 p.m. Eastern time slot and increasing the number of regular season games from 44 to 60 or more.

    In sport management classrooms and negotiation workshops at Brock University, we call this “expanding the pie” — working collaboratively, as opposed to combatively, to grow the game and the business so that both players and owners benefit over the long term. But this is easier said than done.

    Information shapes negotiation outcomes

    While it’s still early in the negotiation process, there are lessons that can be learned from this round of collective bargaining. One of those lessons has to do with making and receiving first offers. In particular, two psychological concepts are at play: information asymmetry and the anchoring effect.

    Information asymmetry occurs when one party holds more relevant knowledge than the other. For example, in a typical job negotiation, the employer knows the number of applicants for the position, how much the company is willing to pay and what compensation trends look like across the sector. The candidate, by contrast, lacks most if not all of this information and thus enters the negotiation at a distinct disadvantage.

    The question is: who should make the first salary offer? The general rule is that when you lack critical information, it’s better to let the other side make the first move.

    In the case of the WNBA’s negotiations, the information asymmetry problem is not so obvious. The owners likely have a certain perspective on what is acceptable in terms of sharing league revenue and improving working conditions. But the players possess their own kind of leverage, regarding their willingness to protest or walk out entirely.

    The league made its initial proposal to the players in early July, but it was not well received.

    The ‘anchoring effect’ can skew negotiations

    Another problem influencing negotiations is the “anchoring effect.” This occurs when an initial offer influences subsequent offers and counteroffers, and ultimately has an impact on the final outcome.

    Garage-sale aficionados may recognize this tendency, as buyers often negotiate with the seller’s sticker price in mind, haggling to earn a 25 or 50 per cent discount on an item without considering whether the item is actually worth the cost. Here, the sticker acts as the anchor.

    While sticker prices and first offers are not inherently malicious, some sale prices and first offers are intended to manipulate buyers and negotiators representing the other side. Savvy negotiators deploy strategic anchors, but even they can sometimes miss.

    In maritime terms, anchor scour occurs when a ship’s anchor fails to catch hold and instead drags across the seabed, destroying ecosystems caught in its path.

    In negotiations, a similar process can unfold. When initial moves and first offers fail to catch hold because they are perceived to be unfair by the other side, it can damage relationships and can make subsequent negotiations even more difficult.

    Now, the WNBA may face the consequences of a poorly received anchor. According to WNBA player representative, Satou Sabally, the WNBA’s initial offer was a “slap in the face”.

    New York Liberty’s Breanna Stewart called the players’ meeting with the league on July 17 to discuss a new collective bargaining agreement a “wasted opportunity” while Chicago Sky player Angel Reese called the negotiations “disrespectful.”

    It’s time to right the ship

    Though it’s still early days, we expect negotiations to heat up in the coming weeks as the Halloween deadline to reach a deal approaches.

    There is still time to right the ship, so to speak, but to do so, WNBA players and owners must internalize the potentially disastrous impacts that can come from negotiating over an imagined “fixed pie” instead of expanding it, and dropping anchors that fail to address the other sides’ key interests.

    WNBA players and WNBA team owners now have, in front of them, a once-in-a-generation opportunity to transform professional women’s sport in North America, through creatively and collaboratively expanding the pie and paying the players what they’re owed.

    Michele K. Donnelly has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC).

    Michael Van Bussel and Ryan Clutterbuck do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Pay us what you owe us:’ What the WNBA’s collective bargaining talks reveal about negotiation psychology – https://theconversation.com/pay-us-what-you-owe-us-what-the-wnbas-collective-bargaining-talks-reveal-about-negotiation-psychology-261731

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Car tires are polluting the environment and killing salmon. A global plastics treaty could help

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Timothy Rodgers, Postdoctoral Fellow in Environmental Engineering, University of British Columbia

    In the 1990s, scientists restoring streams around Seattle, Wash., noticed that returning coho salmon were dying after rainstorms. The effects were immediate: the fish swam in circles, gasping at the surface, then died in a few hours.

    Over the next several decades, researchers chipped away at the problem until in 2020 they discovered the culprit: a chemical called 6PPD-quinone that forms when its parent compound, a tire additive called 6PPD, reacts with ozone.

    6PPD-quinone kills coho salmon at extraordinarily low concentrations, making it one of the most toxic substances to an aquatic species that scientists have ever found.

    Today, a growing body of evidence shows that tire additives and their transformation products, including 6PPD-quinone, are contaminating ecosystems and showing up in people.

    Now, alongside the researchers who made that initial discovery, we’re calling for international regulation of these chemicals to protect people and the environment.

    Our recently published research outlines the hazard posed by tire additives due to their demonstrated toxicity and high emissions near people and sensitive ecosystems, how current regulations don’t do enough to protect us, and how we can do better.

    Tires are complex chemical products

    Tires are far from simple rubber rings. They’re complex chemical products made to endure heat, friction and degradation. For example, 6PPD is in tires to protect them from ozone, which causes tires to crack.

    Unfortunately, little attention was paid to these chemicals until scientists discovered the impacts of 6PPD-quinone and realized these chemicals could be hazardous.

    Once they started looking, researchers found many tire additives, including 6PPD-quinone, in streams near roads, in dust and in the air — wherever there are roads, there is tire additive contamination.

    Although 6PPD-quinone is most lethal to coho, it is also lethal to several other species of salmonids, and it may be toxic to aquatic plants and terrestrial invertebrates.

    We know that exposure to tire wear particles and the chemicals that leach from them affect other aquatic species that are used as indicators of toxicological risk. This widespread contamination occurs because emissions of tire additives are high.

    Every time we drive, we produce particles from tire wear, and those particles release additives into the environment. Tires lose 10-20 per cent of their mass over their lifetime. That means driving emits over one million tonnes of tire particles to the environment in both the United States and the European Union every year.

    All those tire particle emissions represent a large source of chemicals to the environment and high human exposures, especially in cities. Researchers have started to find tire additives and their transformation products in people.

    Although more research is needed on how tire additives affect people, 6PPD is classified as a reproductive toxin, and other tire additives and their transformation products have been associated with increased cancer risk in exposed populations.

    Emerging research with mice indicates that some tire additives and their transformation products impact mammals, with studies showing neurotoxicity, damage to multiple organ systems and impaired fertility from 6PPD-quinone.

    That’s why our team of environmental scientists is calling for urgent global action.

    Plastics treaty

    We’re not arguing that tires shouldn’t have additives, but those additives must be safer. That’s why we are calling for a process that replaces 6PPD and other tire additives with safer alternatives. Tire additives should be nonhazardous across their entire life cycle, and manufacturers should be transparent about what tire additives they are using and what their hazards are.

    Next week, governments from around the world are meeting to negotiate a global treaty to end plastic pollution. We call for tires to be explicitly included in the treaty, and we want to see strong measures around plastic additives including tire additives.

    We want to see:

    • Deadlines for phasing out hazardous chemicals;
    • The ability to mandate alternatives;
    • Transparency around the chemicals used in tires;
    • Independent panels for evaluating additive alternatives and for assessing additive effects;
    • Dedicated working groups focused on tire additives due to their large emissions and demonstrated ecological impacts.

    The good news is that we’ve done this before. After scientists found a hole in the ozone layer, the world banded together under the Montréal Protocol to phase out the most damaging chemicals to the ozone layer. Today, the ozone layer is recovering, averting millions of cases of skin cancer and helping combat climate change. We need the same level of ambition and urgency now.

    Making tires nonhazardous for the environment would help safeguard coho salmon populations, restoring traditional foods to Indigenous Peoples across the Pacific Northwest and protecting a species vital for aquatic ecosystems.

    Since roads are built where people are, reducing the hazard from tire particle pollution would reduce one source of exposure to potentially toxic chemicals, and ensure a future where fewer people are impacted by chemical pollution. It’s time for global action on tire additives, before their impacts become even harder to ignore.

    Timothy Rodgers receives funding from the British Columbia Salmon Restoration and Innovation Fund.

    Rachel Scholes receives funding from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada, the Canadian Foundation for Innovation, the BC Knowledge Development Fund, and the BC Salmon Restoration and Innovation Fund.

    Simon Drew receives funding from the British Columbia Salmon Restoration and Innovation Fund.

    – ref. Car tires are polluting the environment and killing salmon. A global plastics treaty could help – https://theconversation.com/car-tires-are-polluting-the-environment-and-killing-salmon-a-global-plastics-treaty-could-help-261832

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: It’s not revolutionary, but Primark’s wheelchair-using mannequin is a potent symbol

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By William E. Donald, Associate Professor of Sustainable Careers and Human Resource Management, University of Southampton

    Brett D Cove/Primark, CC BY-ND

    July is Disability Pride Month, a time to celebrate disabled people while continuing the push for equality, accessibility and visibility. Despite making up 16% of the global population, disabled people rarely appear in fashion marketing campaigns. For brands, treading the right line between solidarity and accusations of performative allyship is vital.

    Primark’s latest initiative is a notable attempt to navigate this challenge. The fashion chain has introduced its first mannequin representing a wheelchair user. Designed with disability advocate Sophie Morgan, the mannequin (named Sophie) now appears in 22 flagship stores internationally.

    At first glance, this looks like progress. However, in an industry where inclusivity is often more about appearance than systemic change, it prompts an important question. Is this a genuine step forward?

    The mannequin is designed to reflect a manual wheelchair user. Morgan contributed to a year-long design process that included reviewing body dimensions, 3D mock-ups and a custom wheelchair frame strong enough to withstand store conditions.

    Disability campaigner Sophie Morgan was involved throughout the design process.
    Brett D Cove/Primark, CC BY-ND

    The launch coincides with the expansion of Primark’s adaptive clothing collection, which was launched in January 2025. The collection features magnetic closures, elasticated waistbands and discreet openings for medical access points like feeding tubes or stomas. Many garments are designed specifically for seated wearers – as a wheelchair user, I am only too aware that this is often missing from mainstream clothing ranges.

    What sets Primark’s effort apart is its emphasis on affordability. Adaptive clothing has been sold mostly through specialist retailers or premium brands. Primark’s decision to offer it at a low price point could represent a meaningful shift in making accessible fashion mainstream. And the involvement of disabled advocates and the visible changes across stores suggest a more serious commitment.

    In 2014, supermarket Sainsbury’s Back To School campaign featured Natty Goleniowska, a seven-year-old girl with Down’s syndrome. Then, in 2017, the fashion chain River Island ran a campaign featuring Joseph Hale, an 11-year-old boy also with Down’s syndrome. While Sainsbury’s campaign was groundbreaking and both were widely praised, they were largely confined to advertising and online platforms.

    Primark, by placing its seated mannequin in shop windows and on store floors, brings representation into physical retail spaces. This challenges long-standing visual norms and offers disabled shoppers something that has long been absent – recognition in the places where they live and shop.

    What Primark gets right

    First, disabled people were included throughout the campaign’s development. Morgan’s role was not symbolic – her input shaped the final design.

    Second, the mannequin is more than a token gesture. It is a durable, mass-produced model intended for multiple locations. This kind of visibility in bricks-and-mortar stores matters. For many disabled people, seeing themselves reflected in major retail environments can be validating and empowering.

    Third, the adaptive clothing range includes thoughtful, functional features that are often missing in standard retail offerings. Design details like seated-friendly fits or catheter access offer tangible improvements for dressing with dignity.

    Finally, launching the campaign during Disability Pride Month adds relevance. Amid growing scrutiny of superficial inclusion, Primark’s approach appears to be carefully considered, as it builds on a campaign that began in January 2025.

    But there’s still room for improvement across the retail sector. Mannequins cannot solve physical barriers in stores. Many retail spaces still lack step-free access, automatic doors or accessible changing rooms. Until these issues are addressed, the mannequin risks becoming a symbol disconnected from the reality of disabled shoppers.

    Second, while Primark’s adaptive line is innovative, it remains small. Style variety, trend relevance and extended sizing should be priorities to ensure disabled shoppers are not limited to functional basics.

    Third, economic accessibility extends beyond low prices. Disabled people face disproportionate financial pressures. Future efforts could include partnerships with health schemes or grants to improve access further.

    And representation should be broader still. Disability comes in many forms, intersecting with race, body size, gender identity and types of mobility aids (including for invisible disabilities). Future campaigns should reflect this diversity. And true inclusion extends to employment practices and customer service. Hiring more disabled staff and creating accessible roles in retail would shift inclusion from visual representation to operational reality.

    Ultimately, diversity should include retailers’ workforce as well as their customers.
    DC Studio/Shutterstock

    While there are certainly green shoots of positivity here, it is too early to tell if this will be a gamechanging move by Primark. The answer depends on whether this campaign marks the start of sustained change across the retail sector. The real test lies ahead.

    Long-term commitments such as improving store accessibility, expanding representation and inclusive hiring practices are essential. Without these, it might come to be seen as performative allyship that risks damaging not only Primark’s brand but also the disabled community and society at large.

    Primark’s seated mannequin is not a revolution, but it is a powerful symbol. It sends a message that disabled people deserve visibility in public life – not as an afterthought, but as valued participants. To move from intention to transformation, visibility must be matched with access.

    Inclusion needs to be embedded into the infrastructure of retail, not just its imagery. All retailers should take a broader view of inclusive practices to ensure clear messaging and commitments across their supply chain, advertising and stores.

    William E. Donald does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. It’s not revolutionary, but Primark’s wheelchair-using mannequin is a potent symbol – https://theconversation.com/its-not-revolutionary-but-primarks-wheelchair-using-mannequin-is-a-potent-symbol-262143

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Rules for calculating climate risk in financial reporting by NZ businesses need revisiting – new research

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Martien Lubberink, Associate Professor of Accounting and Capital, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

    Andrew MacDonald/Getty Images

    The recent International Court of Justice (ICJ) decision on climate action marked a significant step forward in formalising an idea many already accept: climate inaction is not merely a policy failure, but potentially a breach of legal duty by governments.

    The court’s opinion is not legally binding but establishes global expectations. Crucially, the court confirmed environmental protection includes a duty to regulate private businesses and organisations.

    In New Zealand, large organisations already have to list climate-related risks in their annual reports and regulatory filings under the External Reporting Board’s Climate Standards.

    But our latest research suggests the benefits of mandatory climate reporting regulation in New Zealand may not be as straightforward as they appear.

    Extreme weather, limited financial impact

    We analysed how New Zealand’s stock market responds to extreme weather events (heavy rain, windstorms, snow, temperature spikes and thunderstorms) using data curated by Earth Sciences New Zealand.

    Climate risk is widely assumed to have an impact on markets. So, we expected investors would respond to damaging weather with selloffs or price adjustments.

    Instead, we found most extreme weather events had little to no impact on the share prices of New Zealand’s 50 largest listed companies, those on the NZX50.

    Even firms directly exposed to these events – airlines, utilities, logistics companies – showed only muted reactions, if any.

    It may be that markets already price in these risks. Or that firms have managed them effectively through infrastructure investment and planning.

    What is more, the location and severity of extreme weather in New Zealand have remained relatively stable over the past three decades.

    Using a statistical analysis, we found no evidence of accelerating trends typically attributed to global warming. This technique assessed whether a particular extreme weather event can be linked to human-induced climate change.

    New Zealand’s extreme weather events tend to involve cold, rain and wind – unlike the heatwaves, wildfires and droughts that dominate international headlines.

    What this means for disclosure mandates

    If markets are already efficiently pricing in these risks – or if the risks are genuinely immaterial for the company – the benefits of mandatory disclosure may be overstated.

    Our study suggests the case for universal, mandatory disclosure of extreme weather events under the climate board’s standards may not be strong. If financial impacts are already reflected in stock prices, the current voluntary framework may suffice for many firms.

    This is not an argument against disclosure broadly. While our study did not assess other climate-related risks – such as supply chain disruption or chronic sea level rises – these may well be material for some organisations, especially unlisted or regionally exposed firms.

    But for the NZX50, where climate regulation is currently focused, the value of standardised extreme weather events disclosures seems limited.

    Global principles, local realities

    None of this contradicts the ICJ’s opinion.

    The court emphasised that states must act, not only to reduce emissions but to protect against climate-related harm. That includes harm caused by private actors, who must be subject to effective regulation.

    But the ICJ also recognises the importance of national circumstances. While bound by international obligations, each country still needs to tailor its climate policies to the actual risks it faces.

    To do otherwise risks shifting government energy and private capital towards compliance that offers little benefit to investors, the public or the climate.

    New Zealand at a crossroads

    The ICJ decision comes as New Zealand’s climate ambition appears to be softening.

    The government recently released an updated emissions pledge that barely improves on its predecessor. At the same time, it is also reviving offshore oil and gas exploration, expanding coal production and backing legislation to shield carbon-intensive firms from environmental, suitability and governance aligned lending decisions by banks.

    Such moves may be politically popular in some quarters, but they sit uneasily with both the ICJ’s vision and New Zealand’s obligations under the Paris Agreement and various trade deals.

    If New Zealand wants to avoid being seen as lagging – or worse, a bad-faith actor – it must reconcile its domestic policies with international decision-making.

    That does not mean copying regulation from other countries. But it does mean being honest about what is material, what is symbolic and what actually helps reduce emissions or build resilience.

    Regulation needs to be smart, not just visible

    The ICJ opinion should not be used to justify every climate policy proposal. Rather, it should encourage governments to develop regulation that is meaningful, proportionate and based on evidence.

    Our study offers one such piece of evidence. In terms of financial market impacts, New Zealand’s extreme weather may not justify the same disclosure obligations as those in countries where the physical risks are more severe or more clearly linked to climate change.

    This is not a reason to do less. It is a reason to do better. Policy needs to target disclosure where it matters, to focus adaptation spending where it is needed and to measure the impact of climate policies not only by their intentions, but by their outcomes.

    In short, the ICJ has spoken. Now it is up to each country to act wisely.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Rules for calculating climate risk in financial reporting by NZ businesses need revisiting – new research – https://theconversation.com/rules-for-calculating-climate-risk-in-financial-reporting-by-nz-businesses-need-revisiting-new-research-262024

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The Man from Hong Kong at 50: how the first ever Australian–Hong Kong co-production became a cult classic

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gregory Ferris, Senior Lecturer, Media Arts & Production, University of Technology Sydney

    LMPC via Getty Images

    A cinematic firecracker of a film exploded onto international screens 50 years ago this week, blending martial arts mayhem, Bond-esque set pieces, casual racism – and a distinctly Australian swagger.

    From its audacious visual style; to its complex, life-threatening stunts; to its pioneering status as an international co-production, Brian Trenchard-Smith’s The Man from Hong Kong has solidified its place as a cult classic.

    The plot is deceptively simple. A Sydney-based crime lord’s activities come under the scrutiny of a determined Hong Kong detective, Inspector Fang Sing Leng. A fiery East-meets-West martial arts showdown explodes across the Australian landscape, pushing both sides to their limits.

    Jimmy Wang Yu (known at the time as Asia’s Steve McQueen) plays Inspector Fang Sing Leng. Fang delivers justice with his fists and uses his wits navigating greater Sydney, with help from the local constabulary and its adoring female population.

    The movie is a playful pastiche that confidently combines martial arts action, police procedurals, spy thrillers, and Westerns, all filtered through a distinctly Australian “crash-zoom” lens.

    An Australia–Hong Kong co-production

    The Man from Hong Kong was the first official Australia–Hong Kong co-production, uniting Hong Kong’s Golden Harvest studio with Australian producer John Fraser.

    This model would pave the way for numerous future collaborations – the film demonstrating that Australia was open for international (film) business, albeit with some constraints, such as shooting locales.

    In The Man from Hong Kong’s case, the financial arrangement was 50/50. As a result, half of the film had to be shot in Hong Kong, despite 85% of the storyline being set in Australia. Many of the interiors were filmed in Hong Kong studios to meet this production requirement.

    An example of this is the interrogation scene, which alternates between its Sydney exteriors and a fight scene taking place in the interior film set shot thousands of miles away at the Golden Harvest studios.

    In a genius bit of montage, the scene jumps from a shot of a kick in the crotch to a close-up of pool balls breaking on a table.

    A film of cunning stunts

    The Man from Hong Kong served as a reunion of sorts for many of the cast and crew, either starring in Stone (1974) or featuring in Trenchard-Smith’s documentary about martial arts films, Kung Fu Killers (1974).

    The film was an influence to Quentin Tarantino and paved the way for films such as Mad Max (1979), particularly in what Trenchard-Smith and his partner in film, stunt legend Grant Page, might call its “cunning stunts”.

    The elaborate car chases and explosive stunt setups in The Man from Hong Kong served as prototypes for iconic sequences that would inspire the Mad Max films, among others, a testament to a bygone era of practical effects and thrill seeking audacity.

    Car crashes and other explosive stunts were executed without permits or road closures. This sense of chaos is heightened by the stunts being performed by the actors themselves, adding a sense of immediacy and peril.

    An example of this is set on the cliffs at Stanwell Park. Wang Yu drives at speed towards the waiting Caroline, executing a precision gravel slide that misses Caroline’s car by under a metre, the shot continuing as he exits the car to greet her.

    Part character, and part tourism advert

    Trenchard-Smith’s script wasn’t shy in its depiction of culture clash, especially when it came to the racist attitudes of the Australian characters.

    But as Trenchard-Smith recalls:

    Our lead character, a Chinese Dirty Harry/James Bond upends these racial stereotypes by being smarter, sexier, and tougher than his opponents.

    Cinematographer Russell Boyd brings a sharp, dynamic (did I mention the crash-zooms?) visual style to the film that deftly matches the on-screen action.

    The film’s Australian setting is part character and part tourism advert – from the “Ayers Rock” (Uluru) cold opener, to the cafe scene on the Opera House forecourt.

    Pure cinema

    Stunt legend Grant Page appears in multiple villainous roles throughout the film, with the martial arts choreography handled by the legendary director Sammo Hung, who also played the role of Win Chan.

    The cast was a fascinating mix of talent and personality. Wang Yu, a martial arts icon, was also an established film director, leading to creative clashes on set with Trenchard-Smith.

    Playing the film’s villain is George Lazenby, whose casting added another layer of meta-textual intrigue, positioning him as an antagonist to a character who was explicitly a Bond villain archetype.

    The Man from Hong Kong remains an exhilarating piece of pure cinema, despite its relatively small budget. It’s an exemplar (and occasional cautionary tale) for filmmakers in terms of international co-production, its cunning stunts, and genre blending.

    The film is a testament to a moment when Australian cinema was confidently looking outwards, ready to take on the world, one explosive car crash at a time.

    Gregory Ferris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Man from Hong Kong at 50: how the first ever Australian–Hong Kong co-production became a cult classic – https://theconversation.com/the-man-from-hong-kong-at-50-how-the-first-ever-australian-hong-kong-co-production-became-a-cult-classic-260306

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: How migrant business owners turn their identity into an asset, despite some bumps along the way

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shea X. Fan, Associate Professor, Human Resource Management, Deakin University

    Odua Images/Shutterstock

    Too often, it’s anti-immigration sentiment dominating headlines in Australia. But a quieter story is going untold. Migrants are not just fitting into Australian society, they’re actively reshaping it through entrepreneurship.

    Starting a business is difficult for anyone. But migrant entrepreneurs often do so without the networks, credit history, or local knowledge many Australian-born business owners take for granted.

    Our new research drew on interviews with 38 migrant business owners from 25 different countries, who had all lived in Australia for at least five years.

    We found many are able to turn everyday exclusion into entrepreneurial fuel.
    Many have been able to survive – even thrive – by turning their identity into an asset.

    Yet there is still more we can do to take migrant entrepreneurship seriously and make it a core part of our economic and social planning.

    Key challenges

    Our research reveals migrant business owners face many forms of marginalisation. Some of these are well-understood among the public, others less so.

    One of the biggest is social. Arriving in a new country without established relationships in the community or financial sector, many struggle to gain customer trust or secure loans. It can also mean having less of a safety net.

    As one interviewee put it:

    I don’t have networks built up over the generations to sustain me and give me time to jump back out [of financial difficulties] […] For migrant entrepreneurs, we often do not have such a structure to absorb risks.

    Cultural stereotypes also hinder migrant entrepreneurs, and negative media portrayals can reinforce these biases. Even with local qualifications, they are often perceived as less professional or competent due to race, religion, accent or appearance.

    Many interviewees spoke of constantly having to prove their legitimacy – being overlooked, second-guessed or treated as representatives of their ethnic group rather than as individual business people.

    Establishing social networks in a new country can be difficult.
    Peterfz30/Shutterstock

    Structural barriers

    While the lack of networks and cultural acceptance undermines confidence and connection, structural barriers directly constrain access to the resources needed to survive and expand.

    Without a local credit history or collateral, many are ineligible for loans, yet need those very funds to build their credit standing. Even long-settled migrants found Australia’s legal, bureaucratic and financial systems difficult to navigate.

    Language barriers and unfamiliar regulations can add layers of complexity to this problem. While government support programs exist, they are often inaccessible, or the availability of those programs are poorly communicated to culturally diverse communities.

    These social and systemic disadvantages can push migrant business owners into informal markets or ethnic enclaves, where opportunities are fewer and risks higher.

    Turning identity into an asset

    Despite these barriers, migrant entrepreneurs often find ways to survive. One key strategy is to turn marginalised identities into business strengths.

    Our research found some migrants begin by serving customers from their own ethnic communities, leveraging shared language, culture and trust. Once established, they expand to other migrant groups or the broader public.

    In sectors such as food, fashion and wellness, cultural authenticity can be a competitive advantage.

    One hairdresser from Korea, for example, drew clients by offering Korean styling techniques popularised by the global rise of the Korean popular music style K-pop. She said this gave her work appeal among other migrant groups:

    Korean hairdressers are actually attractive to other Asian countries because Korean hairstyles are considered fashionable and detailed. It’s getting popular here too. This is like free marketing for me.

    One interviewee said her connection to Korea had turned into a business asset.
    kikujungboy CC/Shutterstock

    And rather than simply competing on price, many migrant businesses offer something different: handmade, ethical, sustainable or culturally-rooted products. An Indian small business owner started her business by selling curry pastes made from her own family recipes, telling us:

    I use my family’s traditional Indian recipes to create small spice packs, making it easy for Australians, mostly non-Indian customers, to cook authentic dishes at home.

    Such ventures create not only economic value, but also spaces of cultural exchange and community belonging.

    There’s more we can do

    The most recent figures show migrant entrepreneurs make up one in three small business owners in Australia. Research conducted in 2017 found the vast majority of migrant entrepreneurs had not owned a business before migration.

    With fewer systemic barriers and better support, their potential to contribute would be even greater. There are a range of actions policymakers, local councils, support organisations and local businesses could take.

    First, access could be expanded to small business grants by removing overly complex eligibility and documentation barriers.

    We should also support migrants to navigate collectively “gatekeeping” practices that lock them out of lending, investment and business certification.

    That could include developing alternative credit assessment tools for migrants without a local credit history. There are already some microloan schemes tailored to new migrants or visa holders, including Thrive Refugee Enterprise.

    At the same time, we need to ensure such schemes are being effectively communicated to the communities they’re intended to serve.

    And we need media narratives and public campaigns that highlight successful migrant businesses. Crucially, both policy and practice must be informed by the voices and experiences of migrant entrepreneurs themselves, not just as case studies, but as co-designers of better systems.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How migrant business owners turn their identity into an asset, despite some bumps along the way – https://theconversation.com/how-migrant-business-owners-turn-their-identity-into-an-asset-despite-some-bumps-along-the-way-261948

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: More than 2 in 5 young Australians are lonely, our new report shows. This is what could help

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle H. Lim, Associate Professor, Sydney School of Public Health, University of Sydney

    Oliver Rossi/Getty Images

    Loneliness is not a word often associated with young people. We tend to think of our youth as a time spent with family, friends and being engaged with school and work activities. Loneliness is an experience we may be more likely to associate with older people.

    In a new report looking at loneliness in young Australians, we found 43% of people aged 15 to 25 feel lonely. That’s more than two in five young people.

    While one in four felt lonely when asked, one in seven had felt lonely for at least two years (what we call persistent loneliness).

    There’s more we should be doing in Australia to address loneliness among young people and more broadly.

    What else did we find?

    In this report, we analysed data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia survey from 2022–23. This helped us understand what sort of factors increase the risk of loneliness among young people.

    We found having poor physical health and mental health can double (or more) the likelihood of persistent loneliness among young people.

    Life circumstances, as well as socioeconomic and behavioural factors, also play a role, as shown below.

    Worryingly, young people who report persistent loneliness are over seven times more likely to experience high or very high psychological distress compared to those who aren’t lonely.

    But loneliness in young people should not be seen just as a mental health issue. Research shows it can have consequences for physical health too. For example, a study published in 2024 found loneliness is linked to early signs of vascular dysfunction (functional changes to the arteries) in adults as young as 22.

    Why does loneliness persist?

    As well as analysing data, we also interviewed young people aged 16 to 25 from diverse backgrounds about what helps them make healthy social connections, and what hinders them.

    One of the things they flagged was a need for safe community spaces. A male participant from metro New South Wales, aged between 22 and 25, said:

    After lectures, someone’s hungry, you go to eat together. We used to go to [Name of restaurant] after almost every lecture. Talk or discuss somethings so it gave us that extra opportunity to mingle amongst each other and take that next step towards building a good friendship.

    We found technology could both help and hinder social connections. A female from regional Victoria, aged 22 to 25, who identified as LGBTIQ+, told us:

    If you’re in school or something like that and you don’t really have […] many people within your community to look to, it’s really nice being able to connect with people and make those friends online.

    On the flip side, a female participant from metropolitan Victoria, aged between 16 and 18, said:

    a lot of maybe like mean stuff or like bullying and stuff happens over the Internet […] there’s a big group chat and like everyone’s texting on it or something. And then a lot of the time, people will break off into a smaller chat […] or they’ll break off into one on one and be like, ohh, do you see what she said?

    The high cost of living was also regarded as a hindrance to maintaining social connections. As a male aged 22 to 25 from metro NSW told us:

    you’ll go on [a] drive [with friends] or whatever […] but that is so like incredibly expensive. Having to pay for your own car and like petrol and insurance and maintenance. Sometimes it’s hard to […] even like […] sit down in peace and have a chat. All the cafes will close at 2 and by the time everyone gets out of their jobs, you’re having to go to a restaurant and [you’re] spending 50 dollars.

    So what can we do?

    Loneliness has long been treated as a personal issue but it’s increasingly clear we have to shift our approach to include community-wide and systemic solutions.

    The World Health Organization’s Commission on Social Connection recently released a report pointing to loneliness as a public health, social, community and economic issue.

    In Australia, the economic burden of loneliness stands at A$2.7 billion each year for associated health-care costs including GP and hospital visits.

    And there are additional costs including lower workforce productivity and educational outcomes that have yet to be accounted for.

    Some countries have already developed and implemented strategies to address loneliness. In 2023, Denmark, for example, commissioned the development of a national loneliness action plan led by a consortium of organisations. This was underpinned by an investment of around 21 million Danish kroner (roughly A$5 million) over 2023–25.

    Australia now stands at a crossroads.

    Australia needs a national loneliness strategy

    A national strategy underpinned by evidence and by lived experience is crucial to effectively address loneliness. This approach would:

    • coordinate efforts across sectors: health, education, social services and business

    • identify effective strategies that should be included in a comprehensive response, and the principles to guide their delivery in communities and other settings

    • highlight sub-groups at risk of persistent loneliness who should be prioritised within population-wide strategies

    • commit to the delivery of a national awareness campaign that can educate the public and reduce stigma around loneliness.

    With the right national strategy, we will be able to increase our capacity to help all Australians, not just young people, connect in meaningful ways.

    If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14. You can learn more about youth loneliness and how to help at Ending Loneliness Together.

    Michelle H. Lim is the CEO and Scientific Chair of Ending Loneliness Together. She is also the Vice-Chair of the International Scientific Board of the Global Initiative on Loneliness and Connection, and is part of the Technical Advisory Group – Social Connection at the World Health Organization.

    Ben Smith is a member of the Management Committee and Scientific Advisory Board of Ending Loneliness Together. He is also the Conjoint Chair of Public Health with the Western Sydney Local Health District.

    – ref. More than 2 in 5 young Australians are lonely, our new report shows. This is what could help – https://theconversation.com/more-than-2-in-5-young-australians-are-lonely-our-new-report-shows-this-is-what-could-help-261260

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Progress on Closing the Gap is stagnant or going backwards. Here are 3 things to help fix it

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Madeleine Pugin, Research Fellow, School of Government and International Relations, Griffith University

    The Productivity Commission’s latest data on Closing the Gap progress represents an unsurprisingly grim overview of the socioeconomic inequalities experienced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

    Closing the Gap is the plan federal and state governments have to address Indigenous socioeconomic disadvantage. It sets specific targets across a range of areas.

    This edition annual data report paints a concerning picture of Indigenous peoples’ quality of life across the states and territories. Despite 17 years of Closing the Gap policy, First Nations communities continue to face significant disadvantage. Of the 19 targets, 16 have been assessed, with four targets worsening. They are:

    • adult imprisonment

    • children in out-of-home care

    • suicide

    • children developmentally on track.

    There have been some successes. Four targets are on track to be met: preschool enrolment, employment, and land and water rights. Although the latter targets are likely to be achieved, the Queensland and Northern Territory governments are walking away from plans for Treaty. This could undercut efforts for increased Indigenous rights recognition.

    There is also improvement in six other target areas, but they are still not on track to be met by 2031:

    • life expectancy

    • healthy birthweights

    • year 12 or equivalent qualifications

    • youth engagement

    • appropriately sized housing.

    Time for change

    Year after year, Closing the Gap reporting offers little hope for meaningful change. It also falls short of providing crucial insights into what is working, what isn’t, and where resources and expertise should be directed to address unmet targets.

    We must ask ourselves: when is it time to pursue a different approach?

    These are complex issues with no simple solutions, but that must not deter us from pursuing every possible avenue for change. As the worsening suicide target shows, lives depend on it.

    Nonetheless, there is little evidence to suggest governments are being impelled to act on the transformational changes required to implement the four priority reforms.

    Since the failed Voice referendum, there has been little will from all levels of government to radically transform their way of working with First Nations communities. The gaps in outcomes are unlikely to close with this business-as-usual approach.

    So what could be changed to help improve the lives of Indigenous people? Here are three ideas.

    1. A national action plan, driven by human rights

    Australia has no comprehensive Indigenous rights framework. Currently, recognition of Indigenous rights in existing Australian laws is “piecemeal” and inconsistent across jurisdictions.

    Adopting a rights-based approach to the Closing the Gap framework could provide one way forward. The realisation of rights is central to genuine self-determination for Indigenous peoples.

    The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), which Australia endorsed in 2009, outlines the minimum standards of human rights relating to Indigenous peoples.

    A 2023 report looking at how UNDRIP works in Australia contains a list of recommendations, with the first being:

    that the Commonwealth Government ensure its approach to developing legislation and policy on matters relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people (including, but not limited to, Closing the Gap initiatives) be consistent with the Articles outlined in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

    UNDRIP’s core principals of self-determination and participation in decision-making directly align with what communities and experts have been calling for on Closing the Gap reform. At a minimum, the federal government should meaningfully negotiate a national action plan to implement the declaration.

    Such a plan would help drive community-led solutions, empowering Indigenous peoples at local and regional levels. Bottom-up grassroots approaches are vital to Closing the Gap.

    2. An independent oversight body

    Despite the failure of the Voice referendum, an independent representative body is still needed at the national level. It would provide strategic oversight and accountability for implementation of the Closing the Gap policy at the local and regional levels.

    This body could also provide much-needed political and policy advocacy to hold governments to their commitments.

    There is the National Agreement on Closing the Gap, which Commonwealth, state, territory governments are a party to, as well as the Coalition of Peak Indigenous bodies and the Australian Local Government Association.

    Yet some governments are enacting policies and laws which are inconsistent with the agreement. Queensland and the Northern Territory, for instance, have ceased involvement in Treaty processes and turned toward stricter penalties in response to youth offending – moves criticised by human rights commissions.

    An independent representative body would help shed light on these inconsistencies and better hold governments accountable.

    3. A bigger role for local government

    What is often missing from the conversation is the crucial role local governments play in implementing policies that shape outcomes on the ground.

    As frontline service providers, local governments are positioned to engage with communities on a direct, day-to-day basis, which can be responsive to the everyday needs of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

    In a first for local implementation of Closing the Gap, Tamworth Aboriginal Community Controlled Organisations and Tamworth Regional Council entered an agreement to work together towards addressing key aspects of initiative.



    Read more:
    Local solution to Closing the Gap – council takes pioneering new approach to Indigenous disadvantage

    There are strong reasons for local governments to take a more central leadership role in trying to meet the Closing the Gap targets. To do so effectively, however, they require adequate resourcing and sustained funding to support community-driven programs.

    Additionally, embedding Indigenous rights and interests in local government planning and policy would significantly enhance their capacity to contribute meaningfully.

    Bartholomew Stanford receives funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC).

    Madeleine Pugin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Progress on Closing the Gap is stagnant or going backwards. Here are 3 things to help fix it – https://theconversation.com/progress-on-closing-the-gap-is-stagnant-or-going-backwards-here-are-3-things-to-help-fix-it-262042

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Big tech says AI could boost Australia’s economy by $115 billion a year. Does the evidence stack up?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Uri Gal, Professor in Business Information Systems, University of Sydney

    Imaginima / Getty Images

    AI is on the agenda in Canberra. In August, the Productivity Commission will release an interim report on harnessing data and digital technology such as AI “to boost productivity growth, accelerate innovation and improve government services”. Shortly afterward, the government will host an Economic Reform Roundtable where AI policy will be up for discussion.

    AI developers are aggressively pursuing influence over the new rules. The Chinese government wants to include AI in trade deals. Meanwhile, as the US government seeks to “win the AI race”, US-based tech companies are making their own overtures.

    The most ambitious intervention has come from ChatGPT developer OpenAI, which recently hired former Tech Council chief executive Kate Pounder as its local policy liaison. Pounder is also a former business partner of Assistant Minister for the Digital Economy Andrew Charlton.

    OpenAI’s AI Economic Blueprint for Australia makes bold projections about the new technology’s impact on the country’s economy, accompanied by a host of policy proposals. However, these claims warrant careful scrutiny, particularly given the company’s clear commercial interests in shaping Australian regulation.

    The gap between promise and evidence

    OpenAI claims AI could boost Australia’s economy by A$115 billion annually by 2030. It attributes most of this to productivity gains in business, education and government. However, the supporting evidence is thin.

    For instance, the report notes Australian workers have lower productivity than their US counterparts and then claims (without evidence) this is because Australia has invested less in digital technologies such as AI. However, it ignores numerous other factors affecting productivity, from industrial structure to regulatory environments.

    The report also describes supposed AI-driven productivity gains in companies such as Moderna and Canva. However, these narratives lack any data about improved organisational or individual performance.

    Perhaps more concerning is the report’s uniformly optimistic tone, which overlooks significant risks. These include organisations struggling with costly AI projects, massive job displacements, worsening labour conditions, and concentrating wealth.

    Most problematically, OpenAI’s blueprint assumes AI adoption and its economic benefits will materialise rapidly across the economy. However, evidence suggests a different reality.

    Economic impact from AI will unfold gradually

    Recent evidence suggests AI’s economic impact may take decades to fully materialise. Studies report some 40% of US adults use generative AI yet this translates to less than 5% of work hours and an increase of less than 1% in labour productivity.

    AI may not spread much faster than past technologies. The limiting factor will be how quickly individuals, organisations and institutions can adapt.

    Even when AI tools are available, meaningful adoption requires time. People must develop new skills, change the way they work, and integrate the new technologies into complex organisations. The economic impacts of earlier general-purpose technologies such as computers and the internet took decades to fully materialise, and there’s little reason to believe AI will be fundamentally different.

    The educational risk

    Like Google, OpenAI is also aggressively pushing for AI adoption in education. It has teamed up with edtech companies and launched a new “study mode” in ChatGPT.

    The push for AI tutoring and automated educational tools raises profound concerns about human development and learning.

    Early evidence suggests over-reliance on AI tools may condition people to depend on them. When students routinely turn to AI, they risk avoiding the mental effort required to build critical thinking skills, creativity and independent inquiry. These capacities form the foundation of a thriving democracy and innovative economy.

    Students who become accustomed to AI-assisted thinking may struggle to develop intellectual independence. This is needed for innovation, ethical reasoning and creative problem-solving.

    AI applications that help teachers personalise instruction or identify learning gaps may be useful. But systems that substitute for students’ own cognitive effort and development should be avoided.

    A multi-partner infrastructure strategy

    Australia’s digital strategy will undoubtedly include significant investment in AI infrastructure such as data centres. One challenge for Australia is to avoid concentrating our investment around a single technology provider. Doing so would be a mistake that could compromise both economic competitiveness and national sovereignty.

    Amazon plans to spend $20 billion on local data centres. Microsoft Azure already has significant local capacity, as does Australian company NextDC. This diversity provides a foundation, but maintaining and expanding it requires deliberate policy choices.

    Maintaining multiple data centre suppliers helps keep computing power that is independent of foreign governments or single companies. This approach will give Australia more bargaining power to ensure lower prices, greener power and local skills quotas.

    Diversification provides regulatory leverage as well. Australia can enforce common security standards knowing no single supplier can threaten an investment strike.

    Australia’s AI future

    AI technology is developing rapidly, driven by large corporations wielding vast amounts of capital and political influence. It presents real opportunities for economic growth and social benefit that Australia can’t afford to squander.

    However, if the government uncritically accepts corporate advocacy, these opportunities may be captured by foreign interests.

    Australia’s approach to AI policy should maintain human-centred values alongside technological advancement. This balance requires resisting the siren call of corporate promises.

    The decisions made today will shape Australia’s future for decades. These choices should be guided by independent analysis, empirical evidence, and a commitment to outcomes for all Australians.

    The Australian government must resist the temptation to let Silicon Valley write our digital future, no matter how persuasive their lobbyists or how impressive their promises. The stakes are simply too high to get this wrong.

    Uri Gal does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Big tech says AI could boost Australia’s economy by $115 billion a year. Does the evidence stack up? – https://theconversation.com/big-tech-says-ai-could-boost-australias-economy-by-115-billion-a-year-does-the-evidence-stack-up-260705

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Just as NZ began collecting meaningful data on rainbow communities, census changes threaten their visibility

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Lori Leigh, Research Fellow in Public Health, University of Otago

    Getty Images

    New Zealand’s 2023 census was the first to collect data on gender identity and sexual orientation, showing one in 20 adults identify as LGBTQIA+.

    But just as reports from this more inclusive census are being released, Minister of Statistics Shane Reti announced a change to existing administrative data collected by government departments as part of their normal business, scrapping a 150-year history of the census.

    Currently, there are no sources of administrative data that include adequate rainbow demographic markers such as sexual orientation, gender, transgender experience or variations of sex characteristics.

    Without high-quality data, the policy reforms needed to address underserved and historically marginalised populations become harder to make. How can we create evidence-based policy with no evidence?

    A snapshot of homelessness in rainbow communities

    The slogan of the 2023 census was “tatau tātou – all of us count”.

    Rainbow communities had been invisible in the census since its inception in 1851. The 2023 Census was a watershed moment, born out of decades of determined activism and advocacy from the community.

    For us, as housing and homelessness researchers, it was particularly important to finally have whole-of-population data about rates of homelessness among LGBTQIA+ communities. Data on housing showed rainbow communities pay higher rents, live in mouldier housing and move more frequently than non-rainbow communities.

    Adding LGBTQIA+ data to the census meant we were the first country in the world to have such data on the housing experiences of these communities. We were applauded internationally by colleagues who have long been wanting similar homelessness and rainbow data from their own national censuses.

    This data will be a great advocacy tool, but it is bittersweet that we will never have such information again.

    History of advocacy

    There is a nearly 50-year history of various community movements, from boycotts to activism, chronicling the queer struggle to be appropriately counted in the census.

    In 1981, a group of Wellington lesbians held a “dykecott” of the New Zealand census to protest their exclusion. This included sending blank census forms to the Human Rights Commission with various explanations essentially saying “no rights, no responsibilities.”

    Then, in the 1990s, the Wellington City Council’s lesbian and gay advisory group came together to lobby Stats NZ about the need for inclusive census data. In 1996, census forms were changed to be able to count same-sex partners.

    In 2002, the former editor of the New Zealand LGBTQIA+ magazine Express Victor van Wetering went so far as to lodge a formal complaint against Stats NZ, stating the agency was in clear breach of the Human Rights Act. He alleged it was failing to meet its statutory requirements.

    Stats NZ’s present and historical stance towards sexual orientation data amounts to a consistent denial that any imperative exists for it to develop a statistical picture of our queer communities. This statistical invisibility deprives queer communities of knowledge and power.

    Advocacy continued throughout the 2000s and 2010s, and in 2018, Stats NZ released their statistical standards for measuring sexual orientation. The possibility of inclusive census data started to become more of a reality.

    The decision to halt the census as we know it means there will be no longitudinal comparative data for rainbow communities. Just as the community has been allowed out of the statistical closet, people will be put back in.

    It had long been argued that accuracy of rainbow data would improve over subsequent censuses. Now we will never know what developments might have emerged.

    A short-lived win

    Community advocates and the Human Rights Commission continued to raise the lack of rainbow data collection at the population level.

    In 2020, the Human Rights Commission released a report which found New Zealand’s data collection processes fail to accurately count the country’s rainbow community members.

    Stats NZ had already started significant work to evaluate and update their sex and gender identity standards. Weeks after the report, the agency committed to what would become the 2023 census. Rainbow community groups applauded, felt finally listened to and called the shift a major win.

    After decades of advocacy, rainbow populations were finally counted in the 2023 Census.
    Instagram/Insideoutkoaro, CC BY-SA

    This sense of pride continues as reports and data are released from the census.

    Research and survey data consistently show rainbow communities in Aotearoa New Zealand experience multiple forms of discrimination. This includes violence, family rejection, bullying and social exclusion.

    These experiences contribute to disproportionately high rates of serious negative outcomes such as suicidality, health inequities, homelessness and substance use. Despite this, we continue to lack data comparing the experiences of rainbow communities with those of the general population.

    As a result, health and social disparities affecting LGBTQIA+ people are systematically under-recognised in government strategies and across health and social service systems. Efforts to address these inequities are also frequently under-resourced and inadequately prioritised.

    Former government statistician Len Cook said:

    There is no time over the past 50 years when the scope and quality of population statistics has been of such importance in public life in Aotearoa New Zealand as now.

    Scrapping the census is a cost-cutting exercise. But what is the real cost of losing data and which communities will disproportionately bear this cost? The decision renders LGBTQIA+ people, once again, invisible.

    Lori Leigh is affiliated with the Trans Health Research Network, Kawe Mahara Queer Archives Aotearoa and receives funding from MBIE’s Endeavour Fund programme as part of their work for the University of Otago, Wellington.

    Brodie Fraser is affiliated with the Trans Health Research Network and currently funded by two MBIE Endeavour Fund programmes, and has previously been funded by the Health Research Council and the University of Otago.

    – ref. Just as NZ began collecting meaningful data on rainbow communities, census changes threaten their visibility – https://theconversation.com/just-as-nz-began-collecting-meaningful-data-on-rainbow-communities-census-changes-threaten-their-visibility-261753

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Sporty spice: how romance fiction is adding a new dynamic to sports fandom

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kasey Symons, Lecturer of Communication, Sports Media, Deakin University

    Sports fans might love their teams, cheer or curse each game’s result and admire their favourite athletes, but we rarely associate sports with romance.

    However, that may be slowly changing thanks to the recent spike in the popularity of romance fiction, which has created an unlikely sub-genre.

    A genre on the rise

    Romance fiction sales in Australia are up, with an average growth rate of 49% over three years.

    Dedicated romance bookstores are popping all over the world thanks to the visibility of social media communities such as “BookTok” and “Bookstagram” and the avenues digital and self-publishing are creating.

    Sports romance titles are contributing to the growing romance numbers and are helping to attract new and non-traditional fans to sport.

    Sports bringing the spice

    Sports romance fiction is not a new phenomenon. But it has gained popularity in the past few years, predominantly through ice hockey titles.

    Ice hockey romance has a growing, passionate following. Authors such as Elle Kennedy, Hannah Grace, Tessa Bailey and Emily Rath – all New York Times-bestselling writers – bring a wide-reaching visibility to the sub-genre.

    Kennedy’s Off Campus series is currently being developed as a TV series.

    Formula 1 romance fiction also has a strong following, while football (soccer) is popular too. Meryl Wilsner’s soccer-based romance Cleat Cute is also getting the TV treatment through sporting legends Megan Rapinoe and Sue Bird’s production company A Touch More.

    You name the sport and there will be a title for you: golf, chess, lacrosse, tennis, basketball, pickleball, Australian rules football, swimming, ballet, baseball and e-sports, the list goes on.

    Something for everyone

    While a majority of sports romance texts reflect heteronormative relationships and depict some of the more stereotypical, idealised body types and aesthetics often associated with the romance genre and athletic bodies, there are also diverse titles. These explore relationships across genders, sexualities, ethnicities, body shapes and different sports.

    The ability to self-publish and reach an audience through social media allows sports romance authors and the creator community to be responsive and representative.

    Authors are motivated to create narratives that reflect their own experiences and identity or contribute perspectives they feel are missing in the sporting landscape.

    Happily ever after?

    What makes these diverse contributions significant is how the authors present their sporting narratives within the romance genre storytelling structure. This means the majority of texts conform to what romance readers call, the “HEA”: the happily ever after.

    While some narratives will have drama, tension and tragedy, the “happily ever after” framework allows for stories and relationships to end on a happy note.

    In sports romance, there are many authors using this approach to challenge social norms, restrictive sporting environments and advocate for inclusion by presenting narratives where these tensions are resolved and everything works out.

    Examples include K.T. Hoffman’s The Prospects, which features a trans man as the protagonist who makes it onto a Major League Baseball team and finds true love. Esha Patel’s Offtrack presents a Middle Eastern woman as the first woman driver for a Formula 1 team this century — who also finds true love. Australian author Abra Pressler’s Love and Other Scores shares the coming out journey of a professional male tennis player while competing at the Australian Open — after he finds true love. You get it.

    The romance genre allows these fictional stories to play out with the authors placing love and care for diverse communities at their centre, showing us a world where the inclusion for these diverse lived experiences are possible in sport.

    Risks and rewards

    There are opportunities for sports organisations to think more creatively about connecting with fans who may be interested in different elements of sporting culture and fandom.

    That could be through sports romance, new forms of narrative storytelling such as docuseries like Netflix’s Drive to Survive, or intersections with pop culture such as Taylor Swift’s recent impact on NFL fandom.

    What is important is understanding the community and serving that community rather than trying to retrofit diverse fans into preexisting fan engagement strategies.

    Sports should understand fans are not a homogeneous group, and not all diverse fans will respond to and connect with this content.

    There are also risks for sports that try to shoehorn non-traditional fans into their space without fully understanding the community, such as when the National Hockey League’s Seattle Kraken targeted the sports romance audience in 2023. The initiative went horribly wrong when the organisation misguidedly promoted social media engagement which led to some users crossing the line and allegedly harassing players.

    But there are rewards when it is done right. Australian Ice Hockey League discovered this after developing a genuine connection with author Emily Rath and facilitating welcoming and safe spaces for romance readers at games. The result? A surge in attendances and fan connection.

    The sports romance genre is a space for sport to pay attention to, and with the second annual Sports Romance Convention taking place in Minneapolis next year, its community will continue to grow.

    Kasey Symons has received funding from the Victorian Government, and national and state sport governing bodies, including the Australian Football League and the National Rugby League. She is also one of the co-founders of Siren: A Women in Sport Collective.

    – ref. Sporty spice: how romance fiction is adding a new dynamic to sports fandom – https://theconversation.com/sporty-spice-how-romance-fiction-is-adding-a-new-dynamic-to-sports-fandom-261569

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • Canada could use thermal infrastructure to turn wasted heat emissions into energy

    Source: ForeignAffairs4

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By James (Jim) S. Cotton, Professor, Department of Mechanical Engineering, McMaster University

    Buildings are the third-largest source of greenhouse gas emissions in Canada. In many cities, including Vancouver, Toronto and Calgary, buildings are the single highest source of emissions.

    The recently launched Infrastructure for Good barometer, released by consulting firm Deloitte, suggests that Canada’s infrastructure investments already top the global list in terms of positive societal, economic and environmental benefits.

    In fact, over the past 150 years, Canada has built railways, roads, clean water systems, electrical grids, pipelines and communication networks to connect and serve people across the country.

    Now, there’s an opportunity to build on Canada’s impressive tradition by creating a new form of infrastructure: capturing, storing and sharing the massive amounts of heat lost from industry, electricity generation and communities, even in summer.

    Natural gas precedent

    Indoor heating often comes from burning fossil fuels — three-quarters of Ontario homes, for example, are heated by natural gas. Until about 1966, homes across Canada were primarily heated by wood stoves, coal boilers, oil furnaces or heaters using electricity from coal-fired power plants.

    After the oil crisis of the 1970s, many of those fuels were replaced by natural gas, delivered directly to individual homes. The cost of the natural gas infrastructure, including a national network of pipelines, was amortized over more than 50 years to make the cost more practical.

    two pie charts showing the source of Ontario's greenhouse gas emissions
    Sources of greenhouse gas emissions in Ontario.
    (J. Cotton), CC BY

    This reliable, low-cost energy source quickly proved to be popular. The change cut heating emissions across Ontario by roughly half throughout the 1970s and 1980s, long before climate change was the concern it is today.

    Now, as the need to decarbonize becomes more pressing, recent studies not only emphasize the often-overstated emissions reductions benefits from using natural gas; they also indicate that burning this fuel source is still far from net-zero.

    However, there’s no reason why Canadian governments can’t invest in new infrastructure-based alternative heating solutions. This time, they could replace natural gas with an alternative, net-zero source: the wasted heat already emitted by other energy uses.

    Heat capture and storage

    Depending on the source temperature, technology used and system design, heat can be captured throughout the year, stored and distributed as needed. A type of infrastructure called thermal networks could capture leftover heat from factories and nuclear and gas-fired power plants.

    In essence, thermal networks take excess thermal energy from industrial processes (though thermal energy can theoretically be captured from a variety of different sources), and use it as a centralized heating source for a series of insulated underground pipelines connected to multiple other buildings. These pipelines, in turn, are used to heat or cool these connected buildings.

    A substantial potential to capture heat similarly exists in every neighbourhood. Heat is produced by data centres, grocery stores, laundromats, restaurants, sewage systems and even hockey arenas.

    In Ontario, the amount of energy we dump in the form of heat is greater than all the natural gas we use to heat our homes.

    A restaurant, for example, can produce enough heat for seven family homes. To take advantage of the wasted heat, Canada needs to build thermal networks, corridors and storage to capture and distribute heat directly to consumers.

    The effort demands substantial leadership from all levels of government. Creating these systems would be expensive, but the technology does exist, and the one-time cost would pay for itself many times over.

    Such systems are already working in other cold countries. Thermal networks heat half the homes in Sweden and two-thirds of homes in Denmark.

    pipes being laid under a city street
    District heating pipes being laid at Gullbergs Strandgata in Gothenburg, Sweden in May 2021.
    (Shutterstock)

    The oil crisis of the 1970s motivated both countries to find new domestic heating sources. They financed their new infrastructure over 50 years and reduced their investment risks through low-interest bonds (loaned by public banks) and generous subsidies.

    These were offered to utility companies looking to expand district energy operations, and to consumers by incentivizing connections to such systems. Additionally, in Denmark, controlled consumer prices served a similar function.

    At least seven American states have established thermal energy networks, with New York being the first. The state’s Utility Thermal Energy Network and Jobs Act allows public utilities to own, operate and manage thermal networks.

    They can supply thermal energy, but so can private producers such as data centres, all with public oversight. Such a strategy avoids monopolies and allows gas and electric utilities to deliver services through central networks.

    An opportunity for Canada

    Canada has a real opportunity to learn from the experiences of Sweden, Denmark and New York. In doing so, Canada can create a beneficial and truly national heating system in the process. Beginning with federal government leadership, thermal networks could be built across Canada, tailored to the unique and individual needs, strengths and opportunities of municipalities and provinces.

    Such a shift would reduce emissions and generate greater energy sovereignty for Canada. It could drive a just energy strategy that could provide employment opportunities for those displaced by the transition away from fossil fuels, while simultaneously increasing Canada’s economic independence in the process.

    Thermal networks could be built using pipelines made from Canadian steel. Oil-well drillers from Alberta could dig borehole heat-storage systems. A new market for heat-recovery pumps would create good advanced-manufacturing jobs in Canada.



    Read more:
    How heat storage technologies could keep Canada’s roads and bridges ice-free all winter long

    Funding for the infrastructure could come through public-private partnerships, with major investments from public banks and pension funds, earning a solid and secure rate of return. A regulated approach and process could permit this infrastructure cost to be amortized over decades, similar to the way past governments have financed gas, electrical and water networks.

    As researchers studying the engineering and policy potential of such an opportunity, we view such actions as essential if net-zero is to be achieved in the Canadian building sector. They are also a win-win solution for incumbent industry, various levels of government and citizens across Canada alike.

    Yet efforts to install robust thermal networks remain stalled by institutional inertia, the strong influence of the oil industry, limited citizen awareness of the technology’s potential and a tendency for government to view the electrification of heating as the primary solution to building decarbonization.

    In this time of environmental crisis and international uncertainty, pushing past these barriers, drawing on Canada’s lengthy history of constructing infrastructure and creating this new form thermal energy infrastructure would be a safe, beneficial and conscientious way to move Canada into a more climate-friendly future.

    The Conversation

    James (Jim) S. Cotton receives funding from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada.

    Caleb Duffield does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canada could use thermal infrastructure to turn wasted heat emissions into energy – https://theconversation.com/canada-could-use-thermal-infrastructure-to-turn-wasted-heat-emissions-into-energy-254972

  • MIL-Evening Report: Air-dropping food into Gaza is a ‘smokescreen’ – this is what must be done to prevent mass starvation

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amra Lee, PhD candidate in Protection of Civilians, Australian National University

    Israel partially lifted its aid blockade of Gaza this week in response to intensifying international pressure over the man-made famine in the devastated coastal strip.

    The United Arab Emirates and Jordan airdropped 25 tonnes of food and humanitarian supplies on Sunday. Israel has further announced daily pauses in its military strikes on Gaza and the opening of humanitarian corridors to facilitate UN aid deliveries.

    Israel reports it has permitted 70 trucks per day into the strip since May 19. This is well below the 500–600 trucks required per day, according to the United Nations.

    The UN emergency relief chief, Tom Fletcher, has characterised the next few days as “make or break” for humanitarian agencies trying to reach more than two million Gazans facing “famine-like conditions”.

    A third of Gazans have gone without food for several days and 90,000 women and children now require urgent care for acute malnutrition. Local health authorities have reported 147 deaths from starvation so far, 80% of whom are children.

    Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has claimed – without any evidence – “there is no starvation in Gaza”. This claim has been rejected by world leaders, including Netanyahu ally US President Donald Trump.

    Famine expert Alex de Waal has called the famine in Gaza without precedent:

    […] there’s no case of such minutely engineered, closely monitored, precisely designed mass starvation of a population as is happening in Gaza today.

    While the UN has welcomed the partial lifting of the blockade, the current aid being allowed into Gaza will not be enough to avert a wider catastrophe, due to the severity and depth of hunger in Gaza and the health needs of the people.

    According to the UN World Food Programme, which has enough food stockpiled to feed all of Gaza for three months, only one thing will work:

    An agreed ceasefire is the only way to reach everyone.

    Airdrops a ‘distraction and a smokescreen’

    Air-dropping food supplies is considered a last resort due to the undignified and unsafe manner in which the aid is delivered.

    The UN has already reported civilians being injured when packages have fallen on tents.

    The Global Protection Cluster, a network of non-governmental organisations and UN agencies, shared a story from a mother in Al Karama, east of Gaza City, whose home was hit by an airdropped pallet, causing the roof to collapse:

    Immediately following the impact, a group of people armed with knives rushed towards the house, while the mother locked herself and her children in the remaining room to protect her family. They did not receive any assistance and are fearful for their safety.

    Air-dropped pallets of food are also inefficient compared with what can be delivered by road.

    One truck can carry up to 20 tonnes of supplies. Trucks can also reach Gaza quickly if they are allowed to cross at the scale required. Aid agencies have repeatedly said they have the necessary aid and personnel sitting just one hour away at the border.

    Given how ineffective the air drops have been – and will continue to be – the head of the UN Relief Works Agency (UNRWA) for Palestine has called them a “distraction” and a “smokescreen”.

    Malnourished women and children need specialised care

    De Waal has also made clear how starvation differs from other war crimes – it takes weeks of denying aid for starvation to take hold.

    For the 90,000 acutely malnourished women and children who require specialised and supplementary feeding, in addition to medical care, the type of food being air-dropped into Gaza will not help them. Malnourished children require nutritional screening and access to fortified pastes and baby food.

    Gaza’s decimated health system is also not able to treat severely malnourished women and children, who are at risk of “refeeding syndrome” when they are provided with nutrients again. This can trigger a fatal metabolic response.

    Gaza will take generations to heal from the long-term impacts of mass starvation. Malnourished children suffer lifelong cognitive and physical effects that can then be passed on to future generations.

    What needs to happen now

    The UN has characterised the limited reopening of aid deliveries to Gaza as a potential “lifeline”, if it’s upheld and expanded.

    According to Ciaran Donnelly from the International Rescue Committee, what’s needed is “tragically simple”: Israel must fully open the Gaza borders to allow aid and humanitarian personnel to flood in.

    Israel must also guarantee safe conditions for the dignified distribution of aid that reaches everyone, including women, children, the elderly and people with disabilities. The level of hunger and insecurity mean these groups are at high risk of exclusion.

    The people of Gaza have the world’s attention – for now. They have endured increasingly dehumanising conditions – including the risk of being shot trying to access aid – under the cover of war for more than 21 months.

    Two leading Israeli human rights organisations have just publicly called Israel’s war on Gaza “a genocide”. This builds on mounting evidence compiled by the UN and other experts that supports the same conclusion, triggering the duty under international law for all states to act to prevent genocide.

    These obligations require more than words – states must exercise their full diplomatic leverage to pressure Israel to let aid in at the scale required to avert famine. States must also pressure Israel to extend its military pauses into the only durable solution – a permanent ceasefire.

    Amra Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Air-dropping food into Gaza is a ‘smokescreen’ – this is what must be done to prevent mass starvation – https://theconversation.com/air-dropping-food-into-gaza-is-a-smokescreen-this-is-what-must-be-done-to-prevent-mass-starvation-262053

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: From futuristic design icon to environmental villain – the 80-year history of the plastic chair

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Geoff Isaac, Research Fellow, Design, Architecture and Building, University of Technology Sydney

    The Magis Bell Chair, made from recycled plastic, saves energy during production and transport and produces less waste for recycling or disposal at end of life. Magis

    What springs to mind when you’re asked to think of plastic chairs? Do you picture the ubiquitous lightweight, stackable polypropylene chair sold cheaply in hardware stores worldwide?

    Or perhaps you picture something more glamorous, such as Shiro Kuramata’s Miss Blanche (1988). This limited-edition artwork, featuring imitation roses suspended in acrylic resin, now sells for more than US$500,000 at auction.

    I research industrial design, exploring the symbiotic relationship between technology, commercial design and sustainability. The 80-year history of the plastic chair was the focus of my PhD.

    This humble, ubiquitous object offers unique insights into society’s shifting attitudes to plastic, and the changes to come.

    An 80-year history

    The story of the plastic chair began in the United States in the 1930s, when petrochemical manufacturers DuPont and Röhm & Haas started mass-producing acrylic glass.

    The material, available in rods and sheets, enabled industrial designers to produce a wide range of consumer products using traditional manufacturing techniques.

    Widespread shortages of traditional materials during World War II drove further development of plastics.

    After the war, designers and manufacturers quickly embraced plastics. They were seen as the foundation of a new, plentiful future, allowing the masses to access products previously reserved for the elite. Many household items such as televisions, toys and upholstery became cheaper, thanks to plastics.

    Fibreglass manufacturing advanced during WWII to support the US Navy. This involves weaving strands of glass into a loose mat, which is then placed into a mould. Polyester resin is poured in to bind the fibres together before it hardens into a solid shape. Fibreglass is strong, lightweight, corrosion-resistant and can be moulded into complex shapes.

    The first fibreglass chair designs were Charles and Ray Eames’ Plastic Armchair and Eero Saarinen’s Tulip Chair. Then the Space Age (1957–69) inspired enthusiastic experiments with technicolor-saturated glossy surfaces and futuristic curved shapes, all made possible by fibreglass.

    Designers could handcraft prototypes, perfecting comfort and form. Many designs from this era are still in production and often feature in science fiction films.

    Plastic furniture features many in sci-fi movies (Scandinavian Design 101)

    A shift in public sentiment

    Looking back at Earth from space was a turning point for humanity. The famous Earthrise photo captured the precarious nature of our existence and dependence on finite resources, such as fossil fuels. Oil was used to make most plastic at that time.

    In the 1970s, the price of oil shot up tenfold when Arab nations banned petroleum exports and cut oil production during the Arab–Iraeli War. The Iraq–Iran war followed. In 1981, oil reached US$31 per barrel. Suddenly, plastics were expensive.

    Early plastics also had drawbacks. Colours faded and surfaces scratched, eroding consumer confidence. Disillusioned consumers began to favour traditional materials such as metal and timber. Few noteworthy plastic chair designs appeared during the next two decades.

    In response, the plastics industry changed tactics. If consumers favoured wooden furniture, then woodchips and veneer – held together by polymer adhesives and varnished with polyurethane – offered a cost-effective solution. Plastics were simply camouflaged within an ever-increasing range of products.

    As the environmental impacts of plastics became evident, the industry recognised it had an image problem and launched a major public relations effort around recycling. It worked. By the end of the century, plastics were fashionable again.

    Recycling eases guilt

    From the late 1990s, leading designers enthusiastically embraced injection moulding. This was much cheaper and faster than labour-intensive fibreglass.

    Philippe Starck’s LaMarie for Kartell launched a new trend for translucent chairs. Karim Rashid launched the affordable Oh Chair and Jasper Morrison introduced air injection moulding to the industry with the Air Chair.

    The revival was brief. The limitations of mechanical recycling gradually became more widely understood. Of the 8.3 billion tonnes of plastic produced by 2020, just 9% had been recycled, or more accurately “downcycled” such as by turning PET bottles into polyester for clothing.

    Ocean pollution became a focus when it was shown that by 2050, there will be more plastic than fish in our seas. Alarm further intensified over the impact of chemical additives used in plastics and their effects on human health and the ability to reproduce.

    In response, designers and manufactures are now exploring plastics made at least partly from recycled plastics or renewable organic resources such as plants, algae or even carbon dioxide (bioplastics).

    My study of 60 such chairs identified the Bell Chair as the best of the bunch. Made from just 2.8kg of plastic waste, the design minimises the amount of energy required to make and transport the chair.

    These chairs come off the automated production line stacked 12-high for efficient transport. The manufacturer Magis also claims Bell Chairs can be recycled at end-of-life. But the lack of a resin identification code mark, and the inclusion of fibreglass, make it unlikely the product will actually be recycled.

    I thought my study would identify chairs made from bioplastics as delivering superior environmental outcomes. However, designers working with these materials were forced to compensate for inferior material strength by bulking up their designs, or mixing bio-based material with traditional plastics.

    Bulky designs demand higher energy consumption during manufacture and transport, while hybridised materials are problematic as they cannot be recycled and are not biodegradable.

    Siamese Chair, designed by Karim Rashid in 2014. The bioplastic made from acai fruit and bark from Ipe Roxo trees was not strong enough for the legs, and the shell of the chair had to be bulked up. The use of aluminium for the legs and the energy consumed during production and transport meant this 9.8kg chair achieved a weak score in my analysis.
    A Lot of Brasil

    The chair of the future

    Bans on single-use plastics, and measures to reduce plastic packaging and increase recycled content in packaging and products, are beginning to take effect. Manufacturers are also experimenting with renewable plastics in consumer goods.

    But to achieve global emissions-reduction targets, the transition from virgin fossil-based plastics to renewable plastics must accelerate. Government intervention will be crucial where voluntary industry agreements are failing, both at home and abroad.

    It’s likely the plastic chair of the future will be made entirely from renewable organic resources. Creating a more circular plastics economy is not only possible, it’s imperative.



    Read more:
    Curious Kids: why can some plastics be recycled but others can’t?

    Geoff Isaac does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. From futuristic design icon to environmental villain – the 80-year history of the plastic chair – https://theconversation.com/from-futuristic-design-icon-to-environmental-villain-the-80-year-history-of-the-plastic-chair-257470

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: View from The Hill: Albanese wants international cover before Australia recognises Palestine as a state

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Anthony Albanese will recall well when another Labor prime minister was feeling the heat over Palestinian status.

    It was 2012 and then-Prime Minister Julia Gillard was forced into a corner over the stand Australia should take on a motion to give Palestine observer status at the United Nations.

    Gillard and her foreign minister, Bob Carr, clashed over the matter. Gillard wanted to oppose the motion, siding with the United States and Israel. Carr and others pushed back hard, and eventually Australia abstained.

    In his book, Diary of a Foreign Minister, Carr records that in the cabinet debate earlier, “Albanese gave a no-holds-barred robust presentation of the case for voting ‘yes’ or abstaining”.

    Now Albanese, in the wake of France having just declared it will recognise Palestine as a state, faces another, albeit different, iteration of the Palestinian status issue. The circumstances are much more direct and acute. On this occasion, he is arguing for time.

    Carr is still out there advocating. But a more central voice is former minister Ed Husic (who was around in 2012, too, but still on the backbench). The Labor rank and file are strongly pro-Palestine. They are backed by the ALP platform, which calls for Palestine to be recognised as a state.

    Even as a minister in the last parliamentary term, bound by cabinet solidarity, Husic pushed the boundaries when speaking out about the Middle East conflict. Having been dumped from the frontbench in factional manoeuvring after the election, he is free to say bluntly what he thinks. Now he is putting his shoulder to the wheel to advocate recognition.

    In a Guardian article on Monday he reminded his Labor peers and betters “that our party has twice agreed at its highest decision-making forum – the National Conference of the Australian Labor party – to recognise the state of Palestine.

    “The time to do so is absolutely right now.”

    Albanese is caught between his party and his caution.

    It is a fair assumption the prime minister, with his long history of being pro-Palestinian, would like to follow the lead of French President Emmanuel Macron.

    Equally, however, he would want Australia to move in concert with like-minded countries, including the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand. Australia has previously banded with these countries in joint statements about the Middle East conflict.

    Albanese said at the weekend Australian recognition of a Palestinian state wasn’t imminent – although last year Foreign Minister Penny Wong opened the way for possible recognition as part of a peace process (rather than only accorded at the end of it).

    The prime minister put a context around recognition. “How do you exclude Hamas from any involvement there? How do you ensure that a Palestinian state operates in an appropriate way which does not threaten the existence of Israel? And so we don’t do any decision as a gesture. We will do it as a way forward if the circumstances are met.”

    In caucus on Tuesday, Husic pressed his point, asking how long the preconditions for statehood could be expected to take. Albanese essentially went through what he’d said before.

    Labor’s Friends of Palestine group is pressing for sanctions, as well as recognition.

    The group’s spokesperson Peter Moss says: “Over the past 21 months, Labor members in branches and conferences have repeatedly urged the government to join 147 UN member states and now France in recognising Palestine.

    “By making recognition contingent on a non-existent peace process, the government has effectively ruled out delivering on policy that has broad public support.

    “We call on the Australian government to implement official platform policy and immediately and unconditionally recognise a Palestinian state on the pre-4 June 1967 borders.”

    In recent weeks more than 80 Labor branches and other party units have passed a strong motion calling for sanctions and an arms embargo on Israel.

    In the last few days, the group wrote to Wong, seeking a meeting to discuss its calls for sanctions and for the Albanese government “to work with international partners to develop a practical plan for the establishment of a free and independent Palestinian State”. No meeting has yet been arranged.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. View from The Hill: Albanese wants international cover before Australia recognises Palestine as a state – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-albanese-wants-international-cover-before-australia-recognises-palestine-as-a-state-262028

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Air-dropping food into Gaza is a ‘smokescreen’ – this is what must be done to prevent mass starvation

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Amra Lee, PhD candidate in Protection of Civilians, Australian National University

    Israel partially lifted its aid blockade of Gaza this week in response to intensifying international pressure over the man-made famine in the devastated coastal strip.

    The United Arab Emirates and Jordan airdropped 25 tonnes of food and humanitarian supplies on Sunday. Israel has further announced daily pauses in its military strikes on Gaza and the opening of humanitarian corridors to facilitate UN aid deliveries.

    Israel reports it has permitted 70 trucks per day into the strip since May 19. This is well below the 500–600 trucks required per day, according to the United Nations.

    The UN emergency relief chief, Tom Fletcher, has characterised the next few days as “make or break” for humanitarian agencies trying to reach more than two million Gazans facing “famine-like conditions”.

    A third of Gazans have gone without food for several days and 90,000 women and children now require urgent care for acute malnutrition. Local health authorities have reported 147 deaths from starvation so far, 80% of whom are children.

    Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has claimed – without any evidence – “there is no starvation in Gaza”. This claim has been rejected by world leaders, including Netanyahu ally US President Donald Trump.

    Famine expert Alex de Waal has called the famine in Gaza without precedent:

    […] there’s no case of such minutely engineered, closely monitored, precisely designed mass starvation of a population as is happening in Gaza today.

    While the UN has welcomed the partial lifting of the blockade, the current aid being allowed into Gaza will not be enough to avert a wider catastrophe, due to the severity and depth of hunger in Gaza and the health needs of the people.

    According to the UN World Food Programme, which has enough food stockpiled to feed all of Gaza for three months, only one thing will work:

    An agreed ceasefire is the only way to reach everyone.

    Airdrops a ‘distraction and a smokescreen’

    Air-dropping food supplies is considered a last resort due to the undignified and unsafe manner in which the aid is delivered.

    The UN has already reported civilians being injured when packages have fallen on tents.

    The Global Protection Cluster, a network of non-governmental organisations and UN agencies, shared a story from a mother in Al Karama, east of Gaza City, whose home was hit by an airdropped pallet, causing the roof to collapse:

    Immediately following the impact, a group of people armed with knives rushed towards the house, while the mother locked herself and her children in the remaining room to protect her family. They did not receive any assistance and are fearful for their safety.

    Air-dropped pallets of food are also inefficient compared with what can be delivered by road.

    One truck can carry up to 20 tonnes of supplies. Trucks can also reach Gaza quickly if they are allowed to cross at the scale required. Aid agencies have repeatedly said they have the necessary aid and personnel sitting just one hour away at the border.

    Given how ineffective the air drops have been – and will continue to be – the head of the UN Relief Works Agency (UNRWA) for Palestine has called them a “distraction” and a “smokescreen”.

    Malnourished women and children need specialised care

    De Waal has also made clear how starvation differs from other war crimes – it takes weeks of denying aid for starvation to take hold.

    For the 90,000 acutely malnourished women and children who require specialised and supplementary feeding, in addition to medical care, the type of food being air-dropped into Gaza will not help them. Malnourished children require nutritional screening and access to fortified pastes and baby food.

    Gaza’s decimated health system is also not able to treat severely malnourished women and children, who are at risk of “refeeding syndrome” when they are provided with nutrients again. This can trigger a fatal metabolic response.

    Gaza will take generations to heal from the long-term impacts of mass starvation. Malnourished children suffer lifelong cognitive and physical effects that can then be passed on to future generations.

    What needs to happen now

    The UN has characterised the limited reopening of aid deliveries to Gaza as a potential “lifeline”, if it’s upheld and expanded.

    According to Ciaran Donnelly from the International Rescue Committee, what’s needed is “tragically simple”: Israel must fully open the Gaza borders to allow aid and humanitarian personnel to flood in.

    Israel must also guarantee safe conditions for the dignified distribution of aid that reaches everyone, including women, children, the elderly and people with disabilities. The level of hunger and insecurity mean these groups are at high risk of exclusion.

    The people of Gaza have the world’s attention – for now. They have endured increasingly dehumanising conditions – including the risk of being shot trying to access aid – under the cover of war for more than 21 months.

    Two leading Israeli human rights organisations have just publicly called Israel’s war on Gaza “a genocide”. This builds on mounting evidence compiled by the UN and other experts that supports the same conclusion, triggering the duty under international law for all states to act to prevent genocide.

    These obligations require more than words – states must exercise their full diplomatic leverage to pressure Israel to let aid in at the scale required to avert famine. States must also pressure Israel to extend its military pauses into the only durable solution – a permanent ceasefire.

    Amra Lee does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Air-dropping food into Gaza is a ‘smokescreen’ – this is what must be done to prevent mass starvation – https://theconversation.com/air-dropping-food-into-gaza-is-a-smokescreen-this-is-what-must-be-done-to-prevent-mass-starvation-262053

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: A rare, direct warning from Japan signals a shift in the fight against child sex tourism in Asia

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Ming Gao, Research Fellow of East Asia Studies, Lund University

    Jonas Gratzer/LightRocket via Getty Images

    Japan’s embassy in Laos and its Ministry of Foreign Affairs has issued a rare and unusually direct advisory, warning Japanese men against “buying sex from children” in Laos.

    The move was sparked by Ayako Iwatake, a restaurant owner in Vientiane, who allegedly saw social media posts of Japanese men bragging about child prostitution. In response, she launched a petition calling for government action.

    The Japanese-language bulletin makes clear such conduct is prosecutable under both Laotian law and Japan’s child prostitution and pornography law, which applies extraterritorially.

    This diplomatic statement was not only a legal warning. It was a rare public acknowledgement of Japanese men’s alleged entanglement in transnational child sex tourism, particularly in Southeast Asia.

    It’s also a moment that demands we look beyond individual criminal acts or any one nation and consider the historical, racial and structural inequalities that make such mobility and exploitation possible.

    A changing map of exploitation

    Selling and buying sex in Asia is nothing new. The contours have shifted over time but the underlying sentiment has remained constant: some lives are cheap and commodified, and some wallets are deep and entitled.

    Japan’s involvement in overseas prostitution stretches back to the Meiji period (1868-1912). Young women from impoverished rural regions (known as karayuki-san) migrated abroad, often to Southeast Asia, to work in the sex industry, from port towns in Malaya to brothels in China and the Pacific Islands.

    If poverty once pushed Japanese women abroad to sell their bodies, by the second half of the 20th century – fuelled by Japan’s postwar economic boom – it was wealthy Japanese men who began travelling overseas to buy sex.

    Around the 2000s, the dynamic flipped again. In South Korea, now a developed economy, men travelled to Southeast Asia – and later to countries such as Russia and Uzbekistan – following routes once taken by Japanese men.

    Later in the same period, the flow took an even darker turn.

    Japanese and South Korean men began to emerge as major buyers of child sex abroad, particularly across Southeast Asia, the Pacific Islands and even Mongolia.

    According to the United States Department of State, Japanese men continued to be “a significant source of demand for sex tourism”, while South Korean men remained “a source of demand for child sex tourism”.

    The UN Office on Drugs and Crime and other organisations have also flagged both countries as key contributors to child sexual exploitation in the region.

    From exporter to destination: Japan’s new role in the sex trade

    A more recent and troubling shift appears to be unfolding within Japan.

    Amid ongoing economic stagnation and the depreciation of the yen, Tokyo has reportedly become a destination for inbound sex tourism. Youth protection organisations have observed a notable rise in foreign male clients, particularly Chinese, frequenting areas where teenage girls and young women engage in survival sex.

    What ties these movements together is not just culturally specific beliefs, such as the fetishisation of virginity or the superstition that sex with young girls brings good luck in business, but power.

    The battle to protect children

    The global campaign to end child sex tourism began in earnest with the founding of ECPAT (a global network of organisations that seeks to end the sexual exploitation of children) in 1990 to confront the rising exploitation of children in Southeast Asia.

    Despite legal frameworks and international scrutiny, the abuse of children remains disturbingly common.

    Several factors converge here: endemic poverty, weak law enforcement and a constant influx of wealthier foreign men. Add to that the digital age of information and communication technologies, where child sex can be advertised, arranged and commodified through encrypted platforms and invitation-only forums, and the crisis deepens.

    While local governments often pledge reform, implementation is inconsistent.

    Buyers, especially foreign buyers, often manage to evade consequences. However, in early 2025, Japan’s National Police Agency arrested 111 people – including high school teachers and tutors – in a nationwide crackdown on online child sexual exploitation, conducted in coordination with international partners.

    Why this moment matters

    The shock surrounding the Laos revelations and the unusually direct response from Japanese authorities offers a rare opportunity to confront the deeper systems at work.

    Sex tourism doesn’t happen in a vacuum. It’s enabled by uneven development, transnational mobility, weak regulation and social silence. But this moment also shows grassroots activism can force institutional action.

    Japan’s official warning wasn’t triggered by a government audit or diplomatic scandal. It came because Ayako Iwatake saw social media posts of Japanese men boasting about buying sex from children and refused to look away.

    When she delivered the petition to the embassy, it responded quickly. Less than ten days later, the Foreign Ministry issued a public warning, clearly outlining the legal consequences of child sex crimes committed abroad.

    Iwatake’s action is a reminder: it doesn’t take a government to expose a system. It takes someone willing to speak out – even when it’s uncomfortable. As she told Japanese newspaper Mainichi Shimbun:

    It was just too blatant. I couldn’t look the other way.

    It’s commendable that Japan acted swiftly. But a warning alone isn’t enough. Japan should strengthen and expand its international cooperation to combat these heinous crimes.

    A more decisive model can be seen in a recent case in Vietnam, where US authorities infiltrated a livestream child sex abuse network for the first time in that country. Working undercover for months, they coordinated with Vietnamese officials to arrest a mother who had been sexually abusing her daughter on demand for paying viewers abroad.

    The rescue of the nine-year-old victim showed what serious cross-border intervention looks like.

    But for every headline-grabbing scandal, there are hundreds of untold stories.

    The Laos case should be the beginning of a broader reckoning with how sex, money and power move across borders – and who pays the price.

    Ming Gao receives funding from the Swedish Research Council. This research was produced with support from the Swedish Research Council grant “Moved Apart” (nr. 2022-01864). Ming Gao is a member of Lund University Profile Area: Human Rights.

    – ref. A rare, direct warning from Japan signals a shift in the fight against child sex tourism in Asia – https://theconversation.com/a-rare-direct-warning-from-japan-signals-a-shift-in-the-fight-against-child-sex-tourism-in-asia-261554

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: France is set to recognise the state of Palestine and the UK may follow – but what does it really mean?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Malak Benslama-Dabdoub, Lecturer in law, Royal Holloway University of London

    Emmanuel Macron’s pledge to formally recognise the state of Palestine will make France the first G7 country and member of the UN security council to do so. The question is whether others will follow suit. The UK prime minister, Keir Starmer, is coming under mounting pressure from many of his MPs, and has recalled his cabinet from their summer recess to discuss the situation in Gaza.

    Starmer is expected to announce a peace plan for the Middle East this week that will include British recognition of Palestinian statehood. Downing Street sources said recognition was a matter of “when, not if”.

    Recognition of statehood is not merely symbolic. The Montevideo convention of 1933 established several criteria which must apply before an entity can be recognised as a sovereign state. These are a permanent population, a defined territory, an effective government and the ability to conduct international relations.

    The process involves the establishment of formal diplomatic relations, including the opening of embassies, the exchange of ambassadors, and the signing of bilateral treaties. Recognition also grants the recognised state access to certain rights in international organisations. For Palestinians, such recognition will strengthen their claim to sovereignty and facilitate greater international support.

    Macron’s announcement was met with enthusiasm in many Arab capitals, as well as among Palestinian officials and supporters of the two-state solution. It was also praised by a number of European leaders as well as several journalists and other analysts as a long-overdue step toward a more balanced approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

    However, the reaction from other major powers was swift and critical. The US called it “a reckless decision” while the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, said he “strongly condemned” it. Italy’s prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, called it “counterproductive”.

    Within hours, it was clear that Macron’s announcement had both shifted diplomatic discourse and reignited longstanding divisions.

    France’s decision is significant. It signals a departure from the western consensus, long shaped by the US and the EU, that any recognition of Palestinian statehood must be deferred until after final-status negotiations. The move also highlights growing frustration in parts of Europe with the ongoing violence in Gaza and the failure of peace talks over the past two decades.

    Yet questions remain: what does this recognition actually entail? Will it change conditions on the ground for Palestinians? Or is it largely symbolic?

    So far, the French government has offered no details on whether this recognition will be accompanied by concrete measures. There has been no mention of sanctions on Israel, no indication of halting arms exports, no pledges of increased humanitarian aid or support for Palestinian governance institutions. France remains a key military and economic partner of Israel, and Macron’s announcement does not appear to alter that relationship.

    Nor is this the first time a western country has taken a symbolic stance in support of Palestinian statehood. Sweden recognised the state of Palestine in 2014, becoming the first western European country to do so. It was followed by Spain in 2024.

    However, both moves were largely symbolic and did not significantly alter the political or humanitarian situation on the ground. The risk is that recognition, without action, becomes a gesture that changes little.

    Macron’s statement also raised eyebrows for another reason: his emphasis on a “demilitarised Palestinian state” living side-by-side with Israel in peace and security. While such language is common in diplomatic discourse, it also reflects a deeper tension.

    Palestinians have long argued that their right to self-determination includes the right to defend themselves against occupation. Calls for demilitarisation are often seen by critics as reinforcing the status quo, where security concerns are framed almost exclusively in terms of Israeli needs.

    In the absence of a genuine political process, some analysts have warned that recognition of this kind risks formalising a state in name only – a fragmented, non-sovereign entity without control over its borders, resources or defence. Without guarantees of territorial continuity, an end to the expansion of Israeli settlements and freedom of movement, statehood may remain an abstract concept.

    What would meaningful support look like?

    If France wishes to go beyond symbolism, it has options. It could suspend arms exports to Israel or call for an independent international investigation into alleged war crimes. It could use its influence within the EU to push for greater accountability regarding illegal settlements and the blockade of Gaza. It could also support Palestinian institutions directly and engage with Palestinian civil society.

    Without such steps, recognition risks being viewed as a political message more than a policy shift. For Palestinians, the daily realities of occupation, displacement and blockade will not change with diplomatic announcements alone. What is needed, many argue, is not just recognition but support for justice, rights and meaningful sovereignty.

    France’s recognition of Palestine marks a shift in diplomatic tone and reflects broader unease with the status quo in the Middle East. It has stirred debate at home and abroad, and raised expectations among those hoping for more robust international engagement with the conflict.

    Whether this recognition leads to meaningful changes in policy or conditions on the ground remains to be seen. Much will depend on the steps France takes next – both at the United Nations and through its actions on trade, security and aid.

    Malak Benslama-Dabdoub does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. France is set to recognise the state of Palestine and the UK may follow – but what does it really mean? – https://theconversation.com/france-is-set-to-recognise-the-state-of-palestine-and-the-uk-may-follow-but-what-does-it-really-mean-262095

    MIL OSI –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Fiji ‘failing’ the Gaza genocide and humanity test, says rights group

    Asia Pacific Report

    The NGO Coalition on Human Rights in Fiji has sharply criticised the Fiji government’s stance over Israel’s genocide in Gaza, saying it “starkly contrasts” with the United Nations and international community’s condemnation as a violation of international law and an impediment to peace.

    In a statement today, the NGO Coalition said that the way the government was responding to the genocide and war crimes in Gaza would set a precedent for how it would deal with crises and conflict in future.

    It would be a marker for human rights responses both at home and the rest of the world.

    “We are now seeing whether our country will be a force that works to uphold human rights and international law, or one that tramples on them whenever convenient,” the statement said.

    “Fiji’s position on the genocide in Gaza and the occupation of Palestinians starkly contrasts with the values of justice, freedom, and international law that the Fijian people hold dear.

    “The genocide and colonial occupation have been widely recognised by the international community, including the United Nations, as a violation of international law and an impediment to peace and the self-determination of the Palestinian people.”

    Last week, French President Emmanuel Macron announced that France would formally recognise the state of Palestine — the first of G7 countries to do so — at the UN general Assembly in September.

    142 countries recognise Palestine
    At least 142 countries out of the 193 members of the UN currently recognise or plan to recognise a Palestinian state, including European Union members Norway, Ireland, Spain and Slovenia.

    However, several powerful Western countries have refused to do so, including the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany.

    At the UN this week, Saudi Arabia and France opened a three-day conference with the goal of recognising Palestinian statehood as part of a peaceful settlement to end the war in Gaza.

    Last year, Fiji’s coalition government submitted a written statement in support of the Israeli genocidal occupation of Palestine, including East Jerusalem, noted the NGO coalition.

    Last month, Fiji’s coalition government again voted against a UN General Assembly resolution that demanded an immediate, unconditional, and permanent ceasefire in Gaza.

    Also recently, the Fiji government approved the allocation of $1.12 million to establish an embassy “in the genocidal terror state of Israel as Fijians grapple with urgent issues, including poverty, violence against women and girls, deteriorating water and health infrastructure, drug use, high rates of HIV, poor educational outcomes, climate change, and unfair wages for workers”.

    Met with ‘indifference’
    The NGO coalition said that it had made repeated requests to the Fiji government to “do the bare minimum and enforce the basic tenets of international law on Israel”.

    “We have been calling upon the Fiji government to uphold the principles of peace, justice, and human rights that our nation cherishes,” the statement said.

    “We campaigned, we lobbied, we engaged, and we explained. We showed the evidence, pointed to the law, and asked our leaders to do the right thing.

    “We’ve been met with nothing but indifference.”

    Instead, said the NGO statement, Fiji leaders had met with Israeli government representatives and declared support for a country “committing the most heinous crimes” recognised in international law.

    “Fijian leaders and the Fiji government should not be supporting Israel or setting up an embassy in Israel while Israel continues to bomb refugee tents, kill journalists and medics, and block the delivery of humanitarian aid to a population under relentless siege.

    “No politician in Fiji can claim ignorance of what is happening.”

    62,000 Palestinians killed
    More than 62,000 Palestinians have been killed in the war on Gaza, most of them women and children.

    “Many more have been maimed, traumatised, and displaced. Starvation is being used by Israel as weapon to kill babies and children.

    “Hospitals, churches, mosques,, refugee camps, schools, universities, residential neighbourhoods, water and food facilities have been destroyed.

    “History will judge how we respond as Fijians to this moment.

    “Our rich cultural heritage and shared values teach us the importance of always standing up for what is right, even when it is not popular or convenient.”

    Members of the Fiji NGO Coalition on Human Rights are Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre (chair), Fiji Women’s Rights Movement, Citizens’ Constitutional Forum, femLINKpacific, Social Empowerment and Education Programme, and Diverse Voices and Action (DIVA) for Equality Fiji.

    Also, Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG) is an observer.

    The NGO coalition said it stood in solidarity with the Palestinian people out of a shared belief in humanity, justice, and the inalienable human rights of every individual.

    “Silence is not an option,” it added.

    Fijians for Palestine Solidarity Network said it supported this NGO coalition statement.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • The giant cuttlefish’s technicolour mating display is globally unique. The SA algal bloom could kill them all

    Source: ForeignAffairs4

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Zoe Doubleday, Marine Ecologist and ARC Future Fellow, University of South Australia

    Great Southern Reef Foundation, CC BY-SA

    Every year off the South Australian coast, giant Australian cuttlefish come together in huge numbers to breed. They put on a technicolour display of blue, purple, green, red and gold, changing hues as they mate and lay eggs.

    This dynamic, dreamlike display takes place in the upper Spencer Gulf, near Whyalla. This short strip of coastline is the only place in the world to host this spectacular event.

    But South Australia’s killer algal bloom is advancing towards this natural wonder. If the algae reach the breeding site in the coming weeks or months, they could wipe the cuttlefish population out.

    Now, scientists may have a chance to get there first, take some eggs and raise an insurance population in captivity. This rescue operation would be a world first.

    Why are the cuttlefish so vulnerable?

    The giant Australian cuttlefish congregate to mate in waters off Whyalla every winter, in a gathering known as a “breeding aggregation”. The sanctuary area received National Heritage status in 2023.

    The displays of movement and colour take place as abundant males vie for the attention of a female. Each year it attracts tourists, photographers and marine life enthusiasts. To witness it, all you need is a thick wetsuit, mask and snorkel.

    Cuttlefish are cephalopods, alongside octopus and squid. While cephalopods are adaptable to environmental change, their generations don’t overlap. This means the parents die before the offspring are born, and so the population cannot be replenished by the parents if the offspring are wiped out.

    By now, in upper Spencer Gulf, most adult cuttlefish will be breeding and naturally dying off, leaving the eggs behind. They will incubate for about three months, then hatch and swim away.

    What if the algal bloom reaches the cuttlefish?

    The harmful microalgal bloom of Karenia mikimotoi first appeared in March this year on two surf beaches outside Gulf St Vincent, about an hour south of Adelaide. It is thought to have been triggered by a persistent marine heatwave coupled with prolonged calm weather, and possibly excess nutrients from the 2022–23 Murray River flooding event.

    It has since spread to many corners of South Australia, and has now reached the lower to middle reaches of Spencer Gulf. Preliminary modelling revealed last week shows the bloom could spread through Spencer Gulf, up to Whyalla and across to Port Pirie.

    The disaster has already affected about 400 types of fish and marine animals. And we know this algal species can rapidly dispatch cephalopods, both large and small. In other parts of South Australia already affected by the algal bloom, dead octopus and cuttlefish have been extensively photographed and recorded.

    If the latest batch of eggs dies in the algal bloom, their parents will no longer be around to rebreed and restore the population next year. This means the population could go extinct.

    Could we lose a species?

    More than 100 cuttlefish species exist worldwide. The giant Australian cuttlefish is found throughout southern Australia, from Moreton Bay in Queensland to Ningaloo Reef in Western Australia.

    However, the breeding aggregation is genetically distinct from even its closest cuttlefish neighbours in southern Spencer Gulf, about 200 kilometres away. And genetic evidence suggests the upper Spencer Gulf population could well be its own species, although scientists haven’t confirmed this yet.

    Regardless, this cuttlefish population is truly unique. It is the only population of giant Australian cuttlefish, and the only population of cuttlefish worldwide, to breed en masse in such a spectacular fashion.

    That’s why saving it from the algal bloom is so important.

    Can we save this natural wonder?

    Today I’ll be meeting with fellow marine and cephalopod experts at an emergency meeting convened by the South Australian government. There, we will discuss the feasibility of collecting an insurance population of eggs from the cuttlefish population.

    Timing is everything. Two or three months from now, the eggs could be too developed to collect safely, because moving can trigger premature hatching. Even later, the eggs will have hatched and the hatchlings will have swum away.

    Ironically, while the mass gathering of cuttlefish makes the species vulnerable to a permanent wipeout, it also makes them easier to rescue.

    Collecting, transporting and raising eggs in tanks is a relatively straightforward process at a smaller scale. It has been done successfully for research purposes in South Australia.

    Raising hatchlings is harder and more labour intensive. Then there is the question of what to do with them once they hatch. But the three-month incubation period would buy us time.

    Author Zoe Doubleday makes her pitch for saving the giant Australian cuttlefish as the harmful algal bloom approaches (Biodiversity Council)

    The Conversation

    Zoe Doubleday receives funding from the Australian Research Council and is affiliated with the University of South Australia. She is also a Director of the Southern Ocean Discovery Centre and Board Member of the Aquaculture Tenure Allocation Board (Government of South Australia).

    – ref. The giant cuttlefish’s technicolour mating display is globally unique. The SA algal bloom could kill them all – https://theconversation.com/the-giant-cuttlefishs-technicolour-mating-display-is-globally-unique-the-sa-algal-bloom-could-kill-them-all-262108

  • Women’s rights in the US are in real danger of going back to 1965 – so Jessie Murph’s new song is no laughing matter

    Source: ForeignAffairs4

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Prudence Flowers, Senior Lecturer in US History, College of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, Flinders University

    Frazer Harrison/Getty Images for Stagecoach

    1965, a trending new song by TikTok sensation and country music rebel Jessie Murph, is prompting heated online conversation about the status of women in the United States.

    A retro sound and kitschy 1960s look mark the song and its confusingly pornographic (and age-restricted) music video. 1965 is muddled in its posturing, at turns sarcastic yet simultaneously conveying a wistfulness about the “simpler nature” of heterosexual romance in the 1960s.

    Amid the nods to Lana Del Rey and Amy Winehouse, perhaps the most striking aspect is Murph’s visual homage to Priscilla Presley, who began dating Elvis in 1959 when she was 14 years old.

    1965’s chorus has attracted particular controversy. Murph croons, in a lilting doo-wop style, about her willingness to “give up a few rights” for a man’s love and affection.

    In the US, where hard-won rights are currently under attack, 1965’s seeming fetishisation of submission and female powerlessness has angered many listeners. Murph has claimed the song is “satire” – but a look at the legal and social status of American women in 1965 highlights how misplaced this attempt at irony is.

    Women and the law in the US

    In 1963 and 1964, federal laws prohibited discrimination in relation to pay or civil rights. But the idea that women might participate fully and equally in society was largely seen as a joke.

    Federal and state governments, along with the private sector, had to be compelled through feminist action to take these rights seriously.

    Into the 1970s, sex discrimination in education and housing was legal. So was employment discrimination against pregnant women and women with young children.

    One visible sign reads 'Equal Pay For Equal Work,' while others reference 'Trainee Programs' and Women's and African-American Rights activist Sojouner Truth.
    A women’s equality march, Los Angeles, California, circa 1970.
    Baird Bryant/Getty Images

    Job advertisements were often sex segregated. Women only gained the right to have a credit card or mortgage in their own name in 1974.

    Sex, intimacy, relationships

    In the 1960s, reproductive rights and bodily autonomy were in their infancy.

    In 1965, married couples gained the right to contraception. This right was extended to unmarried people in 1972.

    Although a tiny number of states began repealing abortion laws in the late 1960s, death from illegal and unsafe abortions were a common occurrence until the Supreme Court’s Roe v. Wade decision of 1973.

    Banner reading 'Women in the schools demand free and legal abortion on demand, birth control information' featuring a raised fist in the circle of the female gender symbol, with placards reading 'Free abortions on demand now'.
    Protestors during a mass demonstration against New York State abortion laws in March 1970.
    Graphic House/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

    Between World War II and 1973, approximately 4 million pregnant unmarried mothers placed their children for adoption, many under duress, in a period now called the baby scoop era.

    Into the 1970s, Black, Latina and Indigenous women were coercively sterilised, often through eugenics programs.

    Divorce was only possible if one spouse could persuade a judge the other had committed cruelty, adultery or desertion. In 1969, California became the first state to legalise no-fault divorce.

    Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, feminists demanded that police and the courts stop treating domestic violence as a private matter. Only in 1993 was marital rape considered a crime in all state sexual offence codes.

    Even today, the overwhelming majority of perpetrators who commit rape or sexual assault will not face trial.

    Race and sexuality

    Although women’s suffrage was achieved in 1920, African Americans, Latinos and Native Americans were prevented from voting in many states by literacy tests, poll taxes and violence.

    In 1965, after decades of civil rights struggle, federal legislation prohibited racial discrimination in voting, expanding to protect non-English speaking citizens in 1975.

    A group of women, several of whom carry a 'Women's Liberation' banner
    The Free Bobby! Free Ericka! march was co-sponsored by the Black Panther Party and the Women’s Liberation Movement, held in Connecticut, November 1969.
    Bev Grant/Getty Images

    Until 1973, homosexuality was considered a sociopathic personality disorder that might necessitate psychiatric institutionalisation.

    In 2003, laws criminalising consensual same-sex activity were found unconstitutional. In 2015, same-sex marriage became legal nationwide.

    There are still no federal laws that protect LGBTQI+ people against discrimination in education, housing, employment or public accommodations.

    The personal is political

    Faced with immediate backlash, Murph has claimed the song is obviously satirical, asking “r yall stupid”.

    To Teen Vogue she insisted “On the record, I love having rights […] bodily rights specifically.”

    But for satire to work, it requires shared sets of knowledge, values and assumptions. The ironic posturing in 1965 is too muddled – lyrically and sonically – to be effective. Instead, for many it looks and sounds like just another celebration of restrictive gender politics.

    Online, many have compared Murph to a “tradwife”, the increasingly popular genre of social media influencer who make content romanticising homemaking, large families and submission to husbands.

    Tradwives are primarily white and offer a fantasy version of historical domesticity, often cosplaying a 1950s aesthetic. Some tradwives are overtly far right in their politics, others explicitly reject feminism and the “lie” of equality.



    Read more:
    Far-right ‘tradwives’ see feminism as evil. Their lifestyles push back against ‘the lie of equality’

    This vision of family and gender is echoed in contemporary Christian Nationalist and MAGA discourse.

    Project 2025, the 900-page conservative wish list for the Trump 2.0 administration, called for government to “replace ‘woke’ nonsense with a healthy vision” of family and sexuality, framed as heterosexual and patriarchal.

    The culture wars waged by Donald Trump and Republicans directly target rights relating to gender and sexuality.

    Since Roe v. Wade was overturned in 2022, 19 states now ban or restrict abortion.

    Trans rights are under sustained and devastating attack.

    Prominent conservative voices call for an end to no-fault divorce laws and same-sex marriage.
    Federal Republicans have opposed efforts to codify the right to contraception and in vitro fertilisation (IVF).

    The history of social movement activism is a history of struggle. Feminists, women of colour and LGBTQI+ movements fought against considerable resistance to establish rights that are now too often taken for granted.

    In this moment of conservative backlash, it is vital that we interrogate any move that frames rights as accessories in a costume rather than foundational to equality.

    The Conversation

    Prudence Flowers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Women’s rights in the US are in real danger of going back to 1965 – so Jessie Murph’s new song is no laughing matter – https://theconversation.com/womens-rights-in-the-us-are-in-real-danger-of-going-back-to-1965-so-jessie-murphs-new-song-is-no-laughing-matter-261862

  • How conspiracy theories about COVID’s origins are hampering our ability to prevent the next pandemic

    Source: ForeignAffairs4

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Edward C. Holmes, NHMRC Leadership Fellow and Professor of Virology, University of Sydney

    peterschreiber.media/Getty Images

    In late June, the Scientific Advisory Group for the Origins of Novel Pathogens (SAGO), a group of independent experts convened by the World Health Organization (WHO), published an assessment of the origins of COVID.

    The report concluded that although we don’t know conclusively where the virus that caused the pandemic came from:

    a zoonotic origin with spillover from animals to humans is currently considered the best supported hypothesis.

    SAGO did not find scientific evidence to support “a deliberate manipulation of the virus in a laboratory and subsequent biosafety breach”.

    This follows a series of reports and research papers since the early days of the pandemic that have reached similar conclusions: COVID most likely emerged from an infected animal at the Huanan market in Wuhan, and was not the result of a lab leak.

    But conspiracy theories about COVID’s origins persist. And this is hampering our ability to prevent the next pandemic.

    Attacks on our research

    As experts in the emergence of viruses, we published a peer-reviewed paper in Nature Medicine in 2020 on the origins of SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID.

    Like SAGO, we evaluated several hypotheses for how a novel coronavirus could have emerged in Wuhan in late 2019. We concluded the virus very likely emerged through a natural spillover from animals – a “zoonosis” – caused by the unregulated wildlife trade in China.

    Since then, our paper has become a focal point of conspiracy theories and political attacks.

    The idea SARS-CoV-2 might have originated in a laboratory is not, in itself, a conspiracy theory. Like many scientists, we considered that possibility seriously. And we still do, although evidence hasn’t emerged to support it.

    But the public discourse around the origin of the pandemic has increasingly been shaped by political agendas and conspiratorial narratives. Some of this has targeted our work and vilified experts who have studied this question in a data-driven manner.

    A common conspiracy theory claims senior officials pressured us to promote the “preferred” hypothesis of a natural origin, while silencing the possibility of a lab leak. Some conspiracy theories even propose we were rewarded with grant funding in exchange.

    These narratives are false. They ignore, dismiss or misrepresent the extensive body of evidence on the origin of the pandemic. Instead, they rely on selective quoting from private discussions and a distorted portrayal of the scientific process and the motivations of scientists.

    So what does the evidence tell us?

    In the five years since our Nature Medicine paper, a substantial body of new evidence has emerged that has deepened our understanding of how SARS-CoV-2 most likely emerged through a natural spillover.

    In early 2020, the case for a zoonotic origin was already compelling. Much-discussed features of the virus are found in related coronaviruses and carry signatures of natural evolution. The genome of SARS-CoV-2 showed no signs of laboratory manipulation.

    The multi-billion-dollar wildlife trade and fur farming industry in China regularly moves high-risk animals, frequently infected with viruses, into dense urban centres.

    It’s believed that SARS-CoV-1, the virus responsible for the SARS outbreak, emerged this way in 2002 in China’s Guangdong province.

    Similarly, detailed analyses of epidemiological data show the earliest known COVID cases clustered around the Huanan live-animal market in Wuhan, in the Hubei province, in December 2019.

    Multiple independent data sources, including early hospitalisations, excess pneumonia deaths, antibody studies and infections among health-care workers indicate COVID first spread in the district where the market is located.

    In a 2022 study we and other experts showed that environmental samples positive for SARS-CoV-2 clustered in the section of the market where wildlife was sold.

    In a 2024 follow-up study we demonstrated those same samples contained genetic material from susceptible animals – including raccoon dogs and civets – on cages, carts, and other surfaces used to hold and transport them.

    This doesn’t prove infected animals were the source. But it’s precisely what we would expect if the market was where the virus first spilled over. And it’s contrary to what would be expected from a lab leak.

    These and all other independent lines of evidence point to the Huanan market as the early epicentre of the COVID pandemic.



    Read more:
    The COVID lab leak theory is dead. Here’s how we know the virus came from a Wuhan market

    Hindering preparedness for the next pandemic

    Speculation and conspiracy theories around the origin of COVID have undermined trust in science. The false balance between lab leak and zoonotic origin theories assigned by some commentators has added fuel to the conspiracy fire.

    This anti-science agenda, stemming in part from COVID origin conspiracy theories, is being used to help justify deep cuts to funding for biomedical research, public health and global aid. These areas are essential for pandemic preparedness.

    In the United States this has meant major cuts to the US Centers for Disease Control and the National Institutes of Health, the closure of the US Agency for International Development, and withdrawal from the WHO.

    Undermining trust in science and public health institutions also hinders the development and uptake of life-saving vaccines and other medical interventions. This leaves us more vulnerable to future pandemics.

    The amplification of conspiracy theories about the origin of COVID has promoted a dangerously flawed understanding of pandemic risk. The idea that a researcher discovered or engineered a pandemic virus, accidentally infected themselves, and unknowingly sparked a global outbreak (in exactly the type of setting where natural spillovers are known to occur) defies logic. It also detracts from the significant risk posed by the wildlife trade.

    In contrast, the evidence-based conclusion that the COVID pandemic most likely began with a virus jumping from animals to humans highlights the very real risk we increasingly face. This is how pandemics start, and it will happen again. But we’re dismantling our ability to stop it or prepare for it.

    The Conversation

    Edward C Holmes receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the National Health and Medical Research Council (Australia). He has received consultancy fees from Pfizer Australia and Moderna, and has previously held honorary appointments (for which he has received no renumeration and performed no duties) at the China CDC in Beijing and the Shanghai Public Health Clinical Center (Fudan University).

    Andrew Rambaut receives funding from The Wellcome Trust and the Gates Foundation.

    Kristian G. Andersen receives funding from the National Institutes of Health, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the Gates Foundation. He is on the Scientific Advisory Board of Invivyd, Inc. and has consulted on topics related to the COVID-19 pandemic and other infectious diseases.

    The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the author in their personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect the views, positions, or policies of Scripps Research, its leadership, faculty, staff, or its scientific collaborators or affiliates. Scripps Research does not endorse or take responsibility for any statements made in this piece.

    Robert Garry has received funding from the National Institutes of Health, the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovation, the Wellcome Trust Foundation, Gilead Sciences, and the European and Developing Countries Clinical Trials Partnership Programme. He is a co-founder of Zalgen Labs, a biotechnology company developing countermeasures for emerging viruses.

    – ref. How conspiracy theories about COVID’s origins are hampering our ability to prevent the next pandemic – https://theconversation.com/how-conspiracy-theories-about-covids-origins-are-hampering-our-ability-to-prevent-the-next-pandemic-261475