NewzIntel.com

Category: Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Global: Kenya police brutality – it will take more than laws and public anger to change behaviour

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Oscar Gakuo Mwangi, Adjunct Associate Professor, Departnent of Social Sciences, Pwani University

    Kenya has once again been reminded of brutality within its police force. Two events in mid-June 2025 pointed to the grave challenge that Kenya must confront to reform the service.

    The first was the death in police custody of a teacher and blogger. A few days later a bystander at the scene of a protest in Nairobi was shot and severely injured by police.

    The use of excessive force to disperse and arrest peaceful demonstrators has got worse since the nationwide protests by young Kenyans in June 2024. Police have also been behind disappearances and extrajudicial killings.

    Excesses by the National Police Service have prompted action in the past. Repressive laws have been repealed and mechanisms are in place to identify, report and punish police excesses.

    Wide-ranging policing reforms mandated by the 2010 constitution have also been carried out since 2013. As part of these reforms, the Independent Police Oversight Authority was set up to investigate police wrong-doing. The conviction and dismissal rates are low, however, because of defective prosecutions, poor investigations, witnesses fearing retribution or victimisation, lack of evidence, and lengthy court trials.

    I am a political scientist with a focus on Kenya’s security sector. It is my view that the quest to change police behaviour in Kenya must go beyond the rule book, recriminations and repeated political proclamations of police reform.

    In my view real change will come about only if the state, firstly, puts funds into the recurrent and development expenditures of the police. The aim should be to ensure these institutions are able to enforce compliance and accountability. Secondly, the state needs to strengthen its partnership with local-level civil society organisations affected by policy brutality. And lastly, it must set up digital channels that people can confidently use to lodge their complaints.

    Funding gaps

    The National Police Service is underfunded. This has constrained its ability to maintain law and order. It has:

    • inadequate and poorly maintained equipment and gear

    • insufficient monthly fuel allocations for patrols and other critical functions

    • poor training and operational physical facilities.

    Added to these constraints are dehumanising working conditions and deplorable living conditions. This undermines their morale and ability to deliver quality services.

    Another blow to police morale is the entrenched culture of corruption. Corrupt practices skew recruitment, transfers, deployments, promotions and procurement.

    At the same time, the police service is expected to deal with a host of domestic and global security challenges. These include cybercrimes, cross-border security, violent extremism and terrorism.

    Money needs to be allocated to improve facilities, equipment and gear. This should also enhance its logistical and technological capabilities, and provide affordable and decent housing and medical cover for its officers.

    Providing adequate resources can also counter the culture of corruption, which is often driven by poor renumeration and working conditions.

    Budget allocations should sustain police reforms. This should include:

    Partnerships with communities

    Community policing in Kenya makes a significant contribution to local-level security. This form of policing is citizen-centred with an emphasis on addressing crime risk factors by encouraging citizen participation.

    Also known by its Kiswahili name, Nyumba Kumi, meaning “Ten Households”, the key strategy is anchoring community policing at the household level. Despite several problems associated with formulation and implementation, community policing in Kenya has improved local-level police-community relations in some areas of the country.

    The community policing strategy is aimed at addressing emerging security needs such as infiltration by terrorist groups. It serves the whole of Kenya in terms of local-level security and is viewed as one of the key areas of police reform and a shift to democratic policing.

    Community involvement can address the lack of trust between citizens and police officers due to police bias or brutality. But this is a gradual process that happens through daily interactions between communities and the police.

    Public participation channels

    Public participation is enshrined in Kenya’s constitution as one of the principles and values of good governance. By establishing a complaints and redress mechanism, public participation can become an integral component of promoting effective handling of complaints.

    The constitution has created different institutions to address public complaints. These include the Commission on Administrative Justice (Office of the Ombudsman), Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, and the Independent Police Oversight Authority. Some of these have digital public complaints systems, which provide more confidentiality and better access for people.

    Other channels of handling complaints include civil society actors and the media. Civil society organisations provide civic education and mobilise citizens to take part in monitoring and evaluation government’s performance.

    Making these channels more effective could help absorb public anger that could turn into violence.

    Conclusion

    Police brutality in Kenya has arisen through historical, social, economic and political factors. Mitigating it therefore requires a long-term, combined top-down and bottom-up approach.

    Genuine political support from the country’s political leaders is essential to instil positive attitudes about Kenya’s political and security institutions. It also requires genuine support from local-level or grassroots communities. This, in turn, entails communities trusting each other and building social cohesion.

    Oscar Gakuo Mwangi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Kenya police brutality – it will take more than laws and public anger to change behaviour – https://theconversation.com/kenya-police-brutality-it-will-take-more-than-laws-and-public-anger-to-change-behaviour-259327

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: US approves twice-yearly injection for HIV prevention – what you need to know about lenacapavir

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andrew Owen, Molecular and Clinical Pharmacology, University of Liverpool

    The US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has approved lenacapavir, an injectable drug that offers long-lasting protection against HIV infection. Administered once every six months, this new treatment marks a major advancement in expanding prevention options for people at risk of HIV infection.

    Most HIV prevention drugs are daily pills (known as PrEP), which many people struggle to take regularly for various reasons, including inconvenience, price, stigma and side-effects. Lenacapavir works differently. It’s a new type of drug that attacks HIV’s protective shell, stopping the virus from copying itself at multiple stages.

    In recent years, two other long-acting medicines have been developed for HIV, but neither of them offers protection for a full six months like lenacapavir.

    People using the long-acting lenacapavir injection take pills for a short time – either two weeks before the shot or for the first days after – to ensure they are protected while the injection starts working.

    After that, just one injection under the skin keeps the drug working and protects people for six months. This makes a big difference for those who find it hard to take a pill every day because of a busy life, forgetting or because of the stigma they face. Discretion can sometimes be an important factor, and people receiving long-acting medicines don’t need to carry pills or explain them to others.

    Even though lenacapavir is highly effective at preventing HIV, it doesn’t offer protection from other sexually transmitted infections, so using condoms and getting regular screening for sexually transmitted diseases remains important.

    Two breakthrough HIV cases in the second pivotal study of lenacapavir were linked to a virus mutation that made it resistant to the drug. That is rare, but it demonstrates why regular check-ups remain important to ensure the drug continues working effectively.

    Most people don’t experience serious side-effects when using long-acting lenacapavir for prevention. The most common side-effect is mild discomfort at the injection site – things like redness, swelling or soreness – which usually resolves quickly on its own.

    A few people have reported feeling nauseous, but this is uncommon. The drug can interact with some other medicines, so it must only be used under medical supervision.

    Lenacapavir doesn’t provide protection against STIs, so condoms should still be used.
    Wongsakorn 2468/Shutterstock.com

    Global roll out? Price will be a big factor

    Regulatory agencies in different regions work independently to scrutinise medicines and so approval by one is not a guarantee of approval by another. However, it could be approved for use in the UK later in 2025, and the UK National Institute for Health and Care Excellence is already evaluating lenacapavir.

    The price of lenacapavir will be a big factor in how widely it is used globally. In the US, it’s currently priced at around US$28,000 per year (£22,000), but the cost of medicines often differs in different countries.

    Since the overwhelming majority of people affected by HIV live in low- and middle-income countries, a twice-yearly prevention could have a profound effect and it is contingent on everyone working in global health to help ensure that happens quickly.

    Some researchers have estimated that generic manufacturers supplying low- and middle-income countries could make lenacapavir for as little as US$25 a year if it were made in large enough quantities. But achieving this will require major investment and coordination to ensure the drug reaches the regions where HIV is still a major public health challenge.

    Earlier this year, Gilead, the pharmaceutical company behind lenacapavir, also presented data on a once-yearly version of the drug, so even longer protection may become available in the future.

    Lenacapavir is a major step forward in HIV prevention. With just two injections a year, it is a simple and highly effective option for people who need protection but find daily pills difficult. It’s not a replacement for other forms of protection – condoms and regular testing are still important – but it could be life changing for many people.

    If it becomes widely available around the globe, it could help make HIV prevention more accessible, more adaptable and easier to deliver for a wide range of people.



    Read more:
    HIV prevention: why a new injectable drug could be such a breakthrough – podcast

    Andrew Owen is a Director and CSO for Tandem Nano Ltd. and a co-inventor of patents relating to long-acting medicines. He has consulted Gilead Sciences. Shionogi and Assembly Biosciences, and has been an investigator on grant income received by his institutions from from Tandem Nano Ltd., Gilead Sciences, ViiV Healthcare, and Bicycle Therapeutics.

    – ref. US approves twice-yearly injection for HIV prevention – what you need to know about lenacapavir – https://theconversation.com/us-approves-twice-yearly-injection-for-hiv-prevention-what-you-need-to-know-about-lenacapavir-259467

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Canada Day: Resurrecting John A. Macdonald statues ignores critical lessons about Canada’s history

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eric Strikwerda, Associate Professor, History, Athabasca University

    “We’re freeing John A.,” Ontario Premier Doug Ford recently announced, unveiling plans to return a statue of Sir John A. Macdonald to its place of prominence overlooking the south lawn of the Ontario legislature at Queen’s Park.

    The statue’s return comes five years after activists, disgusted by the first Canadian prime minister’s racist policies, sprayed pink paint over the statue’s base.

    Ford’s announcement was welcome news to the mostly conservative historians, editorialists and assorted pundits who have decried Macdonald’s “cancellation.”

    Their objections have been part of passionate debates about whether racist and harmful figures from the past should be celebrated through statues, school and state institution names and public infrastructure projects.

    For these conservatives, the issue is simple. Dismantling statues is dismantling Canada’s history.



    Read more:
    Canada needs to reckon with the relics of its colonial past, including racist statues

    On the other side of the debate are those who argue that Macdonald’s active and integral role in creating the aggressively assimilationist Gradual Civilization Act, the infamous Indian Residential Schools system, the Reserve and Pass Systems and the Indian Act were all meant to make Indigenous Peoples disappear.

    Macdonald was no man to celebrate, they contend, and his statue is nothing more than a symbol of racism and Canada’s dark colonial past.



    Read more:
    ‘Clearing the plains’ continues with the acquittal of Gerald Stanley

    Flurries of commemoration

    Both sides to the debate, of course, are correct in their assessments of Canada’s first prime minister. Like all historical figures from the past, Macdonald was a complex human being operating at a particular historical moment. And his actions had important historical implications for the way Canada developed.

    Was Macdonald, as proponents of his statue suggest, a visionary nation-builder? Maybe. But he was also a racist colonizer who used his position and his power to advance clearly racist goals in the most awful ways.

    And yet, the debate misses a deeper and much more interesting set of questions about how we understand Canadian history, how we describe Canada’s past and ultimately how Canadians tell stories about themselves to each other.

    It’s important to recognize from where and in what historical contexts Canada’s statues, commemorations and public infrastructure names come. Statues of figures like Macdonald, as well as the naming of public buildings, bridges and roads in his honour, appeared principally at two separate times.

    The first came in the late 19th century, mostly commemorating Macdonald’s death in 1891. But statues were being erected during this period amid rising nationalism. They signalled a celebration of Canada’s membership in the British Empire, then at the zenith of its power and influence.

    The second flurry of Macdonald commemoration was in the mid-1960s, another moment of heightened nationalism and Canadian pride. It coincided with Canada’s centenary in 1967, the Montréal Expo that same year, a new Canadian flag and a newfound confidence in the world through its active participation in international peacekeeping efforts.

    Canada was also at that time grappling with a deeply dissatisfied Québec and its place in Confederation, a state of affairs that eventually resulted in a divisive sovereignty referendum in 1980 that threatened the very fabric of Canada.

    Respecting the dissent

    But just as Canadians need to understand the historical contexts in which citizens of the past have celebrated people like Macdonald, so too do they need to grasp the historical contexts in which Canadians past and present have questioned his legacy.

    In 2013, the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States sparked critical re-evaluations of statues of Civil War-era figures from the American South and the continued use in some southern states of the highly offensive Confederate flag, along with many other symbols of racism, division and hatred.

    The release of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s (TRC) final report a decade ago similarly forced Canadians to confront some the darkest chapters of the country’s past.

    The point often missed here is that historical markers — like the TRC Commission and the Black Lives Matter movement — themselves become artefacts of the ongoing project involving how people tell stories about themselves to themselves, what those stories say about them in the present and how they want to define themselves in the future.

    A more fulsome engagement with history demands Canadians refrain from conflating the story of John A. Macdonald, the statue, with the story of John A. Macdonald, the man, any more than we’d conflate a drawing of an apple with the one on our counter.

    A true examination of Macdonald

    It’s not a question of who Macdonald was or wasn’t. Instead, it’s about the historical context in which the commemorations of him were installed. But it’s also part of the continuing story of how we see ourselves today.

    Claims that dismantling public statues and renaming roads and schools somehow erases Canadian history are ridiculous and profoundly misunderstand how history works.

    As Canada Day approaches, it’s important to remember that Macdonald’s story and legacy live on exactly where they should — in the pages of history books, museums and classrooms, where his life and times can be examined, interpreted and debated with the kind of depth and nuance that Canadian history deserves.

    Eric Strikwerda does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canada Day: Resurrecting John A. Macdonald statues ignores critical lessons about Canada’s history – https://theconversation.com/canada-day-resurrecting-john-a-macdonald-statues-ignores-critical-lessons-about-canadas-history-259351

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Canada Day: Resurrecting John A. Macdonald statues ignores critical lessons about Canada’s history

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eric Strikwerda, Associate Professor, History, Athabasca University

    “We’re freeing John A.,” Ontario Premier Doug Ford recently announced, unveiling plans to return a statue of Sir John A. Macdonald to its place of prominence overlooking the south lawn of the Ontario legislature at Queen’s Park.

    The statue’s return comes five years after activists, disgusted by the first Canadian prime minister’s racist policies, sprayed pink paint over the statue’s base.

    Ford’s announcement was welcome news to the mostly conservative historians, editorialists and assorted pundits who have decried Macdonald’s “cancellation.”

    Their objections have been part of passionate debates about whether racist and harmful figures from the past should be celebrated through statues, school and state institution names and public infrastructure projects.

    For these conservatives, the issue is simple. Dismantling statues is dismantling Canada’s history.



    Read more:
    Canada needs to reckon with the relics of its colonial past, including racist statues

    On the other side of the debate are those who argue that Macdonald’s active and integral role in creating the aggressively assimilationist Gradual Civilization Act, the infamous Indian Residential Schools system, the Reserve and Pass Systems and the Indian Act were all meant to make Indigenous Peoples disappear.

    Macdonald was no man to celebrate, they contend, and his statue is nothing more than a symbol of racism and Canada’s dark colonial past.



    Read more:
    ‘Clearing the plains’ continues with the acquittal of Gerald Stanley

    Flurries of commemoration

    Both sides to the debate, of course, are correct in their assessments of Canada’s first prime minister. Like all historical figures from the past, Macdonald was a complex human being operating at a particular historical moment. And his actions had important historical implications for the way Canada developed.

    Was Macdonald, as proponents of his statue suggest, a visionary nation-builder? Maybe. But he was also a racist colonizer who used his position and his power to advance clearly racist goals in the most awful ways.

    And yet, the debate misses a deeper and much more interesting set of questions about how we understand Canadian history, how we describe Canada’s past and ultimately how Canadians tell stories about themselves to each other.

    It’s important to recognize from where and in what historical contexts Canada’s statues, commemorations and public infrastructure names come. Statues of figures like Macdonald, as well as the naming of public buildings, bridges and roads in his honour, appeared principally at two separate times.

    The first came in the late 19th century, mostly commemorating Macdonald’s death in 1891. But statues were being erected during this period amid rising nationalism. They signalled a celebration of Canada’s membership in the British Empire, then at the zenith of its power and influence.

    The second flurry of Macdonald commemoration was in the mid-1960s, another moment of heightened nationalism and Canadian pride. It coincided with Canada’s centenary in 1967, the Montréal Expo that same year, a new Canadian flag and a newfound confidence in the world through its active participation in international peacekeeping efforts.

    Canada was also at that time grappling with a deeply dissatisfied Québec and its place in Confederation, a state of affairs that eventually resulted in a divisive sovereignty referendum in 1980 that threatened the very fabric of Canada.

    Respecting the dissent

    But just as Canadians need to understand the historical contexts in which citizens of the past have celebrated people like Macdonald, so too do they need to grasp the historical contexts in which Canadians past and present have questioned his legacy.

    In 2013, the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States sparked critical re-evaluations of statues of Civil War-era figures from the American South and the continued use in some southern states of the highly offensive Confederate flag, along with many other symbols of racism, division and hatred.

    The release of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s (TRC) final report a decade ago similarly forced Canadians to confront some the darkest chapters of the country’s past.

    The point often missed here is that historical markers — like the TRC Commission and the Black Lives Matter movement — themselves become artefacts of the ongoing project involving how people tell stories about themselves to themselves, what those stories say about them in the present and how they want to define themselves in the future.

    A more fulsome engagement with history demands Canadians refrain from conflating the story of John A. Macdonald, the statue, with the story of John A. Macdonald, the man, any more than we’d conflate a drawing of an apple with the one on our counter.

    A true examination of Macdonald

    It’s not a question of who Macdonald was or wasn’t. Instead, it’s about the historical context in which the commemorations of him were installed. But it’s also part of the continuing story of how we see ourselves today.

    Claims that dismantling public statues and renaming roads and schools somehow erases Canadian history are ridiculous and profoundly misunderstand how history works.

    As Canada Day approaches, it’s important to remember that Macdonald’s story and legacy live on exactly where they should — in the pages of history books, museums and classrooms, where his life and times can be examined, interpreted and debated with the kind of depth and nuance that Canadian history deserves.

    Eric Strikwerda does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Canada Day: Resurrecting John A. Macdonald statues ignores critical lessons about Canada’s history – https://theconversation.com/canada-day-resurrecting-john-a-macdonald-statues-ignores-critical-lessons-about-canadas-history-259351

    MIL OSI Analysis –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Charitable giving grew to $593B in 2024, propelled by a strengthening US economy and a booming stock market

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jon Bergdoll, Associate Director of Data Partnerships at the Lilly Family School of Philanthropy, Indiana University

    Paul Newman, the late actor and philanthropist, co-founded Camp Boggy Creek, which children with serious illnesses and their families attend for free. AP Photo/Phelan M. Ebenhack

    U.S. charitable giving increased 3.3% to US$593 billion in 2024, lifted by the strength of the economy.

    The annual report from the Giving USA Foundation, produced in partnership with the Indiana University Lilly Family School of Philanthropy,
    found that this was the second-highest level on record after adjusting for inflation.

    Giving grew at the fastest pace since 2021, when the COVID-19 pandemic led many Americans to make larger-than-usual donations. It was also the first time since then that growth in giving outpaced inflation.

    As two of the report’s lead researchers, we see many signs of healthy growth in charitable giving in 2024. Our data shows that the strong economy, which grew 2.8% in 2024, bolstered individual and corporate giving and allowed foundations to maintain the historically high level of giving seen from them in recent years.

    It also helped that stock markets performed well in 2024, consumer sentiment was generally positive, personal income rose and inflation continued to ease.

    Donations to nearly every charitable category we track grew.

    Individuals and corporations led overall growth

    Individual donors continued to provide the bulk of the nation’s charitable gifts. The $392 billion they gave to charity accounted for two-thirds of the year’s total. Giving by individuals grew 5.1% from 2023 − a swifter pace than for all donations.

    Corporate giving rose even faster. It was up 6% to a record $44 billion.

    This growth reflects the high pretax profits earned by corporations in 2024 and the trend toward corporations donating a higher share of pretax profits in recent years.

    For example, corporations generally donated less than 1% of pretax profits from 2004-2018. But our research team started to see corporate giving rise to 1% or more in the 2019 data. This was also the case in 2024, when corporate giving stood at 1.1% of pretax profits.

    Corporate philanthropy has grown by more than 50% since 2019, a trend that has coincided with rising in-kind donations of insulin products and other pharmaceuticals. Drugmakers made an estimated $24 billion in these donations in 2024 − up 41% since 2019.

    To be sure, corporations’ donations amounted to just 7% of overall giving in 2024.

    Meanwhile, grants made by foundations exceeded $100 billion for the third straight year. Almost $1 out of every $5 contributed to charity was from a foundation in each of those years.

    Giving by foundations in the five years ending in 2024 was higher than any other period since Giving USA has tracked this data. Foundation giving, however, remained fairly flat from 2023 to 2024, at about $110 billion.

    Around 8% of all gifts made in 2024 were from bequests included in people’s wills, the same as in 2023. Bequests totaled $44 billion, down 4.4% when adjusted for inflation. But the total given through bequests varies quite a bit from year to year.

    Most kinds of donations increased

    Donations to most of the nine charitable categories Giving USA tracks increased. The one exception: Gifts to churches and other religious institutions fell 1%. But religious giving remained by far the top category, followed by human services and education.

    Religious causes received 23% of all donations, a total of $147 billion. Giving to human services nonprofits, such as food banks and homeless shelters, increased considerably during the pandemic. It now accounts for about 14% of all donations. In 2024, these gifts totaled $91 billion.

    Giving to education, which primarily consists of donations to colleges and universities has tended to grow more slowly than overall giving in recent years.

    Giving for education rebounded to a record high in 2024, however, rising nearly 10% from a year earlier. And these gifts have grown at a quick pace over the past decade, increasing by more than 22% from 2015 to 2024. The $88 billion in gifts received for education in 2024 was the third-largest of the nine categories we follow.

    Several other categories also reached all-time highs of giving in 2024: health, at $61 billion; arts, culture and humanities, at $25 billion; and environment and animals, at $22 billion.

    The increases in giving for most kinds of nonprofits, supported by strong growth in giving by individuals and corporations, indicate that the charitable sector ended 2024 in a relatively solid position.

    Jon Bergdoll receives grant funding from the Giving USA Foundation, which publishes Giving USA.

    Christina Daniken receives grant funding from the Giving USA Foundation, which publishes Giving USA.

    – ref. Charitable giving grew to $593B in 2024, propelled by a strengthening US economy and a booming stock market – https://theconversation.com/charitable-giving-grew-to-593b-in-2024-propelled-by-a-strengthening-us-economy-and-a-booming-stock-market-259221

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Diversifying the special education teacher workforce could benefit US schools

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Elizabeth Bettini, Assistant Professor of Special Education, Boston University

    The demographics of the special education teacher workforce have remained static, but the student population these educators serve is becoming more diverse. Courtney Hale/E+ via Getty Images

    Teachers of color positively impact all students, including students of color with disabilities. Yet, the special education teacher workforce is overwhelmingly white.

    In our recent research, we found that special education teacher demographics are not keeping pace with changes in the student population.

    In 2012, about 80% of U.S. public school teachers were white, including about 80% of special education teachers, while less than 20% were teachers of color. By contrast, in the same year, students of color constituted 47% of those diagnosed with disabilities.

    In our recent study, we examined whether these numbers have changed. Analyzing multiple national datasets on the teacher workforce, we found the proportion of special education teachers of color has been static, even as the student population is rapidly becoming more diverse.

    So, the special education teacher workforce is actually becoming less representative of the student population over time. Specifically, in 2012, 16.5% of special education teachers were people of color, compared with 17.1% in 2021. In that same span, the share of students with disabilities who are students of color rose from 47.3% in 2012 to 53.9% in 2021.

    In fact, for the special education teacher workforce to become representative of the student population, U.S. schools would need to triple the number of special education teachers of color.

    As scholars who study teacher recruitment and retention and teacher working conditions, we are concerned that this disparity will affect the quality of education students receive.

    Why does a diverse teacher workforce matter?

    Without more support from the government, the U.S. teacher workforce is likely to remain predominantly white.
    gradyreese/iStock via Getty Images

    For children of color, the research is clear: Teachers of color are, on average, more effective than white teachers in providing positive educational experiences and outcomes for students of color, including students of color with disabilities.

    One study found that low-income Black male students who had one Black teacher in third, fourth or fifth grade were 39% less likely to drop out of high school and 29% more likely to enroll in college.

    Moreover, teachers of color are just as effective as white teachers – and sometimes more effective – in teaching white students.

    Providing pathways

    The U.S. has institutions dedicated to attracting and retaining educators of color: Programs at historically Black colleges and universities, Hispanic-serving institutions and other minority-serving institutions prepare a substantial number of new teachers of color annually.

    Further, many local initiatives support educators of color and attract teachers who might not otherwise have opportunities to join the profession.

    These include: Grow Your Own programs that recruit effective teachers of color from local communities, teacher residency programs that help schools retain teachers of color, and
    scholarships and loan forgiveness programs that support all teachers, including teachers of color.

    However, the U.S. educator workforce faces broad challenges with declining interest in the teaching profession and declining enrollment in teacher preparation programs. In this context, our findings indicate that without significant investments, the teacher workforce is likely to remain predominately white – at significant cost to students with disabilities.

    Anti-DEI movement cuts funding

    The Trump administration has canceled teacher preparation grants that recruit teachers of color and has taken other actions that could lead to a less diverse and skilled educator workforce.
    Klaus Vedfelt/Getty Images

    While there have been long-standing challenges, recent steps taken by the Trump administration could limit efforts to boost teacher diversity.

    In its push to end diversity, equity and inclusion programs, the administration has cut grant funding for programs designed to develop a diverse educator workforce.

    The administration has also cut millions of dollars dedicated to training teachers to work in underfunded, high-poverty schools and has threatened additional funding cuts to universities engaging in equity-based work.

    These federal actions make the teacher workforce less adept at addressing the substantial challenges facing U.S. schools, such as declining interest in the teaching profession and and persistent racial disparities in student outcomes.

    Given the strong evidence of the benefits of teachers of color and the national trends that our research uncovered, federal and state investments should prioritize supporting prospective teachers of color.

    Elizabeth Bettini’s research has been funded by the US Department of Education’s National Center for Special Education Research within the Institute of Education Sciences, the US Department of Education’s Office of Special Education Programs, and the Spencer Foundation. She is affiliated with the Council for Exceptional Children’s Division for Research and Teacher Education Division, for which she edits the journal Teacher Education and Special Education.

    LaRon A. Scott has received funding from the U.S. Department of Education Office of Special Education Programs. He is affiliated with the Council for Exceptional Children’s Teacher Education Division and the American Association for Individuals with Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities.

    Tuan D. Nguyen receives funding from the National Science Foundation to do work around STEM teachers and computer science education.

    – ref. Diversifying the special education teacher workforce could benefit US schools – https://theconversation.com/diversifying-the-special-education-teacher-workforce-could-benefit-us-schools-254916

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Diversifying the special education teacher workforce could benefit US schools

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Elizabeth Bettini, Assistant Professor of Special Education, Boston University

    The demographics of the special education teacher workforce have remained static, but the student population these educators serve is becoming more diverse. Courtney Hale/E+ via Getty Images

    Teachers of color positively impact all students, including students of color with disabilities. Yet, the special education teacher workforce is overwhelmingly white.

    In our recent research, we found that special education teacher demographics are not keeping pace with changes in the student population.

    In 2012, about 80% of U.S. public school teachers were white, including about 80% of special education teachers, while less than 20% were teachers of color. By contrast, in the same year, students of color constituted 47% of those diagnosed with disabilities.

    In our recent study, we examined whether these numbers have changed. Analyzing multiple national datasets on the teacher workforce, we found the proportion of special education teachers of color has been static, even as the student population is rapidly becoming more diverse.

    So, the special education teacher workforce is actually becoming less representative of the student population over time. Specifically, in 2012, 16.5% of special education teachers were people of color, compared with 17.1% in 2021. In that same span, the share of students with disabilities who are students of color rose from 47.3% in 2012 to 53.9% in 2021.

    In fact, for the special education teacher workforce to become representative of the student population, U.S. schools would need to triple the number of special education teachers of color.

    As scholars who study teacher recruitment and retention and teacher working conditions, we are concerned that this disparity will affect the quality of education students receive.

    Why does a diverse teacher workforce matter?

    Without more support from the government, the U.S. teacher workforce is likely to remain predominantly white.
    gradyreese/iStock via Getty Images

    For children of color, the research is clear: Teachers of color are, on average, more effective than white teachers in providing positive educational experiences and outcomes for students of color, including students of color with disabilities.

    One study found that low-income Black male students who had one Black teacher in third, fourth or fifth grade were 39% less likely to drop out of high school and 29% more likely to enroll in college.

    Moreover, teachers of color are just as effective as white teachers – and sometimes more effective – in teaching white students.

    Providing pathways

    The U.S. has institutions dedicated to attracting and retaining educators of color: Programs at historically Black colleges and universities, Hispanic-serving institutions and other minority-serving institutions prepare a substantial number of new teachers of color annually.

    Further, many local initiatives support educators of color and attract teachers who might not otherwise have opportunities to join the profession.

    These include: Grow Your Own programs that recruit effective teachers of color from local communities, teacher residency programs that help schools retain teachers of color, and
    scholarships and loan forgiveness programs that support all teachers, including teachers of color.

    However, the U.S. educator workforce faces broad challenges with declining interest in the teaching profession and declining enrollment in teacher preparation programs. In this context, our findings indicate that without significant investments, the teacher workforce is likely to remain predominately white – at significant cost to students with disabilities.

    Anti-DEI movement cuts funding

    The Trump administration has canceled teacher preparation grants that recruit teachers of color and has taken other actions that could lead to a less diverse and skilled educator workforce.
    Klaus Vedfelt/Getty Images

    While there have been long-standing challenges, recent steps taken by the Trump administration could limit efforts to boost teacher diversity.

    In its push to end diversity, equity and inclusion programs, the administration has cut grant funding for programs designed to develop a diverse educator workforce.

    The administration has also cut millions of dollars dedicated to training teachers to work in underfunded, high-poverty schools and has threatened additional funding cuts to universities engaging in equity-based work.

    These federal actions make the teacher workforce less adept at addressing the substantial challenges facing U.S. schools, such as declining interest in the teaching profession and and persistent racial disparities in student outcomes.

    Given the strong evidence of the benefits of teachers of color and the national trends that our research uncovered, federal and state investments should prioritize supporting prospective teachers of color.

    Elizabeth Bettini’s research has been funded by the US Department of Education’s National Center for Special Education Research within the Institute of Education Sciences, the US Department of Education’s Office of Special Education Programs, and the Spencer Foundation. She is affiliated with the Council for Exceptional Children’s Division for Research and Teacher Education Division, for which she edits the journal Teacher Education and Special Education.

    LaRon A. Scott has received funding from the U.S. Department of Education Office of Special Education Programs. He is affiliated with the Council for Exceptional Children’s Teacher Education Division and the American Association for Individuals with Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities.

    Tuan D. Nguyen receives funding from the National Science Foundation to do work around STEM teachers and computer science education.

    – ref. Diversifying the special education teacher workforce could benefit US schools – https://theconversation.com/diversifying-the-special-education-teacher-workforce-could-benefit-us-schools-254916

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Federal energy office illustrates the perils of fluctuating budgets and priorities

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Christelle Khalaf, Associate Director, Government Finance Research Center, University of Illinois Chicago

    How much money goes into which pile often changes with the presidency. valiantsin suprunovich/iStock / Getty Images Plus

    When new presidential administrations enter the White House, federal agencies often find their funding and priorities shifting, sometimes dramatically.

    I’m a scholar who studies how policy and market shifts affect regional economies, labor markets and public systems, particularly in the context of critical infrastructure such as energy and water. I’ve seen how both of those types of changes – of funding levels and priorities – destabilize agencies and cut off long-term projects before they achieve their intended goals.

    In one research project, with co-authors Dr. Deborah A. Carroll and Zach Perkins, I took a close look at one office within a federal agency, the Department of Energy’s Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy. What we found serves as an example of how these changes have played out in the past, and it gives context to how the Trump administration’s changes are playing out now in that agency and across the federal government.

    The office, known by researchers and its personnel as EERE, is mainly focused on funding research and development to advance energy efficiency and renewable energy technologies and reduce the costs of those technologies to consumers. Its key efforts involve low-emission transportation, renewable electricity generation and decreasing the carbon emissions of buildings and industry processes.

    It makes grants to, and enters research and development agreements with, small businesses, industry, national laboratories, universities and state and local governments. Recipients are often required to contribute matching funds or other support to the project to complement the federal funding.

    In general, Congress appropriates funding to the office as part of the yearly budget process. However, the office also receives sporadic influxes of additional funding to stimulate the economy or address concerns related to energy security and greenhouse gas emissions. Ultimately, the amount of funding EERE gets depends in part on overall economic conditions or national crises.

    Boosting funding levels

    Some of those supplemental allocations can be significant, and many last until the funds have been spent, even if that takes a number of years. Following the energy crisis in the early 2000s, Congress allocated EERE a total of about $7 billion in funding for research and development in energy efficiency, renewable energy and biofuels.

    Then in 2009, following the Great Recession, Congress gave EERE $16.7 billion – most of which was to help low-income families pay to install efficient light sources or insulation to save them money. About $5.4 billion was for research and development.

    In 2020, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, Congress passed the Energy Act of 2020, mainly focusing on nuclear energy and carbon capture technologies but also providing over $500 million in research and development funding for EERE.

    In 2021, the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act allocated about $16.3 billion to EERE. And in 2022, the Inflation Reduction Act provided an additional $18 billion. As with other additional funding allocations, Congress made most of that money available until the total authorized amount has been spent.

    But the future of these allocations is uncertain. A January 2025 executive order by President Donald Trump requested that all agencies immediately pause the disbursement of funds Congress approved in both laws.

    In its 2026 budget, the Trump administration is proposing spending $900 million on EERE’s work – a 70% reduction from its 2025 allocation of $3.5 billion. This echoes a move during Trump’s first term when the White House proposed the office’s funding be cut by nearly 70% between the 2017 and 2018 budgets. However, at that time, Congress decided to keep the office’s budget largely intact. Congress will review and decide on this proposed budget as well.

    Solar energy is just one of the Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy’s areas of research.
    alexsl/iStock / Getty Images Plus

    Shifting priorities

    How those varying amounts of money are spent also changes, often based on shifts in political leadership with different views about what types of technologies are most worth investing in, and about the most effective role of government in developing new technologies.

    Our qualitative analysis has found that Republican administrations typically believe that very-early-stage research and development is an appropriate role for the federal government, but that as technologies move closer to commercialization, the private sector should take the lead.

    In contrast, we found that Democratic administrations believe that promising innovations often fail to reach the market due to insufficient private sector support during the demonstration and deployment phases. So they tend to advocate for increased federal involvement to assist with the transition from research to market-ready technologies.

    There is also a partisan difference in which technologies get financial support. Solar and wind energy technologies have historically received higher funding under Democratic administrations. In contrast, bioenergy and hydrogen technologies have received higher funding under Republican administrations.

    Funding the future

    EERE often funds projects that are considered too risky for private investors to fund alone. Expanding knowledge requires experimentation, so some EERE projects have achieved notable success, while others have not.

    For instance, the office’s investments have played a pivotal role in both spreading electric vehicle technologies and reducing their cost to consumers. Beginning with a major funding boost from the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, and with further allocations in subsequent years, EERE helped fund breakthroughs in battery manufacturing, power electronics and electric drive systems.

    These advancements contributed to a sharp rise in adoption: In 2012, there were just 100,000 electric vehicles registered in the U.S. By 2022, that number was above 3 million. And in 2014, hybrid, plug-in hybrid and battery electric vehicles accounted for 3% of all new light-duty vehicle sales. By 2024, that share had grown to 19%.

    EERE’s investments in electric vehicles powered by hydrogen fuel cells, by contrast, have not done so well. Despite significant government support in the 2000s, their commercial availability remains largely limited to California, where most of the country’s hydrogen refueling stations are located.

    Various aspects of electric vehicle technologies have received federal support.
    Cavan Images/Cavan via Getty Images

    A change in approach

    Our analysis of the office’s operations finds that the amount of change in funding levels and priorities can create an environment that hinders thoughtful project selection. Programs that begin under one administration can’t be counted on to continue under subsequent presidents, and dollars allocated for the future may be repurposed down the road, leaving projects only partially finished.

    Studies also find that rapidly increasing budgets can create misaligned incentives as public administrators scramble to use the funds during the authorization period. For example, some may prioritize grantees who can accept and spend money rapidly, regardless of the potential public benefit of their innovation.

    Further, the shifting priorities complicate long-term planning for government officials, researchers and businesses. Sustaining innovation over a long period takes years of commitment. Studies have shown that inconsistent or volatile government funding can hinder overall technological progress and discourage private investment. One example is the exploration of algae-based biofuels in the 1980s, which was shut down in the 1990s due to shifting federal priorities. That stalled progress in the field and led to a loss of more than half of the genetic legacy collected through the program. In the late 2000s, the federal government resumed funding algae-based biofuel research.

    Overall, research by us and others underscores the importance of sustained funding and institutional continuity to ensure the success of publicly funded research and development. That’s what other peer countries are doing: boosting long-term investments in clean energy with consistent priorities and predictable funding.

    Following that model, in contrast to the current practice of ever-shifting priorities, would create more effective opportunities to develop, produce and deploy innovative energy technologies in the U.S., helping to maintain global competitiveness and reduce reliance on foreign manufacturing.

    Christelle Khalaf received funding from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation to examine EERE R&D funding trends. She has also received funding from the Department of Energy for separate research.

    – ref. Federal energy office illustrates the perils of fluctuating budgets and priorities – https://theconversation.com/federal-energy-office-illustrates-the-perils-of-fluctuating-budgets-and-priorities-255936

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Monkey Biz-ness’: Pop culture helped fan the flames of the Scopes ‘monkey trial’ 100 years ago − and ever since

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ted Olson, Professor of Appalachian Studies and Bluegrass, Old-Time and Roots Music Studies, East Tennessee State University

    The star attorneys of the Scopes trial: Clarence Darrow, left, for the defense and William Jennings Bryan for the prosecution. Historica Graphica Collection/Heritage Images/Getty Images

    Ask Americans about the Scopes trial, and they might have heard of it as the “trial of the century,” a showdown over teaching human evolution.

    Less well known are its origins. As historian Edward J. Larson observed in “Summer for the Gods,” his Pulitzer Prize-winning book: “Like so many archetypal American events, the trial itself began as a publicity stunt.”

    Held during July 1925 in the tiny railroad town of Dayton, Tennessee, located not far from the public university where I teach Appalachian studies, the trial was a “stunt” prompted by the state legislature’s passage of the Butler Act, which forbade educators in public schools from teaching “any theory that denies the story of the Divine Creation of man as taught in the Bible, and to teach instead that man has descended from a lower order of animals.” Tennessee was the first state to enact this type of legislation.

    This “monkey trial” – so dubbed by journalist H. L. Mencken, for humans’ common ancestor with apes – exposed a cultural rift in the United States, as many Christians wrestled with how to reconcile biblical beliefs with Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution. That rift would be widened by media coverage and national response. Over the past century, collective memories of the trial, as interpreted through music, film and literature, have proven a bellwether of the ongoing “culture wars” in American society.

    Publicity stunt

    In Tennessee, support for the Butler Act was hardly universal. Not in favor was George Rappleyea, manager of a Dayton-area coal and iron mining operation. Rappleyea lobbied other community leaders, some of whom supported the new law, to collectively stage a trial, hoping media attention would generate economic activity in the town.

    Those instigators approached John T. Scopes, a social science and math teacher at the local public high school who had also substitute-taught some biology lessons. The 24-year-old could not recall if his lectures had in fact violated the Butler Act, but the textbook in use at his school included evolutionary theory. Scopes agreed to participate.

    Testifying against their teacher were three students who had clearly been coached to do so. Nevertheless, the presiding judge persuaded the grand jury to indict.

    As an early indication of outside interest, Paul Patterson, the publisher of The Baltimore Sun, paid Scopes’ bail, and the ACLU announced it would defend him.

    Center of the storm

    Arguments started on July 10, 1925, at the Rhea County Courthouse. The trial may have begun as a determination of whether Scopes had violated the Butler Act, but both sides soon focused on debating the relative merits of biblical cosmology versus Darwinian theory.

    American teacher John Scopes, second from left, stands during his trial for teaching Darwin’s theory of evolution.
    Hulton Archive/Getty Images

    Representing the creationist perspective was prosecuting attorney Tom Stewart, a future senator from Tennessee. Special counsel William Jennings Bryan, a former U.S. secretary of state, was included on the prosecution team at the behest of a Christian fundamentalist organization.

    The evolutionary theory position was argued by prominent trade union lawyer Clarence Darrow. An agnostic who distrusted religious fundamentalism, Darrow wrote that “there was no limit to the mischief that might be accomplished unless the country was aroused to the evil at hand.”

    A circuslike atmosphere enveloped Dayton. Embodying the “monkey trial” was the performing chimpanzee Joe Mendi, whose trainers posed him for photographs around town. More than 200 journalists attended the trial, with articles appearing in The New York Times, The New Yorker and other publications around the nation.

    Joe Mendi, a monkey who performed in films and theater, was brought to Dayton during the trial.
    Looking Back at Tennessee Photograph Collection, 1890-1981/Tennessee State Library & Archives

    Receiving the most attention was Mencken, whose reportage for The Baltimore Sun did not attempt to disguise his bias against the cultural values of rural America. Dayton’s people, he wrote, “are simply unable to imagine a man who rejects the literal authority of the Bible.”

    Updates were circulated in real time via radio – the first U.S. trial to be broadcast live nationally. Filmed footage was rushed from Dayton to be shared in the nation’s theaters as newsreels.

    The trial ended on July 21, 1925, with a conviction and a fine. Scopes’ conviction was eventually overturned on a technicality. Since the trial had not challenged the legality of the Butler Act, however, that law remained on the books in Tennessee for more than four decades.

    ‘Monkey Biz-Ness’

    Commenting on the Scopes trial were two 1925 recordings by major singers of the day: a comedic jazz ditty entitled “Monkey Biz-Ness (Down in Tennessee),” performed by the International Novelty Orchestra with singer Billy Murray; and the country hit “The John T. Scopes Trial (The Old Religion’s Better After All),” sung by Vernon Dalhart. The latter song’s lyrics, composed by Carson Robison, warned listeners that “you may find a new belief, it will only bring you grief.”

    Other songs of the era – with titles such as “The Bible’s True,” “You Can’t Make a Monkey Out of Me,” “You Talk Like a Monkey and You Walk Like a Monkey” and “Ain’t No Bugs on Me” – echoed that same line of thought: “rural” skepticism toward the “urban,” pro-science perspective on the origins of humankind.

    Supporters of the ‘Anti-Evolution League’ amid the Scopes trial. From Literary Digest, July 25, 1925.
    Mike Licht/Flickr via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

    Whereas Scopes was the subject of ridicule in those songs, he and his defenders were celebrated as heroes in “Inherit the Wind,” a 1955 Broadway play by Jerome Lawrence and Robert Edwin Lee. A fictionalized portrayal of the Scopes trial, the play powerfully defended free speech – veiled criticism of Sen. Joseph McCarthy’s recent investigations of various American citizens for their political positions and beliefs.

    “Inherit the Wind” inspired a 1960 film of the same name, directed by Stanley Kramer. Its “fanaticism and ignorance” speech depicts the character based on Darrow – played by Spencer Tracy – arguing that without science, society would regress back to a time of unconstrained bigotry. The film received its debut American screening in Dayton on the 35th anniversary of the end of the Scopes trial; Scopes himself was the guest of honor.

    ‘Fanaticism and ignorance is forever busy, and needs feeding.’

    Representations of rural Tennessee in popular culture depictions and in media coverage of the trial drew from a font of stereotypes about Appalachia that have continued into the present century. Condescending depictions of the region have been present in American culture since before the Civil War.

    Centennial commemoration

    Memory of the Scopes trial endures in popular culture. Take, for instance, a reference in Bruce Springsteen’s 1990 song “Part Man, Part Monkey,” or Ronald Kidd’s 2006 “Monkey Town,” a historical novel for young adults.

    Dayton did benefit from the notoriety of the Scopes trial, thanks to sustained cultural tourism. Proud of its unique history, the town today boasts a historical marker to alert passersby to the significance of the landmark event that took place in the Rhea County Courthouse. And in 2025, Dayton has been hosting a series of events to commemorate the trial’s centennial.

    Back in 1925, even the Baltimore journalist Mencken begrudgingly praised Dayton and its townspeople, admitting, “It would be hard to imagine a more moral town than Dayton.”

    “I expected to find a squalid Southern village … What I found was a country town of charm and even beauty,” he wrote.

    Ted Olson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Monkey Biz-ness’: Pop culture helped fan the flames of the Scopes ‘monkey trial’ 100 years ago − and ever since – https://theconversation.com/monkey-biz-ness-pop-culture-helped-fan-the-flames-of-the-scopes-monkey-trial-100-years-ago-and-ever-since-255946

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Monkey Biz-ness’: Pop culture helped fan the flames of the Scopes ‘monkey trial’ 100 years ago − and ever since

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ted Olson, Professor of Appalachian Studies and Bluegrass, Old-Time and Roots Music Studies, East Tennessee State University

    The star attorneys of the Scopes trial: Clarence Darrow, left, for the defense and William Jennings Bryan for the prosecution. Historica Graphica Collection/Heritage Images/Getty Images

    Ask Americans about the Scopes trial, and they might have heard of it as the “trial of the century,” a showdown over teaching human evolution.

    Less well known are its origins. As historian Edward J. Larson observed in “Summer for the Gods,” his Pulitzer Prize-winning book: “Like so many archetypal American events, the trial itself began as a publicity stunt.”

    Held during July 1925 in the tiny railroad town of Dayton, Tennessee, located not far from the public university where I teach Appalachian studies, the trial was a “stunt” prompted by the state legislature’s passage of the Butler Act, which forbade educators in public schools from teaching “any theory that denies the story of the Divine Creation of man as taught in the Bible, and to teach instead that man has descended from a lower order of animals.” Tennessee was the first state to enact this type of legislation.

    This “monkey trial” – so dubbed by journalist H. L. Mencken, for humans’ common ancestor with apes – exposed a cultural rift in the United States, as many Christians wrestled with how to reconcile biblical beliefs with Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution. That rift would be widened by media coverage and national response. Over the past century, collective memories of the trial, as interpreted through music, film and literature, have proven a bellwether of the ongoing “culture wars” in American society.

    Publicity stunt

    In Tennessee, support for the Butler Act was hardly universal. Not in favor was George Rappleyea, manager of a Dayton-area coal and iron mining operation. Rappleyea lobbied other community leaders, some of whom supported the new law, to collectively stage a trial, hoping media attention would generate economic activity in the town.

    Those instigators approached John T. Scopes, a social science and math teacher at the local public high school who had also substitute-taught some biology lessons. The 24-year-old could not recall if his lectures had in fact violated the Butler Act, but the textbook in use at his school included evolutionary theory. Scopes agreed to participate.

    Testifying against their teacher were three students who had clearly been coached to do so. Nevertheless, the presiding judge persuaded the grand jury to indict.

    As an early indication of outside interest, Paul Patterson, the publisher of The Baltimore Sun, paid Scopes’ bail, and the ACLU announced it would defend him.

    Center of the storm

    Arguments started on July 10, 1925, at the Rhea County Courthouse. The trial may have begun as a determination of whether Scopes had violated the Butler Act, but both sides soon focused on debating the relative merits of biblical cosmology versus Darwinian theory.

    American teacher John Scopes, second from left, stands during his trial for teaching Darwin’s theory of evolution.
    Hulton Archive/Getty Images

    Representing the creationist perspective was prosecuting attorney Tom Stewart, a future senator from Tennessee. Special counsel William Jennings Bryan, a former U.S. secretary of state, was included on the prosecution team at the behest of a Christian fundamentalist organization.

    The evolutionary theory position was argued by prominent trade union lawyer Clarence Darrow. An agnostic who distrusted religious fundamentalism, Darrow wrote that “there was no limit to the mischief that might be accomplished unless the country was aroused to the evil at hand.”

    A circuslike atmosphere enveloped Dayton. Embodying the “monkey trial” was the performing chimpanzee Joe Mendi, whose trainers posed him for photographs around town. More than 200 journalists attended the trial, with articles appearing in The New York Times, The New Yorker and other publications around the nation.

    Joe Mendi, a monkey who performed in films and theater, was brought to Dayton during the trial.
    Looking Back at Tennessee Photograph Collection, 1890-1981/Tennessee State Library & Archives

    Receiving the most attention was Mencken, whose reportage for The Baltimore Sun did not attempt to disguise his bias against the cultural values of rural America. Dayton’s people, he wrote, “are simply unable to imagine a man who rejects the literal authority of the Bible.”

    Updates were circulated in real time via radio – the first U.S. trial to be broadcast live nationally. Filmed footage was rushed from Dayton to be shared in the nation’s theaters as newsreels.

    The trial ended on July 21, 1925, with a conviction and a fine. Scopes’ conviction was eventually overturned on a technicality. Since the trial had not challenged the legality of the Butler Act, however, that law remained on the books in Tennessee for more than four decades.

    ‘Monkey Biz-Ness’

    Commenting on the Scopes trial were two 1925 recordings by major singers of the day: a comedic jazz ditty entitled “Monkey Biz-Ness (Down in Tennessee),” performed by the International Novelty Orchestra with singer Billy Murray; and the country hit “The John T. Scopes Trial (The Old Religion’s Better After All),” sung by Vernon Dalhart. The latter song’s lyrics, composed by Carson Robison, warned listeners that “you may find a new belief, it will only bring you grief.”

    Other songs of the era – with titles such as “The Bible’s True,” “You Can’t Make a Monkey Out of Me,” “You Talk Like a Monkey and You Walk Like a Monkey” and “Ain’t No Bugs on Me” – echoed that same line of thought: “rural” skepticism toward the “urban,” pro-science perspective on the origins of humankind.

    Supporters of the ‘Anti-Evolution League’ amid the Scopes trial. From Literary Digest, July 25, 1925.
    Mike Licht/Flickr via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

    Whereas Scopes was the subject of ridicule in those songs, he and his defenders were celebrated as heroes in “Inherit the Wind,” a 1955 Broadway play by Jerome Lawrence and Robert Edwin Lee. A fictionalized portrayal of the Scopes trial, the play powerfully defended free speech – veiled criticism of Sen. Joseph McCarthy’s recent investigations of various American citizens for their political positions and beliefs.

    “Inherit the Wind” inspired a 1960 film of the same name, directed by Stanley Kramer. Its “fanaticism and ignorance” speech depicts the character based on Darrow – played by Spencer Tracy – arguing that without science, society would regress back to a time of unconstrained bigotry. The film received its debut American screening in Dayton on the 35th anniversary of the end of the Scopes trial; Scopes himself was the guest of honor.

    ‘Fanaticism and ignorance is forever busy, and needs feeding.’

    Representations of rural Tennessee in popular culture depictions and in media coverage of the trial drew from a font of stereotypes about Appalachia that have continued into the present century. Condescending depictions of the region have been present in American culture since before the Civil War.

    Centennial commemoration

    Memory of the Scopes trial endures in popular culture. Take, for instance, a reference in Bruce Springsteen’s 1990 song “Part Man, Part Monkey,” or Ronald Kidd’s 2006 “Monkey Town,” a historical novel for young adults.

    Dayton did benefit from the notoriety of the Scopes trial, thanks to sustained cultural tourism. Proud of its unique history, the town today boasts a historical marker to alert passersby to the significance of the landmark event that took place in the Rhea County Courthouse. And in 2025, Dayton has been hosting a series of events to commemorate the trial’s centennial.

    Back in 1925, even the Baltimore journalist Mencken begrudgingly praised Dayton and its townspeople, admitting, “It would be hard to imagine a more moral town than Dayton.”

    “I expected to find a squalid Southern village … What I found was a country town of charm and even beauty,” he wrote.

    Ted Olson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Monkey Biz-ness’: Pop culture helped fan the flames of the Scopes ‘monkey trial’ 100 years ago − and ever since – https://theconversation.com/monkey-biz-ness-pop-culture-helped-fan-the-flames-of-the-scopes-monkey-trial-100-years-ago-and-ever-since-255946

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Supreme Court rules Trump can rapidly deport immigrants to Libya, South Sudan and other countries they aren’t from

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Eleanor Paynter, Assistant Professor of Italian, Migration, and Global Media Studies, University of Oregon

    Internally displaced people walk along a street in Juba, South Sudan, on Feb. 13, 2025. Brian Inganga/AP Photos

    For the past several months, the Trump administration has been trying to deport immigrants to countries they are not from – despite an April 2025 federal ruling that had blocked the White House from doing so.

    A divided Supreme Court decided on June 23, in a brief emergency order, that the Trump administration can, for now, legally deport immigrants to countries they were not born in – known as “third countries” – without giving them time to contest their destination. The third countries that President Donald Trump has recently prioritized, including El Salvador, South Sudan and Libya, are known for being dangerous places with weak rule of law and routine human rights violations.

    The 6-3 decision did not specify a legal rationale for the ruling. The court’s three liberal justices, Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson, all dissented.

    “Apparently, the Court finds the idea that thousands will suffer violence in farflung locales more palatable than the remote possibility that a District Court exceeded its powers when it ordered the government provide notice to the targeted migrants,” Sotomayor wrote in a 19-page dissent, joined by Kagan and Brown Jackson.

    Understanding this legal case

    The Trump administration asked the Supreme Court at the end of May to allow the rapid deportation of eight men who were convicted of crimes to South Sudan. Only one of those immigrants is from South Sudan, a politically unstable country in northeastern Africa. The rest are from Cuba, Mexico, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam.

    Brian Murphy, a federal judge in Massachusetts, had blocked those immigrants’ deportation to South Sudan on May 21, saying that this move violated his April 2025 court order. In that ruling, he stated that people being deported to third countries should have time to contest their destination if it might put them in danger.

    The flight to South Sudan was rerouted to an American military base in the East African country of Djibouti, where the men are reportedly living in a converted shipping container while they wait to hear whether they will be deported to South Sudan.

    Murphy also ruled in April that the Trump administration cannot send other immigrants to Libya if they are not foreign nationals of that North African country.

    I study how restrictive immigration policies make people’s journeys into a new country dangerous and can harm their well-being. In that research, I have interviewed African migrants who have traversed the Sahara Desert, Libya and the Mediterranean Sea to reach Europe, where they seek asylum.

    The White House has not explained why it wants to send immigrants to South Sudan or Libya.

    Libya’s government has denied any direct coordination with the U.S. on this issue, and South Sudan’s government has said that any immigrants deported there with criminal records would be sent to their own countries.

    But a May federal court filing said that Trump administration officials have tried to negotiate deportation arrangements with Libya and South Sudan that give the governments money or other benefits for taking in immigrants from the U.S.

    South Sudanese President Salva Kiir, right, meets with Abdel Fattah, a general from Sudan, at a September 2024 ceremony in Juba, South Sudan.
    South Sudan Presidency/Anadolu via Getty Images

    South Sudan’s shaky footing

    Migrants can legally be deported to another nation when their country of origin refuses to repatriate them – though this practice is rare.

    Former President Joe Biden, for example, deported Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans and Venezuelans to Mexico if it was politically or logistically difficult to repatriate them.

    But the Trump administration is the first to insist on expedited removal of immigrants to countries outside of Latin America.

    South Sudan became a country in 2011, when it split from Sudan after a decades-long war. Since then, South Sudan has been led by a single president – Salva Kiir – who has been described by international critics as authoritarian, meaning he tries to centralize his own power and limit other people’s political rights. In March 2025, Kiir oversaw the arrest of vice president and opposition leader Riek Machar.

    Fighting between the government and opposition forces has prompted more than 2.3 million South Sudanese to flee to neighboring countries since 2013.

    In 2025 alone, the country’s civil conflict has prompted more than 130,000 people to become internally displaced, meaning they were forced to leave their homes and live elsewhere within the country.

    In March, Uganda deployed its troops to South Sudan to support the president, prompting concern of a full-scale civil war between forces backing Kiir and opposition forces. The United Nations then extended a U.S.-sponsored arms embargo in May to prevent weapons from reaching the region.

    The conflict has also blocked the distribution of lifesaving aid, including food and other basic supplies, to reach people in South Sudan. About 57% of the country’s estimated 11 million people do not get enough food.

    In March, the U.S. State Department ordered nonemergency U.S. government employees to leave South Sudan.

    The State Department has also documented “significant human rights issues” in South Sudan, including threats to freedom of expression, as well as arbitrary arrests and detentions.

    Libya’s danger for migrants

    People demonstrate against the Government of National Unity in Tripoli, Libya, on June 20, 2025.
    Mahmud Turkia/AFP via Getty Images

    The Trump administration is also trying to send immigrants to Libya, which has not had a stable government since the U.S. and other countries supported the overthrow of dictator Muammar Gadhafi in 2011. Libya is currently ruled by two rival governments: the internationally recognized Government of National Unity in the country’s western region and the Government of National Stability in the east.

    The U.S. has not had an embassy in Libya since 2014 due to unpredictable and unstable security there.

    Armed militias control sections of Libya, and in some cases, they are also embedded as part of the governments.

    Libya is a significant destination for migrants from countries throughout Africa and the Middle East who want to work in, or just pass through, Libya on their way north to Europe.

    It is also a dangerous place for migrants. A 2023 U.N. fact-finding mission in Libya documented what migrants have long maintained in interviews with advocacy groups – they are regularly held for ransom by human traffickers, enslaved, and arrested and tortured in detention centers partly funded by Europe.

    A mass grave found in 2021 near the village of Tarhouna contained the bodies of hundreds of locals who had disappeared under militia rule. In February 2025, the U.N. confirmed the discovery of mass migrant graves, with bodies showing signs of gunshot wounds.

    In a May 2025 court declaration, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said that the injunction halting rapid third-country deportations threatens “a significant commercial deal to expand activities of a U.S. energy company in Libya.” In Libya, home to Africa’s largest oil reserves, U.S. companies are actively seeking to rekindle partnerships with the country’s national oil company.

    In June, Trump included Libya on the list of countries banned from sending citizens to the U.S., citing the inability to “safely and reliably vet and screen” citizens from Libya and the other banned countries.

    Other options for Trump administration

    The U.S. is actively seeking additional countries it could send immigrants to in the future, even if they are not from those places.

    Rubio issued a memo on June 14, about expanding the list of countries in the current travel ban against foreign nationals from 12 countries, including Libya. He noted that the 36 additional countries – mostly in Africa and including South Sudan – could mitigate the harsh policy by agreeing to accept immigrants from other countries who are deported from the U.S.

    Eleanor Paynter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Supreme Court rules Trump can rapidly deport immigrants to Libya, South Sudan and other countries they aren’t from – https://theconversation.com/supreme-court-rules-trump-can-rapidly-deport-immigrants-to-libya-south-sudan-and-other-countries-they-arent-from-258155

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Vera C. Rubin Observatory will help astronomers investigate dark matter, continuing the legacy of its pioneering namesake

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Samantha Thompson, Astronomy Curator, National Air and Space Museum, Smithsonian Institution

    The Rubin Observatory is scheduled to release its first images in 2025. RubinObs/NOIRLab/SLAC/NSF/DOE/AURA/B. Quint

    Everything in space – from the Earth and Sun to black holes – accounts for just 15% of all matter in the universe. The rest of the cosmos seems to be made of an invisible material astronomers call dark matter.

    Astronomers know dark matter exists because its gravity affects other things, such as light. But understanding what dark matter is remains an active area of research.

    With the release of its first images this month, the Vera C. Rubin Observatory has begun a 10-year mission to help unravel the mystery of dark matter. The observatory will continue the legacy of its namesake, a trailblazing astronomer who advanced our understanding of the other 85% of the universe.

    As a historian of astronomy, I’ve studied how Vera Rubin’s contributions have shaped astrophysics. The observatory’s name is fitting, given that its data will soon provide scientists with a way to build on her work and shed more light on dark matter.

    Wide view of the universe

    From its vantage point in the Chilean Andes mountains, the Rubin Observatory will document everything visible in the southern sky. Every three nights, the observatory and its 3,200 megapixel camera will make a record of the sky.

    This camera, about the size of a small car, is the largest digital camera ever built. Images will capture an area of the sky roughly 45 times the size of the full Moon. With a big camera with a wide field of view, Rubin will produce about five petabytes of data every year. That’s roughly 5,000 years’ worth of MP3 songs.

    After weeks, months and years of observations, astronomers will have a time-lapse record revealing anything that explodes, flashes or moves – such as supernovas, variable stars or asteroids. They’ll also have the largest survey of galaxies ever made. These galactic views are key to investigating dark matter.

    Galaxies are the key

    Deep field images from the Hubble Space Telescope, the James Webb Space Telescope and others have visually revealed the abundance of galaxies in the universe. These images are taken with a long exposure time to collect the most light, so that even very faint objects show up.

    Researchers now know that those galaxies aren’t randomly distributed. Gravity and dark matter pull and guide them into a structure that resembles a spider’s web or a tub of bubbles. The Rubin Observatory will expand upon these previous galactic surveys, increasing the precision of the data and capturing billions more galaxies.

    In addition to helping structure galaxies throughout the universe, dark matter also distorts the appearance of galaxies through an effect referred to as gravitational lensing.

    Light travels through space in a straight line − unless it gets close to something massive. Gravity bends light’s path, which distorts the way we see it. This gravitational lensing effect provides clues that could help astronomers locate dark matter. The stronger the gravity, the bigger the bend in light’s path.

    The white galaxies seen here are bound in a cluster. The gravity from the galaxies and the dark matter bends the light from the more distant galaxies, creating contorted and magnified images of them.
    NASA, ESA, CSA and STScI

    Discovering dark matter

    For centuries, astronomers tracked and measured the motion of planets in the solar system. They found that all the planets followed the path predicted by Newton’s laws of motion, except for Uranus. Astronomers and mathematicians reasoned that if Newton’s laws are true, there must be some missing matter – another massive object – out there tugging on Uranus. From this hypothesis, they discovered Neptune, confirming Newton’s laws.

    With the ability to see fainter objects in the 1930s, astronomers began tracking the motions of galaxies.

    California Institute of Technology astronomer Fritz Zwicky coined the term dark matter in 1933, after observing galaxies in the Coma Cluster. He calculated the mass of the galaxies based on their speeds, which did not match their mass based on the number of stars he observed.

    He suspected that the cluster could contain an invisible, missing matter that kept the galaxies from flying apart. But for several decades he lacked enough observational evidence to support his theory.

    Vera Rubin operates the Carnegie spectrograph at Kitt Peak National Observatory in Tucson.
    Carnegie Institution for Science, CC BY

    Enter Vera Rubin

    In 1965, Vera Rubin became the first women hired onto the scientific staff at the Carnegie Institution’s Department of Terrestrial Magnetism in Washington, D.C.

    She worked with Kent Ford, who had built an extremely sensitive spectrograph and was looking to apply it to a scientific research project. Rubin and Ford used the spectrograph to measure how fast stars orbit around the center of their galaxies.

    In the solar system, where most of the mass is within the Sun at the center, the closest planet, Mercury, moves faster than the farthest planet, Neptune.

    “We had expected that as stars got farther and farther from the center of their galaxy, they would orbit slower and slower,” Rubin said in 1992.

    What they found in galaxies surprised them. Stars far from the galaxy’s center were moving just as fast as stars closer in.

    “And that really leads to only two possibilities,” Rubin explained. “Either Newton’s laws don’t hold, and physicists and astronomers are woefully afraid of that … (or) stars are responding to the gravitational field of matter which we don’t see.”

    Data piled up as Rubin created plot after plot. Her colleagues didn’t doubt her observations, but the interpretation remained a debate. Many people were reluctant to accept that dark matter was necessary to account for the findings in Rubin’s data.

    Rubin continued studying galaxies, measuring how fast stars moved within them. She wasn’t interested in investigating dark matter itself, but she carried on with documenting its effects on the motion of galaxies.

    A U.S quarter honors Vera Rubin’s contributions to our understanding of dark matter.
    United States Mint, CC BY

    Vera Rubin’s legacy

    Today, more people are aware of Rubin’s observations and contributions to our understanding of dark matter. In 2019, a congressional bill was introduced to rename the former Large Synoptic Survey Telescope to the Vera C. Rubin Observatory. In June 2025, the U.S. Mint released a quarter featuring Vera Rubin.

    Rubin continued to accumulate data about the motions of galaxies throughout her career. Others picked up where she left off and have helped advance dark matter research over the past 50 years.

    In the 1970s, physicist James Peebles and astronomers Jeremiah Ostriker and Amos Yahil created computer simulations of individual galaxies. They concluded, similarly to Zwicky, that there was not enough visible matter in galaxies to keep them from flying apart.

    They suggested that whatever dark matter is − be it cold stars, black holes or some unknown particle − there could be as much as 10 times the amount of dark matter than ordinary matter in galaxies.

    Throughout its 10-year run, the Rubin Observatory should give even more researchers the opportunity to add to our understanding of dark matter.

    Samantha Thompson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Vera C. Rubin Observatory will help astronomers investigate dark matter, continuing the legacy of its pioneering namesake – https://theconversation.com/the-vera-c-rubin-observatory-will-help-astronomers-investigate-dark-matter-continuing-the-legacy-of-its-pioneering-namesake-259233

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Vera C. Rubin Observatory will help astronomers investigate dark matter, continuing the legacy of its pioneering namesake

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Samantha Thompson, Astronomy Curator, National Air and Space Museum, Smithsonian Institution

    The Rubin Observatory is scheduled to release its first images in 2025. RubinObs/NOIRLab/SLAC/NSF/DOE/AURA/B. Quint

    Everything in space – from the Earth and Sun to black holes – accounts for just 15% of all matter in the universe. The rest of the cosmos seems to be made of an invisible material astronomers call dark matter.

    Astronomers know dark matter exists because its gravity affects other things, such as light. But understanding what dark matter is remains an active area of research.

    With the release of its first images this month, the Vera C. Rubin Observatory has begun a 10-year mission to help unravel the mystery of dark matter. The observatory will continue the legacy of its namesake, a trailblazing astronomer who advanced our understanding of the other 85% of the universe.

    As a historian of astronomy, I’ve studied how Vera Rubin’s contributions have shaped astrophysics. The observatory’s name is fitting, given that its data will soon provide scientists with a way to build on her work and shed more light on dark matter.

    Wide view of the universe

    From its vantage point in the Chilean Andes mountains, the Rubin Observatory will document everything visible in the southern sky. Every three nights, the observatory and its 3,200 megapixel camera will make a record of the sky.

    This camera, about the size of a small car, is the largest digital camera ever built. Images will capture an area of the sky roughly 45 times the size of the full Moon. With a big camera with a wide field of view, Rubin will produce about five petabytes of data every year. That’s roughly 5,000 years’ worth of MP3 songs.

    After weeks, months and years of observations, astronomers will have a time-lapse record revealing anything that explodes, flashes or moves – such as supernovas, variable stars or asteroids. They’ll also have the largest survey of galaxies ever made. These galactic views are key to investigating dark matter.

    Galaxies are the key

    Deep field images from the Hubble Space Telescope, the James Webb Space Telescope and others have visually revealed the abundance of galaxies in the universe. These images are taken with a long exposure time to collect the most light, so that even very faint objects show up.

    Researchers now know that those galaxies aren’t randomly distributed. Gravity and dark matter pull and guide them into a structure that resembles a spider’s web or a tub of bubbles. The Rubin Observatory will expand upon these previous galactic surveys, increasing the precision of the data and capturing billions more galaxies.

    In addition to helping structure galaxies throughout the universe, dark matter also distorts the appearance of galaxies through an effect referred to as gravitational lensing.

    Light travels through space in a straight line − unless it gets close to something massive. Gravity bends light’s path, which distorts the way we see it. This gravitational lensing effect provides clues that could help astronomers locate dark matter. The stronger the gravity, the bigger the bend in light’s path.

    The white galaxies seen here are bound in a cluster. The gravity from the galaxies and the dark matter bends the light from the more distant galaxies, creating contorted and magnified images of them.
    NASA, ESA, CSA and STScI

    Discovering dark matter

    For centuries, astronomers tracked and measured the motion of planets in the solar system. They found that all the planets followed the path predicted by Newton’s laws of motion, except for Uranus. Astronomers and mathematicians reasoned that if Newton’s laws are true, there must be some missing matter – another massive object – out there tugging on Uranus. From this hypothesis, they discovered Neptune, confirming Newton’s laws.

    With the ability to see fainter objects in the 1930s, astronomers began tracking the motions of galaxies.

    California Institute of Technology astronomer Fritz Zwicky coined the term dark matter in 1933, after observing galaxies in the Coma Cluster. He calculated the mass of the galaxies based on their speeds, which did not match their mass based on the number of stars he observed.

    He suspected that the cluster could contain an invisible, missing matter that kept the galaxies from flying apart. But for several decades he lacked enough observational evidence to support his theory.

    Vera Rubin operates the Carnegie spectrograph at Kitt Peak National Observatory in Tucson.
    Carnegie Institution for Science, CC BY

    Enter Vera Rubin

    In 1965, Vera Rubin became the first women hired onto the scientific staff at the Carnegie Institution’s Department of Terrestrial Magnetism in Washington, D.C.

    She worked with Kent Ford, who had built an extremely sensitive spectrograph and was looking to apply it to a scientific research project. Rubin and Ford used the spectrograph to measure how fast stars orbit around the center of their galaxies.

    In the solar system, where most of the mass is within the Sun at the center, the closest planet, Mercury, moves faster than the farthest planet, Neptune.

    “We had expected that as stars got farther and farther from the center of their galaxy, they would orbit slower and slower,” Rubin said in 1992.

    What they found in galaxies surprised them. Stars far from the galaxy’s center were moving just as fast as stars closer in.

    “And that really leads to only two possibilities,” Rubin explained. “Either Newton’s laws don’t hold, and physicists and astronomers are woefully afraid of that … (or) stars are responding to the gravitational field of matter which we don’t see.”

    Data piled up as Rubin created plot after plot. Her colleagues didn’t doubt her observations, but the interpretation remained a debate. Many people were reluctant to accept that dark matter was necessary to account for the findings in Rubin’s data.

    Rubin continued studying galaxies, measuring how fast stars moved within them. She wasn’t interested in investigating dark matter itself, but she carried on with documenting its effects on the motion of galaxies.

    A U.S quarter honors Vera Rubin’s contributions to our understanding of dark matter.
    United States Mint, CC BY

    Vera Rubin’s legacy

    Today, more people are aware of Rubin’s observations and contributions to our understanding of dark matter. In 2019, a congressional bill was introduced to rename the former Large Synoptic Survey Telescope to the Vera C. Rubin Observatory. In June 2025, the U.S. Mint released a quarter featuring Vera Rubin.

    Rubin continued to accumulate data about the motions of galaxies throughout her career. Others picked up where she left off and have helped advance dark matter research over the past 50 years.

    In the 1970s, physicist James Peebles and astronomers Jeremiah Ostriker and Amos Yahil created computer simulations of individual galaxies. They concluded, similarly to Zwicky, that there was not enough visible matter in galaxies to keep them from flying apart.

    They suggested that whatever dark matter is − be it cold stars, black holes or some unknown particle − there could be as much as 10 times the amount of dark matter than ordinary matter in galaxies.

    Throughout its 10-year run, the Rubin Observatory should give even more researchers the opportunity to add to our understanding of dark matter.

    Samantha Thompson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Vera C. Rubin Observatory will help astronomers investigate dark matter, continuing the legacy of its pioneering namesake – https://theconversation.com/the-vera-c-rubin-observatory-will-help-astronomers-investigate-dark-matter-continuing-the-legacy-of-its-pioneering-namesake-259233

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien accepts invitation to government’s economic roundtable

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    The federal opposition has accepted an invitation from Treasurer Jim Chalmers for shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien to attend the August economic roundtable.

    The acceptance contrasts with the position taken by former opposition leader Peter Dutton last term. He refused to attend the government’s jobs and skills summit although the Nationals leader David Littleproud did so.

    The opposition’s decision is in line with the indication from its leader Sussan Ley that she wants to be more constructive than the Liberals were last term.

    The roundtable, focused on productivity, has broadened into a meeting where tax reform is expected to figures heavily. Chalmers is looking for consensus for reforms but the extent to which that can be achieved remains to be seen.

    Chalmers said on Tuesday he had provided the invitation to O’Brien “in good faith. I think it would be a good thing to have the shadow treasurer engaged at the economic reform roundtable.

    “I think it will give us a better chance of making the kind of progress that we desperately need to see on reform and in our economy more broadly.”

    Chalmers is still finalising the invitations, which will go to business, the union movement and civil society representatives.

    O’Brien said he would engage at the roundtable “in a business-like fashion”.

    He said the Coalition would be “constructive where we can and critical where we must”. It would hold the government to account and he would not be at the summit “to rubber stamp a talkfest”.

    “It’s worth the treasurer knowing from the outset that I believe rhetoric is no substitute for reform. I want to see honesty in how the government defines the economic problems our nation faces, and I will be looking to tangible outcomes as real measures of success.”

    On Wednesday Ley will appear at the National Press Club, speaking about her personal story, the Liberals’ federal election defeat, and some markers on policy areas where the Liberals will focus.

    She will also outline some priority policy areas that she’ll champion during this parliamentary term.

    In her address Ley will highlight “aspiration”, saying this is the “thread that connects every single part of Australian society”.

    “Aspiration is the foundation of the Australian promise: that if you work hard, play by the rules, do your best for your kids and contribute to your community, you will be able to build a better life for yourself and your family.”

    In her speech, part of which was released ahead of delivery, Ley acknowledges the opposition didn’t just lose the last election – “we got smashed. We respect the election outcome with humility. We accept it with contrition. And we must learn from it with conviction.”

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Shadow treasurer Ted O’Brien accepts invitation to government’s economic roundtable – https://theconversation.com/shadow-treasurer-ted-obrien-accepts-invitation-to-governments-economic-roundtable-259691

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Fiji advocacy group slams Indonesian role in MSG as a ‘disgrace’

    Asia Pacific Report

    A Fiji-based advocacy group has condemned the participation of Indonesia in the Melanesian Spearhead Group which is meeting in Suva this week, saying it is a “profound disgrace” that the Indonesian Embassy continues to “operate freely” within the the MSG Secretariat.

    “This presence blatantly undermines the core principles of justice and solidarity we claim to uphold as Melanesians,” said We Bleed Black and Red in a social media post.

    The group said that as the new MSG chair, the Fiji government could not speak cannot credibly about equity, peace, regional unity, or the Melanesian family “while the very agent of prolonged Melanesian oppression sits at the decision-making table”.

    The statement said that for more than six decades, the people of West Papua had endured “systemic atrocities from mass killings to environmental devastation — acts that clearly constitute ecocide and gross human rights violations”.

    “Indonesia’s track record is not only morally indefensible but also a flagrant breach of numerous international agreements and conventions,” the group said.

    “It is time for all Melanesian nations to confront the reality behind the diplomatic facades and development aid.

    “No amount of financial incentives or diplomatic charm can erase the undeniable suffering of the West Papuan people.

    “We must rise above political appeasement and fulfill our moral and regional duty as one Melanesian family.

    “The Pacific cannot claim moral leadership while turning a blind eye and deaf ear to colonial violence on our own shores. Justice delayed is justice denied.”

    ‘Peaceful, prosperous Melanesia’
     Meanwhile, The Fiji Times reports that the 23rd MSG Leaders’ Summit got underway on Monday in Suva, drawing heads of state from Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and representatives from New Caledonia’s FLNKS.

    Hosted under the theme “A Peaceful and Prosperous Melanesia,” the summit ended yesterday.

    This year’s meeting also marked Fiji’s first time chairing the regional bloc since 1997.

    Fiji officially assumed the MSG chairmanship from Vanuatu following a traditional handover ceremony attended by senior officials, observers, and dignitaries at Draiba.

    Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister James Marape arrived in Suva on Sunday and reaffirmed Papua New Guinea’s commitment to MSG cooperation during today’s plenary session.

    He will also take part in high-level talanoa discussions with the Pacific Islands Forum’s Eminent Persons Group, aimed at deepening institutional reform and regional solidarity.

    Observers from the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) and Indonesia were also present, reflecting ongoing efforts to expand the bloc’s influence on issues like self-determination, regional trade, security, and climate resilience in the Pacific.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Semen allergies may be suprisingly common – here’s what you need to know

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael Carroll, Reader / Associate Professor in Reproductive Science, Manchester Metropolitan University

    Yuriy Maksymiv/Shutterstock

    Imagine itching, burning, swelling, or even struggling to breathe just moments after sex. For a small but growing number of women, that’s not an awkward anecdote – it’s a medical condition. It’s called seminal plasma hypersensitivity (SPH) – an allergy to semen.

    This rare but underdiagnosed allergy isn’t triggered by sperm cells, but by proteins in the seminal plasma — the fluid that carries sperm. First documented in 1967, when a woman was hospitalised after a “violent allergic reaction” to sex, SPH is now recognised as a type 1 hypersensitivity, the same category as hay fever, peanut allergy and cat dander.

    Symptoms range from mild to severe. Some women experience local reactions: burning, itching, redness and swelling of the vulva or vagina. Others develop full-body symptoms: hives, wheezing, dizziness, runny nose and even anaphylaxis, a potentially life-threatening immune response.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Until 1997, SPH was thought to affect fewer than 100 women globally. But a study led by allergist Jonathan Bernstein found that among women reporting postcoital symptoms, nearly 12% could be classified as having probable SPH.

    I conducted a small, unpublished survey in 2013 and found a similar 12% rate. The true figure may be higher still. Many cases go unreported, misdiagnosed, or dismissed as STIs, yeast infections, or general “sensitivity”. One revealing clue: symptoms disappear when condoms are used.

    A 2024 study reinforced this finding, suggesting that SPH is both more common and more commonly misdiagnosed than previously believed.

    The problem isn’t the sperm

    The main allergen appears to be prostate-specific antigen (PSA): a protein found in all seminal plasma, not just that of a particular partner. In other words, women can develop a reaction to any man’s semen, not just their regular partner’s.

    There’s also evidence of cross-reactivity. For example, Can f 5, a protein found in dog dander, is structurally similar to human PSA. So women allergic to dogs may find themselves reacting to semen too. In one unusual case, a woman with a Brazil nut allergy broke out in hives after sex, probably due to trace nut proteins in her partner’s semen.

    Diagnosis begins with a detailed sexual and medical history, often followed by skin prick testing with the partner’s semen or blood tests for PSA-specific antibodies (IgE).

    In my own research involving symptomatic women, we demonstrated that testing with washed spermatozoa, free from seminal plasma, can help confirm that the allergic trigger is not the sperm cells themselves, but proteins in the seminal fluid.

    And it’s not just women. It’s possible some men may be allergic to their own semen.

    This condition, known as post-orgasmic illness syndrome (POIS), causes flu-like symptoms, such as fatigue, brain fog and muscle aches, immediately after ejaculation. It’s believed to be an autoimmune or allergic reaction. Diagnosis is tricky, but skin testing with a man’s own semen can yield a positive reaction.

    What about fertility?

    Seminal plasma hypersensitivity doesn’t cause infertility directly, but it can complicate conception. Avoiding the allergen – usually the most effective treatment for allergies – isn’t feasible for couples trying to conceive.

    Treatments include prophylactic antihistamines (antihistamine medications taken in advance of anticipated exposure to an allergen, or before allergy symptoms are expected to appear to prevent or reduce the severity of allergic reactions), anti-inflammatories and desensitisation using diluted seminal plasma. In more severe cases, couples may choose IVF with washed sperm, bypassing the allergic trigger altogether.

    It’s important to note: SPH is not a form of infertility. Many women with SPH have conceived successfully – some naturally, others with medical support.

    So why don’t more people know about this?

    Because sex-related symptoms often go unspoken. Embarrassment, stigma and a lack of awareness among doctors mean that many women suffer in silence. In Bernstein’s 1997 study, almost half of the women who had symptoms after sex had never been checked for SPH, and many had spent years being misdiagnosed and getting the wrong treatment.

    If sex routinely leaves you itchy, sore or unwell – and condoms help – you might be allergic to semen.

    It’s time to bring this hidden condition out of the shadows and into the consultation room.

    Michael Carroll does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Semen allergies may be suprisingly common – here’s what you need to know – https://theconversation.com/semen-allergies-may-be-suprisingly-common-heres-what-you-need-to-know-259308

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What Glastonbury is like for deaf people – one of the festival’s DeafZone coordinators explains

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dai O’Brien, Associate Professor, BSL and Deaf Studies, York St John University

    The sense of community is something Deaf people share with how hearing people experience festivals. Drazen Zigic/Shutterstock

    For the past few years at Glastonbury, sign language interpreters have gone viral on social media for enthusiastically signing songs beside the stage. But those clips tell us nothing about what the overall experience of the festival is like for deaf people. How do deaf people experience and enjoy live music, and how do they create their own alternative space which is not focused around sound?

    I am deaf and use British Sign Language (BSL) as my preferred language. As well as my academic job teaching BSL and Deaf studies at York St John University, I am also one of the coordinators of DeafZone. It’s a small charity which organises, among other things, the BSL interpreters of events like Glastonbury.

    But a key reason for setting up DeafZone was to instigate a space for cultural exchange. In the DeafZone, the more progressive, open-minded people who are attracted to Glastonbury’s tradition as a space of radical thought and alternative lifestyles may be open to learning more about deaf people, our languages and cultures.

    An absolutely key element of deaf people’s experience of festivals is the creation of alternative deaf spaces. Deaf people do not experience festivals in the same way as hearing people in more ways that the simple absence of sound.

    We create our own spaces which are visual and tactile. The interpretation of song lyrics into BSL is only a small, albeit very visible, part of this alternative festival space.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    People often look at me strangely when I tell them that one of my best every festival experiences was in a portaloo. Understandable, I suppose, when you consider what usually happens in portaloos in festivals.

    However, this particular experience was focused on the way in which the plastic walls of the portaloo acted as a gigantic amplifier of the sound vibrations in the air. This made the inside of the loo an intensely tactile experience of music, with different frequencies vibrating through different parts of my body.

    A less smelly way of accessing this tactile experience of music is through plastic drinks holders or balloons. Balloons can be a risky option, however, as security sometimes confiscate them under the impression that they are full of nitrous oxide. This is frustrating, but can result in conversations which invite them into the lived deaf space we are inhabiting and give them an alternative way of appreciating music which does not rely on sound.

    Of course, deaf people often also simply position themselves directly in front of the sound stacks. But the key is that the experience of sound is again a physical, tactile one, subverting the idea that music must be enjoyed as an auditory experience.

    The values of the space created have some overlaps with those of the wider festival. Deaf spaces centre the use of signed languages. Their creators – including myself – firmly believe that deaf children should have access to signed languages from birth to stave off language deprivation.

    We also resist the medicalisation of deafness. These are beliefs which find common ground in the radical political roots of Glastonbury, in which ideas of equality and acceptance are core principles.

    This means that at its heart, the festival is a very welcoming space for deaf people, regardless of whether there is a shared language or not. There’s a shared respect for humanity that transcends language modality.

    This comes back to the fact that DeafZone is not just about organising interpreters for access to song lyrics. We give non-signing people a chance to engage with us in our space, to appreciate our values, and to learn about the mistreatment that deaf communities and cultures have suffered.

    Regardless of whether you’re deaf or hearing, the uniqueness of the Glastonbury festival provides opportunities to learn from each other and enjoy each other’s languages. If that includes room for dancing together to your favourite band, so much the better.

    Dai O’Brien is affiliated with DeafZone.

    – ref. What Glastonbury is like for deaf people – one of the festival’s DeafZone coordinators explains – https://theconversation.com/what-glastonbury-is-like-for-deaf-people-one-of-the-festivals-deafzone-coordinators-explains-258532

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What Glastonbury is like for deaf people – one of the festival’s DeafZone coordinators explains

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dai O’Brien, Associate Professor, BSL and Deaf Studies, York St John University

    The sense of community is something Deaf people share with how hearing people experience festivals. Drazen Zigic/Shutterstock

    For the past few years at Glastonbury, sign language interpreters have gone viral on social media for enthusiastically signing songs beside the stage. But those clips tell us nothing about what the overall experience of the festival is like for deaf people. How do deaf people experience and enjoy live music, and how do they create their own alternative space which is not focused around sound?

    I am deaf and use British Sign Language (BSL) as my preferred language. As well as my academic job teaching BSL and Deaf studies at York St John University, I am also one of the coordinators of DeafZone. It’s a small charity which organises, among other things, the BSL interpreters of events like Glastonbury.

    But a key reason for setting up DeafZone was to instigate a space for cultural exchange. In the DeafZone, the more progressive, open-minded people who are attracted to Glastonbury’s tradition as a space of radical thought and alternative lifestyles may be open to learning more about deaf people, our languages and cultures.

    An absolutely key element of deaf people’s experience of festivals is the creation of alternative deaf spaces. Deaf people do not experience festivals in the same way as hearing people in more ways that the simple absence of sound.

    We create our own spaces which are visual and tactile. The interpretation of song lyrics into BSL is only a small, albeit very visible, part of this alternative festival space.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    People often look at me strangely when I tell them that one of my best every festival experiences was in a portaloo. Understandable, I suppose, when you consider what usually happens in portaloos in festivals.

    However, this particular experience was focused on the way in which the plastic walls of the portaloo acted as a gigantic amplifier of the sound vibrations in the air. This made the inside of the loo an intensely tactile experience of music, with different frequencies vibrating through different parts of my body.

    A less smelly way of accessing this tactile experience of music is through plastic drinks holders or balloons. Balloons can be a risky option, however, as security sometimes confiscate them under the impression that they are full of nitrous oxide. This is frustrating, but can result in conversations which invite them into the lived deaf space we are inhabiting and give them an alternative way of appreciating music which does not rely on sound.

    Of course, deaf people often also simply position themselves directly in front of the sound stacks. But the key is that the experience of sound is again a physical, tactile one, subverting the idea that music must be enjoyed as an auditory experience.

    The values of the space created have some overlaps with those of the wider festival. Deaf spaces centre the use of signed languages. Their creators – including myself – firmly believe that deaf children should have access to signed languages from birth to stave off language deprivation.

    We also resist the medicalisation of deafness. These are beliefs which find common ground in the radical political roots of Glastonbury, in which ideas of equality and acceptance are core principles.

    This means that at its heart, the festival is a very welcoming space for deaf people, regardless of whether there is a shared language or not. There’s a shared respect for humanity that transcends language modality.

    This comes back to the fact that DeafZone is not just about organising interpreters for access to song lyrics. We give non-signing people a chance to engage with us in our space, to appreciate our values, and to learn about the mistreatment that deaf communities and cultures have suffered.

    Regardless of whether you’re deaf or hearing, the uniqueness of the Glastonbury festival provides opportunities to learn from each other and enjoy each other’s languages. If that includes room for dancing together to your favourite band, so much the better.

    Dai O’Brien is affiliated with DeafZone.

    – ref. What Glastonbury is like for deaf people – one of the festival’s DeafZone coordinators explains – https://theconversation.com/what-glastonbury-is-like-for-deaf-people-one-of-the-festivals-deafzone-coordinators-explains-258532

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How aid cuts may be affecting humanitarian workers

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lucia Berdondini, Associate Professor in Psychology, University of East London

    Humanitarian work takes a profound emotional toll on workers. It places them at the frontline of global crises, at times witnessing the devastating impacts of war, famine, natural disasters, mass displacement and systemic injustice. Humanitarian workers have to cope with emotional exhaustion and burnout, with stress levels in some humanitarian settings comparable to those in combat zones.

    The emotional burden deepens when workers feel unable to live up to the very values that initially drew them to the sector. It can be emotionally painful for people to watch aid fail, or to carry out policies they believe are wrong.

    Psychologists refer to this distress as moral injury — a form of psychological, emotional and spiritual distress that arises when people perpetrate, witness or fail to prevent actions that violate their deeply held moral beliefs. Moral injury arises from guilt, shame, betrayal and anger. This is often directed at others and sometimes at oneself for participating in a harmful system.

    As governments cut foreign aid, this disillusionment is likely to worsen. In our 2023 study published in Displaced Voices, we interviewed aid workers across international organisations and charities working in Calais and Dunkirk.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Participants shared their experiences of working in environments where they feel they are no longer making a positive impact — or where they must conform to work within systems they perceive as failing those who need assistance. Recent aid cuts are likely to exacerbate these sentiments.

    In the UK, Keir Starmer announced aid would fall from 0.5% to 0.3% of gross national income by 2027 — the lowest level since 1999 — to fund increased defence spending.

    In the US, the Trump administration suspended over 90% of USAid contracts worth around US$60 billion (£44 billion) — halting support for HIV treatment, reproductive health and crisis response. These cuts represent significant structural blows to humanitarian infrastructure. From mass layoffs in Kenya to the sudden closure of programmes worldwide, the consequences have been immediate and demoralising.

    Funding cuts don’t just disrupt operations, they erode the mental and moral resilience of humanitarian workers. Without support for their wellbeing, the sector’s ethical and effective functioning is at risk. Yet research on humanitarian mental health, especially moral injury, remains limited.

    Aid worker distress

    Based on our experience researching the sector, we expect that recent aid cuts in the UK and US will deepen moral injuries among humanitarian workers.

    In an ongoing pilot study, we are examining how aid cuts impact the psychological wellbeing of humanitarian workers. We have analysed 15 publicly available sources (ten blogs and five podcasts) created by aid professionals between 2023 and 2025. While the findings are not yet published, our observation reveals clear patterns of distress linked to moral injury.

    We have also observed some evidence of moral injury stemming from the aid cuts. Some workers expressed moral fatigue – slow exhaustion caused by ethical strain, and a sense of futility and loss of meaning. One practitioner wrote in a blog: “I used to believe we were helping — now I feel like I’m sweeping water uphill.”

    Several blog posts and podcast episodes suggested a sense of complicity; the pain of being part of organisational silence or failure. Workers spoke of “being the face of a broken system” or “used to justify programmes we knew were failing.” As one put it: “Being a human is messy; serving humanity is messier.”

    Still others described the ethical vacuum left by aid cuts, where workers are expected to care without mandate or resources.

    Protesters in the US gather in opposition to the USAid cuts.
    Philip Yabut/Shutterstock

    Our findings so far reveal a troubling overlap between ethical strain and systemic failure in the humanitarian sector. As aid budgets shrink and resources dwindle, workers are overwhelmed, emotionally disoriented and psychologically vulnerable — often forced to choose between compromise and burnout.

    Some may leave the sector; others will stay, but with hardened hearts. We’ve seen this first-hand through our work on the UEL Mental Wellbeing Portal, where professionals share stories of programme closures, job loss, grief and a deep sense of powerlessness — echoing our pilot-study findings.

    A sustainable (and compassionate) aid system must urgently recognise and address the psychological toll of working in a system that workers feel no longer aligns with their humanitarian values. This crisis of moral injury is not inevitable. The sector needs investment not just in operations, but in the people who carry them out. That starts with understanding and acknowledging the emotional cost of aid cuts.

    Lucia Berdondini: I received funding from DifD in 2010, the British Council in 2011 and the Academy of Medical Sciences in 2020. I am an Associate Professor at the University of East London, where I lead the MSc in Humanitarian Intervention (Distance Learning) and the UEL Mental Wellbeing Portal for Humanitarian Workers. I also collaborate with NGOs and academic institutions in the humanitarian field. These affiliations are relevant to the subject of this article.

    Nomsa Sandra Wayland does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How aid cuts may be affecting humanitarian workers – https://theconversation.com/how-aid-cuts-may-be-affecting-humanitarian-workers-257482

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand hints at life of a Renaissance amputee

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Heidi Hausse, Associate Professor of History, Auburn University

    Technology is more than just mechanisms and design — it’s ultimately about people.
     Adriene Simon/College of Liberal Arts, Auburn University, CC BY-SA

    To think about an artificial limb is to think about a person. It’s an object of touch and motion made to be used, one that attaches to the body and interacts with its user’s world.

    Historical artifacts of prosthetic limbs are far removed from this lived context. Their users are gone. They are damaged – deteriorated by time and exposure to the elements. They are motionless, kept on display or in museum storage.

    Yet, such artifacts are rare direct sources into the lives of historical amputees. We focus on the tools amputees used in 16th- and 17th-century Europe. There are few records written from amputees’ perspectives at that time, and those that exist say little about what everyday life with a prosthesis was like.

    Engineering offers historians new tools to examine physical evidence. This is particularly important for the study of early modern mechanical hands, a new kind of prosthetic technology that appeared at the turn of the 16th century. Most of the artifacts are of unknown provenance. Many work only partially and some not at all. Their practical functions remain a mystery.

    But computer-aided design software can help scholars reconstruct the artifacts’ internal mechanisms. This, in turn, helps us understand how the objects once moved.

    Even more exciting, 3D printing lets scholars create physical models. Rather than imagining how a Renaissance prosthesis worked, scholars can physically test one. It’s a form of investigation that opens new possibilities for exploring the development of prosthetic technology and user experience through the centuries. It creates a trail of breadcrumbs that can bring us closer to the everyday experiences of premodern amputees.

    But what does this work, which brings together two very different fields, look like in action?

    What follows is a glimpse into our experience of collaboration on a team of historians and engineers, told through the story of one week. Working together, we shared a model of a 16th-century prosthesis with the public and learned a lesson about humans and technology in the process.

    A historian encounters a broken model

    THE HISTORIAN: On a cloudy day in late March, I walked into the University of Alabama Birmingham’s Center for Teaching and Learning holding a weatherproof case and brimming with excitement. Nestled within the case’s foam inserts was a functioning 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand.

    Fifteen minutes later, it broke.

    This 3D-printed model of a 16th-century hand prosthesis has working mechanisms.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    For two years, my team of historians and engineers at Auburn University had worked tirelessly to turn an idea – recreating the mechanisms of a 16th-century artifact from Germany – into reality. The original iron prosthesis, the Kassel Hand, is one of approximately 35 from Renaissance Europe known today.

    As an early modern historian who studies these artifacts, I work with a mechanical engineer, Chad Rose, to find new ways to explore them. The Kassel Hand is our case study. Our goal is to learn more about the life of the unknown person who used this artifact 500 years ago.

    Using 3D-printed models, we’ve run experiments to test what kinds of activities its user could have performed with it. We modeled in inexpensive polylactic acid – plastic – to make this fragile artifact accessible to anyone with a consumer-grade 3D printer. But before sharing our files with the public, we needed to see how the model fared when others handled it.

    An invitation to guest lecture on our experiments in Birmingham was our opportunity to do just that.

    We brought two models. The main release lever broke first in one and then the other. This lever has an interior triangular plate connected to a thin rod that juts out of the wrist like a trigger. After pressing the fingers into a locked position, pulling the trigger is the only way to free them. If it breaks, the fingers become stuck.

    The thin rod of the main release lever snapped in this model.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    I was baffled. During testing, the model had lifted a 20-pound simulation of a chest lid by its fingertips. Yet, the first time we shared it with a general audience, a mechanism that had never broken in testing simply snapped.

    Was it a printing error? Material defect? Design flaw?

    We consulted our Hand Whisperer: our lead student engineer whose feel for how the model works appears at times preternatural.

    An engineer becomes a hand whisperer

    THE ENGINEER: I was sitting at my desk in Auburn’s mechanical engineering 3D print lab when I heard the news.

    As a mechanical engineering graduate student concentrating on additive manufacturing, commonly known as 3D printing, I explore how to use this technology to reconstruct historical mechanisms. Over the two years I’ve worked on this project, I’ve come to know the Kassel Hand model well. As we fine-tuned designs, I’ve created and edited its computer-aided design files – the digital 3D constructions of the model – and printed and assembled its parts countless times.

    This view of the computer-aided design file of a strengthened version of the model, which includes ribs and fillets to reinforce the plastic material, highlights the main release lever in orange.
    Peden Jones, CC BY-SA

    Examining parts midassembly is a crucial checkpoint for our prototypes. This quality control catches, corrects and prevents any defects, such as misprinted or damaged parts. It’s crucial for creating consistent and repeatable experiments. A new model version or component change never leaves the lab without passing rigorous inspection. This process means there are ways this model has behaved over time that the rest of the team has never seen. But I have.

    So when I heard the release lever had broken in Birmingham, it was just another Thursday. While it had never snapped when we tested the model on people, I’d seen it break plenty of times while performing checks on components.

    Our model reconstructs the Kassel Hand’s original metal mechanisms in plastic.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    After all, the model is made from relatively weak polylactic acid. Perhaps the most difficult part of our work is making a plastic model as durable as possible while keeping it visually consistent with the 500-year-old original. The iron rod of the artifact’s lever can handle more force than our plastic version, at least five times the yield strength.

    I suspected the lever had snapped because people pulled the trigger too far back and too quickly. The challenge, then, was to prevent this. But redesigning the lever to be thicker or a different shape would make it less like the historical artifact.

    This raised the question: Why could I use the model without breaking the lever, but no one else could?

    The team makes a plan

    THE TEAM: A flurry of discussion led to growing consensus – the crux of the issue was not the model, it was the user.

    The original Kassel Hand’s wearer would have learned to use their prosthesis through practice. Likewise, our team had learned to use the model over time. Through the process of design and development, prototyping and printing, we were inadvertently practicing how to operate it.

    We needed to teach others to do the same. And this called for a two-pronged approach.

    Perspective on using the Kassel Hand, as a modern prosthetist.

    The engineers reexamined the opening through which the release trigger poked out of the model. They proposed shortening it to limit how far back users could pull it. When we checked how this change would affect the model’s accuracy, we found that a smaller opening was actually closer to the artifact’s dimensions. While the larger opening had been necessary for an earlier version of the release lever that needed to travel farther, now it only caused problems. The engineers got to work.

    The historians, meanwhile, created plans to document and share the various techniques to operating the model the team hadn’t realized it had honed. To teach someone at home how to operate their own copy, we filmed a short video explaining how to lock and release the fingers and troubleshoot when a finger sticks.

    Testing the plan

    Exactly one week after what we called “the Birmingham Break,” we shared the model with a general audience again. This time we visited a colleague’s history class at Auburn.

    We brought four copies. Each had an insert to shorten the opening around the trigger. First, we played our new instructional video on a projector. Then we turned the models over to the students to try.

    The team brought these four models with inserts to shorten the opening below the release trigger to test with a general audience of undergraduate and graduate students.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    The result? Not a single broken lever. We publicly launched the project on schedule.

    The process of introducing the Kassel Hand model to the public highlights that just as the 16th-century amputee who wore the artifact had to learn to use it, one must learn to use the 3D-printed model, too.

    It is a potent reminder that technology is not just a matter of mechanisms and design. It is fundamentally about people – and how people use it.

    Heidi Hausse received funding from the Herzog August Bibliothek; the Consortium for History of Science, Technology and Medicine; the American Council of Learned Societies; the Huntington Library; the Society of Fellows in the Humanities at Columbia University; and the Renaissance Society of America.

    Peden Jones received funding from Renaissance Society of America.

    – ref. 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand hints at life of a Renaissance amputee – https://theconversation.com/3d-printed-model-of-a-500-year-old-prosthetic-hand-hints-at-life-of-a-renaissance-amputee-256670

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand hints at life of a Renaissance amputee

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Heidi Hausse, Associate Professor of History, Auburn University

    Technology is more than just mechanisms and design — it’s ultimately about people.
     Adriene Simon/College of Liberal Arts, Auburn University, CC BY-SA

    To think about an artificial limb is to think about a person. It’s an object of touch and motion made to be used, one that attaches to the body and interacts with its user’s world.

    Historical artifacts of prosthetic limbs are far removed from this lived context. Their users are gone. They are damaged – deteriorated by time and exposure to the elements. They are motionless, kept on display or in museum storage.

    Yet, such artifacts are rare direct sources into the lives of historical amputees. We focus on the tools amputees used in 16th- and 17th-century Europe. There are few records written from amputees’ perspectives at that time, and those that exist say little about what everyday life with a prosthesis was like.

    Engineering offers historians new tools to examine physical evidence. This is particularly important for the study of early modern mechanical hands, a new kind of prosthetic technology that appeared at the turn of the 16th century. Most of the artifacts are of unknown provenance. Many work only partially and some not at all. Their practical functions remain a mystery.

    But computer-aided design software can help scholars reconstruct the artifacts’ internal mechanisms. This, in turn, helps us understand how the objects once moved.

    Even more exciting, 3D printing lets scholars create physical models. Rather than imagining how a Renaissance prosthesis worked, scholars can physically test one. It’s a form of investigation that opens new possibilities for exploring the development of prosthetic technology and user experience through the centuries. It creates a trail of breadcrumbs that can bring us closer to the everyday experiences of premodern amputees.

    But what does this work, which brings together two very different fields, look like in action?

    What follows is a glimpse into our experience of collaboration on a team of historians and engineers, told through the story of one week. Working together, we shared a model of a 16th-century prosthesis with the public and learned a lesson about humans and technology in the process.

    A historian encounters a broken model

    THE HISTORIAN: On a cloudy day in late March, I walked into the University of Alabama Birmingham’s Center for Teaching and Learning holding a weatherproof case and brimming with excitement. Nestled within the case’s foam inserts was a functioning 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand.

    Fifteen minutes later, it broke.

    This 3D-printed model of a 16th-century hand prosthesis has working mechanisms.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    For two years, my team of historians and engineers at Auburn University had worked tirelessly to turn an idea – recreating the mechanisms of a 16th-century artifact from Germany – into reality. The original iron prosthesis, the Kassel Hand, is one of approximately 35 from Renaissance Europe known today.

    As an early modern historian who studies these artifacts, I work with a mechanical engineer, Chad Rose, to find new ways to explore them. The Kassel Hand is our case study. Our goal is to learn more about the life of the unknown person who used this artifact 500 years ago.

    Using 3D-printed models, we’ve run experiments to test what kinds of activities its user could have performed with it. We modeled in inexpensive polylactic acid – plastic – to make this fragile artifact accessible to anyone with a consumer-grade 3D printer. But before sharing our files with the public, we needed to see how the model fared when others handled it.

    An invitation to guest lecture on our experiments in Birmingham was our opportunity to do just that.

    We brought two models. The main release lever broke first in one and then the other. This lever has an interior triangular plate connected to a thin rod that juts out of the wrist like a trigger. After pressing the fingers into a locked position, pulling the trigger is the only way to free them. If it breaks, the fingers become stuck.

    The thin rod of the main release lever snapped in this model.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    I was baffled. During testing, the model had lifted a 20-pound simulation of a chest lid by its fingertips. Yet, the first time we shared it with a general audience, a mechanism that had never broken in testing simply snapped.

    Was it a printing error? Material defect? Design flaw?

    We consulted our Hand Whisperer: our lead student engineer whose feel for how the model works appears at times preternatural.

    An engineer becomes a hand whisperer

    THE ENGINEER: I was sitting at my desk in Auburn’s mechanical engineering 3D print lab when I heard the news.

    As a mechanical engineering graduate student concentrating on additive manufacturing, commonly known as 3D printing, I explore how to use this technology to reconstruct historical mechanisms. Over the two years I’ve worked on this project, I’ve come to know the Kassel Hand model well. As we fine-tuned designs, I’ve created and edited its computer-aided design files – the digital 3D constructions of the model – and printed and assembled its parts countless times.

    This view of the computer-aided design file of a strengthened version of the model, which includes ribs and fillets to reinforce the plastic material, highlights the main release lever in orange.
    Peden Jones, CC BY-SA

    Examining parts midassembly is a crucial checkpoint for our prototypes. This quality control catches, corrects and prevents any defects, such as misprinted or damaged parts. It’s crucial for creating consistent and repeatable experiments. A new model version or component change never leaves the lab without passing rigorous inspection. This process means there are ways this model has behaved over time that the rest of the team has never seen. But I have.

    So when I heard the release lever had broken in Birmingham, it was just another Thursday. While it had never snapped when we tested the model on people, I’d seen it break plenty of times while performing checks on components.

    Our model reconstructs the Kassel Hand’s original metal mechanisms in plastic.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    After all, the model is made from relatively weak polylactic acid. Perhaps the most difficult part of our work is making a plastic model as durable as possible while keeping it visually consistent with the 500-year-old original. The iron rod of the artifact’s lever can handle more force than our plastic version, at least five times the yield strength.

    I suspected the lever had snapped because people pulled the trigger too far back and too quickly. The challenge, then, was to prevent this. But redesigning the lever to be thicker or a different shape would make it less like the historical artifact.

    This raised the question: Why could I use the model without breaking the lever, but no one else could?

    The team makes a plan

    THE TEAM: A flurry of discussion led to growing consensus – the crux of the issue was not the model, it was the user.

    The original Kassel Hand’s wearer would have learned to use their prosthesis through practice. Likewise, our team had learned to use the model over time. Through the process of design and development, prototyping and printing, we were inadvertently practicing how to operate it.

    We needed to teach others to do the same. And this called for a two-pronged approach.

    Perspective on using the Kassel Hand, as a modern prosthetist.

    The engineers reexamined the opening through which the release trigger poked out of the model. They proposed shortening it to limit how far back users could pull it. When we checked how this change would affect the model’s accuracy, we found that a smaller opening was actually closer to the artifact’s dimensions. While the larger opening had been necessary for an earlier version of the release lever that needed to travel farther, now it only caused problems. The engineers got to work.

    The historians, meanwhile, created plans to document and share the various techniques to operating the model the team hadn’t realized it had honed. To teach someone at home how to operate their own copy, we filmed a short video explaining how to lock and release the fingers and troubleshoot when a finger sticks.

    Testing the plan

    Exactly one week after what we called “the Birmingham Break,” we shared the model with a general audience again. This time we visited a colleague’s history class at Auburn.

    We brought four copies. Each had an insert to shorten the opening around the trigger. First, we played our new instructional video on a projector. Then we turned the models over to the students to try.

    The team brought these four models with inserts to shorten the opening below the release trigger to test with a general audience of undergraduate and graduate students.
    Heidi Hausse, CC BY-SA

    The result? Not a single broken lever. We publicly launched the project on schedule.

    The process of introducing the Kassel Hand model to the public highlights that just as the 16th-century amputee who wore the artifact had to learn to use it, one must learn to use the 3D-printed model, too.

    It is a potent reminder that technology is not just a matter of mechanisms and design. It is fundamentally about people – and how people use it.

    Heidi Hausse received funding from the Herzog August Bibliothek; the Consortium for History of Science, Technology and Medicine; the American Council of Learned Societies; the Huntington Library; the Society of Fellows in the Humanities at Columbia University; and the Renaissance Society of America.

    Peden Jones received funding from Renaissance Society of America.

    – ref. 3D-printed model of a 500-year-old prosthetic hand hints at life of a Renaissance amputee – https://theconversation.com/3d-printed-model-of-a-500-year-old-prosthetic-hand-hints-at-life-of-a-renaissance-amputee-256670

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Will the fragile ceasefire between Iran and Israel hold? One factor could be crucial to it sticking

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University

    Amir Levy/Getty Images

    After 12 days of war, US President Donald Trump has announced a ceasefire between Israel and Iran that would bring to an end the most dramatic, direct conflict between the two nations in decades.

    Israel and Iran both agreed to adhere to the ceasefire, though they said they would respond with force to any breach.

    If the ceasefire holds – a big if – the key question will be whether this signals the start of lasting peace, or merely a brief pause before renewed conflict.

    As contemporary war studies show, peace tends to endure under one of two conditions: either the total defeat of one side, or the establishment of mutual deterrence. This means both parties refrain from aggression because the expected costs of retaliation far outweigh any potential gains.

    What did each side gain?

    The war marked a turning point for Israel in its decades-long confrontation with Iran. For the first time, Israel successfully brought a prolonged battle to Iranian soil, shifting the conflict from confrontations with Iranian-backed proxy militant groups to direct strikes on Iran itself.

    This was made possible largely due to Israel’s success over the past two years in weakening Iran’s regional proxy network, particularly Hezbollah in Lebanon and Shiite militias in Syria.

    Over the past two weeks, Israel has inflicted significant damage on Iran’s military and scientific elite, killing several high-ranking commanders and nuclear scientists. The civilian toll was also high.

    Additionally, Israel achieved a major strategic objective by pulling the United States directly into the conflict. In coordination with Israel, the US launched strikes on three of Iran’s primary nuclear facilities: Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan.

    Despite these gains, Israel did not accomplish all of its stated goals. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had voiced support for regime change, urging Iranians to rise up against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s government, but the senior leadership in Iran remains intact.

    Additionally, Israel did not fully eliminate Iran’s missile program, as Iran continued striking to the last minute before the ceasefire. And Tehran did not acquiesce to Trump’s pre-war demand to end uranium enrichment.

    Although Iran was caught off-guard by Israel’s attacks — particularly as it was engaged in nuclear negotiations with the US — it responded by launching hundreds of missiles towards Israel.

    While many were intercepted, a significant number penetrated Israeli air defences, causing widespread destruction in major cities, dozens of fatalities and hundreds of injuries.

    Iran demonstrated its capacity to strike back, though Israel succeeded in destroying many of its air defence systems, some ballistic missile assets (including missile launchers) and multiple energy facilities.

    Since the beginning of the assault, Iranian officials have repeatedly called for a halt to resume negotiations. Under intense pressure, Iran realised it would not benefit from a prolonged war of attrition with Israel — especially as both nations faced mounting costs and the risk of depleting their military stockpiles if the war continued.

    As theories of victory suggest, success in war is defined not only by the damage inflicted, but by achieving core strategic goals and weakening the enemy’s will and capacity to resist.

    While Israel claims to have achieved the bulk of its objectives, the extent of the damage to Iran’s nuclear program is not fully known, nor is its capacity to continue enriching uranium.

    Both sides could remain locked in a volatile standoff over Iran’s nuclear program, with the conflict potentially reigniting whenever either side perceives a strategic opportunity.

    Sticking point over Iran’s nuclear program

    Iran faces even greater challenges as it emerges from the war. With a heavy toll on its leadership and nuclear infrastructure, Tehran will likely prioritise rebuilding its deterrence capability.

    That includes acquiring new advanced air defence systems — potentially from China — and restoring key components of its missile and nuclear programs. (Some experts say Iran did not use some of its most powerful missiles to maintain this deterrence.)

    Iranian officials have claimed they safeguarded more than 400 kilograms of 60% enriched uranium before the attacks. This stockpile could theoretically be converted into nine to ten nuclear warheads if further enriched to 90%.

    Trump declared Iran’s nuclear capacity had been “totally obliterated”, whereas Rafael Grossi, the United Nations’ nuclear watchdog chief, said damage to Iran’s facilities was “very significant”.

    However, analysts have argued Iran will still have a depth of technical knowledge accumulated over decades. Depending on the extent of the damage to its underground facilities, Iran could be capable of restoring and even accelerating its program in a relatively short time frame.

    And the chances of reviving negotiations on Iran’s nuclear program appear slimmer than ever.

    What might future deterrence look like?

    The war has fundamentally reshaped how both Iran and Israel perceive deterrence — and how they plan to secure it going forward.

    For Iran, the conflict reinforced the belief that its survival is at stake. With regime change openly discussed during the war, Iran’s leaders appear more convinced than ever that true deterrence requires two key pillars: nuclear weapons capability, and deeper strategic alignment with China and Russia.

    As a result, Iran is expected to move rapidly to restore and advance its nuclear program, potentially moving towards actual weaponisation — a step it had long avoided, officially.

    At the same time, Tehran is likely to accelerate military and economic cooperation with Beijing and Moscow to hedge against isolation. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi emphasised this close engagement with Russia during a visit to Moscow this week, particularly on nuclear matters.

    Israel, meanwhile, sees deterrence as requiring constant vigilance and a credible threat of overwhelming retaliation. In the absence of diplomatic breakthroughs, Israel may adopt a policy of immediate preemptive strikes on Iranian facilities or leadership figures if it detects any new escalation — particularly related to Iran’s nuclear program.

    In this context, the current ceasefire appears fragile. Without comprehensive negotiations that address the core issues — namely, Iran’s nuclear capabilities — the pause in hostilities may prove temporary.

    Mutual deterrence may prevent a more protracted war for now, but the balance remains precarious and could collapse with little warning.

    Ali Mamouri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Will the fragile ceasefire between Iran and Israel hold? One factor could be crucial to it sticking – https://theconversation.com/will-the-fragile-ceasefire-between-iran-and-israel-hold-one-factor-could-be-crucial-to-it-sticking-259669

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Will the fragile ceasefire between Iran and Israel hold? One factor could be crucial to it sticking

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University

    Amir Levy/Getty Images

    After 12 days of war, US President Donald Trump has announced a ceasefire between Israel and Iran that would bring to an end the most dramatic, direct conflict between the two nations in decades.

    Israel and Iran both agreed to adhere to the ceasefire, though they said they would respond with force to any breach.

    If the ceasefire holds – a big if – the key question will be whether this signals the start of lasting peace, or merely a brief pause before renewed conflict.

    As contemporary war studies show, peace tends to endure under one of two conditions: either the total defeat of one side, or the establishment of mutual deterrence. This means both parties refrain from aggression because the expected costs of retaliation far outweigh any potential gains.

    What did each side gain?

    The war marked a turning point for Israel in its decades-long confrontation with Iran. For the first time, Israel successfully brought a prolonged battle to Iranian soil, shifting the conflict from confrontations with Iranian-backed proxy militant groups to direct strikes on Iran itself.

    This was made possible largely due to Israel’s success over the past two years in weakening Iran’s regional proxy network, particularly Hezbollah in Lebanon and Shiite militias in Syria.

    Over the past two weeks, Israel has inflicted significant damage on Iran’s military and scientific elite, killing several high-ranking commanders and nuclear scientists. The civilian toll was also high.

    Additionally, Israel achieved a major strategic objective by pulling the United States directly into the conflict. In coordination with Israel, the US launched strikes on three of Iran’s primary nuclear facilities: Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan.

    Despite these gains, Israel did not accomplish all of its stated goals. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had voiced support for regime change, urging Iranians to rise up against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s government, but the senior leadership in Iran remains intact.

    Additionally, Israel did not fully eliminate Iran’s missile program, as Iran continued striking to the last minute before the ceasefire. And Tehran did not acquiesce to Trump’s pre-war demand to end uranium enrichment.

    Although Iran was caught off-guard by Israel’s attacks — particularly as it was engaged in nuclear negotiations with the US — it responded by launching hundreds of missiles towards Israel.

    While many were intercepted, a significant number penetrated Israeli air defences, causing widespread destruction in major cities, dozens of fatalities and hundreds of injuries.

    Iran demonstrated its capacity to strike back, though Israel succeeded in destroying many of its air defence systems, some ballistic missile assets (including missile launchers) and multiple energy facilities.

    Since the beginning of the assault, Iranian officials have repeatedly called for a halt to resume negotiations. Under intense pressure, Iran realised it would not benefit from a prolonged war of attrition with Israel — especially as both nations faced mounting costs and the risk of depleting their military stockpiles if the war continued.

    As theories of victory suggest, success in war is defined not only by the damage inflicted, but by achieving core strategic goals and weakening the enemy’s will and capacity to resist.

    While Israel claims to have achieved the bulk of its objectives, the extent of the damage to Iran’s nuclear program is not fully known, nor is its capacity to continue enriching uranium.

    Both sides could remain locked in a volatile standoff over Iran’s nuclear program, with the conflict potentially reigniting whenever either side perceives a strategic opportunity.

    Sticking point over Iran’s nuclear program

    Iran faces even greater challenges as it emerges from the war. With a heavy toll on its leadership and nuclear infrastructure, Tehran will likely prioritise rebuilding its deterrence capability.

    That includes acquiring new advanced air defence systems — potentially from China — and restoring key components of its missile and nuclear programs. (Some experts say Iran did not use some of its most powerful missiles to maintain this deterrence.)

    Iranian officials have claimed they safeguarded more than 400 kilograms of 60% enriched uranium before the attacks. This stockpile could theoretically be converted into nine to ten nuclear warheads if further enriched to 90%.

    Trump declared Iran’s nuclear capacity had been “totally obliterated”, whereas Rafael Grossi, the United Nations’ nuclear watchdog chief, said damage to Iran’s facilities was “very significant”.

    However, analysts have argued Iran will still have a depth of technical knowledge accumulated over decades. Depending on the extent of the damage to its underground facilities, Iran could be capable of restoring and even accelerating its program in a relatively short time frame.

    And the chances of reviving negotiations on Iran’s nuclear program appear slimmer than ever.

    What might future deterrence look like?

    The war has fundamentally reshaped how both Iran and Israel perceive deterrence — and how they plan to secure it going forward.

    For Iran, the conflict reinforced the belief that its survival is at stake. With regime change openly discussed during the war, Iran’s leaders appear more convinced than ever that true deterrence requires two key pillars: nuclear weapons capability, and deeper strategic alignment with China and Russia.

    As a result, Iran is expected to move rapidly to restore and advance its nuclear program, potentially moving towards actual weaponisation — a step it had long avoided, officially.

    At the same time, Tehran is likely to accelerate military and economic cooperation with Beijing and Moscow to hedge against isolation. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi emphasised this close engagement with Russia during a visit to Moscow this week, particularly on nuclear matters.

    Israel, meanwhile, sees deterrence as requiring constant vigilance and a credible threat of overwhelming retaliation. In the absence of diplomatic breakthroughs, Israel may adopt a policy of immediate preemptive strikes on Iranian facilities or leadership figures if it detects any new escalation — particularly related to Iran’s nuclear program.

    In this context, the current ceasefire appears fragile. Without comprehensive negotiations that address the core issues — namely, Iran’s nuclear capabilities — the pause in hostilities may prove temporary.

    Mutual deterrence may prevent a more protracted war for now, but the balance remains precarious and could collapse with little warning.

    Ali Mamouri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Will the fragile ceasefire between Iran and Israel hold? One factor could be crucial to it sticking – https://theconversation.com/will-the-fragile-ceasefire-between-iran-and-israel-hold-one-factor-could-be-crucial-to-it-sticking-259669

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Global: NHS to offer at-home cervical cancer screening – an expert explains what you need to know

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dipa Kamdar, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy Practice, Kingston University

    Iryna Inshyna/Shutterstock

    Nearly one in three women and other people with a cervix in the UK don’t attend their cervical screening when invited. Yet this quick, routine test helps prevent up to 70% of cervical cancer deaths by detecting problems early — and if everyone took part, that figure could rise to over 80%.

    Since December 2019, England has adopted a more accurate screening method that tests first for high-risk human papillomavirus (HPV), the virus responsible for nearly all cervical cancers, rather than looking immediately for abnormal cervical cells. Recommended by the UK National Screening Committee, this approach allows for longer intervals between tests for those who receive a negative HPV result, typically every five years instead of every three.

    From July 1 2025, this updated screening schedule will apply to women aged 25 to 49 who test negative for high-risk HPV. Research shows that those who test negative are at very low risk of developing cervical cancer in the following decade.

    Since the announcement, some women have raised concerns online, often shaped by personal experience. One woman posted on Facebook:

    “I had a positive smear when I was younger. It had been negative three years earlier… Imagine if I’d had to wait two more years before finding out I was positive.”

    Others have echoed these fears, calling not only for shorter screening intervals but for earlier testing ages. With around 3,200 people diagnosed with cervical cancer in the UK each year, some wonder whether the change is rooted in science — or in cost-cutting.

    What is cervical screening?

    Cervical screening, previously called a smear test, is a simple, routine way to help prevent cervical cancer. It’s offered to women, some trans men and non-binary people with a cervix. The test checks the cervix (the opening to the womb) for early signs of change that could lead to cancer if left untreated.

    It’s not a test for cancer itself. Instead, it looks for HPV, a common virus that can cause abnormal cell changes. If high-risk HPV is found, the sample is then checked for abnormal cells, which can be treated before they develop into cancer. If no HPV is detected, the risk is extremely low.

    Why is the screening interval changing?

    Under the new system, those who test negative for high-risk HPV will be screened every five years, rather than every three. This brings younger people in line with those aged 50 to 64, who already follow a five-year schedule.

    Anyone who tests positive for HPV will continue to receive annual follow-ups.

    This shift is supported by strong scientific evidence. HPV screening is more accurate than the previous method, which only looked for abnormal cells. Studies show that people who test negative for high-risk HPV are at very low risk of cervical cancer for many years — making five-year intervals safe and effective.

    The HPV vaccine

    The introduction of the HPV vaccine in the UK has significantly reduced HPV infections, the leading cause of cervical cancer. Research shows the vaccine can prevent up to 90% of cases, and the latest version, introduced in 2021, provides even broader protection.

    Combined with screening, the vaccine has contributed to a 25% drop in cervical cancer rates since the early 1990s.

    Self-sampling kits

    Despite these advances, many people still miss their screening appointments due to embarrassment, discomfort, time constraints or cultural concerns. Starting in January 2026, NHS England will offer at-home cervical screening kits to women and others with a cervix who rarely or never attend routine screening.

    With more than five million women not currently up to date, the scheme aims to boost participation — especially among underscreened groups, including younger people, ethnic minorities, disabled people and LGBT+ people. Trials suggest self-sampling could raise uptake to 77% within three years, nearing the NHS target of 80%.

    The kits, sent in discreet packaging with pre-paid return postage, allow people aged 25 to 64 to take a simple vaginal swab at home. The sample is tested for HPV, and if high-risk strains are found, the patient is invited for further tests.

    Is the new schedule safe?

    For most people, yes. The longer interval means fewer appointments for those at low risk, without compromising early detection for those who need it. The test itself usually causes only mild discomfort or pressure, and light spotting can occur afterwards. If you’re concerned, your doctor or nurse can help.

    While some worry that five years is too long to wait, it’s important to remember that HPV testing is highly accurate – and annual follow-ups remain in place for those who need closer monitoring.

    Even if you’re not due for screening, it’s vital to know the signs of cervical cancer, including:

    • Unusual vaginal bleeding (after sex, between periods or after menopause)

    • Changes in vaginal discharge

    • Pain during sex

    • Pain in the lower back or pelvis

    If you experience any of these symptoms, don’t wait for your next screening – contact your GP straight away.

    Cervical screening saves lives. The shift to five-year intervals is backed by science and designed to keep people safe while reducing unnecessary appointments. If you’re invited, go – even if you feel fine. And if something doesn’t feel right, speak up.

    The aim is simple: catch problems early, prevent cancer, and protect lives.

    Dipa Kamdar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. NHS to offer at-home cervical cancer screening – an expert explains what you need to know – https://theconversation.com/nhs-to-offer-at-home-cervical-cancer-screening-an-expert-explains-what-you-need-to-know-259299

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: NHS to offer at-home cervical cancer screening – an expert explains what you need to know

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dipa Kamdar, Senior Lecturer in Pharmacy Practice, Kingston University

    Iryna Inshyna/Shutterstock

    Nearly one in three women and other people with a cervix in the UK don’t attend their cervical screening when invited. Yet this quick, routine test helps prevent up to 70% of cervical cancer deaths by detecting problems early — and if everyone took part, that figure could rise to over 80%.

    Since December 2019, England has adopted a more accurate screening method that tests first for high-risk human papillomavirus (HPV), the virus responsible for nearly all cervical cancers, rather than looking immediately for abnormal cervical cells. Recommended by the UK National Screening Committee, this approach allows for longer intervals between tests for those who receive a negative HPV result, typically every five years instead of every three.

    From July 1 2025, this updated screening schedule will apply to women aged 25 to 49 who test negative for high-risk HPV. Research shows that those who test negative are at very low risk of developing cervical cancer in the following decade.

    Since the announcement, some women have raised concerns online, often shaped by personal experience. One woman posted on Facebook:

    “I had a positive smear when I was younger. It had been negative three years earlier… Imagine if I’d had to wait two more years before finding out I was positive.”

    Others have echoed these fears, calling not only for shorter screening intervals but for earlier testing ages. With around 3,200 people diagnosed with cervical cancer in the UK each year, some wonder whether the change is rooted in science — or in cost-cutting.

    What is cervical screening?

    Cervical screening, previously called a smear test, is a simple, routine way to help prevent cervical cancer. It’s offered to women, some trans men and non-binary people with a cervix. The test checks the cervix (the opening to the womb) for early signs of change that could lead to cancer if left untreated.

    It’s not a test for cancer itself. Instead, it looks for HPV, a common virus that can cause abnormal cell changes. If high-risk HPV is found, the sample is then checked for abnormal cells, which can be treated before they develop into cancer. If no HPV is detected, the risk is extremely low.

    Why is the screening interval changing?

    Under the new system, those who test negative for high-risk HPV will be screened every five years, rather than every three. This brings younger people in line with those aged 50 to 64, who already follow a five-year schedule.

    Anyone who tests positive for HPV will continue to receive annual follow-ups.

    This shift is supported by strong scientific evidence. HPV screening is more accurate than the previous method, which only looked for abnormal cells. Studies show that people who test negative for high-risk HPV are at very low risk of cervical cancer for many years — making five-year intervals safe and effective.

    The HPV vaccine

    The introduction of the HPV vaccine in the UK has significantly reduced HPV infections, the leading cause of cervical cancer. Research shows the vaccine can prevent up to 90% of cases, and the latest version, introduced in 2021, provides even broader protection.

    Combined with screening, the vaccine has contributed to a 25% drop in cervical cancer rates since the early 1990s.

    Self-sampling kits

    Despite these advances, many people still miss their screening appointments due to embarrassment, discomfort, time constraints or cultural concerns. Starting in January 2026, NHS England will offer at-home cervical screening kits to women and others with a cervix who rarely or never attend routine screening.

    With more than five million women not currently up to date, the scheme aims to boost participation — especially among underscreened groups, including younger people, ethnic minorities, disabled people and LGBT+ people. Trials suggest self-sampling could raise uptake to 77% within three years, nearing the NHS target of 80%.

    The kits, sent in discreet packaging with pre-paid return postage, allow people aged 25 to 64 to take a simple vaginal swab at home. The sample is tested for HPV, and if high-risk strains are found, the patient is invited for further tests.

    Is the new schedule safe?

    For most people, yes. The longer interval means fewer appointments for those at low risk, without compromising early detection for those who need it. The test itself usually causes only mild discomfort or pressure, and light spotting can occur afterwards. If you’re concerned, your doctor or nurse can help.

    While some worry that five years is too long to wait, it’s important to remember that HPV testing is highly accurate – and annual follow-ups remain in place for those who need closer monitoring.

    Even if you’re not due for screening, it’s vital to know the signs of cervical cancer, including:

    • Unusual vaginal bleeding (after sex, between periods or after menopause)

    • Changes in vaginal discharge

    • Pain during sex

    • Pain in the lower back or pelvis

    If you experience any of these symptoms, don’t wait for your next screening – contact your GP straight away.

    Cervical screening saves lives. The shift to five-year intervals is backed by science and designed to keep people safe while reducing unnecessary appointments. If you’re invited, go – even if you feel fine. And if something doesn’t feel right, speak up.

    The aim is simple: catch problems early, prevent cancer, and protect lives.

    Dipa Kamdar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. NHS to offer at-home cervical cancer screening – an expert explains what you need to know – https://theconversation.com/nhs-to-offer-at-home-cervical-cancer-screening-an-expert-explains-what-you-need-to-know-259299

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Mozambique after 50 years of independence: what’s there to celebrate?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Luca Bussotti, Professor at the PhD Course in Peace, Democracy, Social Movements and Human Development, Universidade Técnica de Moçambique (UDM)

    Mozambique’s government, led by the Frelimo party, has long been planning celebrations for 2025. It is 50 years since independence, won after an anti-colonial war against Portugal led by the same party.

    Something has gone wrong, however, especially in the past two years.

    Since the country’s popular rapper Azagaia died in March 2023 and peaceful processions in his memory escalated into violent clashes with the police, space has opened up for the establishment of a social movement of young people. This has since turned into a political movement, taking on the name “Povo no Poder” (“People in Power”). At its head is a brilliant politician, Venâncio Mondlane.

    Povo no Poder was also the name of Azagaia’s hit song, which had been the soundtrack to 2008 protests against rising energy costs.

    Azagaia’s POVO NO PODER.

    The demonstrations in March 2023 marked a turning point for Mozambique. It was as if all the energy and indignation about a highly corrupt and increasingly authoritarian country that Azagaia had expressed through his songs had been passed on to previously fearful young people. Now they dared to challenge the police and army in the open and without any weapons.

    In late 2024 Mozambicans took to the streets to protest against elections they claimed were rigged. Over 300 people were killed in demonstrations.

    Efforts have been made to redress this serious wound. In preparation for the 50 years of independence Frelimo has been recalling key places and symbols in the liberation war, harking back to a time when they represented justice.

    But attempts to evoke past glory and ideals are not resonating with ordinary Mozambicans. The mood in the country is subdued.

    As a specialist in the politics of lusophone Africa, in particular Mozambique, based on years of research, I find it difficult to envision a future of peace and prosperity for the next 50 years. There are divisive elements at play across the country. The post-election crisis has its roots in widespread discontent. Mozambicans are also rising against the cost of living crisis.

    Attempts to rekindle the flame

    The newly elected president, Daniel Chapo, opened the 50th anniversary celebrations on 7 April in Nangade, in Cabo Delgado province. This is one of the places where the armed struggle against the Portuguese began.

    National symbolism has focused on the torch of national unity, travelling the length and breadth of Mozambique to arrive in Maputo at the historic Machava Stadium on 25 June, Independence Day, for a concluding public ceremony.

    Not everyone has shared this attempt to patch up a country torn both politically and socio-economically.

    Too much has been lost in the intervening decades.

    In the initial period of independence Frelimo adopted socialist policies and attempted to promote free and universal social services, primarily healthcare and education. Back then, the ruling class, starting with the country’s first president, Samora Machel, didn’t enjoy any particular economic privileges.

    The reality today is quite different.

    Journalist and social activist Tomás Vieira Mário, one of the main critics of the current regime, has traced the stages of independent Mozambique’s history. He’s pointed out the contradiction between the initial thrust by many Mozambican common people towards the liberation movement and subsequent, authoritarian developments.

    He concluded in an article that all that remained to unite Mozambicans was the

    mere sharing of the same territorial space. And a lot of blood.

    He was referring to the long war against Renamo from 1976 to 1992 and again from 2013 to 2019, ethnic questions that have never been resolved, and finally the armed attacks in Cabo Delgado of jihadist and ethnic nature.

    For his part, renowned philosopher Severino Ngoenha has also underscored the importance of a justice system that is fair and inclusive, and not at the service of one political party.

    The new opposition is coming not from Renamo or Frelimo but from the streets. Popular protests have taken place this year even in areas once considered Frelimo strongholds. In Gaza province, southern Mozambique, for example, there have been outbreaks of violence, demonstrating that the bipolar system that emerged from the 1992 peace accord now seems incapable of responding to the new demands of Mozambican society.

    On the political level, efforts are being made to overcome the post-electoral crisis and its wounds through the establishment of an Inclusive Dialogue Commission. This is being chaired by jurist Edson Macuacua, who is a vice-minister in the Frelimo government.

    The commission is made up of representatives from all major parties as well as three members of civil society. The eventual aim is radical reform of the state.

    But there are serious doubts about the success of this ambitious project which I believe are legitimate. The big question, beyond any institutional and electoral reforms, is whether the Frelimo party-state will be able to change its political culture in the next elections, accepting any negative results and, therefore, the loss of power.

    Efforts are being made on all fronts to obstruct Mondlane from gaining a political foothold. Mondlane wants to start a new party called the Anamalala (meaning “It will end”, or “Stop!”).

    The name has been rejected by the Ministry of Justice because a Mozambican party cannot be named using a local language – in this case Emakhuwa.

    On the judicial level, several trials are underway against Mondlane and his closest associates, which could result in convictions for inciting protesters to destroy public infrastructure during the post-election demonstrations. If convicted, he would be declared ineligible to run in elections scheduled for 2029.

    Inequality and disparities

    Mozambique is among the six most unequal countries in the world and one of the poorest. According to World Bank data, 500,000 young people enter the labour market each year, with an average absorption capacity of about 25,000 in the formal sector, and 36% of young people unemployed in Maputo.

    Meanwhile, the number of very rich is growing. Mozambique ranks 16th among African countries in terms of the number of millionaires, with 18% growth over the past 10 years.

    This inequality puts national unity at risk.

    The economic disparities between the capital, Maputo, and the rest of the country are increasingly evident.

    Entire ethnic groups and territories are marginalised. Socio-economic and cultural divisions have been replicated in the case of discoveries of large natural resources in the north of the country. Large investments have been made in gas (Total and ENI-Exxon) and rubies in Cabo Delgado.

    A new threat has arisen too: extremism. Islamist-motivated attacks have been occurring in Cabo Delgado since 2017. There was an attack recently on a military base in Macomia.

    Efforts to encourage unity are coming from many quarters: from the promotion of inclusive dialogue; from a civic consciousness that has grown since 2023-2024; and from the country’s economic potential.

    But social inequality remains. So do doubts about Frelimo’s willingness to make Mozambique a country where the winner governs without manipulating election results.

    Luca Bussotti does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Mozambique after 50 years of independence: what’s there to celebrate? – https://theconversation.com/mozambique-after-50-years-of-independence-whats-there-to-celebrate-259528

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Mozambique after 50 years of independence: what’s there to celebrate?

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Luca Bussotti, Professor at the PhD Course in Peace, Democracy, Social Movements and Human Development, Universidade Técnica de Moçambique (UDM)

    Mozambique’s government, led by the Frelimo party, has long been planning celebrations for 2025. It is 50 years since independence, won after an anti-colonial war against Portugal led by the same party.

    Something has gone wrong, however, especially in the past two years.

    Since the country’s popular rapper Azagaia died in March 2023 and peaceful processions in his memory escalated into violent clashes with the police, space has opened up for the establishment of a social movement of young people. This has since turned into a political movement, taking on the name “Povo no Poder” (“People in Power”). At its head is a brilliant politician, Venâncio Mondlane.

    Povo no Poder was also the name of Azagaia’s hit song, which had been the soundtrack to 2008 protests against rising energy costs.

    Azagaia’s POVO NO PODER.

    The demonstrations in March 2023 marked a turning point for Mozambique. It was as if all the energy and indignation about a highly corrupt and increasingly authoritarian country that Azagaia had expressed through his songs had been passed on to previously fearful young people. Now they dared to challenge the police and army in the open and without any weapons.

    In late 2024 Mozambicans took to the streets to protest against elections they claimed were rigged. Over 300 people were killed in demonstrations.

    Efforts have been made to redress this serious wound. In preparation for the 50 years of independence Frelimo has been recalling key places and symbols in the liberation war, harking back to a time when they represented justice.

    But attempts to evoke past glory and ideals are not resonating with ordinary Mozambicans. The mood in the country is subdued.

    As a specialist in the politics of lusophone Africa, in particular Mozambique, based on years of research, I find it difficult to envision a future of peace and prosperity for the next 50 years. There are divisive elements at play across the country. The post-election crisis has its roots in widespread discontent. Mozambicans are also rising against the cost of living crisis.

    Attempts to rekindle the flame

    The newly elected president, Daniel Chapo, opened the 50th anniversary celebrations on 7 April in Nangade, in Cabo Delgado province. This is one of the places where the armed struggle against the Portuguese began.

    National symbolism has focused on the torch of national unity, travelling the length and breadth of Mozambique to arrive in Maputo at the historic Machava Stadium on 25 June, Independence Day, for a concluding public ceremony.

    Not everyone has shared this attempt to patch up a country torn both politically and socio-economically.

    Too much has been lost in the intervening decades.

    In the initial period of independence Frelimo adopted socialist policies and attempted to promote free and universal social services, primarily healthcare and education. Back then, the ruling class, starting with the country’s first president, Samora Machel, didn’t enjoy any particular economic privileges.

    The reality today is quite different.

    Journalist and social activist Tomás Vieira Mário, one of the main critics of the current regime, has traced the stages of independent Mozambique’s history. He’s pointed out the contradiction between the initial thrust by many Mozambican common people towards the liberation movement and subsequent, authoritarian developments.

    He concluded in an article that all that remained to unite Mozambicans was the

    mere sharing of the same territorial space. And a lot of blood.

    He was referring to the long war against Renamo from 1976 to 1992 and again from 2013 to 2019, ethnic questions that have never been resolved, and finally the armed attacks in Cabo Delgado of jihadist and ethnic nature.

    For his part, renowned philosopher Severino Ngoenha has also underscored the importance of a justice system that is fair and inclusive, and not at the service of one political party.

    The new opposition is coming not from Renamo or Frelimo but from the streets. Popular protests have taken place this year even in areas once considered Frelimo strongholds. In Gaza province, southern Mozambique, for example, there have been outbreaks of violence, demonstrating that the bipolar system that emerged from the 1992 peace accord now seems incapable of responding to the new demands of Mozambican society.

    On the political level, efforts are being made to overcome the post-electoral crisis and its wounds through the establishment of an Inclusive Dialogue Commission. This is being chaired by jurist Edson Macuacua, who is a vice-minister in the Frelimo government.

    The commission is made up of representatives from all major parties as well as three members of civil society. The eventual aim is radical reform of the state.

    But there are serious doubts about the success of this ambitious project which I believe are legitimate. The big question, beyond any institutional and electoral reforms, is whether the Frelimo party-state will be able to change its political culture in the next elections, accepting any negative results and, therefore, the loss of power.

    Efforts are being made on all fronts to obstruct Mondlane from gaining a political foothold. Mondlane wants to start a new party called the Anamalala (meaning “It will end”, or “Stop!”).

    The name has been rejected by the Ministry of Justice because a Mozambican party cannot be named using a local language – in this case Emakhuwa.

    On the judicial level, several trials are underway against Mondlane and his closest associates, which could result in convictions for inciting protesters to destroy public infrastructure during the post-election demonstrations. If convicted, he would be declared ineligible to run in elections scheduled for 2029.

    Inequality and disparities

    Mozambique is among the six most unequal countries in the world and one of the poorest. According to World Bank data, 500,000 young people enter the labour market each year, with an average absorption capacity of about 25,000 in the formal sector, and 36% of young people unemployed in Maputo.

    Meanwhile, the number of very rich is growing. Mozambique ranks 16th among African countries in terms of the number of millionaires, with 18% growth over the past 10 years.

    This inequality puts national unity at risk.

    The economic disparities between the capital, Maputo, and the rest of the country are increasingly evident.

    Entire ethnic groups and territories are marginalised. Socio-economic and cultural divisions have been replicated in the case of discoveries of large natural resources in the north of the country. Large investments have been made in gas (Total and ENI-Exxon) and rubies in Cabo Delgado.

    A new threat has arisen too: extremism. Islamist-motivated attacks have been occurring in Cabo Delgado since 2017. There was an attack recently on a military base in Macomia.

    Efforts to encourage unity are coming from many quarters: from the promotion of inclusive dialogue; from a civic consciousness that has grown since 2023-2024; and from the country’s economic potential.

    But social inequality remains. So do doubts about Frelimo’s willingness to make Mozambique a country where the winner governs without manipulating election results.

    Luca Bussotti does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Mozambique after 50 years of independence: what’s there to celebrate? – https://theconversation.com/mozambique-after-50-years-of-independence-whats-there-to-celebrate-259528

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Ramzy Baroud: The fallout – winners and losers from the Israeli war on Iran

    COMMENTARY: By Ramzy Baroud, editor of The Palestinian Chronicle

    The conflict between Israel and Iran over the past 12 days has redefined the regional chessboard. Here is a look at their key takeaways:

    Israel:
    Pulled in the US: Israel successfully drew the United States into a direct military confrontation with Iran, setting a significant precedent for future direct (not just indirect) intervention.

    Boosted political capital: This move generated substantial political leverage, allowing Israel to frame US intervention as a major strategic success.

    Iran:
    Forged a new deterrence: Iran has firmly established a new equation of deterrence, emerging as a powerful regional force capable of directly challenging Israel, the US, and their Western allies.

    Demonstrated independence: Crucially, Iran achieved this without relying on its traditional regional allies, showcasing its self-reliance and strategic depth.

    Defeated regime change efforts: This confrontation effectively thwarted any perceived Israeli strategy aimed at regime change, solidifying the current Iranian government’s position.

    Achieved national unity: In the face of external pressure, Iran saw a notable surge in domestic unity, bridging the gap between reformers and conservatives in a new social and political contract.

    Asserted direct regional role: Iran has definitively cemented its status as a direct and undeniable player in the ongoing regional struggle against Israeli hegemony.

    Sent a global message: It delivered a strong message to non-Western global powers like China and Russia, proving itself a reliable regional force capable of challenging and reshaping the existing balance of power.

    Exposed regional dynamics: The events sharply exposed Arab and Muslim countries that openly or tacitly support the US-Israeli regional project of dominance, highlighting underlying regional alignments.

    Dr Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of The Last Earth: A Palestinian Story (Pluto Press, London). He has a PhD in Palestine Studies from the University of Exeter (2015) and was a Non-Resident Scholar at Orfalea Center for Global and International Studies, University of California Santa Barbara. This commentary is republished from his Facebook page.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Iran and Israel agree to a fragile ceasefire. One factor could be crucial to it sticking

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University

    Amir Levy/Getty Images

    After 12 days of war, US President Donald Trump has announced a ceasefire between Israel and Iran that would bring to an end the most dramatic, direct conflict between the two nations in decades.

    Israel and Iran both agreed to adhere to the ceasefire, though they said they would respond with force to any breach.

    If the ceasefire holds – a big if – the key question will be whether this signals the start of lasting peace, or merely a brief pause before renewed conflict.

    As contemporary war studies show, peace tends to endure under one of two conditions: either the total defeat of one side, or the establishment of mutual deterrence. This means both parties refrain from aggression because the expected costs of retaliation far outweigh any potential gains.

    What did each side gain?

    The war marked a turning point for Israel in its decades-long confrontation with Iran. For the first time, Israel successfully brought a prolonged battle to Iranian soil, shifting the conflict from confrontations with Iranian-backed proxy militant groups to direct strikes on Iran itself.

    This was made possible largely due to Israel’s success over the past two years in weakening Iran’s regional proxy network, particularly Hezbollah in Lebanon and Shiite militias in Syria.

    Over the past two weeks, Israel has inflicted significant damage on Iran’s military and scientific elite, killing several high-ranking commanders and nuclear scientists. The civilian toll was also high.

    Additionally, Israel achieved a major strategic objective by pulling the United States directly into the conflict. In coordination with Israel, the US launched strikes on three of Iran’s primary nuclear facilities: Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan.

    Despite these gains, Israel did not accomplish all of its stated goals. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had voiced support for regime change, urging Iranians to rise up against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s government, but the senior leadership in Iran remains intact.

    Additionally, Israel did not fully eliminate Iran’s missile program, as Iran continued striking to the last minute before the ceasefire. And Tehran did not acquiesce to Trump’s pre-war demand to end uranium enrichment.

    Although Iran was caught off-guard by Israel’s attacks — particularly as it was engaged in nuclear negotiations with the US — it responded by launching hundreds of missiles towards Israel.

    While many were intercepted, a significant number penetrated Israeli air defences, causing widespread destruction in major cities, dozens of fatalities and hundreds of injuries.

    Iran demonstrated its capacity to strike back, though Israel succeeded in destroying many of its air defence systems, some ballistic missile assets (including missile launchers) and multiple energy facilities.

    Since the beginning of the assault, Iranian officials have repeatedly called for a halt to resume negotiations. Under intense pressure, Iran realised it would not benefit from a prolonged war of attrition with Israel — especially as both nations faced mounting costs and the risk of depleting their military stockpiles if the war continued.

    As theories of victory suggest, success in war is defined not only by the damage inflicted, but by achieving core strategic goals and weakening the enemy’s will and capacity to resist.

    While Israel claims to have achieved the bulk of its objectives, the extent of the damage to Iran’s nuclear program is not fully known, nor is its capacity to continue enriching uranium.

    Both sides could remain locked in a volatile standoff over Iran’s nuclear program, with the conflict potentially reigniting whenever either side perceives a strategic opportunity.

    Sticking point over Iran’s nuclear program

    Iran faces even greater challenges as it emerges from the war. With a heavy toll on its leadership and nuclear infrastructure, Tehran will likely prioritise rebuilding its deterrence capability.

    That includes acquiring new advanced air defence systems — potentially from China — and restoring key components of its missile and nuclear programs. (Some experts say Iran did not use some of its most powerful missiles to maintain this deterrence.)

    Iranian officials have claimed they safeguarded more than 400 kilograms of 60% enriched uranium before the attacks. This stockpile could theoretically be converted into nine to ten nuclear warheads if further enriched to 90%.

    Trump declared Iran’s nuclear capacity had been “totally obliterated”, whereas Rafael Grossi, the United Nations’ nuclear watchdog chief, said damage to Iran’s facilities was “very significant”.

    However, analysts have argued Iran will still have a depth of technical knowledge accumulated over decades. Depending on the extent of the damage to its underground facilities, Iran could be capable of restoring and even accelerating its program in a relatively short time frame.

    And the chances of reviving negotiations on Iran’s nuclear program appear slimmer than ever.

    What might future deterrence look like?

    The war has fundamentally reshaped how both Iran and Israel perceive deterrence — and how they plan to secure it going forward.

    For Iran, the conflict reinforced the belief that its survival is at stake. With regime change openly discussed during the war, Iran’s leaders appear more convinced than ever that true deterrence requires two key pillars: nuclear weapons capability, and deeper strategic alignment with China and Russia.

    As a result, Iran is expected to move rapidly to restore and advance its nuclear program, potentially moving towards actual weaponisation — a step it had long avoided, officially.

    At the same time, Tehran is likely to accelerate military and economic cooperation with Beijing and Moscow to hedge against isolation. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi emphasised this close engagement with Russia during a visit to Moscow this week, particularly on nuclear matters.

    Israel, meanwhile, sees deterrence as requiring constant vigilance and a credible threat of overwhelming retaliation. In the absence of diplomatic breakthroughs, Israel may adopt a policy of immediate preemptive strikes on Iranian facilities or leadership figures if it detects any new escalation — particularly related to Iran’s nuclear program.

    In this context, the current ceasefire appears fragile. Without comprehensive negotiations that address the core issues — namely, Iran’s nuclear capabilities — the pause in hostilities may prove temporary.

    Mutual deterrence may prevent a more protracted war for now, but the balance remains precarious and could collapse with little warning.

    Ali Mamouri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Iran and Israel agree to a fragile ceasefire. One factor could be crucial to it sticking – https://theconversation.com/iran-and-israel-agree-to-a-fragile-ceasefire-one-factor-could-be-crucial-to-it-sticking-259669

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Trouble getting out of bed? Signs the ‘winter blues’ may be something more serious

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kelvin (Shiu Fung) Wong, Senior Lecturer in Clinical Psychology, Swinburne University of Technology

    Justin Paget/Getty

    Winter is here. As the days grow shorter and the skies turn darker, you might start to feel a bit “off”. You may notice a dip in your mood or energy levels. Maybe you’re less motivated to do things you previously enjoyed in the warmer months.

    The “winter blues” can feel like an inevitable part of life. You might feel sluggish or less social, but you can still get on with your day.

    However, if your winter blues are making everyday life difficult and interfering with your work and relationships, it could be the sign of something more serious.

    Seasonal affective disorder is more than a seasonal slump – it’s a recognised psychiatric condition. Here’s what to look for and how to get help.

    What is seasonal affective disorder?

    The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders officially recognises seasonal affective disorder as a recurrent major depressive disorder “with seasonal pattern”.

    In other words, the condition shares many symptoms with major depressive disorder, but it also follows a seasonal rhythm. While this might be most common in winter, the disorder can also occur in summer.

    Symptoms include:

    • persistent low mood or feelings of sadness

    • loss of interest in activities you once enjoyed

    • low energy and fatigue, even after lots of sleep

    • changes in appetite

    • weight gain or weight loss

    • difficulty concentrating

    • sleeping more or less than usual

    • feelings of hopelessness or worthlessness

    • in some cases, thoughts of self-harm or suicide.

    Research suggests seasonal affective disorder affects up to 10% of the global population.

    Although it can affect anyone, it is more common in women, people aged between 18 and 30 years, and those living far from the equator, where winter daylight hours are especially limited.

    A review of the Australian research on seasonal affective disorder showed the highest proportion of Australians with seasonal affective disorder was found in the most southern state, Tasmania (9% of the population).

    What causes it?

    Unfortunately, the exact cause of seasonal affective disorder is still poorly understood.

    Some theories propose it is primarily caused by a lack of light in the environment, although we are not exactly sure how this leads to depression.

    As sunlight is responsible for the production of vitamin D, some have suggested a lack of vitamin D is what causes depression. However, the evidence for such a link is inconclusive.

    Others suggest a lack of light in winter delays the circadian rhythms which regulate our sleep/wake cycle. Poor sleep is related to many mental health difficulties, including depression.

    Seasonal affective disorder can be treated

    Fortunately, there are several evidence-based treatments for seasonal affective disorder. Relief may be found through a combination of approaches.

    Bright light therapy is usually the first treatment recommended for seasonal affective disorder. It involves sitting near a specially designed lightbox (with a strength of 10,000 lux) for about 20 to 30 minutes a day to mimic natural sunlight and help regulate the body’s internal clock.

    Cognitive behavioural therapy aims to help people develop some flexibility around the negative thoughts that might maintain seasonal affective disorder symptoms (for example, “I am worthless because I never get up to anything meaningful in winter”).

    Lifestyle changes such as regular exercise, time spent outdoors (even on gloomy days), a balanced diet, and good sleep hygiene can all support recovery.

    Antidepressants – especially selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) – may be prescribed when symptoms are moderate to severe, or when other treatments have not worked.

    What else helps?

    Even those without seasonal affective disorder might need to fight the winter blues. So, what works?

    Prioritise social connection

    Schedule regular, achievable and pleasant activities with friends, such as trivia at the pub or a brisk walk.

    Reframe winter

    Rather than dreading the cold, see if you can embrace what is special about this time of year. The mindset of “hygge” (a Danish and Norwegian term for cosiness and contentment) may help.

    Let winter be your excuse for snuggling on your couch with a thick blanket and hot chocolate while catching up on books and TV shows. Or see if there are any winter-specific activities (such as night markets) where you live.

    Maximise daylight

    Taking a walk during lunchtime when the sun is out, even briefly, can make a difference.

    The bottom line

    If your “winter blues” last more than two weeks, start interfering with your daily life or feel overwhelming, then it might be time to seek professional help.

    Speaking to your GP or mental health professional can help you get support early and prevent symptoms getting worse.

    Kelvin (Shiu Fung) Wong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trouble getting out of bed? Signs the ‘winter blues’ may be something more serious – https://theconversation.com/trouble-getting-out-of-bed-signs-the-winter-blues-may-be-something-more-serious-259375

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –