Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jeremy Howick, Professor and Director of the Stoneygate Centre for Excellence in Empathic Healthcare, University of Leicester
Patients’ lives are being put at risk by poor communication from healthcare professionals in hospitals worldwide, according to new research my colleagues and I conducted.
Our analysis included 46 studies, published between 2013 and 2024, involving over 67,000 patients across Europe, North and South America, Asia and Australia. And the findings are alarming. We discovered that poor communication was the sole cause of patient-safety incidents in over one in ten cases and contributed to causing incidents in one in four cases.
These aren’t just statistics, they represent real people harmed by preventable errors.
In one documented case, a doctor accidentally shut off a patient’s Amiodarone drip (a drug to treat heart arrhythmias) while silencing a beeping pump. The doctor failed to tell the nurse, and the patient’s heart rate spiked dangerously.
In another example, a patient died after a nurse failed to tell a surgeon that the patient was experiencing abdominal pains following surgery and had a low red blood cell count – clear indicators of internal bleeding. The patient later died from a haemorrhage that could have been prevented with adequate communication.
These findings confirm what many healthcare professionals have long suspected: communication breakdowns directly threaten patient safety. What’s particularly concerning is that these incidents cut across different healthcare systems worldwide.
The scale of the problem
In the UK alone, over 1,700 lives are lost annually due to medication errors, and at least 3 million deaths occur due to medication errors worldwide. At least half of these – often resulting from poor communication – are preventable.
In the US, communication failures contribute to over 60% of all hospital-based adverse events. Experts believe these figures probably underestimate the true extent of the problem as patient safety incidents are often underreported.
This research fills an important gap in our understanding. While previous studies had established that poor communication was an issue in healthcare settings, this is the first rigorous analysis to quantify precisely how communication lapses affect patient safety.
My colleagues and I also conducted a separate analysis of just the high-quality studies in the review, which yielded similar results, strengthening the validity of our findings.
The critical importance of effective communication has been highlighted in major healthcare investigations. Both the Francis and Ockenden Reports in the UK, which examined serious healthcare failures, cited ineffective communication as a cause of unnecessary deaths at the Mid-Staffordshire NHS Foundation Trust and the Shrewsbury and Telford Hospital NHS Trust, respectively.
Further emphasising this point, the UK’s health ombudsman has identified poor communication as a contributing factor in about 48,000 avoidable sepsis deaths each year.
Inadequate communication doesn’t just make people feel bad in a nonspecific sense, it causes actual harm. Misunderstandings lead to grave medical errors through misdiagnosis, suboptimal treatments and potentially life-threatening complications.
Hope for improvement
Despite these sobering findings, we emphasise that communication can be improved through targeted interventions. When healthcare practitioners receive training to communicate with additional empathy toward their patients, their empathic behaviour improves – and so do patient outcomes.
Similarly, when healthcare professionals are taught to communicate more effectively with colleagues, measurable improvements follow.
One notable study found that implementing a structured communication protocol in surgical teams reduced adverse events by 23% over a year. Another demonstrated that using standardised handoff procedures between shifts decreased medical errors by nearly 30%.
These communication interventions often take as little as half a day to implement and are likely to be highly cost-effective. For a relatively small investment in training, healthcare systems could see significant reductions in preventable harm.
The evidence is in. It’s time for healthcare leaders, educators and policymakers to act. Communication training must become a universal standard – not an optional extra – in safeguarding patient lives.
Jeremy Howick receives funding from the Stoneygate Trust, and occasionally receives speaking fees for his talks.
Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments
Press release
Change of British High Commissioner to Malta: Victoria Busby
Mrs Victoria Busby OBE has been appointed British High Commissioner to the Republic of Malta.
Mrs Victoria Busby OBE
Mrs Victoria Busby OBE has been appointed British High Commissioner to the Republic of Malta in succession to Ms Katherine Ward LVO OBE who will be transferring to another Diplomatic Service appointment. Mrs Busby will take up her appointment during September 2025.
Curriculum vitae
Full name: Victoria Alice Markland Busby
Year
Role
2020 to present
FCDO, Director of Protocol and Vice-Marshal of the Diplomatic Corps
2019 to 2020
Cabinet Office, Chief Operating Officer, COP26
2012 to 2019
No10, Deputy Director, Events and Visits
2010 to 2012
DCMS, Head of Communication, Government Olympic Executive
2009 to 2010
Home Office, Senior Communications Manager, Office for Security and Counter-Terrorism
2008 to 2009
Ministry of Defence, Senior PR Manager
2006 to 2008
Department for Work and Pensions, Marketing Manager
2006
Joined Civil Service
2005 to 2006
Head London (communications consultancy), Account Manager
The government has dug out last-minute savings of more than
A$7 billion, to ensure its election commitments are more than offset in every year of the forward estimates.
Its costings, released Monday, include savings of $6.4 billion from further reducing spending on consultants, contractors and labour hire, as well as non-wage expenses including travel, hospitality and property.
The second saving is $760 million from increasing the visa application fee for primary student visa applicants to $2000 from July 1.
Treasurer Jim Chalmers told a news conference Labor’s costings “show that we will more than offset our election campaign commitments in every year of the forward estimates”.
“We will finish this election campaign with the budget in a stronger position than at the start of the election campaign”.
“We have improved the budget position by more than $1 billion, comparing the pre-election outlook to the costings that we release today,” he said.
With its costings out, Labor is piling the pressure onto the opposition to produce its numbers.
“We call on the Coalition now to come clean on their cuts. We’ve made it very clear what our costs are and how we will pay for the commitments that we have made in this election campaign,” Chalmers said.
The opposition “need to come clean on what their secret cuts for nuclear reactors means for Medicare, for pensions and payments, for skills and housing and other essential investments.
“They have committed more than $60 billion in this election campaign and in their policy commitments, and that’s before we get to their $600 billion of nuclear reactors.”
Chalmers said if the opposition costings did not include the cost of the nuclear reactors they “will not be worth the paper they are written on”.
Shadow treasurer Angus Taylor said opposition costings, coming later this week, would project a stronger budget position than Labor’s. He also said if the Coalition was elected it would have an economic statement later this year.
As the costings war ramps up, ratings agency S&P warned Australia’s AAA credit rating could be threatened if election promises resulted in larger structural deficits, and debt and interest expenses increased more than expected.
Given deficits and international circumstances, “how the elected government funds its campaign pledges and rising spending will be crucial for maintaining the rating”, the agency said.
Asked about the comments, Chalmers said: “I say to that particular agency, indeed, all of the ratings agencies, that in our time in office, we’ve engineered the biggest positive turnaround in a budget of any parliamentary term ever”. He pointed to the improvement in the budget numbers during the campaign to underline Labor’s credentials.
The fresh impact of Labor’s promises on the bottom line has also been limited because most of them were already factored into the budget.
After the savings and spends are netted out the deficit for 2025-26 is estimated to be $41.9 billion compared to the $42.2 billion in the pre-election economic and fiscal outlook.
Chalmers says Dutton to build nuclear reactor in his own seat
Jim Chalmers must carry off the prize for the most brazen “scare” of a campaign full of attempted scares.
Chalmers picked up on Anthony Albanese’s question to Peter Dutton in Sunday’s debate, when the PM asked the opposition leader whether he’d be willing to have a nuclear power plant in his seat of Dickson. Dutton said he would.
Chalmers’ message to voters in “that wonderful part of southeast Queensland” is: “your local member wants to build a nuclear reactor in your suburbs.”
“[The Labor candidate,] Ali France, is not going to build a nuclear reactor in your local community but Peter Dutton wants to.
“I would encourage you to think about that […] as you choose your local member,” Chalmers told his news conference.
The treasurer kept a straight face while delivering this warning to Dickson voters.
Dutton questions Welcome to Country ceremonies at Anzac Dawn services
Peter Dutton has widened his criticism of the extent of Welcome to Country ceremonies by saying he does not believe they belong at Anzac Day dawn services.
He said that listening to veterans, “I think the majority view would be that they don’t want it on that day”. But he said it was an individual decision up to the RSLs.
Discussion of the Welcome to Country ceremonies has come to the fore after a group of neo-Nazis heckled the ceremony at the Shrine of Remembrance service on Friday. It also came up in Sunday’s debate between the leaders, when Dutton said the ceremonies should be reserved for significant occasions such as the opening of parliament.
Questioned by reporters on Monday, Dutton said the acknowledgment to country given by Qantas when planes landed was “over the top”.
“We are all equal Australians,” he said. “I believe we should stand behind one flag united to help Indigenous Australians deal with disparity around health outcomes, around education outcomes, around housing, around safety […] I want to provide support for practical reconciliation. The prime minister’s policy is to please inner city Greens, which is not something we signed up to.”
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: Northern Territory Police and Fire Services
Want to eat your seafood with a side of beautiful views? Snapper and Co is the picture-perfect spot. Image: Tourism Australia
In Brief:
We asked Canberrans on the @WeAreCBR Instagram account where to find the best seafood in Canberra.
This list includes different locations you can find seafood.
Canberra might be missing a beach, but there is no shortage of delicious spots to grab some seafood.
We asked on the @WeAreCBR Instagram account where to find the best local seafood, whether it’s your classic fish and chips, or something a little more fancy like paella.
Wanting to load up a plate with fresh seafood goodies? And maybe go back for more? The Hyatt Hotel offers Friday and Saturday evening seafood buffets, and you can even grab a cheeky dessert while you’re at it.
Dive headfirst into this delicious Mediterranean cuisine! There are various seafood dishes on the menu, but the standout is the octopus with black garlic and kipfler potatoes.
Visit Canberra’s iconic lakeside and snap up some fish and chips. With views of Telstra Tower and Lake Burley Griffin, this is one to add to your summer bucket list.
Looking to have a bit of everything? Kickin Inn is Canberra’s home to the famous seafood boil bags! Get everything mixed into a bag with your choice of sauce and add-ons, dig in and enjoy! But don’t forget your bib.
Dine in a dome right on the edge of Lake Burley Griffin. With various seafood options ranging from crab to the fish of the day, you’re sure to enjoy this meal with a view!
Like the finer things in life? The Appellation oysters at Corella are a fan favourite. Served with a lemon myrtle vinegar and the choice of half a dozen or the full dozen.
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With the May 3 federal election less than a week away, voters have only just received Labor’s costings and are yet to hear from the Coalition.
At the 2022 election, the costings were not released for nearly two months after polling day.
Deputy Opposition Leader Sussan Ley last week told Sky News the Coalition costings will be “released in the lead up to election day and will be able to be fully interrogated”.
This is now too late for the voters who have already cast their ballots. We have seen a record number of pre-poll votes this election, with more than 2.3 million as of Saturday. This means a sizeable percentage of the electorate has voted without knowing what their votes will cost.
Voting without all the facts
Whichever side wins, taxpayers eventually pay to implement policies. So knowing at least in broad terms the costs of the policies would be helpful.
The Coalition has probably had many of its policies costed by the independent Parliamentary Budget Office. This process is thorough and impartial.
Importantly, the Parliamentary Budget Office costs policies over ten years. This allows the full costs of policies to be understood better. Some policies such as large infrastructure take many years before the full impact on the budget is felt.
Labor has already published the costs of many of its policies in the March 25 federal budget. This only covered the forward estimates, three years into the future, but is reliable for most policies. But we still need the costings for policies announced post-budget.
The true picture?
Even when we see the costings from both of the main parties, we can have no confidence their lists are accurate and complete. Parties may omit costings that might attract criticism.
They may also present costings prepared by consultants rather than the Parliamentary Budget Office. You may recall controversy late last year over private modelling of the Coalition’s plans for nuclear power.
Unfortunately we have to wait until after the election for a comprehensive and independent set of costings.
The Parliamentary Budget Office does not publish its full list of costings (in the election commitments report) until well after the election. This is either 30 days from the end of the caretaker period or seven days before the new parliament first sits, whichever comes later.
The election commitments report has some accountability value in relation to the party that forms government but does not help inform voters. It is a mystery why anyone would be interested in the costs of policies of the losing side. But they still must be published, according to electoral law.
The report must include the major parties, although minor parties and independents can also be included in the report if they wish.
Are there other approaches?
By contrast, in New South Wales the state Parliamentary Budget Office publishes a complete set of costings five days before the election. Policies announced after this date miss out but these rarely affect the budget bottom line.
Although, as occurs federally, many voters cast their ballots in advance, at least NSW’s approach gives most voters a chance to see the costs. This encourages the major parties to compete to produce a fiscally responsible total.
The NSW approach is self-policing. Each major party studies the statements and if the other side omits something – large or small – they rapidly and loudly complain. Parties therefore try to make their policy lists as accurate as possible.
Federally, the budget office takes on the time-consuming job of tracking down all the policy announcements to cost and include in its post-election report.
The differences arise from the different legislation that applies to each PBO.
NSW has arguably an easier job because it costs policies only for the premier and leader of the opposition. The federal budget office costs for all members of parliament.
The federal system requires policies submitted during the caretaker period, and their costings, must be published “as soon as practicable”. But major parties are highly unlikely to submit a policy only to have it and its costing released at a time not of its choosing.
The requirement is likely motivated by transparency, but clashes with political reality. In NSW costings remain confidential until the leader advises the budget office the policy has been announced. This gives parties a way to have policies costed with a low risk of their premature release.
DIY assessments
Federally, there are other ways to estimate the costs of policies. The budget office has a Build your Own Budget Tool, and a tool for modelling alternative
income tax proposals (SMART), both available online.
These provide a fair approximation and are often used by journalists trying to get behind political announcements.
The OECD lists 35 independent fiscal bodies in 29 OECD countries responsible for assessing election costings. Some are tiny, with just a few analysts. Some are
huge and influential, like the US Congressional Budget Office. Few have the same focus on costing election policies that applies in Australia.
Costs are a big deal here. Both parties have run advertisements attacking the other side on the question of whether their policies are affordable.
On major policies such as the Coalition plans for nuclear power there are massive differences between cost estimates put forward by each side. Such differences could be resolved by an independent and impartial costing. This is why Australian voters deserve to see such costings as soon as possible.
Stephen Bartos was NSW Parliamentary Budget Officer for the past three NSW general elections. He is now a professor at the University of Canberra.
The federal budget will be stronger than suggested in last month’s budget, according to Treasurer Jim Chalmers who released Labor’s costings on Monday.
Many of the policies included in the costings were already detailed in either the 2025 Budget or the Pre-Election Fiscal Outlook, so are shown as having a net zero cost.
But that does not mean they are costless. It means simply that their costs were included in previously published budget updates.
Monday’s media announcement is akin to the reconciliation table published in each update, prepared by the Treasury and Finance departments setting out how the numbers have changed.
It seems likely this media release drew on the same methodology.
It includes two savings measures. One is relatively small: $700 million from increasing the visa application charge for primary student visas. The big saving is $6.4 billion from further reducing spending on consultants, contractors, labour hire, and non-wage expenses such as travel, hospitality and property.
Travel, hospitality and property expenses are small bikkies. Undoubtedly departments could make savings on these, but they won’t get anywhere near the total. The bulk of the savings will come from reducing spending on consultants and contractors.
Labor has shown that such savings on consultants are possible; it did it in its first term. However, counterbalancing this, we saw increased spending on the public service.
It is the same problem as with the Coalition’s promise to make savings by cutting public servants. Without cuts to programs and activities, work remains to be done. People have to be employed to do that work, leading either to more spending on the public service (Labor) or bringing back consultants (Coalition).
There was no independent signoff suggesting Monday’s release included all of Labor’s policy announcements. We won’t get that until the Parliamentary Budget Office does its election commitments report.
But this full list of costings is not released by the PBO until well after the election. This is either 30 days from the end of the caretaker period or seven days before the new parliament first sits, whichever comes later.
However, Monday’s costings release does appear comprehensive, including not only the large headline announcements but several announcements of less than a million dollars a year.
What are missing, though, are costings of items that are off-budget because they are balance sheet adjustments – for example, the reduction in student HECS debt.
These do have a financial impact but due to their accounting treatment are not disclosed as hitting the budget balance. Ideally, these should be disclosed as well.
Stephen Bartos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
An antidepressant containing a form of the drug ketamine has been added to the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS), making it much cheaper for the estimated 30,000 Australians with treatment-resistant depression. This is when a patient has tried multiple forms of treatment for major depression – usually at least two antidepressant medications – without any improvement.
From May 1, a dose of Spravato (also known as esketamine hydrochloride) will cost $A31.60 and $7.70 for concession card holders.
However, unlike oral antidepressants, Spravato can’t be taken at home. Here’s how it works, and who it’s expected to help.
What is Spravato?
The chemical ketamine is used as an anaesthetic. In this formulation it combines both the right-handed (designated “R”) and left-handed (called “S”) forms of the molecule.
This means they are mirror images of each other, similar to how your left hand is a mirror image of your right hand. The left- and right-hand forms can have different effects in the body.
Spravato contains only the left-handed version, giving the drug its generic name esketamine.
Spravato works by increasing the levels of glutamate in the brain. Glutamate is a key chemical messenger molecule that excites brain nerve cells, lifting and improving mood. It also plays a role in learning and forming memories.
How is it taken?
Spravato cannot be taken at home.
A patient can self-administer, but it must be done at a registered treatment facility, such as a hospital, under the supervision of medical staff so they can look out for blood pressure changes and monitor potential side effects.
The drug is provided as a single-use nasal spray. This application means it’s absorbed directly through the nasal lining into the brain, so it starts to work within minutes.
Spravato must also be taken alongside an oral antidepressant. This will be a new one the patient hasn’t tried before. In clinical trials, it was usually an SNRI or SSRI medication.
When a patient first starts on Spravato, they are given the spray twice a week in the first month. It is then administered once a week for the second month, and then weekly or fortnightly after that.
Once there are signs the medicine is working, treatment is continued for at least six months.
You can use the spray yourself but it must be under medical supervision in a registered facility. Scarc/Shutterstock
How effective is it?
Spravato was approved for sale in Australia based on clinical trial data from more than 1,600 patients who were administered the drug for a period of four weeks. Each was given either Spravato, or a nasal placebo, and an oral antidepressant.
Patients were given a starting dose of either 28 or 56mg, which could be then increased up to 84mg by their doctor.
By the end of the four weeks, a greater percentage of patients who were given Spravato were found to have had a meaningful response to the treatment when compared with patients who received the placebo. Patients who were taking Spravato were also found to relapse at a lower rate. For those who did relapse, it took the Spravato patients longer to relapse when compared with patients who took the placebo.
It is expected Spravato will benefit a wide range of patients. The clinical trials demonstrated effectiveness for men and women, people aged 18 to 64, and those from a range of different ethnic backgrounds.
As with any medicine, Spravato may cause side effects, some of which can be serious. The most common include:
dissociation (feeling disconnected from yourself or what is around you)
dizziness
nausea and vomiting
drowsiness
headache
change in taste
vertigo.
Because Spravato can potentially increase blood pressure, medical staff will monitor a patient before and after it is administered.
Usually, blood pressure spikes around 40 minutes after taking the drug, so a reading is taken around this time. After taking Spravato, if their blood pressure has stayed low, or it’s dropping, the patient is given the all-clear to go home.
Due to the potential for this and other serious side effects, Spravato carries a black triangle warning. This means medical staff are encouraged to report any problem or side effect to the Therapeutic Goods Administration. A black triangle warning is generally used for new medicines or medicines that are being used in a new way.
Who will be eligible?
To be eligible for a prescription, a patient will need to have been diagnosed with treatment-resistant depression. In practice, this means they will have unsuccessfully tried at least two other antidepressant drugs first.
Australia’s Therapeutic Goods Administration approved Spravato for use in Australia in 2021, meaning it was available but not subsidised. Since then, the sponsoring company, Janssen-Cilag (an Australian subsidiary of the multinational Johnson & Johnson), applied to have it added to the PBS four times.
In December 2024, the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee recommended a PBS listing.
The new PBS listing, capping the price of a single treatment at $31.60, is a significant price drop. In 2023, single doses of branded Spravato were reported to cost anywhere between $500 and $900.
However, patients may still have to pay hundreds of dollars for appointments at private clinics where Spravato can be administered. Public places are available but limited.
Spravato may be suitable for you if you’ve tried different antidepressants without success. If it is suitable for you, then your doctor can discuss the next steps.
If this article has raised issues for you, or if you’re concerned about someone you know, call Lifeline on 13 11 14.
Nial Wheate in the past has received funding from the ACT Cancer Council, Tenovus Scotland, Medical Research Scotland, Scottish Crucible, and the Scottish Universities Life Sciences Alliance. He is a fellow of the Royal Australian Chemical Institute. Nial is the chief scientific officer of Vaihea Skincare LLC, a director of SetDose Pty Ltd (a medical device company) and was previously a Standards Australia panel member for sunscreen agents. He is a member of the Haleon Australia Pty Ltd Pain Advisory Board. Nial regularly consults to industry on issues to do with medicine risk assessments, manufacturing, design and testing.
Shoohb Alassadi does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
In front of a crowd of party faithful last weekend, Opposition Leader Peter Dutton referred to the ABC, Guardian Australia and other news platforms as “hate media”. The language was extreme, the inference being these outlets were not simply doing their jobs, but attacking him and his side of politics because of ideological bias.
Speaking at a Liberal Party campaign rally in the Melbourne western suburb of Melton, Dutton said:
Forget about what you have been told by the ABC, The Guardian and the other hate media. Listen to what you hear [at] doors. Listen to what people say on the pre-polling. Know in your hearts that we are a better future for our country.
Melton is in the Labor-held seat of Hawke, which the Liberals believe they can win.
Dutton provided no evidence to support his accusation, for the good reason that there has been nothing in the ABC’s or Guardian Australia’s coverage of Dutton that could remotely justify it.
By a process of elimination, the “other hate media” to which he referred can only be The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald, given the News Corporation mastheads have been unflagging in their support for him throughout the campaign.
What has been common to the campaign coverage by the ABC, Guardian Australia, The Age and the SMH has been close scrutiny of both sides and both leaders.
The three newspapers in particular have put renewed resources into independently fact-checking claims made by both Dutton and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, and have caught out both men telling falsehoods.
The broadcast news media on the whole have played it straight, except of course for Sky News after dark, which has been as relentlessly pro-Coalition as their News Corp newspaper stablemates.
Beyond these professional mass media platforms, there have been clearly partisan social media influencers working on both sides, as well as a range of podcasters, but none of these has been guilty of hate speech towards Dutton or anyone else.
The inescapable conclusion is that Dutton equates scrutiny of him by journalists with hate speech.
This is where his attitude becomes dangerous to democracy. It comes straight from US President Donald Trump’s playbook, where the professional mass media are “fake news” and the “enemy of the people”.
It is designed to play not just on people’s longstanding distrust of the news media in general – though not of the ABC – but on some voters’ sense of grievance at the way governments have treated them.
This worked for Trump in the United States, but it became obvious early in the campaign that any association with Trumpism was a strong political negative in Australia, particularly in the atmosphere of alarm generated by his tariff war.
Dutton then took pains to distance himself from Trumpism, and at the Liberal launch in Western Australia his face was a picture of alarm when Jacinta Nampijinpa Price, whom he had appointed to the Trumpian-sounding post of shadow minister for government efficiency, used the slogan “Make Australia Great Again”.
But it is typical of his incoherent campaign that at the start of the last week he should be echoing the Trumpian view of the media in such extreme terms, creating even more instability. In an ABC interview, his shadow minister for finance, Jane Hume, refused to support him, saying “that wouldn’t be a phrase I would use”.
It also raises legitimate questions about how Dutton would treat the media should he become prime minister. For example, if a media platform refused to obey his wishes, or provide him with coverage of which he approved, would its representatives be excluded from prime ministerial access?
Not long ago, such a proposition would have been inconceivable, but Trump banned the Associated Press (AP) from presidential access because it would not obey his instruction to rename the Gulf of Mexico the Gulf of America. A federal judge later found the ban violated the First Amendment, and ordered AP’s access to be restored.
It is very improbable Dutton would even try to impose his will on the commercial media in Australia, especially the newspapers.
In fact, Guardian Australia has turned his remark into a fundraising opportunity. It emailed subscribers with the subject line “A note from the ‘hate media’,” comparing Dutton’s language to that of Trump, and asking for financial support to keep holding figures like Dutton to account.
But his potential to punish the publicly funded ABC is another matter.
From statements he has made during the campaign, it seems certain the ABC would be in for more funding cuts and an investigation into its operations of the kind Trump has launched into America’s National Public Radio.
Coalition prime ministers going back to John Howard have had a hostile relationship with the ABC. Howard stacked the ABC board, and the panel that nominates its members, with ideological mates.
In the eight years from 2014 to 2022, under the Coalition governments of Tony Abbott, Malcolm Turnbull and Scott Morrison, $526 million was cut from the ABC’s budget.
During that time, there was also a series of inquiries into the ABC, set up to satisfy politicians with a beef against the ABC, notably Pauline Hanson.
The day after Dutton’s “hate media” statement, the ABC’s 4 Corners program revealed he failed for two years to disclose he was the beneficiary of a family trust that operated lucrative childcare businesses when he was a cabinet minister.
This is unlikely to improve his view of the national broadcaster. He may even see it as more hate. In fact, it is just good journalism.
Denis Muller and Nicole Chvastek will discuss this further on their Truth, Lies and Media podcast on Wednesday April 30.
Denis Muller does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mohan Yellishetty, Professor, Co-Founder, Critical Minerals Consortium, and Australia-India Critical Minerals Research Hub, Monash University
The world needs huge quantities of critical minerals to make batteries, electric vehicles, wind turbines, mobile phones, computers and advanced weaponry.
Many of these minerals lie under Australian soil. Australia is able to produce 9 out of 10 mineral elements required to produce lithium-ion batteries, such as lithium, nickel and cobalt. It also has the highest total reserves of battery minerals.
But at a time of major geopolitical upheaval, critical minerals are also contested. China controls many critical mineral supply chains, allowing it to dominate clean energy technologies. The ongoing United States–China trade war has intensified competition for access to critical minerals.
It’s against this backdrop that Labor has proposed a A$1.2 billion strategic reserve of critical minerals. It’s a timely and welcome step in the right direction.
Why is this reserve needed?
Critical minerals are vital to the industries of the future. But supply can be hard to secure and disruptions can be devastating.
After US President Donald Trump jacked up tariffs on China, Beijing responded by clamping down on critical mineral exports. Almost 80% of US weaponry depends on Chinese critical minerals.
China now dominates mining and refining of many critical minerals. Beijing controls 90% of the world’s rare earth refining, 80% of lithium refining and 68% of nickel refining. The US and other nations are belatedly trying to catch up.
Mining has long been a major Australian industry, particularly iron ore and coal. But Australia has huge reserves of many critical minerals, producing the largest volume of lithium ore in the world as well as stocks of cobalt, manganese, rutile and others. Australian miners Lynas and Australian Strategic Materials are two of the few rare-earth mining companies not owned by China.
That’s where this strategic reserve comes in. If it comes to fruition, the federal government would buy agreed volumes of critical minerals from commercial projects, or establish an option to purchase them at a given price. It would then keep stockpiles of these key minerals to prevent market manipulation by China and stabilise prices by releasing or holding stocks strategically.
The reserve would give Canberra more leverage in negotiating with trading partners and enable a rapid response to supply disruptions. Government backing for the industry would boost onshore processing, scale up domestic production and encourage more high-wage, high-skill jobs in regional areas.
Which minerals will be stockpiled? That’s yet to be determined. The list of ‘critical minerals’ can vary between countries, and a mineral critical to one nation may not be to another.
The minerals most commonly included in these lists include cobalt, gallium, indium, niobium, tantalum, platinum group minerals and rare earth elements.
Why is the government intervening?
In 2023, major miners produced close to a billion tonnes of iron ore in Western Australia.
By contrast, critical mineral volumes are small. For instance, only 610 tonnes of gallium were mined in 2023. Major miners such as Rio Tinto, BHP and Vale don’t tend to bother.
Critical mineral markets are often opaque and highly concentrated. The barrier to entry is high. Globally, the market for the 31 critical minerals on Australia’s list is valued at around A$344 billion – about the size of the global aluminium market.
That leaves it to mid-tier and small miners to bridge the gap between rapidly growing demand and supply. The problem is, raising capital is often very difficult. The price of critical minerals can fluctuate wildly. The price of lithium and nickel have fallen sharply over the last two years due to market oversupply.
The strategic reserve would make it easier for these miners by providing access to capital through loans from Export Finance Australia and private investors, reducing financial uncertainty and cost overruns and acting as a buffer against market volatility.
For instance, mid-tier miner Illuka Resources is building Australia’s first rare earths refinery in Western Australia. The project already has significant government support, but it is likely to need more.
Despite Australia’s significant mineral resources, it faces an uphill battle to gain market share. China’s dominance has been driven by low production costs; low environmental, social and goverance standards; and a competitive labour market. But intensifying geopolitical competition between China and the US means Australian minerals would likely be sought by the US.
How can Australia best play its hand?
In volatile market conditions, cheaper operations have a significant advantage, while new mines face an uphill battle.
Australia’s critical minerals hub framework could help offset capital costs. Smaller miners could form cooperatives to share infrastructure and manage logistics, processing and access to international markets. Sharing infrastructure such as roads, rail, energy and ports would reduce the investment risk.
There are other challenges to overcome, such as the long lead times of 10 years or more to go from discovery to production, limited access to low-cost renewable energy and a shortage of technical and scientific capabilities.
Labor’s strategic reserve would help. But it won’t be enough to make Australia into a critical mineral giant. The government should consider:
building more regional processing hubs with shared infrastructure and microgrids
offering royalty exemptions, tax incentives and energy subsidies early on
giving incentives to retrofit facilities to produce critical minerals found alongside main ores, such as cobalt found alongside copper and antimony with gold
encouraging models where rare earths are concentrated in Australia and processed overseas in partner countries
establishing Centres of Excellence on critical minerals and creating shared libraries of intellectual property to support research, avoid duplication and optimise resource allocation.
Overall, the proposed reserve is an excellent idea. Government intervention will be necessary to absorb and mitigate risks from price fluctuations and geopolitical shocks.
Mohan Yellishetty receives funding from the Australian Research Council, Geoscience Australia, Defense Science Institute, Boral Limited, AGL Loy Yang, Indian Ministry of Education. He is affiliated with AusIMM as its fellow, Honorary Academic Fellow, Australia India Institute, Foreign Fellow, Indian Geophysical Union, and affiliated with Indian Institute of Technology (Dharwad, Mumbai, Hyderabad). David Whittle contributed to the research base and data for this article.
A $660,000 funding boost from Healthway will support the next generation of health promotion leaders through a scholarship program run by the Australian Health Promotion Association.
Healthway CEO Colin Smith said six exceptional graduates have recently been awarded a Health Promotion Scholarship, providing them with an incredible opportunity to launch their career.
“This program is among the few capacity building workforce programs available nationally in public health,” he said.
“Each scholarship, valued a $110,000 each, pays for 12 months full-time salary, working at an organisation of the graduate’s choice on a project they want to develop.
“Congratulations to all scholarship recipients, we look forward to your contributions to health promotion in the years to come.”
Australian Health Promotion Association National President Melinda Edmunds expressed gratitude for the long-standing partnership with Healthway.
“Over 30 years, we have provided opportunities for 85 graduates and 40 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander scholarship recipients,” she said.
“Not only does this scholarship program pave the way for the next generation of WA health promotion leaders, but it significantly boosts the health promotion capacity within the host organisation.”
“For many past recipients, their contributions have been so significant that the host organisations have chosen to retain them even after the scholarship has ended,” she said.
Project aims to empower Out of School Hours Care (OSHC) educators through capacity building activities and direct food and nutrition support and resources
Charlene Carlisle from Jane Brook Aboriginal recipient
Act Belong Commit at Curtin
Project aims to promote mindful movement for children and young people through the Deadly Minds Project, a culturally safe Indigenous yoga teacher training. Deadly Minds supports children’s social and emotional wellbeing by teaching mindfulness based movement practices with a trauma informed lens and integrating them with cultural knowledge.
Laura Thum from Inglewood
Collaboration for Evidence, Research, and Impact in Public Health, Curtin
Project aims to support Western Australian health promotion organisations to increase meaningful participation in peer-based health promotion by underserved populations, specifically young people, LGBTIQA+ people and people from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, by establishing and piloting a capacity-building Community of Practice (CoP), PEER+.
Isabelle Falantin from Broome
Regional recipient
Broome Regional Aboriginal Medical Service
Project aims to create a preventative health program targeted at primary schools that encourages children to engage with a range of healthy behaviours.
Samantha Elliott from Carine
National Nutrition Foundation
Project aims to create health promotion and nutrition education messages specifically tailored for adolescents aged 12-17.
Kirsty Mullane from Sorrento
North Metropolitan Health Service
Project aims to facilitate local solutions to food insecurity for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people livingin the north metropolitan catchment of Perth.
The Green Party has renewed its call for the Government to ban the use, supply, and manufacture of engineered stone products, as the CTU launches a petition for the implementation of a full ban.
“Let’s put people before profits and protect our workers by banning this dangerous product,” says the Green Party’s spokesperson for Workplace Relations and Safety, Teanau Tuiono.
“Workers are the backbone of our economy, and their safety must be protected from dangerous practices including the use of engineered stone, the dust from which can lead to fatal lung disease.
“Australia banned this product following extensive consultation and analysis, revealing incontrovertible scientific evidence of the dangers posed by silica dust exposure to workers. What’s stopping our country emulating this ban?
“Instead of looking for excuses to reduce workplace protections and safeguards, the Government must prioritise workers’ rights that have been fought for over generations
“Aotearoa has serious mahi to do regarding workplace safety, as far more people are injured or killed on the job here than in countries like the UK or Australia.
“Banning engineered stone is a good place to start,” says Teanau Tuiono.
New community outreach van launched to engage with local communities
Monday, 28 April 2025 – 1:47 pm.
Tasmania Police has launched a new community outreach van to help engage with local communities.Speaking at the launch in George Town today, Commissioner Donna Adams said that the initiative was a direct response to recommendations from the Weiss Review, Tasmania Police Community Survey and Commission of Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse in Institutional Settings, and aimed to proactively bring services and information to communities who need them or have traditionally had little or no opportunity to engage with Tasmania Police.“These recent reviews have told us that our community expects better, more visible, and in-person engagement between Tasmania Police and community members,” Commissioner Adams said.“The reviews have also told us we need to continue to build trust with vulnerable community groups and Tasmanian sport and recreation organisations for the purpose of preventing, identifying and reporting grooming, and child sexual abuse.“Together with partnering organisations like Neighbourhood Watch, PCYC, and Crime Stoppers, Poli and the team are available to visit communities and community groups around the state to achieve these outcomes.”“Poli will provide visibility in the communities where they need police most.“At a time where there is a greater than ever demand for frontline policing services, you can expect that Poli will provide an additional avenue for members of the community to discuss issues important to the community and that our partner organisations may be able to assist in providing advice and assistance.“Together we can ease the pressure by adopting new community-focused solutions that ensure community safety and efficiency.”Commissioner Adams said that the Community Engagement team will take Poli to Deloraine and Agfest over the coming days before undertaking engagements in the south, the east coast and the north west coast in the next few weeks.“It’s a way of taking our people and some of our services and information directly into communities to engage with Tasmanians. It allows us to have a high-visibility police presence in vulnerable and priority communities and those that have limited opportunity to engage with Tasmania Police for key services,” she said.Funding was provided by the Tasmanian Government to support Tasmania Police in engaging and building trust with the community.Poli is being staffed by members of the Community Engagement Services team, along with local officers who will attend local events, including schools, community and sporting events, and be on hand to:• discuss local crime issues and provide crime prevention and general advice to residents and business owners• provide information and resources about personal, residential and business safety, as well as child safety and safeguarding• customise Poli’s visit to the community/community group’s needs.Poli is also available to support other key Tasmania Police initiatives such as firearm amnesties and recruitment, as well as providing information on how to identify grooming, and keeping children and young people safe from sexual abuse.Commissioner Adams said that a broader Tasmania Police Stakeholder Engagement Strategy was currently being developed, which would outline a coordinated approach to community engagement across the state and action plans to deliver key initiatives over the three-year life of the strategy.“By continuing to work together as an organisation, I am certain that this outreach initiative will prove to be a significant and positive change in how we provide targeted and focused police services to the Tasmanian community now and into the future.”For more information, check out www.police.tas.gov.au/poli
Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments
A study published in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine looks at ultra-processed foods (UPFs) and premature mortality.
Prof Nita Forouhi, Professor of Population Health and Nutrition, MRC Epidemiology Unit, University of Cambridge, said:
“There are limitations to this paper, including the points the authors themselves raised. Nonetheless, evidence on the ‘health harms of UPF’ are accumulating and this paper does add to that body of evidence, and UPFs are unlikely to be healthful.
“We already know that correlation does not necessarily mean causation. But well conducted observational studies with long term prospective cohort data are often the best we are going to get realistically; we will not get randomised controlled trials (RCTs) of behaviours awaiting death or chronic disease events, and RCTs have their own biases and limitations, particularly for behavioural factors (different to taking medication vs placebo studies). So we should not ignore such findings, especially as the current research has reported consistently similar associations in several countries which increases the degree of confidence.
“In addition to the 8 countries they included for their population attributable fraction (PAF) estimates (Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, UK, USA), it would have been useful if they had also included the countries that provided the results on associations of UPFs with mortality but were not included (e.g. France, Italy, Spain).”
Prof Kevin McConway, Emeritus Professor of Applied Statistics, Open University, said:
“I’d be pretty cautious about the details and specific numerical estimates in this paper, for reasons I’ll explain. Also, some of the terminology in the paper and the press release appears, in my opinion, much more definite about what’s causing what than the evidence in the paper merits. That’s partly because some of the technical wording, even though it’s standard in this kind of research, doesn’t mean quite the same as it means in ordinary English.
“The problems of interpretation arise because the studies involved are observational, but they go further than that. The researchers have to make mathematical assumptions about exactly how UPF consumption is correlated with mortality risk, and even though they base these assumptions on data, there is at least one issue (described later). And in calculating what’s known as the attributable epidemiological burden, or population attributable fraction, of UPF consumptions, the researchers may appear to be making a simple comparison, but in fact it’s a lot more complicated than you might think.
“The data that the paper draws on for its conclusions, about consumption of UPFs and mortality, is all observational. The researchers are not reporting any new data here – they are taking data from previous studies, and population estimates for the countries concerned, and putting it all together. Nothing at all wrong with that – in fact in general it’s a good idea to review studies of the same things from different times and places, to see what overall picture emerges.
“The seven studies that the authors of this paper used, to find an overall pooled estimate of the association between UPF consumption and all-cause mortality, are all themselves observational. Again there’s nothing wrong with that – it’s pretty difficult, indeed impossible in most cases, to do a study linking diet to long-term health outcomes that is not observational. Such a study would have to allocate different individuals to different diets, and somehow ensure that they stuck to these diets for many years. So instead, researchers record what people eat, and then follow them up for a long time and record if and when they die.
“This all means that it’s impossible, for any one study like that, to be sure whether differences in mortality between people who consume different UPF amounts are actually caused by differences in their UPF consumption. There are bound to be many other differences between groups who consume different UPF amounts, in terms of other details of their diet, their lifestyle, their economic position, their sex and age, and so on. These differences might be, in part or in whole, the reason for the differences in the risk of early death. In other words, each individual study can find a correlation, an association, but can’t say for sure whether the association between UPF consumption and mortality is one of cause and effect. It might be, or it might not.
“The researchers in each of the studies reviewed in this new paper obviously are aware of this, and they all made statistical adjustments to allow for differences in other factors (though in different ways in different studies). But that doesn’t make the problem disappear – you still can’t be sure from any study of this kind exactly what’s causing what.
“The fact that the new paper puts together data from seven different observational studies does again help somewhat with the issue of what’s causing what, but it can’t deal with it entirely. There have been many criticisms of interpretation of observational studies involving UPFs and health outcomes, some of them on the basis that UPFs are defined in rather different ways by different writers, or on the grounds that the mechanisms by which UPFs might actually cause ill health haven’t been established clearly enough.
“I’m certainly not saying that there is no association between UPF consumption and ill health – just that it’s still far from clear whether consumption of just any UPF at all is bad for health, or of what aspect of UPFs might be involved.
“Then there are particular aspects of this new study that make the interpretation more complicated than it would be for other observational studies of UPFs and health.
“The authors begin by estimating the nature of the association between the consumption of UPFs and the risk of premature death. That is, they aren’t just trying to see whether high levels of UPF consumption are correlated with higher mortality. They want to know something more precise – exactly how much does the risk of dying increase, for every additional 10 per cent of a person’s calorie intake that comes from UPFs. (Again, no assumption here that the increase in risk is all caused by UPFs.) That sounds fine, but it involves assuming a particular mathematical form for the association (in the light of the data).
“After that, the authors use the estimate of that association between UPF consumption and risk of early death to calculate estimates of the population fraction of premature deaths (ages 30-69) attributable to UPF consumption, for 8 different countries including the UK. They use that to calculate estimates of the number of additional deaths in each of the 8 countries attributable to UPF consumption, and some of those numbers look pretty large.
“This is done by taking data on the number of people in different groups (defined by age and sex) in each country. This is then used to calculate how many would be expected to die at current levels of UPF consumption (using data from the estimate of the association between UPF consumption and premature death in all the studies that were put together in the first part of the work, so not just for the UK for example). Finally this is compared with the number that would be expected to die in a theoretical population where nobody consumes (or ever consumed) UPFs. No such population exists, not in a whole country, so this calculation has to be based on a statistical model. Then the deaths attributable to UPF consumption is the difference between these two expected numbers of deaths.
“What this sounds like, for the UK in 2018-19 for example, is that there would have been almost 18,000 fewer deaths of people aged between 30 and 69, if nobody in the country had consumed any UPFs (ever). However, that’s very far from the whole story, for a lot of reasons.
“First, it doesn’t mean that, because the studies involved are observational, and as the authors of the new paper rightly point out, there could be factors that could not be adjusted for in the original studies, that are involved in causes of early death. That’s why it’s called a population attributable fraction, rather than something even more definite, like population fraction caused by UPFs. Technically, it can’t mean that we know we could save those lives just by changing UPF consumption.
“But it’s deeper than that. There isn’t a whole population in the UK or in the other seven countries in the study, where nobody ever consumed any UPFs. So the comparison is being made between an estimate for current UPF consumption levels and an estimate for a theoretical population that can’t exist. Even if somehow all UPFs were banned today, it would take many decades before there was a population where nobody had ever consumed UPFs.
“And even if somehow we did get to that position, well, people have to eat something, and if they aren’t getting their calories from UPFs, they would need to get them from something else. They might well not get them all in the same way that people who consume very few UPFs do today. We just can’t tell.
“So it’s not the case that we could save 18,000 premature deaths annually in the UK by taking action to reduce UPF consumption. This doesn’t mean that taking such actions wouldn’t reduce early deaths – just that we can’t tell how much the reduction might be, or when it would occur, or how much longer the individuals concerned might have lived – not from the calculations in this paper.
“I have some other concerns.
“Several of the authors of the new paper collaborated on a previous paper, published in 2023 (reference 17 in the new paper, which is the reference given for the model used in the new paper for estimates of attributable deaths). The 2023 paper uses similar methodology to make an estimate of the premature deaths attributable to UPFs in Brazil in 2019. This uses similar data on the association between UPF consumption and premature mortality, from a systematic review and meta-analysis, to what’s used in the new paper, except that there are three additional studies reviewed in the new paper. The estimate is only for Brazil, and is 57,000 deaths in a year. The estimate for Brazil in the new paper is just over 25,000 deaths in a year.
“The big difference between the 2023 and the 2025 estimates for Brazil seems to be very largely because of a different assumption made in the two papers about the mathematical form of the association between UPF consumption and death risk. (In the jargon, they use a log-linear model in the 2023 paper but a linear model in the 2025 paper.) The new estimate is based on more data from more countries – but the big difference does emphasise the importance of mathematical modelling assumptions. Data can throw light on what assumptions are appropriate, but don’t tie things down very firmly at all in a situation like this.
“Finally, the systematic review and meta-analysis in the new paper is missing some of the technical details that one normally sees in this kind of work. The paper is very unclear on how the researchers chose the studies they included in their review, which after all drives all the estimates of attributable deaths. The authors write that studies were selected ‘on the basis of recently published systematic reviews’. That’s not normally the way it’s done, and in any case three of the included studies were not mentioned in the systematic reviews that are referred to in the new paper. I don’t know where the researchers got them. They may well be perfectly respectable studies – I haven’t had time to look at them – but really the authors of the new paper should have been much clearer about what they were doing, if we are to be confident about their conclusions. Also it’s usual in a systematic review to give some assessment of the quality of the research studies that were included, and that just isn’t done here. None of this increases trust in how the work was done.”
Dr Nerys Astbury, Associate Professor – Diet & Obesity, Nuffield Department of Primary Health Care Sciences, University of Oxford, said:
“Here Nilson and colleagues report findings from a study reporting associations between consumption of Ultra Processed Foods (UPF), defined by the NOVA classification system, and premature mortality.
“This study combines evidence on dietary intake of UPF from Columbia, Brazil, Australia, Canda, United Kingdom and USA and reports that for each 10% increase in proportion of UPF in the diet there was a 3% increase in all-cause mortality. The authors then used a mathematical formula to estimate the population attributable fraction, which is an estimate of the number of deaths which could be prevented if the exposure (consumption of UPF) was eliminated. It is important to note this does not mean that these deaths were caused by UPF consumption. The methods of this study simply cannot determine this.
“It’s been established for some time including in the Global Burden of Disease Consortium that consuming diets higher in energy, fat and sugar can have detrimental effects on health, including premature mortality. This study adds to the body of evidence on the association between UPF and ill health and disease. However, many UPF tend to be high in these nutrients, and studies to date have been unable to determine with certainty whether the effects of UPF are independent of the already established effects of diets high in foods which are energy dense and contain large amounts of fat and sugar.
“The authors of the study conclude that advice to reduce UPF consumption should be included in national dietary guideline recommendations and in public policies. However, rushing to add recommendations on UPF to these recommendations is not warranted based on this study in my opinion. Many national dietary guidelines and recommendations already advise the reduction of consumption of energy dense high-fat high-sugar foods, which typically fall into the UPF group. Adding additional recommendations based on UPF could cause consumer confusion – some foods may be considered unhealthy by nutrient standards, but not so by NOVA classification (and vice versa).
“This study and other similar studies that have explored the association between UPF and diet related disease, have used the NOVA classification system invented by Dr Carlos Monteiro (an author on this paper). In my view the NOVA system which defines foods according to different levels of food processing has many limitations, including arbitrary definitions and overly broad food categories, the over-emphasis of food ingredients opposed to the processing per se and the difficult practical application of the system in accurately classifying foods. This is especially notable when attempting to classify foods from dietary data collected in large cohort studies, as in this study.
“More research is needed to ascertain a causal link between UPF and disease and to establish the mechanisms involved.”
Dr Stephen Burgess, statistician in the MRC Biostatistics Unit, University of Cambridge, said:
“This study assesses observational associations rather than interventions, and so it is not able to make reliable causal claims. That is to say, it shows that individuals who consume higher levels of ultraprocessed foods have greater risk of premature mortality, rather than showing that increasing your consumption of ultraprocessed foods would increase your mortality risk. However, the similarity of findings across populations is notable, as consistent associations were seen in a variety of contexts, including those where high consumption of ultraprocessed foods is a sign of relative wealth and those where it is a sign of relative deprivation. This type of research cannot prove that consumption of ultraprocessed foods is harmful, but it does provide evidence linking consumption with poorer health outcomes. It is possible that the true causal risk factor is not ultraprocessed foods, but a related risk factor such as better physical fitness – and ultraprocessed foods is simply an innocent bystander. But, when we see these associations replicated across many countries and cultures, it raises suspicion that ultraprocessed foods may be more than a bystander.”
‘Premature Mortality Attributable to Ultraprocessed Food Consumption in 8 Countries’ by Eduardo A.F. Nilson et al. was published in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine at 05:05 UK time on Monday 28 April 2025.
DOI: 10.1016/j.amepre.2025.02.018
Declared interests
Prof Nita Forouhi: “No conflicts of interest to declare.”
Prof Kevin McConway: “Previously a Trustee of the SMC and a member of its Advisory Committee.”
Dr Nerys Astbury: “No conflicts.”
Dr Stephen Burgess: “No relevant conflict of interest to declare.”
Following a competitive recruitment process, the City of Greater Bendigo is pleased to announce Jessica Howard has been appointed the new Director Healthy Communities and Environments.
Ms Howard is a familiar face to many at the City, as she is the current Director Corporate Performance since joining the City in March 2023.
Most recently, Ms Howard has been at the forefront of the Councillor induction process and development of the 2025-2029 Council Plan, had an integral role in the recent organisation restructure and led the development of successive budgets.
She has also contributed critical thinking relating to organisation policy, systems and processes, and is a valued member of the City’s Executive Leadership Team.
Chief Executive Officer Andrew Cooney congratulated Ms Howard on her new role and said he was pleased she would be continuing her career at the City.
“Prior to joining the City, Jess was a Director at Mount Alexander Shire Council and had a similar portfolio of responsibilities as the Healthy Communities and Environments directorate, including sport and recreation, community safety, local laws, climate resilience and project delivery,” Mr Cooney said.
“Jess is also a former Councillor at Mount Alexander Shire, where she stood on a platform of strong community participation, and she has a personal interest in sport through her extensive involvement in playing and coaching soccer locally.
“Her considerable experience in State Government and skills developed in various policy and advisory roles are also valuable.
“I look forward to Jess continuing to make a great contribution to our organisation and community in her new role.”
Ms Howard’s new responsibilities include Maternal and Child Health, immunisation, early learning centres, environmental health, local laws, climate change resilience and emergency management, parking, animal management, provision of recreation facilities, celebrating cultural diversity and inclusion, and community capacity building.
Ms Howard said she was excited to take on this new challenge.
“I am really looking forward to meeting the many organisations, clubs, groups and volunteers that the Healthy Communities and Environments directorate works with and who have such a critical role in making our community such a great place to live,” she said.
Ms Howard will transition to the Director Healthy Communities and Environments role in the coming months, following recruitment to appoint a new Director Corporate Performance.
The Director Corporate Performance role will be advertised by mid-May.
We’re ensuring Victorians with an eating disorder get the care and support they need with Victoria’s first public residential eating disorder treatment centre, Ngamai Wilam.
Operated by Alfred Health in Armadale, Ngamai Wilam is a brand new, purpose-built 12 bed residential centre, offering 24/7 support in a safe, home-like setting, providing specialist care for Victorians aged 18 and over who are living with an eating disorder.
Delivering on the objectives of the Victorian Eating Disorders Strategy 2024-31, the establishment of this centre represents a shift in our system towards a stepped model of care, where care is available and tailored to an individual’s needs and circumstances – where we have services that are designed to meet people where they are at.
By providing treatment, support, and care in a welcoming, home-like environment, Ngamai Wilam gives individuals the best chance at lasting recovery.
The centre’s approach to care has been co-designed with people who have lived experience of eating disorders, alongside families, carers, health professionals, advocacy groups, and experts. By centring lived and living experience in both the design of the built environment and the model of care, Ngamai Wilam offers compassionate, evidence-based treatment, care and support for individuals impacted by eating disorders as well as their families, carers and supporters.
The name, Ngamai Wilam (pronounced Nah-may Will-ahm) is inspired by the story of Nala, a wise spirit who created the first sunrise and sunset. Resonating strongly with the naming group, sunset is a reminder that as the day fades, so too can difficulties, where sunrise brings the promise of fresh beginnings and renewed strength to confront challenges.
Ngamai Wilam represents a transformative approach to care for individuals with eating disorders. With a strong focus on family and chosen supports, Ngamai Wilam is committed to delivering high-quality, person-centred care that promotes long-term recovery.
Ngamai Wilam will operate 24 hours a day, seven days a week with onsite staff support, and will be integrated with existing eating disorder services across the state.
Treatment is free to consumers accessing Ngamai Wilam as a publicly funded service. Equitable access to care is provided to all Victorians with a diagnosed eating disorder.
Ngamai Wilam will progressively open to a 12-bed capacity across 2025. More information on referral pathways is available on the Alfred Healthwebsite.
But these pressures aren’t new. In 2022, voter frustration over living costs helped Labor oust the Coalition.
With economic pressures persisting, will history repeat?
Analysis of cost-of-living trends and voting patterns in the last election reveals the voters most motivated by hip-pocket concerns: young women.
What was the situation in 2022?
In the 2022 Australian Election Study – a nationally representative post-election survey – about 23.3% of respondents (577 out of 2,478) identified cost of living as the most important issue shaping their vote.
Younger Australians were the most concerned about the issue. Among the age groups, 38.9% of those aged 18–30 prioritised it, compared with 30.4% aged 31–45, 28.5% aged 46–60, and just 15.4% among those aged 61–90.
The generational pattern was clear: the younger you were, the more likely you were to vote on cost-of-living concerns.
Gender also played a role. A slightly higher proportion of women (25.1%) than men (21.1%) rated cost of living as their top issue.
But the age-gender breakdown reveals more: among cost-of-living voters aged 18–45, women made up roughly 70%.
In contrast, men outnumbered women among older cost-of-living voters (aged 60 and over).
These trends suggest the cost of living is especially salient for younger women — a key electoral demographic to watch. Evidence shows this cohort is almost twice as likely as young men to be undecided voters.
If we look at housing, cost-of-living concerns were most prevalent among renters, with 38.5% of public housing tenants and 32.3% of private renters citing it as their top issue, compared to just 16.4% of those who own their home outright.
Those paying off a mortgage (27.3%) and people in alternative living arrangements such as boarding or living at home (35.6%) also reported elevated concern, highlighting the strong link between housing insecurity and financial stress.
Looking at household incomes, it’s no surprise low-income households were overrepresented among cost-of-living voters.
But concern wasn’t limited to them. Middle-income households, including many earning six-figure incomes, also featured prominently, reflecting how rising rents and mortgage repayments are squeezing even those once considered financially secure.
A generation defining crisis
Cost-of-living pressures are widespread, but financial vulnerability heightens the risk of poverty, which already affects more than three million Australians.
As shown above, young people and young families are at the deep end of the crisis.
For many, this is a generation-defining crisis, reshaping life expectations.
In 2017, 62.2% of Australians aged 18–24 saw home ownership as highly important. By 2024, that dropped to 49.5%. A similar decline occurred among 25–34-year-olds.
Those in the poorest suburbs or the poorest household are the least likely to value home ownership. This is potentially a sign they feel permanently locked out, deepening inequality.
As renting becomes more common, and rent prices skyrocket, young people are increasingly struggling to secure affordable rent.
It’s no surprise Gen Z is more financially anxious than any other generation. The mental health toll of financial stress is stark, contributing to the high prevalence of mental health disorders among this age group.
With a sizeable youth electorate this time around, financially struggling young voters could be the power brokers of the election. So who might they vote for?
The politics of living costs
In the last election, 61.7% of voters concerned about the cost of living backed a left-of-centre party, while 38.3% voted for the right. Despite the Coalition’s historic advantage on economic issues, they faced an incumbent disadvantage among cost-of-living voters.
In an Election Monitoring Survey conducted in October 2024, only 23.7% of Australians were living comfortably on their present income, while 46.4% were coping, and 29.9% were struggling.
Those facing financial hardship were more dissatisfied with the country’s direction, less confident in the government, and more likely to dislike both major party leaders.
Unsurprisingly, October 2024 saw a decline in trust in the federal government, with 15.7% of Australians reporting no trust at all, up from 8.3% in May 2022. Those who did trust the government remained around 32%.
This shows cost-of-living voters – much like young and female voters – are likely to explore alternatives beyond the major parties, continuing the 2022 trend.
Both major parties have seen a steady decline in support over the past two decades, with less than 70% of the primary vote between them in 2022.
This time around, Labor can afford to lose only two seats before facing minority government. Peter Dutton, on the other hand, faces a tougher task, needing nearly 20 seats for a majority.
With increasing dislike for the major parties among financially struggling voters, there’s a real chance of a hung parliament, where neither party secures the 76 seats needed to govern outright, making negotiations with minor parties and independents crucial.
Notably, Labor’s proposal to top up stage three income tax cuts won’t kick in until mid-next year, but will cost the government $17 billion over four years.
Meanwhile, the Coalition’s pledge to halve the excise on fuel duty for a year, will cost $6 billion in lost tax revenue in a year.
But whether it will be enough to stop cost-of-living voters siding with a minor party or independent remains to be seen.
Intifar Chowdhury does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Angus, Professor of Digital Communication, Director of QUT Digital Media Research Centre, Queensland University of Technology
In the lead-up to the 2025 Australian federal election, political advertising is seemingly everywhere.
We’ve been mapping the often invisible world of digital political advertising across Facebook, Instagram and TikTok.
We’ve done this thanks to a panel of ordinary Australians who agreed to download an ad tracking app developed through the Australian Internet Observatory.
We’re also tracking larger trends in political ad spending, message type and tone, and reach via the PoliDashboard tool. This open source tool aggregates transparency data from Meta (including Facebook and Instagram) which we use to identify patterns and items of concern.
While the major parties are spending heavily and are highly visible in the feeds of our participants, it is the prevalence of third-party political advertising that is most striking. We’ve observed a notable trend: for every ad from a registered political party, there is roughly one ad from a third-party entity.
Astroturfing and the illusion of grassroots support
One of the most concerning trends we’re seeing is a rise in astroturfing. This refers to masking the sponsors of a message to make it appear as though it originates from ordinary citizens or grassroots organisations.
Astroturfing ads do often adhere to the formal disclosure requirements set out by the Australian Electoral Commission. However, these disclosures don’t meaningfully inform the public on who is behind these misleading ads.
Authorisation typically only includes the name and address of an intermediary. This may be a deliberately opaque shell entity set up just in time for an election.
A key example seen by participants in our study involves the pro-gas advocacy group Australians for Natural Gas.
It presents itself as a grassroots movement, but an ABC investigation revealed this group is working with Freshwater Strategy – the Coalition’s internal pollster. Emails obtained by the ABC show Freshwater Strategy is “helping orchestrate a campaign to boost public support for the gas industry ahead of the federal election”.
Other examples we’ve encountered in our monitoring include groups with benign-sounding names like Mums for Nuclear and Australians for Prosperity. These labels and the ads they are running suggest grassroots concern, but they obscure the deeper agendas behind them.
In the case of Australians for Prosperity, an ABC analysis revealed backing from wealthy donors, former conservative MPs and coal interests.
The battle over energy
Nowhere is this more evident than in messaging around energy policy, especially nuclear power and gas.
In recent months, both major parties and a swathe of third-party advertisers have run targeted online campaigns focused on the costs and benefits of different energy futures. These ads play to deeply felt concerns about cost of living, action on climate change, and national sovereignty.
Yet many of these messages, particularly those that promote gas and nuclear, come from organisations with opaque funding and undeclared political affiliations or connections. Voters may see a slick Facebook ad or a sponsored TikTok explainer without any idea who paid for it, or why.
And with no obligation to be truthful, much of this content may be deeply misleading. It muddies public understanding at a critical moment for climate action.
Truth not required
Truth in political advertising isn’t legally required in all of Australia. While businesses can’t mislead consumers under consumer law, political parties and third-party campaigners are exempt from those same standards.
This means misleading or outright false claims – about opponents, policies or the state of the economy – can be repeated and amplified without consequence, provided they’re framed as political opinion.
South Australia and the Australian Capital Territory do have truth in political advertising laws, but there is still no national standard.
In the digital advertising environment, where ads are fast, fleeting, and often tailored to individuals, the absence of such independent scrutiny allows misinformation to flourish unchecked.
Most people are seeing very little – or so it seems
Paradoxically, our data shows the majority of participants are seeing very few political ads. Of the total ads seen, less than 2% pertained to political topics or the election specifically.
This is partly a result of how the advertising products offered by platforms like Meta and TikTok allow ads to be targeted to specific demographics, locations or interests. This means even two people in the same household may have entirely different ad experiences.
But it’s also a reminder social media ads are just the tip of the iceberg. Much political persuasion online happens outside paid ad campaigns – via influencer content, YouTube recommendations, algorithmic amplification, mainstream media coverage and more.
Because platforms and publishers aren’t required to share this broader content with researchers or the public, we can’t easily track it – although we are trying.
We need meaningful observability
If democracy is to thrive in a digital age, we need to be able to independently observe online political communication, including advertising.
Existing measures like campaign finance disclosures and transparency tools provided by platforms will never be enough. They don’t include user experiences or track patterns across populations and over time. This inevitably means some advertising activity flies under the radar.
We lack robust tools to understand and analyse our current fragmented information landscape.
Where platforms don’t provide meaningful data access to researchers and the public, tools like the Ad Observatory and PoliDashboard offer valuable glimpses into a fragmented information landscape, while remaining incomplete.
However, tools on their own are not enough. We also need to be willing to call out and act when politicians mislead the public.
Acknowlegement: The Australian Ad Observatory is a team effort. The authors wish to acknowledge the contribution of Jean Burgess, Nicholas Carah, Alfie Chadwick, Kyle Herbertson, Tina Kang, Khanh Luong, Abdul Karim Obeid, Lina Przhedetsky, and Dan Tran.
Daniel Angus receives funding from Australian Research Council through Linkage Project ‘Young Australians and the Promotion of Alcohol on Social Media’. He is a Chief Investigator with the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making & Society.
Christine Parker receives funding from the Australian Research Council through the ARC Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society.
Giselle Newton received funding from the Foundation for Alcohol Research and Education for the project ‘How alcohol and gambling companies target people most at risk with marketing for addictive products on Facebook’.
Mark Andrejevic receives funding from the Australian Research Council through the Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision Making and Society and through the Discovery Program.
Kate Clark does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
With the May 3 federal election less than a week away, voters still have little reliable information on the costs of Labor or Coalition policies.
Treasurer Jim Chalmers has said Labor’s policy costings will be released imminently. At the 2022 election, the costings were not released for nearly two months after polling day.
Deputy Opposition Leader Sussan Ley last week told Sky News the Coalition costings will be “released in the lead up to election day and will be able to be fully interrogated”.
This is now too late for the voters who have already cast their ballots. We have seen a record number of pre-poll votes this election, with more than 2.3 million as of Saturday. This means a sizeable percentage of the electorate has voted without knowing what their votes will cost.
Voting without all the facts
Whichever side wins, taxpayers eventually pay to implement policies. So knowing at least in broad terms the costs of the policies would be helpful.
The Coalition has probably had many of its policies costed by the independent Parliamentary Budget Office. This process thorough and impartial.
Importantly, the Parliamentary Budget Office costs policies over ten years. This allows the full costs of policies to be understood better. Some policies such as large infrastructure take many years before the full impact on the budget is felt.
Labor has already published the costs of many of its policies in the March 25 federal budget. This only covered the forward estimates, three years into the future, but is reliable for most policies. But we still need the costings for policies announced post-budget.
The true picture?
Even when we see what the parties release, we can have no confidence their lists will be accurate and complete. Parties may omit costings that might attract criticism.
They may also present costings prepared by consultants rather than the Parliamentary Budget Office. You may recall controversy late last year over private modelling of the Coalition’s plans for nuclear power.
Unfortunately we have to wait until after the election for a comprehensive and independent set of costings.
The Parliamentary Budget Office does not publish its full list of costings (in the election commitments report) until well after the election. This is either 30 days from the end of the caretaker period or seven days before the new parliament first sits, whichever comes later.
The election commitments report has some accountability value in relation to the party that forms government but does not help inform voters. It is a mystery why anyone would be interested in the costs of policies of the losing side. But they still must be published, according to electoral law.
The report must include the major parties, although minor parties and independents can also be included in the report if they wish.
Are there other approaches?
By contrast, in New South Wales the state Parliamentary Budget Office publishes a complete set of costings five days before the election. Policies announced after this date miss out but these rarely affect the budget bottom line.
Although, as occurs federally, many voters cast their ballots in advance, at least NSW’s approach gives most voters a chance to see the costs. This encourages the major parties to compete to produce a fiscally responsible total.
The NSW approach is self-policing. Each major party studies the statements and if the other side omits something – large or small – they rapidly and loudly complain. Parties therefore try to make their policy lists as accurate as possible.
Federally, the budget office takes on the time-consuming job of tracking down all the policy announcements to cost and include in its post-election report.
The differences arise from the different legislation that applies to each PBO.
NSW has arguably an easier job because it costs policies only for the premier and leader of the opposition. The federal budget office costs for all members of parliament.
The federal system requires policies submitted during the caretaker period, and their costings, must be published “as soon as practicable”. But major parties are highly unlikely to submit a policy only to have it and its costing released at a time not of its choosing.
The requirement is likely motivated by transparency, but clashes with political reality. In NSW costings remain confidential until the leader advises the budget office the policy has been announced. This gives parties a way to have policies costed with a low risk of their premature release.
DIY assessments
Federally, there are other ways to estimate the costs of policies. The budget office has a Build your Own Budget Tool, and a tool for modelling alternative
income tax proposals (SMART), both available online.
These provide a fair approximation and are often used by journalists trying to get behind political announcements.
The OECD lists 35 independent fiscal bodies in 29 OECD countries responsible for assessing election costings. Some are tiny, with just a few analysts. Some are
huge and influential, like the US Congressional Budget Office. Few have the same focus on costing election policies that applies in Australia.
Costs are a big deal here. Both parties have run advertisements attacking the other side on the question of whether their policies are affordable.
On major policies such as the Coalition plans for nuclear power there are massive differences between cost estimates put forward by each side. Such differences could be resolved by an independent and impartial costing. This is why Australian voters deserve to see such costings as soon as possible.
Stephen Bartos was NSW Parliamentary Budget Officer for the past three NSW general elections. He is now a professor at the University of Canberra.
Curtin University’s Dr Jonathan Sae-Koew has received Healthway’s prestigious Early Career Research Fellowship to work in collaboration with the Y WA to co-design and evaluate strategies for promoting the mental health of young people in the City of Belmont.
Heathway CEO Colin Smith said Dr Sae-Koew’s Fellowship, worth $396,711 over the next three years, will support those teenagers who need it most.
“We know it is challenging for young people to thrive when resources and opportunities are limited.”
“Through this fellowship, we will be able to identify the most impactful ways to enhance their mental health and wellbeing,” he said.
Dr Sae-Koew said his project will initially focus on working with the Y WA in the City of Belmont to adapt their existing youth programs to help young people reach their full potential and become productive, engaged members of society.
“We’re not starting again here, we’re building on what is already out there via some great service providers, such as the Y WA and their Base@Belmont Youth Centre, to support and promote models of work in other local government areas,” he said.
“We’ll be helping them to refine their existing services and map out what additional support might be needed to promote positive mental health.”
This announcement coincides with the opening of Healthway’s Health Promotion Research and Scholarship Programs for 2025. More than $800,000 in grants is available through the Health Promotion Research Scholarship, Aboriginal Health Research Scholarship and Health Promotion Research Fellowship programs, which are designed to support researchers in improving the health and wellbeing outcomes for Western Australians.
ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on April 28, 2025.
Reefs in the ‘middle’ light zone along NZ’s coast are biodiversity hotspots – many are home to protected species Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By James J Bell, Professor of Marine Biology, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington James Bell, CC BY-SA The latest update on the state of New Zealand’s environment paints a concerning outlook for marine environments, especially amid the increasing push to use the marine estate for
Pokies line the coffers of governments and venues – but there are ways to tame this gambling gorilla Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Charles Livingstone, Associate Professor, School of Public Health and Preventive Medicine, Monash University Recently, much public attention has been given to the way online wagering and its incessant promotion has infiltrated sport and our TV screens. Despite a 2023 parliamentary inquiry that recommended new restrictions on online
Vancouver SUV attack exposes crowd management falldowns and casts a pall on Canada’s election Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Asgary, Professor, Disaster & Emergency Management, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies & Director, CIFAL York, York University, Canada A car attack at a Filipino street festival in Vancouver just two days before Canada’s federal election has killed at least 11 people and injured many
Is Canada heading down a path that has caused the collapse of mighty civilizations in the past? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Hoyer, Senior Researcher, Historian and Complexity Scientist, University of Toronto Canada is, by nearly any measure, a large, advanced, prosperous nation. A founding member of the G7, Canada is one of the world’s most “advanced economies,” ranking fourth in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development’s
Rwanda’s genocide: why remembering needs to be free of politics – lessons from survivors Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Samantha Lakin, Lecturer, Clark University Memory and politics are inherently intertwined and can never be fully separated in post-atrocity and post-genocidal contexts. They are also dynamic and ever-changing. The interplay between memory and politics is, therefore, prone to manipulation, exaggeration or misuse by clever actors to meet
In talking with Tehran, Trump is reversing course on Iran – could a new nuclear deal be next? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jeffrey Fields, Professor of the Practice of International Relations, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences A mural on the outer walls of the former US embassy in Tehran depicts two men in negotiation. Majid Saeedi/Getty Images Negotiators from Iran and the United States are set
What will the UK Supreme Court gender ruling mean in practice? A legal expert explains Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Maine, Senior Lecturer in Law, City St George’s, University of London jeep2499/Shutterstock The Supreme Court’s decision in For Women Scotland Ltd v The Scottish Ministers will mean changes in how trans people in the UK access services and single-sex spaces. In the highly anticipated judgment announced
What are ‘penjamins’? Disguised cannabis vapes are gaining popularity among young people Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jack Chung, PhD Candidate, National Centre for Youth Substance Use Research, The University of Queensland Stenko Vlad/Shutterstock E-cigarettes or vapes were originally designed to deliver nicotine in a smokeless form. But in recent years, vapes have been used to deliver other psychoactive substances, including cannabis concentrates and
Used EV batteries could power vehicles, houses or even towns – if their manufacturers share vital data Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daryoush Habibi, Professor and Head, Centre for Green and Smart Energy Systems, Edith Cowan University EV batteries are made of hundreds of smaller cells. IM Imagery/Shutterstock Around the world, more and more electric vehicles are hitting the road. Last year, more than 17 million battery-electric and hybrid
Climate change and the housing crisis are a dangerous mix. So which party is grappling with both? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ehsan Noroozinejad, Senior Researcher and Sustainable Future Lead, Urban Transformations Research Centre, Western Sydney University Australia is running out of affordable, safe places to live. Rents and mortgages are climbing faster than wages, and young people fear they may never own a home. At the same time,
Why film and TV creators will still risk it all for the perfect long take shot Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kristian Ramsden, PhD Candidate, University of Adelaide Apple TV In the second episode of Apple TV’s The Studio (2025–) – a sharp satirical take on contemporary Hollywood – newly-appointed studio head Matt Remick (Seth Rogen) visits the set of one of his company’s film productions. He finds
Is there a best way to peel a boiled egg? A food scientist explains Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paulomi (Polly) Burey, Professor in Food Science, University of Southern Queensland We’ve all been there – trying to peel a boiled egg, but mangling it beyond all recognition as the hard shell stubbornly sticks to the egg white. Worse, the egg ends up covered in chewy bits
Australia once had ‘immigration amnesties’ to grant legal status to undocumented people. Could we again? Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sara Dehm, Senior Lecturer, International Migration and Refugee Law, University of Technology Sydney The year is 1972. The Whitlam Labor government has just been swept into power and major changes to Australia’s immigration system are underway. Many people remember this time for the formal end of the
Independents may build on Australia’s history of hung parliaments, if they can survive the campaign blues Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joshua Black, Visitor, School of History, Australian National University Major parties used to easily dismiss the rare politician who stood alone in parliament. These MPs could be written off as isolated idealists, and the press could condescend to them as noble, naïve and unlikely to succeed. In
Peter Dutton: a Liberal leader seeking to surf on the wave of outer suburbia Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra In searching for the “real” Peter Dutton, it is possible to end up frustrated because you have looked too hard. Politically, Dutton is not complicated. There is a consistent line in his beliefs through his career. Perhaps the shortest cut
Albanese has been a ‘proficient and lucky general’. But if he wins a second term, we are right to demand more Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Strangio, Emeritus Professor of Politics, Monash University Barring a rogue result, this Saturday Anthony Albanese will achieve what no major party leader has done since John Howard’s prime-ministerial era – win consecutive elections. Admittedly, in those two decades he is only the second of the six
Peter Dutton declares Welcome to Country ceremonies are ‘overdone’ in heated final leaders’ debate Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Andy Marks, Vice-President, Public Affairs and Partnerships, Western Sydney University Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Peter Dutton have had their fourth and final leaders’ debate of the campaign. The skirmish, hosted by 7News in Sydney, was moderated by 7’s Political Editor Mark Riley. Cost of
Election Diary: a cost-of-living election where neither leader can tell you the price of eggs Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra The fourth election debate was the most idiosyncratic of the four head-to-head contests between Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Peter Dutton. Apart from all the usual topics, the pair was charged with producing one-word responses to pictures of
Trump’s war on the media: 10 numbers from US President’s first 100 days Reporters Without Borders Donald Trump campaigned for the White House by unleashing a nearly endless barrage of insults against journalists and news outlets. He repeatedly threatened to weaponise the federal government against media professionals whom he considers his enemies. In his first 100 days in office, President Trump has already shown that he was not bluffing.
South Australia Police (SAPOL) and the South Australian Police Historical Society has today commemorated Police Foundation Day by unveiling a memorial plaque in Hindmarsh Square for an officer killed on duty.
Dignitaries including Lord Mayor, the Honourable Dr Jane Lomax-Smith AM, Minister of Police Stephen Mullighan, Commissioner of Police Grant Stevens APM LEM and Deputy Commissioner Linda Williams APM LEM united with other guests this morning to honour and remember 23-year-old Foot Constable John McLennan Holman, who was tragically murdered at the location on 23 February 1929.
Police Foundation Day is held annually on 28 April to commemorate SAPOL’s founding in 1838, being the oldest centrally organised police service in Australia, and one of the oldest civilian police services in the world.
“Today, we pay tribute to Constable John McLennan Holman who had his life tragically cut short early in his policing career,” Commissioner Stevens said.
“Constable Holman was a promising young officer who was held in the highest esteem by fellow comrades and his dedication to the job sadly eventuated in the loss of his life.
“Since the establishment of South Australia Police in 1838, 62 police officers have been killed in the line of duty. This is a stark reminder of the dangers police face when protecting the community.”
During a historical address, former Deputy Commissioner and Police Historical Society member John White revisited the tragic 1929 incident as part of the memorial service.
“Constable Holman’s death brought about a shock wave across the community,” he said.
“This memorial reminds us of the sacrifice this young officer made in the vicinity of where he was heartbreakingly killed.”
Foot Constable Holman and fellow constables Budgen and Marshall responded unarmed to a report of shots being fired at Grenfell Street. Upon arrival, they reportedly found the area strangely quiet, with a motorcycle and sidecar parked unattended.
Seizing the machine, the constables travelled a short distance when suddenly confronted by two men, one John Stanley McGrath, who suddenly shot Constable Holman after he dismounted and identified as a police officer.
“Both men turned and ran away while, unarmed and wounded, constables Holman and Budgen bravely gave chase. Shot in the abdomen, Constable Holman collapsed while Constable Budgen continued chase, calling for backup from a nearby Constable King,” Mr White told the crowd.
“Following a vicious gunfight involving Constable King, McGrath was shot in the leg and fell. When
Constable Budgen leant over the offender, he heard a click and, fortunately, realised McGrath was out of ammunition.”
Once McGrath and his accomplice were apprehended, Constable Holman was found unconscious and conveyed to the then Adelaide Hospital, where he sadly died from his wounds an hour later.
Constable Holman had only joined the service two years prior in 1927 and was due to be married a week later. McGrath was found guilty of his murder in July 1929 and sentenced to death. This was later commuted to life imprisonment, but he was released after serving only 13 years.
On Monday 25 February 1929 a state funeral was held for the fallen constable, seeing thousands line Adelaide streets in respect and disbelief.
“For their actions on 12 May 1930, Constables Budgen and King were awarded the King’s Police Medal for conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty in recognition of the fearless discharge of their duty at the risk of death on February 23, when Constable Holman was fatally shot,” Mr White added.
Minister of Police Stephen Mullighan paid his respects at today’s memorial and acknowledged the work of all police, past and present.
“Today, decades on, we honour the sacrifice of a young officer who died tragically far too soon,” he said.
“The State Government acknowledges the ongoing risk and sacrifice our brave police continue to take on while protecting fellow South Australians. “
Meanwhile, Constable John McLennan Holman is also remembered and honoured on the South Australia Police Roll of Honour and Wall of Remembrance, and the Australian National Police Memorial Wall of Remembrance, Canberra.
Bill Prior, President of the SA Police Historical Society, former Deputy Commissioner and Police Historical Society member John White, Commissioner of Police Grant Stevens, Honourable Dr Jane Lomax-Smith AM and The Hon Stephen Mullighan MP, Minister for Police at today’s Police Foundation Day memorial event in Hindmarsh Square.
Commissioner of Police Grant Stevens APM LEM with the unveiled plaque dedicated to Constable John McLennan Holman, who was killed on duty in 1929.
In 2025 we recognise and honour the passing of Constable John McLennan Holman who died as a result of a fatal gunshot, whilst he was in the execution of his duty on 23 February 1929 in Hindmarsh Square Adelaide.
Foot Constable John McLennan Holman and his gravesite. The gravesite was restored in 1998 with funding from the Police Association of South Australia.
The Register state funeral coverage February 26, 1929.
The latest update on the state of New Zealand’s environment paints a concerning outlook for marine environments, especially amid the increasing push to use the marine estate for economic gain.
But many shallow coastal ecosystems remain largely unexplored. As our latest fieldwork shows, many of these areas are hotspots for protected species, but are largely unprotected from human impacts.
Gardens of the red calcified stylasterid hydrocoral off the coast of Doubtful Sound, Fiordland.
Ecosystems in the ‘middle’ light zone
Subtidal rocky reefs have been the focus of scientific research for centuries. During the past eight decades, with the advent of SCUBA diving, they have been studied even more intensively.
However, rocky reefs extend much deeper than most SCUBA divers can typically reach, into what is known as the mesophotic or “middle” light zone.
While seaweeds dominate in the well-lit shallow waters, there is limited light to sustain photosynthesis in the mesophotic zone below around 30 metres. The decline in seaweed creates more space for animals, which leads to the development of communities containing species not found in the shallows.
Deep-water stony corals at around 100 metres off the coast of Northland.
Because these ecosystems are no longer affected by surface wave action, they are often dominated by large, fragile three-dimensional species.
We still know very little about the ecology of the species that live in mesophotic ecosystems. Many are likely to be slow growing and long-lived, with some living for hundreds or possibly thousands of years.
Research is ongoing and empirical data still sparse, but observations show many fish are associated with these mesophotic communities. We eat some of them, or they are important within the ocean food web.
Diverse ecosystems and protected species
We shared some of the first high-resolution videos of New Zealand’s mesophotic ecosystems in 2022. Back then, we thought these deep-reef communities were dominated by sponges.
However, we have since deployed a Boxfish remotely operated vehicle more than 200 times around New Zealand and found sponges are not always the most dominant organism.
In fact, mesophotic ecosystems along New Zealand’s coast are very diverse, with regional variation in the types of communities.
Our team found sea squirts dominated communities off Rakiura Stewart Island, anemone stands in the Wellington region, red coral beds along the Fiordland coast and coral “reefs” in Northland.
Asicidian or sea squirt beds at 130 metres off the coast of Rakiura Stewart Island.
Importantly, many of these reefs support species protected under the Wildlife Act.
During our most recent trip to Doubtless Bay in Northland, we explored more than 20 locations. At many sites we encountered protected coral species. The term coral is broadly defined in the Wildlife Act – it includes groups such as black corals (order Antipatharia), gorgonian corals (Gorgonacea), stony corals (Scleractinia) and hydrocorals (family Stylasteridae).
Protected black coral and seafans at around 90 metres offshore at Doubtless Bay, Northland.
Under the Wildlife Act, it is illegal to deliberately collect or damage these species. If they are brought to the surface accidentally (in fishing gear or by anchors, for example), they must be returned to the sea immediately.
Many of these corals are typically considered deep-sea species, but they are commonly found in New Zealand’s mesophotic ecosystems. Northland’s mesophotic communities have examples from all these groups of corals, as well as other fragile ecosystems dominated by glass sponges.
While glass sponges are not protected, they are thought to be very slow growing, with some species living for thousands of years.
Glass sponge gardens at around 100 metres off the coast of Northland.
Current and future impacts
Many mesophotic organisms grow slowly and rely on food carried in the water. This makes them particularly sensitive to activities that disrupt the seafloor, such as fishing and anchoring, and to the effect of higher sediment loads.
Sediment can either smother or clog mesophotic organisms such as corals and sponges. Many of these species show some tolerance to sediment, but prolonged exposure or very high levels can kill them off.
Many of the mesophotic ecosystems we have explored show clear evidence of human impacts, including lost recreational fishing gear and anchor lines.
The government plans to maximise the economic potential of the marine estate and much of this development is focused on coastal areas. Any activities that generate coastal sediment plumes are of particular concern.
Seabed sand mining operations already occur at some sites around the coast of New Zealand. More have been proposed, potentially generating sediment plumes that could reach these mesophotic communities.
Protected black coral in a sponge garden at around 80 metres at the Poor Knights marine reserve in Northland.
A fundamental step for effective management of biodiversity is to understand its distribution. Our work over the past five years has characterised a wide range of mesophotic ecosystems, but there are still large areas of the New Zealand coastline that have not been explored. They are likely to contain undescribed communities.
As many regional councils around New Zealand are working through revisions to coastal policy plans, these deeper rocky reefs need to be fully included to protect the species they support.
Professor James J Bell receives funding from the Department of Conservation, Environment Southland, the George Mason Charitable Trust, The Royal Society of New Zealand, and the Greater Wellington Regional Council.
The global tutoring revolution has arrived in New Zealand. Success Tutoring, Australia’s fastest growing and most innovative education and tutoring franchise, has officially opened its first centre in Papanui, Christchurch, marking the beginning of a bold global expansion into New Zealand, the United States, Canada, Singapore and the United Kingdom.
“This is an incredibly exciting time for our company and for tutoring globally,” Success Tutoring founder and CEO, Michael Black said.
“We have redefined how students learn in Australia and now we’re bringing that same energy and innovation to the world, starting right here in Christchurch.”
Success Tutoring breaks away from the traditional one-size-fits-all tutoring model. Instead, it delivers a highly flexible, student-first approach, giving families unlimited access to personalised sessions through a subscription model that fits modern life.
It’s more than academic support, it’s about building confidence, curiosity and a mindset for success.
“Our students aren’t just lifting grades, they’re unlocking their potential,” Black said.
“We’ve helped kids significantly improve their academic results, earn scholarships, get into selective schools and most importantly, feel proud of themselves again.”
Results from across the Australian network in 2024 were outstanding with Success Tutoring seeing strong academic improvements in Math and English, scholarships and school-entry success for many students and the majority of students reported significant boosts in confidence and self-esteem.
The Christchurch launch is being led by powerhouse pair Abhishek Gupta (Abhi) and Jalvanti Bhanderi (Jayvee), franchisees with a powerful combination of business smarts, education experience and passion for youth development.
Gupta, with a master’s in economics and a background in banking, consulting and teaching, has spent years empowering learners. Bhanderi, who grew up in Nairobi and speaks four languages, brings a background in accounting, operations and people-focused leadership.
“We’re not just running a tutoring centre, we’re creating a space where young people can grow, be inspired and realise what they’re capable of,” Gupta said.
Bhanderi added that they have seen the gap, the average student who gets left behind. Success Tutoring is here in New Zealand to give all students the tools and support to soar.
As the brand goes global, Success Tutoring is also offering a life-changing business opportunity for passionate tutors and entrepreneurs. With a turnkey system, national marketing and world-class support, the franchise model is designed to deliver exceptional results for students as well as franchise business owners.
“The majority of Success Tutoring franchises are cashflow-positive from day one, deliver high profit margins and rapid growth potential and boast purpose-driven ownership backed by proven national systems,” Black said.
“This is a business where your success is measurable in both income and impact. It’s a model that delivers for students, for families and for the people who run it.”
With Christchurch opening and already accepting bookings, Success Tutoring is actively recruiting new franchisees across New Zealand, from Auckland to Queenstown, looking for people who want to change lives and build a business with heart.
“We’re on a mission to empower the next generation and we’re calling on visionary leaders to join us,” Black said.
“If you want to inspire, uplift and grow a business that matters, there’s never been a better time.”
About Success Tutoring
Founded by Michael Black in 2017, Success Tutoring is Australia’s fastest growing education centre with multiple locations and a further 150 cities planned worldwide by 2026. The company offers weekly tutoring sessions in English and Math for students aged five to 17, with a school readiness program for kids even younger, and selective school exam preparation tutoring also available. The Success Model not only empowers students to work at their own pace towards progress but also finds success in the social aspect of students coming together and working as a community of students to find motivation, inspiration and a lifelong love of learning.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Charles Livingstone, Associate Professor, School of Public Health and Preventive Medicine, Monash University
Recently, much public attention has been given to the way online wagering and its incessant promotion has infiltrated sport and our TV screens.
Despite a 2023 parliamentary inquiry that recommended new restrictions on online (especially sport) gambling advertising, the federal government neglected to implement any of the 31 recommendations.
This seems to have resulted from a furious and well resourced campaign by gambling’s ecosystem: wagering companies, broadcasters, sporting leagues, and others who currently drink from the fountain of gambling revenue.
Naturally, this issue garnered a great deal of attention, as it should.
But there’s another even bigger gambling gorilla that has steadily rebuilt its profits post-pandemic. You’ll probably find some at a hotel or social club near you.
This is, of course, pokies: Australia’s version of slot machines.
Australia’s major source of gambling problems
Australians lost A$15.8 billion on pokies in 2022–23, over half of that ($8.1 billion) in New South Wales. That’s an increase of 7.6% from 2018–19 (before pandemic restrictions closed many venues or restricted operations).
Wagering (sports and race betting) losses grew a hefty 45% over the same period, to around $8.4 billion. Even so, it remains way behind the pokies as Australia’s biggest source of gambling losses and problems.
Casino losses dropped by 35.5%. Casinos are also poke venues, but also offer other forms of gambling. Pokies in casinos are counted as “casino” gambling in national gambling statistics, while pokies in clubs and pubs continue to be counted separately.
A recent study found pokies responsible for between 52% and 57% of gambling problems in Australia. Wagering was estimated at 20%.
Recent growth may have altered these a little but pokies are still responsible for half of Australia’s gambling losses.
The gambling industry is fond of pointing out only a modest proportion of the population have serious gambling problems. That’s true, according to most prevalence studies.
But what also has to be remembered is, most people never use pokies. In 2024, the latest population study for NSW found only 14.3% of adults used pokies at all.
But around 18.5% of pokie users are either high or moderate risk gamblers: 35% of gamblers who use pokies at least once a month are classified as either high or moderate risk gamblers.
And in 2010 the Productivity Commission estimated 41% of the money lost on pokies came from the most seriously addicted, with another 20% coming from those with more moderate issues. Overall, well over half of the losses.
It’s little wonder pokie operators resist reforms.
Why are pokies so profitable?
The first and obvious answer to this is that there are a lot of them: they are widely accessible across Australia (apart from Western Australia, where they’re only in a single casino).
NSW alone has about 87,500. Queensland has about half that number, and Victoria about 26,000.
All of these are located in pubs or clubs, and in NSW they collect (on average) $93,000 per machine per year.
Second, they’re overwhelmingly concentrated in areas where people are doing it tough. Stress and strain are common where there are pokies.
Some people start to use them thinking they might alleviate financial woes. They don’t, of course. But they do provide an escape from the vicissitudes of daily life.
Once sampled, that can become addictive.
People who use pokies a lot call this escape from reality “the zone” – once you’re there, nothing matters, except staying there.
The zone is also known as “immersion”, or “loss of executive control”: people using pokies find it very difficult, if not impossible, to stop. Once the money’s gone, reality crashes in.
Pokies are also extremely addictive. Along with online casino games (which includes virtual pokies or slot machines), they are generally regarded as the most addictive and harmful gambling products.
They have a host of features engineered into them, including “losses disguised as wins”, “near misses” and many others.
They are engineered with 10 million or more possible outcomes and it is not possible for anyone to predict what outcome will come next.
Crucially, the house always wins. In a machine where the “return to player ratio” is set at 87% (a common, completely lawful setting), the machine would retain 13% of all wagers.
Unfortunately, few pokie users understand these characteristics.
Can’t we rein in the pokies?
So why do politicians resist reform?
One reason for this is the pokie revenue that flows into government coffers.
In 2022–23, state governments received a total of more than $9 billion in gambling taxes – 7.8% of all state tax revenue. Of this, $5.3 billion came from pokies. NSW alone got $2.23 billion from pokies, Victoria $1.3 billion, and Queensland $1.1 billion.
The venues, of course, receive a great deal more. One of the consequences of all that money flowing into the coffers of pubs and clubs is political access and influence.
We can, however, tame the pokies if we want to.
Various solutions are available, including pre-commitment, generally believed to be the most likely candidate.
This involves pokie users being required to set a limit prior to using the machines, which is now common in many countries in Europe, and has been proposed (but delayed or scuttled) in Australia for Tasmania, Victoria, and New South Wales.
More broadly however, this has been strongly resisted by the gambling ecosystem, including parties such as ClubsNSW and the Tasmanian Hospitality Association. Their influence appears profound.
Clearly, prohibition of gambling ads, and the termination of sports sponsorships that tie football, cricket and other major sports to gambling is needed urgently.
But if we really want to reduce gambling problems and their extraordinary catalogue of harm, reining in the pokies is a must.
That may take some serious effort.
Charles Livingstone has received funding from the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation, the (former) Victorian Gambling Research Panel, and the South Australian Independent Gambling Authority (the funds for which were derived from hypothecation of gambling tax revenue to research purposes), from the Australian and New Zealand School of Government and the Foundation for Alcohol Research and Education, and from non-government organisations for research into multiple aspects of poker machine gambling, including regulatory reform, existing harm minimisation practices, and technical characteristics of gambling forms. He has received travel and co-operation grants from the Alberta Problem Gambling Research Institute, the Finnish Institute for Public Health, the Finnish Alcohol Research Foundation, the Ontario Problem Gambling Research Committee, the Turkish Red Crescent Society, and the Problem Gambling Foundation of New Zealand. He was a Chief Investigator on an Australian Research Council funded project researching mechanisms of influence on government by the tobacco, alcohol and gambling industries. He has undertaken consultancy research for local governments and non-government organisations in Australia and the UK seeking to restrict or reduce the concentration of poker machines and gambling impacts, and was a member of the Australian government’s Ministerial Expert Advisory Group on Gambling in 2010-11. He is a member of the Lancet Public Health Commission into gambling, and of the World Health Organisation expert group on gambling and gambling harm. He made a submission to and appeared before the HoR Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs inquiry into online gambling and its impacts on those experiencing gambling harm.
Around 2,500 years ago, a princess living in what is now modern-day Iraq collected a number of artefacts, including a statue, a boundary stone and a mace head. The items, which show signs of preservation, date from around 2100 BCE to 600 BCE. This collection, it is generally thought, was the world’s first known “museum”.
Between Two Rivers, by Oxford scholar Moudhy Al-Rashid, tells the story of ancient Mesopotamia, a period in world history sometimes known as a “forgotten age”.
Review: Between Two Rivers: Ancient Mesopotamia and the Birth of History – Moudhy Al-Rashid (Hodder Press)
The first museum
The world’s first known museum, and its curator, Ennigaldi-Nanna, are among these many firsts. The daughter of the Neo-Babylonian king Nabonidus, Ennigaldi-Nanna was a priestess at the temple of the moon deity, as well as a princess.
Both Ennigaldi-Nanna and Nabonidus were keenly interested in history. Indeed, Nabonidus’ interest in excavating old temples and describing his findings once saw him described as the “first archaeologist”. This makes these figures well suited as the book’s central focus.
At its heart, Between Two Rivers is an ode to the power of history. It builds a persuasive case for history writing as a particularly human impulse, and for how lives of people living thousands of years ago can reflect and shape our modern lives in unexpected ways.
10 museum objects
The book is organised around the ten items from Ennigaldi-Nanna’s collection. This structural conceit creates a sense of unity, despite the diversity of topics the book covers. Each chapter is focused on one item. For example, an ancient granite mace head introduces a chapter on warfare, violence and death.
Moudhy Al-Rashid. Hachette
In chapter one, we are introduced to ancient Mesopotamian history. We’re also introduced to the author herself. Al-Rashid punctuates her prose with personal recollections and humour, as well as touching reflections on her experience of motherhood. She is our companion, tour guide and teacher as we navigate this journey into the past, helping the reader feel a personal stake in the scholarly adventure ahead.
Other chapters explore cuneiform script (the world’s first known writing), cities, leadership, education (including some of the earliest doodles by bored students), early scientific developments and the gods. The final three chapters look at economics, warfare and curator Ennigaldi-Nanna herself.
The book offers a useful timeline, though pictures of the ten ancient items and a map would have been useful additions.
Fun historical facts
The broad range of subjects, periods and people explored in this book results in the inclusion of many dazzling features of Mesopotamian history, rarely considered together. Indeed, there is a plethora of fun historical facts.
We get a brief overview of the fascinating diplomatic correspondence between New Kingdom Pharaohs and their West Asian vassals, known as the Amarna Letters. There is also the cuneiform tablet referencing the death of Alexander the Great, and an overview of the practice of divination (including an attempted palace coup).
These highlights from ancient evidence are balanced against frequent commentary from the author. She notes the less glamorous nature of much of it, such as economic texts and legal agreements.
Indeed, Al-Rashid is careful to note the limits of the evidence used to build this vivid picture of ancient Mesopotamia. She notes the difficulties of learning Sumerian, the world’s first known language, written in the intricate cuneiform script. In her chapter on leadership, she notes that further evidence for powerful women leaders may yet be discovered, while discussing what is currently known of these figures.
The author’s transparency and expert handling of evidence puts the reader at ease, while subtly championing the importance of continued studies in this field. This is timely, as the academic field of Mesopotamian history has seen significant cuts in the last decade.
Rediscovering cultural riches
Despite the rich cultural legacy of this region, Mesopotamian history is largely unknown in the modern day. While 21st-century audiences are often familiar with the works of Plato, Homer and Virgil, they may struggle to identify Enheduanna – a princess, priestess, and poetess who lived over 4,000 years ago – as the world’s first known author, or Sin-leqe-uninni as the editor of the Epic of Gilgamesh.
This is likely due to the circumstances around the recovery of the Mesopotamian writing script, cuneiform. This style of writing faded from use around the 1st century CE, and was only re-deciphered in 1857 CE. This meant that for almost two millennia, awareness of the Mesopotamian cultural legacy almost entirely disappeared.
This modern lack of awareness of Mesopotamian history is slowly changing. Between Two Rivers is part of an emerging trend in the field of Assyriology — the study of the languages, literature, history, laws and sciences of Mesopotamia — for producing accessible works, for non-specialist audiences.
Between Two Rivers further demonstrates the usefulness of this approach in bringing the riches of the ancient Near East to modern audiences.
There are new books on Mesopotamian religion and the cuneiform script by Irving Finkel, who has been an ambassador for the discipline for many years. Indeed, Al-Rashid notes his influence.
To write a book like this one, the author needs to have both mastery over the subject material and an engaging style of communication. Al-Rashid excels in both areas. For general audiences, Between Two Rivers is a fascinating, balanced introduction to this complex – and at times elusive – ancient world.
Louise Pryke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Lock your diffs and hold on to your grab handles! The City of Wanneroo is bringing the Ready 4 Adventure Show to Wanneroo this May.
Running in high-range from Friday 9 to Sunday 11 May, the show promises three action-packed days of all things 4WD, caravanning, camping, boating and fishing – right here in the heart of Wanneroo.
Well-known among adventure lovers, Ready 4 Adventure started as a popular magazine before becoming a TV series on Channel 9. Now, it’s bigger, bolder and live, designed to immerse attendees in the ultimate outdoor lifestyle experience.
City of Wanneroo Mayor Linda Aitken said the event would be the first major outdoor adventure exhibition held north of the river, delivering exciting benefits for local residents and businesses, and an action-packed experience for people from all over Perth and beyond.
“We’re proud to bring this fantastic event to the Wanneroo Showgrounds and showcase our City as a vibrant destination for large-scale community events,” Mayor Aitken said.
“This is a great opportunity for locals to soak up a weekend of fun, inspiration and discovery, and for visitors to experience the incredible spirit of Wanneroo and everything we have to offer in our vibrant City.”
The show will feature an extensive lineup of exhibitors and attractions, including:
Caravan and 4WD displays
Australia’s leading 4WD and accessory brands
Market alley, offering adventure gear, local products and unique finds
Food trucks and live cooking demos, including smoked meat specialists
Licensed bar area
Kid’s and family zone with carnival rides and entertainment for all ages.
There will also be live demonstrations and special attractions, including:
4×4 track demonstrations by YouTube personality Mad Matt and Eureka 4×4
The Shark 6 Stage, presented by BYD, with expert talks and cooking demos
Show & Shine competition for 4WD enthusiasts.
Whether you’re a seasoned outdoor explorer or simply looking for a great day out, the Ready 4 Adventure Show is set to deliver an unforgettable experience for the whole family.
It’s going to be an unmissable event, and to celebrate, the City of Wanneroo is giving away 10 double passes to the show.
All you need to do is head to the City of Wanneroo Facebook page, find the giveaway post, and tag who you’d bring along for your chance to win.
This notice affects importers of live plants (nursery stock), customs brokers and departmental staff.
What has changed?
Effective immediately, enhanced regulatory measures are now in place to manage the risk of Xylella fastidiosa (Xylella) in plant hosts imported from Iraq for use as nursery stock.
The Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry has identified a recent publication which…
ACT Building and Construction spokesperson Cameron Luxton is welcoming the Government’s announcement of a new opt-in scheme allowing trusted builders to sign off their own work and the setting of a mandatory target to slash building inspection wait times.
“New Zealand’s overreliance on councils in consenting and certification results in bottlenecks and delays,” says Mr Luxton, who is also a Licensed Building Practitioner.
“Those delays drive up the cost of getting almost anything built, fuelling higher housing costs and dragging down productivity across the economy.
“ACT has long argued we need to provide alternatives to costly council processes for building. Our coalition agreement commits to ‘explore allowing home builders to opt out of needing a building consent provided they have long-term insurance for the building work.’
“Today’s changes are a good start in getting council bureaucracies out of the way. But unless we fix the underlying incentive problems, councils will continue to grind construction to a halt.
“The fundamental incentive problem is that when building projects are botched, it’s councils, and therefore ratepayers, who shoulder the liability. It means councils only see risk whenever they look at a building project that doesn’t fit into their cookie-cutter understanding of building. Under this system it’s a wonder new designs get consented or certified at all.
“Expert builders should be allowed to shoulder the liability for their work, protected by insurance. That would free them to innovate and build faster, while giving clients the security of knowing that if something goes wrong, they’re protected.
“Crucially, to secure a good deal on the insurance market, builders would need to demonstrate a strong reputation for quality workmanship. Those with proven track records would be rewarded with better terms, while those unable to show consistent quality would face stricter requirements from insurers before being allowed to proceed.”
The City of Greater Bendigo has developed a draft plan for the development of an exciting new suburban level playspace at Garden Gully Reserve and is now seeking community feedback.
The draft playspace plan includes:
A new public toilet and a shelter with a BBQ
Shade trees, seating, irrigated lawn areas, and planted garden beds
Paths to connect the playspace to the Ironbark Gully Trail, Ashley Street, and to the existing hockey ground
Colourful concrete play tunnels and an all-abilities carousel
A big swing unit with a basket swing, a standard seat and a toddler seat
A play tower for climbing and sliding
Spring rockers, weave poles, colourful steppers, balance boulders; and,
Bike hoops and a drinking fountain with a dog bowl
City of Greater Bendigo Parks and Open Space Manager Chris Mitchell said in 2024 the City of Greater Bendigo updated the existing masterplan which was developed in 2004 to incorporate new public toilets, construction of a new suburban level playspace and the provision of improved paths and linkages to the Ironbark Gully Trail.
“The new playspace and new public toilets are both key projects of the updated Masterplan and will be constructed in a safer and more accessible location west of the existing hockey ground,” Mr Mitchell said.
“When the masterplan was up-dated the community were informed that there would be a separate community engagement process for the design of the playspace.
“The City now wants to know what the community likes about the draft design, what they don’t like and what colours they would like to see in the new playspace.
“Things that cannot change in the draft plan include the Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) accessible footpath alignment, the location of the shelter and toilet block, the 10metre buffer from the existing hockey fencing and the extent of the playspace footprint.
“The existing neighbourhood level playspace will remain in operation until construction of the new playspace is completed in 2027. Following construction of the new playspace the existing playspace will be dismantled and removed.”
Residents can provide their feedback on the draft plan by visiting the City’s Let’s Talk Community Engagement website by Friday May 16, 2025.
“The Government’s decision to pay our Teaching Council fees indicates that it realises it needs to do everything it can to keep teachers in the profession in the midst of a chronic secondary teacher shortage. Paying teachers’ Teaching Council fees lets teachers know their professional expertise is valued and provides an incentive to stay in the job.
“Teaching is an extremely rewarding and amazing profession; it is also an increasingly challenging and demanding one, so we need to everything possible to keep all of our experienced and skilled teachers in the workforce. Paying their Teaching Council fees is a step in the right direction.”
Chris Abercrombie said the decision was also important in terms of keeping beginning and new teachers in the profession. “Teachers in their first few years of teaching are among the highest number of teachers who are leaving either for better paid work in Australia or for jobs with a reasonable work / life balance here in Aotearoa New Zealand. Teaching Council fees are a significant expense when you’re in your first few years in the job, so this decision will encourage some of these teachers to stay.
“The decision announced today is a positive step. PPTA Te Wehengarua looks forward to working with the Government on other steps to attract graduates into secondary teaching and keep our highly experienced and skilled teachers in the workforce. These include making teachers’ salaries more attractive and making the job more manageable.”
