Category: Banking

  • MIL-Evening Report: Sanctioning extremist Israeli ministers is a start, but Australia and its allies must do more

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jessica Whyte, Scientia Associate Professor of Philosophy and ARC Future Fellow, UNSW Sydney

    The Australian government is imposing financial and travel sanctions on two far-right Israeli ministers: Itamar Ben-Gvir (the national security minister) and Bezalel Smotrich (finance minister).

    This is a significant development. While Australia has previously sanctioned seven individual Israeli settlers, Ben-Gvir and Smotrich are the most high-profile Israeli nationals to face such sanctions.

    Civil society organisations have long called for sanctions against these ministers and others in the Israeli cabinet.

    Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong previously rebuffed such calls by saying that “going it alone gets us nowhere”. These latest sanctions have been imposed by a coalition of five states: Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway and the United Kingdom.

    A joint statement by the foreign ministers of these countries says Ben Gvir and Smotrich “have incited extremist violence and serious abuses of Palestinian human rights.”

    Explaining the sanctions further, Wong told ABC Smotrich and Ben-Gvir are the “most extreme proponents of the unlawful and violent Israeli settlement enterprise”.

    A history of violent statements

    There is no doubt both men are extremists.

    Ben-Gvir, who is responsible for Israel’s police force, was convicted of racist incitement in 2007.

    As national security minister, he has handed out thousands of assault rifles to West Bank settlers. He has also boasted he’s worsened the “abominable conditions” of Palestinian prisoners.

    Smotrich has overseen a dramatic expansion of unlawful settlements in the West Bank. He’s vowed to annex the occupied Palestinian territory, in violation of international law.

    He has also complained no one would allow Israel “to cause two million civilians to die of hunger, even though it might be justified and moral until our hostages are returned.”

    Last month, he argued that “until the last hostage is returned, we should not even be sending water” to Gaza.

    The joint statement by the foreign ministers explains Ben-Gvir and Smotrich have been sanctioned for “inciting violence against Palestinians in the West Bank”.

    The statement notes these measures “cannot be seen in isolation from the catastrophe in Gaza”. However, it also goes on to express “unwavering support for Israel’s security” and vows to “continue to work with the Israeli government”.

    It does not note that the International Court of Justice has found Palestinians in Gaza are facing a plausible risk of genocide.

    Nor does it make clear Ben-Gvir and Smotrich are not bad apples; they are integral members of the far-right Israeli government that is responsible for the destruction of Gaza and the starvation of its people.

    Indeed, just this week, a UN independent fact-finding commission report found Israel was committing the “crime against humanity of extermination” in Gaza, among other war crimes.

    What are Magnitsky sanctions?

    Smotrich and Ben-Gvir have been sanctioned under Australia’s Autonomous Sanctions Act 2011. This act grants the foreign minister broad discretionary powers to impose sanctions.

    In 2021, the Australian government amended this act to allow the government to impose sanctions on specific “themes”, such as:

    • serious violations or serious abuses of human rights
    • threats to international peace and security
    • activities undermining good governance or the rule of law, including serious corruption.

    These targeted sanctions on human rights abuses are often called “Magnitsky-style sanctions” after the Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, who died in custody after exposing serious corruption in Russia. They enable a government to freeze the assets of and impose travel bans on individuals and specific entities, not just countries.

    Since coming into force, Australia has imposed the Magnitsky-style sanctions on numerous Russian military leaders, members of Myanmar’s junta, and the commander in chief of the Iranian Army.

    But Australia does not only sanction individuals from these countries. It also imposes country-wide sanctions on Russia, Myanmar and Iran.

    These broader sanctions restrict all trade in arms, including weapons, ammunition, military vehicles and equipment, as well as spare parts and accessories.

    Australia can – and should – do more

    The Australian Centre for International Justice, which had lobbied the government to sanction Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, welcomed the decision. It called it:

    an important demonstration of Australia’s commitment to upholding international law and human rights.

    But the centre’s acting executive director, Lara Khider, stressed the need for further concrete action. This includes “the imposition of a comprehensive two-way arms embargo on Israel”.

    Indeed, sanctions are not just political or diplomatic tools that states can apply at their discretion. International law can require states to apply sanctions, such as through a resolution of the UN Security Council.

    Last July, the International Court of Justice declared that Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, including its imposition of a regime of racial segregation, is unlawful.

    In that advisory opinion, the court also clarified the legal obligations of all states concerning Israel’s occupation of Palestine. Such obligations include the duty on all states to “take steps to prevent trade or investment relations that assist in the maintenance of the illegal situation”.

    Nothing less than a two-way trade and arms embargo is adequate now. Just as Australia imposes such sanctions on Russia, Myanmar and Iran, it must do the same for Israel.

    Jessica Whyte receives funding from the Australian Research Council. With Sara Dehm, she co-authored a submission to the 2024 inquiry into Australia’s sanctions regime which criticised Australia’s failure to impose sanctions on the state of Israel.

    Sara Dehm receives funding from the Australian Research Council. With Jessica Whyte, she co-authored a submission to the 2024 inquiry into Australia’s sanctions regime which criticised Australia’s failure to impose sanctions on the state of Israel.

    ref. Sanctioning extremist Israeli ministers is a start, but Australia and its allies must do more – https://theconversation.com/sanctioning-extremist-israeli-ministers-is-a-start-but-australia-and-its-allies-must-do-more-258688

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Jordanian, Lebanese leaders call for Gaza ceasefire, pledge to strengthen cooperation

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    AMMAN, June 11 (Xinhua) — Jordan’s King Abdullah II met with visiting Lebanese President Joseph Aoun on Tuesday to discuss ways to deepen bilateral ties and current regional developments, the Hashemite Royal Court said in a statement.

    The talks focused on expanding trade and increasing joint investment, especially in energy, electricity and infrastructure. Both leaders stressed the importance of expanding cooperation to advance common interests, support Arab aspirations and enhance stability in the region.

    Speaking about the situation in the region, the leaders of the two countries stressed the need to end the war in Gaza and ensure that sufficient humanitarian aid reaches the enclave.

    The King of Jordan and the President of Lebanon condemned any plans for the forced displacement of Palestinians and called for increased efforts by Arab countries and the international community to achieve a just and comprehensive peace based on the principle of “two states for two peoples.”

    In turn, King Abdullah II confirmed Jordan’s support for Lebanon’s efforts to maintain security, stability, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

    He also warned against an escalation of violence against Palestinians in the West Bank and called for respect for the sanctity of Islamic and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem.

    During the meeting, the leaders of both countries also stressed the importance of maintaining security and stability in Syria to ensure the safe and voluntary return of refugees. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • US envoy says he does not think Palestinian state is US policy goal

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    Washington’s ambassador to Israel said he did not think an independent Palestinian state remains a U.S. foreign policy goal, prompting the State Department to say he spoke for himself while the White House referred to past comments from President Donald Trump expressing doubts about a two-state solution.

    “I don’t think so,” U.S. Ambassador Mike Huckabee said in an interview with Bloomberg News published on Tuesday, when asked if a Palestinian state remains a goal of U.S. policy.

    Asked about Huckabee’s comments, the White House referred to remarks earlier this year by Trump when he proposed a U.S. takeover of Gaza, which was condemned globally by rights groups, Arab states, Palestinians and the U.N. as a proposal of “ethnic cleansing.”

    The White House also referred to remarks by Trump from last year before he won the 2024 election when he said: “I’m not sure a two-state solution anymore is going to work.”

    Asked whether Huckabee’s remarks represented a change in U.S. policy, State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce declined to comment on Tuesday, saying policy-making was a matter for Trump and the White House.

    “I’m not going to explain them or really comment on them at all. I think he certainly speaks for himself,” Bruce told reporters.

    Huckabee, an evangelical Christian, is a staunch pro-Israel conservative.

    “Unless there are some significant things that happen that change the culture, there’s no room for it,” Huckabee was quoted as saying by Bloomberg. Those probably won’t happen “in our lifetime,” he said.

    Trump, in his first term, was relatively tepid in his approach to a two-state solution, a longtime pillar of U.S. Middle East policy. Trump has given little sign of where he stands on the issue in his second term.

    Huckabee suggested a piece of land could be carved out of a Muslim country rather than asking Israel to make room. “Does it have to be in Judea and Samaria?” Huckabee said, using the biblical name the Israeli government favors for the Israeli-occupied West Bank, where some 3 million Palestinians live.

    Huckabee, a former Arkansas governor, has been a vocal supporter of Israel throughout his political career and a longtime defender of Jewish settlements in the West Bank.

    Trump has pursued strongly pro-Israel policies as president and his choice of Huckabee as ambassador signaled that they would continue.

    The United States has for decades backed a two-state solution between the Israelis and the Palestinians that would create a state for Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza alongside Israel.

    The latest bloodshed in the decades-old Israeli-Palestinian conflict was triggered in October 2023, when Palestinian Hamas militants attacked Israel, killing 1,200 and taking about 250 hostages, according to Israeli allies.

    U.S. ally Israel’s subsequent military assault on Gaza has killed nearly 55,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza’s health ministry, while internally displacing nearly Gaza’s entire population and causing a hunger crisis. The assault has also triggered accusations of genocide at the International Court of Justice and of war crimes at the International Criminal Court. Israel denies the accusations.

    (Reuters)

  • MIL-OSI: Periodic announcement on the acquisition of the Bank‘s own shares and its results (week 6)

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    This announcement contains information on transactions of the acquisition of own shares of AB Artea bankas (the Bank) carried during the period specified below under the Bank’s own share buy-back programme announced on 30 April 2025. 

     

    The period during which the acquisition of the Bank’s own shares under the programme was carried out – 05.05.2025 – 10.06.2025. 

     

    Period covered by this periodic report – 09.06.2025 – 10.06.2025. 

     

    Other information: 

    Transaction overview 

    Date 

    Total number of shares purchased on the day ( units) 

    Weighted average price (EUR) 

    Total value of transactions (EUR) 

    2025.06.09

    100,000

    0.855

    85,499.35

    2025.06.10

    40,000

    0.858

    34,320.00

    Total acquired during the current week 

    140,000

    0.856

    119,819.35

    Total acquired during the programme period 

    2,540,000

    0.876

    2,225,741.28

     

     

     

     

     

    The Bank’s own bought-back shares: 12,997,749 units.  

     

    Following the above transactions, the Bank will own a total of 13,137,749 units of own shares representing 1.98 % of the Bank’s issued shares. 

     

    Further detailed information on the transactions is attached. 

     

    This information is also available at: www.artea.lt   

     

    Additional information:
    Tomas Varenbergas
    Head of Investment Management Division
    tomas.varenbergas@artea.lt, +370 610 44447

    Attachment

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Europe: ECB and People’s Bank of China sign Memorandum of Understanding on cooperation

    Source: European Central Bank

    11 June 2025

    On the occasion of her visit to Beijing, Christine Lagarde, President of the European Central Bank (ECB), and Pan Gongsheng, Governor of the People’s Bank of China, have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on cooperation in the field of central banking.

    This MoU, which updates the previous MoU of 2008, includes a framework for the regular exchange of information, dialogue and technical cooperation between the two institutions.

    “It is important that we sustain global cooperation, and I am pleased to sign this MoU together with Governor Pan as a sign of our continued dialogue with the People’s Bank of China,” ECB President Christine Lagarde said.

    For media queries, please contact Paul Gordon, tel.: +49 172 253 5723.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Development Asia: Designing an Effective Data Governance Framework for Plastic Waste Management

    Source: Asia Development Bank

    Effective plastic waste management in Southeast Asia depends on strong data governance frameworks that are practical, inclusive, and enforceable. By clearly defining what should be governed—such as data assets, processes, stakeholders, and compliance areas—and how it should be governed—through policies, roles, structures, and monitoring mechanisms—stakeholders can ensure data is accurate, secure, and actionable.

    A well-designed and functioning governance operating model connects strategic intent with operational execution, supported by a bottom-up enforcement loop that keeps the system accountable and adaptive.

    As the region moves toward digitalization and a circular plastic economy, digital tools and collaborative governance will be essential to unlocking the full potential of data in achieving sustainable outcomes.

    Note: Data governance for plastic waste management will be part of the discussions during ADB’s Circular Economy Forum, particularly on 18 June (Wednesday), 11:00 a.m.–12:30 p.m., with the session Data Governance Framework, under Track 3: Digitalization of the Plastic Value Chain. For more details, see the program here.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Palestinian killed by Israeli army in West Bank

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    RAMALLAH, June 11 (Xinhua) — One Palestinian was killed and another was wounded on Tuesday during an Israeli army raid in the Old City of Nablus in the northern West Bank, Nablus Governor Ghassan Daghlas told Xinhua.

    According to him, Israeli army soldiers shot at two young men and detained them. It was later determined that one of them was killed, and the condition of the other remains unknown.

    The Israeli army carried out a large-scale military operation in Nablus for several hours on Tuesday, according to Palestinian security sources.

    Mr. Douglas noted that the Israeli army raided neighborhoods of the Old City. Soldiers broke into hundreds of homes and destroyed property.

    All public and private institutions were closed due to mass raids, leading to the postponement of the Education Ministry entrance exams, the governor added.

    The Palestine Red Crescent Society said on Tuesday that its staff had treated about 55 people injured by tear gas.

    The statement also said three people were taken to hospital with shrapnel wounds, while four others were injured as a result of physical force used by Israeli soldiers. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Dialogue Session for His Excellency the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs with Bloomberg, as part of the Qatar Economic Forum

    Source: Government of Iran

    Joumanna Bercetche (Bloomberg TV): President Trump was in the region last week. It was the first Lme a US President has paid a visit to Qatar since 2003. How significant was this visit for the Gulf do you think? And also how do you think this

    President’s approach to the region differs from his predecessors?

     

    His Excellency: Well I believe that the President’s first trip to the GCC region, visiLng Saudi, Qatar, and UAE has been a great demonstraLon for the potenLal of that region. This sent a very strong message to the enLre world that there is a very high potenLal in that region. This region is flourishing, this region has a lot to do when it comes to contribuLng to the future technology and the revoluLon of arLficial intelligence and the need of course for power. Basically, we have had a great visit and I believe this is equivalent to the rest of the countries in the GCC. During that visit we had wide range of topics that’s being discussed whether it’s on regional security, on the future economic cooperaLon between the two countries and how to untap the potenLal between the two countries. These topics actually have varied whether it’s how to partner in arLficial intelligence, how to partner in energy and how to expand also in being a criLcal and vital part of the supply chain for the United States economy which is the leading economy in the world. I believe this was very much perceived in a posiLve way by the region and of course we know that the policy varies from one administraLon to another. We are glad to see that the Middle East, and GCC in parLcular, is a priority for this administraLon, and we believe that there is a lot of potenLal for both of us in the region and the United States that we can untap in the next few years. And also I think that one of the key elements of the President’s visit is making sure that the situaLon in this region remain stabilized and we have seen what a delicate period that we are going through in that region whether it’s on their talks, on the US talks with Iran, or with the situaLon in Gaza and the changes that happened in Syria. And we are hoping that these kind of engagements will lead us to a point where we can have all these conflicts seXled and hopefully being more focused on the prosperity of the region. 

     

    Joumanna Bercetche (Bloomberg TV): President Trump has been labeled a transacLonal President. He certainly likes to do deals. He has wriXen a book about the art of the deal and he likes things of value, especially if they come free. I want to ask you about the giY of this Boeing jet that Qatar wants to give to use as interim Air Force 1. It’s being met with a lot of controversy back home. What was the purpose of this giY? And is it as some criLcs say, an opportunity for Qatar to gain influence with this administraLon?

    His Excellency: Well look actually we have seen that there was a lot of controversy that’s being created out of this, what I call it, an exchange between two countries and basically the relaLonship that we have between Qatar and the United States is a very insLtuLonal relaLonship that witnessed different administraLons, and the insLtuLonal relaLonship remained very strong and at the backbone of this partnership. The plane story is a Ministry of Defense to Department of Defense transacLon which is basically done in full transparency and very legally and it is part of the cooperaLon that we have been always doing together for decades. For example, the airliYing in Afghanistan is something that we have almost 80% of that done by our air forces. The security deployment of the United States during the World Cup to support our efforts was done by the United States and I see it as a normal thing that happens between allies and basically I don’t know why people are thinking about it, that this is considered as a bribery or considered as something that Qatar wants to buy an influence with this administraLon. I don’t see any honestly valid reason for that and I believe that there is a huge issue in misconcepLon or unfortunately some spoilers who are trying to portray Qatar as a country that tries to buy its way. I believe if you look at the track record at least for the last 10 years whenever there is some scoop coming out in the media and trying to put Qatar under a spotlight that Qatar is bribing to get the World Cup or Qatar is bribing the EU Parliament or whatever, unLl like the end Qatar is trying to bribe the Prime Minister of Israel. I’m sure that, you know, it does tell you something that for the last 10 years, none of these cases has stand or had any proof that Qatar has done anything wrong. We are a country that would like to have strong partnership and strong friendship and anything that we provide to any country, it’s provided out of respect for this partnership and it’s a two ways relaLonship. It’s mutually beneficial for Qatar and for the United States and I believe everybody acknowledges this. I think that we need to overcome this stereotype of seeing Qatar as a small Arab naLon because it’s gas rich, it cannot find its way without buying it with money. It’s really a misconcepLon that hurts a lot not our reputaLon but the reputaLon also of other countries and insLtuLons.

    Joumanna Bercetche (Bloomberg TV): Is the controversy worth it though if it means that there’s going to be further congressional scruLny of all of Qatar’s dealings now with the US?

    His Excellency: Well, there is actually nothing that has been done by us under the table or like we are trying to do like a covert operaLon. It’s a Ministry of Defense to Department of Defense. There is a proper legal review now conducted between the two departments and nothing has happened yet actually. Now, our intenLon is to have a very clear exchange that the US is in need for to accelerate, you know, a temporary Air Force One. Qatar has the ability to provide this. We stepped up and basically a lot of naLons have giYed the US many things. I am not comparing that to the Statue of Liberty but I don’t know if this sounded a liXle bit maybe strange for the US because it’s coming from a small Arab naLon. I think that, you know, this has played some way a factor in this but I am hoping that people in the United States and even the poliLcians over there, they look at us as a friend, as a partner, as a reliable partner that we’ve been always there for the US whenever we were needed whether it’s in the war against terror, whether it’s in freeing American hostages from all around the world. It’s not something that we’ve been doing to buy an influence but this is a duty on us as a partner, as an ally of the United

    States and as there is a duty for the United States towards Qatar.

    Joumanna Bercetche (Bloomberg TV): I want to turn to regional geopoliLcs. Yesterday, the Israeli Prime Minister says that Israel is now carrying out operaLons with the purpose of taking over the Gaza Strip. They will carry out an unprecedented aXack on Hamas. That is a quote. The war is clearly entering into a new phase aYer a ceasefire that was negoLated earlier this year. Qatar played a pivotal role in that. It lapsed in March. The death toll conLnues to go up. There’s sLll what’s thought to be 20 hostages sLll alive in the Gaza Strip. There’s a humanitarian crisis going on there. What hope is there now for a lasLng ceasefire,

    Your Excellency?

    His Excellency: Well, it’s unfortunate that we’ve been seeing the situaLon unfolding in this way and it’s becoming very frustraLng for everyone and especially for us here in Qatar, we’ve been there from the beginning trying to mediate and trying to get to a deal where it alleviates the suffering of the PalesLnian people in Gaza and freeing the hostages and bringing them back to their family and trying to bring a path that will create a peaceful environment and security for both people. And that’s basically what we were aiming. And what I think that the last year and a half now has shown you that the only way forward is through negoLaLons. And unfortunately, that someLmes, you know, or many of the Lmes, these negoLaLons being sabotaged by poliLcal games with a very narrow vision and, you know, it’s just being postponed. One of the examples we had, the first deal that freed more than 100 Israeli hostages in November 23, it collapsed in one week. Then we had the second deal that’s been based on a framework that’s agreed on December 23 and we couldn’t announce it or we couldn’t finalize it unLl January 25. That states very clearly that this deal should include mulLple phases, that we have to do everything we can to avoid to return to the war and ensuring that all the hostages will be freed and there is a withdrawal from Gaza Strip and there is a clear way forward for the Gaza’s people to alleviate their situaLon. This deal has collapsed in 2nd of March and we have seen how the situaLon has been unfolding since then and the blockade on Gaza for now more than 60 days. And we are hearing also some responsible statements about the humanitarian situaLon over there, about, you know, the way of distribuLng these aids and distribuLng food in the form of meals and calculated calories for pre-qualified and pre-screened people. I think all these things that are happening has been unprecedented in our world today and it shouldn’t be acceptable for the internaLonal community. Yes, yet we have seen that, you know, unfortunately the Israeli government is carrying it out with impunity. Now, we conLnue our efforts despite everything and every aXempt to sabotage our efforts and try to also blackmail us and, you know, conLnuing aXacking us while we were the only country that’s helping together with Egypt and United States and we have just that this is just making us more determined to bring stability to the region, to end the war on Gaza, to free all the hostages and to bring them back to their family and to provide security for both people. The rounds of negoLaLons that took place in Doha in the past couple of weeks unfortunately didn’t lead us anywhere yet because there is a fundamental gap between the two parLes which is one party is looking for a parLal deal that might have the possibility to lead to a comprehensive deal and the other party is looking just for one-off deal and to end the war and to get all the hostages out and we couldn’t bridge this fundamental gap with whatever proposals we have provided given the past experience of the first deal that it collapsed and basically we are stuck in a situaLon that if this operaLon is starLng is just going to postpone the diplomaLc conclusion of the war which will end only diplomaLcally from our point of view and will just cost us a death toll on the PalesLnian side and also on the hostages side. Just I wanted to add one very important point to this. The delicacy of that situaLon in the region right now is criLcal and basically we have seen that the conLnuaLon of this campaign and this way and this behavior and it’s not only in Gaza but Gaza, West Bank, Lebanon, Syria is something becoming unbearable yet you have seen that all of us as governments, as countries we are calling for peace, we are calling for peaceful resoluLons and there is nothing stopping this kind of behavior. That will only add anger to the people in that region. This will add legiLmacy for non-state actors and is just going to fuel the narraLve of extremism and terrorism.

    Joumanna Bercetche (Bloomberg TV): In President Trump’s speech last week in Riyadh, he talks about the birth of a new Middle East, the economic transformaLon and also the Gulf states playing an increasingly influenLal diplomaLc and mediaLon role and the prospect of regional stability. Can there actually be regional stability in the absence of a soluLon to the PalesLnian and

    Israeli conflict that has been going on for decades?

    His Excellency: Well, we believe that this conflict is a core for the regional stability, and we hope that there will be a chance someLme soon. It requires a strong leadership, strong leadership from the PalesLnian side, from the Arab side and from the Israeli side because there will never be a deal without a compromise between all the parLes that ensuring that there are condiLons that can be created for the people to coexist together. This region has been for centuries with a beauLful social fabric that has different backgrounds and different ethnicity and different religions. Unfortunately, it’s been drained with these ancient wars and proxies that evolved over the last few decades. I cannot recall since I was born that there was a moment of stability in the region when we talk about the overall. We are blessed that the GCC was protected except during the Iraq war. But since we grew up, we grew up on just conflicts aYer another, aYer another.

    Joumanna Bercetche (Bloomberg TV): We’ve got a couple of minutes, but I do want to ask you because you were in Tehran over the weekend. How likely is it that you think we will get to an Iran-U.S. nuclear deal by the end of this year?

    His Excellency: I believe there is a posiLve momentum. We had a very good conversaLon with President Trump when he was here. We see him as a President who tried to talk to everyone, which is something that we very much encouraged. Also, he is trying to avoid any conflict or any escalaLon. This determinaLon in itself is showing leadership and poliLcal will. On the other side, on Iran, we have seen and sensed the same posiLvity. Of course, Oman is leading the mediaLon, and we are trying to support their efforts. I have suggested that aYer the visit of President Trump to have a trilateral engagement with the Iranians and our Omani colleagues. We were discussing ideas that can bridge the gaps between the two parLes. We hope that those ideas will work. The last thing that we want in that region is a nuclear race or another round of escalaLon that is next to our countries.

    Joumanna Bercetche (Bloomberg TV): Final quesLon on the Qatar economy. We have had the World Cup bump, you could call it. Of course, you have big visions of what you want to achieve in the next few years. What is the plan for the next five years by 2030?

    His Excellency: It is a very ambiLous plan. I have a friend who once told me that the World Cup was like an IPO for Qatar. I believe this was, thanks to God, this was a very successful IPO. It has been oversubscribed. We have seen the growth in many sectors aYer that. Basically, Qatar is trying to work on a transformaLon plan where we transform our economy into more being diversified, with a diversified base internally. We have been talking about this for the last 25 years and we have been working toward that objecLve. We are focusing on developing different sectors, whether it is on the manufacturing, on the logisLcs, on the educaLon, on the healthcare, on the tourism and technology. We have seen the technology revoluLon right now that is happening. We have seen that this technology revoluLon is not only happening away in the world, but countries like UAE is leading in arLficial intelligence or Saudi leading in data centers and we are trying to be part of this ecosystem and being a complementary for this region. Basically, we see that the potenLal is huge. The capability is there. Qatar has successfully built global brands in the last few decades. Qatar Airways is one of the main examples when you see that you have a leading airline being nominated number one for the last few years. This is something making us proud and we would like to see more and more brands coming out of Qatar like this.

    Joumanna Bercetche (Bloomberg TV): Your Excellency, thank you so much. Thank you. 

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Qatar Condemns Israeli Approval of 22 New Settlements in Occupied West Bank

    Source: Government of Iran

    Doha – May 30, 2025

    The State of Qatar strongly condemns the Israeli occupation authorities’ approval of the construction of 22 new settlements in the occupied West Bank, considering it a blatant violation of international legitimacy, particularly United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334, and a flagrant infringement on the rights of the Palestinian people.

    The Ministry of Foreign Affairs underscores the urgent need for the international community to uphold its legal and moral responsibilities by compelling Israel to halt its settlement policy in the occupied Palestinian territories.

    The Ministry reaffirms Qatar’s firm and unwavering position in support of the Palestinian cause and the resilience of the brotherly Palestinian people, based on international legitimacy and the two-state solution, which guarantees the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Qatar, Syria Issue Joint Statement

    Source: Government of Iran

    Doha, June 03

    Based on the fraternal relations between the State of Qatar and the Syrian Arab Republic, and based on the common aspiration to enhance bilateral cooperation between the two countries, HE Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al-Thani received a high-level Syrian ministerial delegation headed by HE Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates of the Syrian Arab Republic Asaad Hassan Al Shaibani, accompanied by seven ministers, which comes within the framework of strengthening the solid fraternal relations and bilateral cooperation between the two countries.

    At the outset of the meeting, HE the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates conveyed the greetings of HE President of the Syrian Arab Republic Ahmed Al Sharaa to HH the Amir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, and his wishes for the State of Qatar, its government, and people, continued progress and prosperity. HE the Syrian Minister also expressed Syria’s deep appreciation for the State of Qatar’s initiatives and continuous efforts in support of the reconstruction process in Syria, praising Qatar’s firm stances toward supporting the Syrian people.

    In turn, HE the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs conveyed the greetings of HH the Amir to HE the President of the Syrian Arab Republic, and His Highness’s wishes for continued health and happiness for His Excellency, and for continued progress and prosperity for the government and people of the Syrian Arab Republic.

    The meeting discussed the bilateral relations between the two countries, emphasizing the depth of fraternal ties that unite them and their mutual commitment to strengthening and developing cooperation in various areas of common interest.

    The meeting also discussed ways to expand bilateral cooperation in the energy, economy, trade, finance, tourism, communications, information technology, higher education, development, and other sectors, including:

    Support and supply the Syrian Arab Republic with electricity.Settling the Syrian Arab Republic’s debt to the World Bank, jointly by the State of Qatar and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.Providing joint financial support from the State of Qatar and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to support the salaries of public sector workers in the Syrian Arab Republic for a period of three months. The Qatari side reiterated the State of Qatar’s firm and supportive stances on the unity, sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of the Syrian Arab Republic, as well as on the realization of the aspirations of its fraternal people for a dignified life and the building of a state of institutions and law. It also categorically rejected any attempts to undermine Syria’s unity or undermine its national sovereignty.

    For its part, the Syrian side affirmed its pride in the State of Qatar’s supportive stance towards the Syrian people, praising its supportive role at various stages and reiterating the Syrian Arab Republic’s commitment to the principles of respecting the sovereignty of states and non-interference in their internal affairs. 

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Press Conference of His Excellency the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs at the Lebanese Presidential Palace

    Source: Government of Iran

     

    In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful,

    May the peace, blessings, and mercy of God be upon you.

    Firstly, we extend our heartfelt congratulations to General Joseph Aoun on his appointment as President of the Republic. We congratulate Lebanon on the end of its presidential vacancy, and we hope that this significant step will pave the way for lasting security and stability in Lebanon.

    We also look forward to the formation of the Lebanese government, hopefully soon, and to completing all necessary steps to strengthen state institutions in order to fulfill the aspirations of the Lebanese people.

    Our visit today to Beirut is a gesture of support from the State of Qatar. The State of Qatar has always stood by Lebanon and its people, in both times of joy and times of hardship. God willing, you can always count on our unwavering support.

    The State of Qatar has consistently supported our sisterly Lebanon in recent years, whether through humanitarian aid, support for community initiatives, or assistance to the Lebanese Army. This support will continue. We have reaffirmed with His Excellency the President, Qatar’s commitment to sustaining its support for the Lebanese Armed Forces, the military institution that unites all Lebanese.

    We also emphasize the importance of upholding the agreement regarding the withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from southern Lebanon and ensuring the full implementation of related resolutions. Furthermore, we urge all parties to adhere to Resolution 1701, with the ultimate goal of Lebanon regaining full sovereignty over all its territories.

    The State of Qatar reaffirms its continued support for the Lebanese people. Once the government is formed, we look forward to collaborating with the Lebanese government to support state institutions and work on joint projects between our two countries.

    Thank you.

    In response to the First question, HE said:

    The State of Qatar has always been present, and we are committed, by all means, to fulfilling our duty towards the brotherly Lebanese people, Lebanon, and our brothers across the region.

    Regarding our support for the implementation of the resolution and the Israeli withdrawal agreement, as well as rejecting Israeli violations and attacks on Lebanon’s sovereignty, this is absolutely unacceptable. We consistently raise this issue in all our international discussions and in our contacts with the Israeli side. The State of Qatar will continue to play this role.

    On another level, in terms of economic and reconstruction support, there is no doubt that the State of Qatar will remain present, as it has been on every occasion and during every event. We look forward to the completion of the government formation, after which these files will be discussed. We are hopeful of establishing a strategic partnership that will serve the interests of both our countries and people.

    In response to the Second question, HE said:

    The issue of stability in the Middle East is, first and foremost, tied to resolving the root causes of the conflicts. We are all aware that the core issue in the region is Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories. The rejection of efforts to establish peace, including the two-state solution and the creation of an independent Palestinian state, will not lead to stability. Unfortunately, this situation allows extremists to exploit the chaos and take advantage of the reckless actions of the Israeli occupation to further their own agendas. The State of Qatar, without a doubt, completely rejects this.

    Since the beginning of this year, there have been positive indicators, whether it is the filling of the presidential vacancy in Lebanon or the changes taking place in Syria. We wish all the best for these developments. Just as wars have had a successive impact on the region, we hope that peace will also have a similar, cascading effect, and we look forward to that with optimism.

    Today, we are, of course, facing a difficult situation alongside our Palestinian brothers, both in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, following the success of the ceasefire agreement. We are committed to continuing this agreement until it reaches its final phase, ensuring the complete withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. We also aim to put an end to the actions and violations that our brothers in the West Bank are enduring.

    Regarding the issue of the partnership between the State of Qatar and Lebanon, we are awaiting, the formation of the government. Once that is complete, the State of Qatar will assess the sectors where Lebanon needs support. We will then work together to build a partnership, as I mentioned earlier, based on mutual benefit.

    Thank you very muc

    MIL OSI Africa

  • US, China reach deal to ease export curbs, keep tariff truce alive

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    U.S. and Chinese officials said on Tuesday they had agreed on a framework to put their trade truce back on track and remove China’s export restrictions on rare earths while offering little sign of a durable resolution to longstanding trade differences.
     
    At the end of two days of intense negotiations in London, U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick told reporters the framework deal puts “meat on the bones” of an agreement reached last month in Geneva to ease bilateral retaliatory tariffs that had reached crushing triple-digit levels.
     
    But the Geneva deal had faltered over China’s continued curbs on critical minerals exports, prompting the Trump administration to respond with export controls of its own preventing shipments of semiconductor design software, aircraft and other goods to China.
     
    Lutnick said the agreement reached in London would remove some of the recent U.S. export restrictions, but did not provide details after the talks concluded around midnight London time (2300 GMT).
     
    “We have reached a framework to implement the Geneva consensus and the call between the two presidents,” Lutnick said. “The idea is we’re going to go back and speak to President Trump and make sure he approves it. They’re going to go back and speak to President Xi and make sure he approves it, and if that is approved, we will then implement the framework.”
     
    In a separate briefing, China’s Vice Commerce Minister Li Chenggang also said a trade framework had been reached in principle that would be taken back to U.S. and Chinese leaders.
     
    The dispute may keep the Geneva agreement from unravelling over duelling export controls, but does little to resolve deep differences over Trump’s unilateral tariffs and longstanding U.S. complaints about China’s state-led, export-driven economic model.
     
    The two sides left Geneva with fundamentally different views of the terms of that agreement and needed to be more specific on required actions, said Josh Lipsky, senior director of the Atlantic Council’s GeoEconomics Center in Washington.
     
    “They are back to square one but that’s much better than square zero,” Lipsky added.
     
    The two sides have until August 10 to negotiate a more comprehensive agreement to ease trade tensions, or tariff rates will snap back from about 30% to 145% on the U.S. side and from 10% to 125% on the Chinese side.
     
    Investors, who have been badly burned by trade turmoil before, offered a cautious response and MSCI’s broadest index of Asia-Pacific shares outside Japan rose 0.57%.
     
    “The devil will be in the details, but the lack of reaction suggests this outcome was fully expected,” said Chris Weston, head of research at Pepperstone in Melbourne.
     
    “The details matter, especially around the degree of rare earths bound for the U.S., and the subsequent freedom for U.S.-produced chips to head east, but for now as long as the headlines of talks between the two parties remain constructive, risk assets should remain supported.”
     
    RESOLVING RESTRICTIONS
     
    Lutnick said China’s restrictions on exports of rare earth minerals and magnets to the U.S. will be resolved as a “fundamental” part of the framework agreement.
     
    “Also, there were a number of measures the United States of America put on when those rare earths were not coming,” Lutnick said. “You should expect those to come off … in a balanced way.”
     
    U.S. President Donald Trump’s shifting tariff policies have roiled global markets, sparked congestion and confusion in major ports, and cost companies tens of billions of dollars in lost sales and higher costs. The World Bank on Tuesday slashed its global growth forecast for 2025 by four-tenths of a percentage point to 2.3%, saying higher tariffs and heightened uncertainty posed a “significant headwind” for nearly all economies.
     
    A resolution to the trade war may require policy adjustments from all countries to treat financial imbalances or otherwise greatly risk mutual economic damage, European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde said on a rare visit to Beijing on Wednesday.
     
    PHONE CALL HELPED
     
    The second round of U.S.-China talks was given a major boost by a rare phone call between Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping last week, which Lutnick said provided directives that were merged with Geneva truce agreement.
     
    Customs data published on Monday showed that China’s exports to the U.S. plunged 34.5% in May, the sharpest drop since the outbreak of the COVID pandemic.
     
    While the impact on U.S. inflation and its jobs market has so far been muted, tariffs have hammered U.S. business and household confidence and the dollar remains under pressure.
     
    Lutnick was joined by U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent at the London talks. Bessent departed hours before their conclusion to return to Washington to testify before Congress on Wednesday.
     
    China holds a near-monopoly on rare earth magnets, a crucial component in electric vehicle motors, and its decision in April to suspend exports of a wide range of critical minerals and magnets upended global supply chains.
     
    In May, the U.S. responded by halting shipments of semiconductor design software and chemicals and aviation equipment, revoking export licences that had been previously issued.
     
    China, Mexico, the European Union, Japan, Canada and many airlines and aerospace companies worldwide urged the Trump administration not to impose new national security tariffs on imported commercial planes and parts, according to documents released Tuesday.
     
    Just after the framework deal was announced, a U.S. appeals court allowed Trump’s most sweeping tariffs to stay in effect while it reviews a lower court decision blocking them on grounds that they exceeded Trump’s legal authority by imposing them.
     
    The decision keeps alive a key pressure point on China, Trump’s currently suspended 34% “reciprocal” duties that had prompted swift tariff escalation.
     
    (Reuters)
  • MIL-OSI Economics: Money Market Operations as on June 10, 2025

    Source: Reserve Bank of India


    (Amount in ₹ crore, Rate in Per cent)

      Volume
    (One Leg)
    Weighted
    Average Rate
    Range
    A. Overnight Segment (I+II+III+IV) 5,86,990.41 5.20 2.00-6.55
         I. Call Money 14,668.83 5.30 4.80-5.35
         II. Triparty Repo 3,85,161.70 5.19 5.12-5.25
         III. Market Repo 1,85,235.88 5.20 2.00-6.25
         IV. Repo in Corporate Bond 1,924.00 5.46 5.35-6.55
    B. Term Segment      
         I. Notice Money** 245.70 5.21 4.75-5.34
         II. Term Money@@ 1,093.50 5.40-7.25
         III. Triparty Repo 3,069.00 5.18 5.15-5.30
         IV. Market Repo 291.74 5.42 5.40-5.42
         V. Repo in Corporate Bond 0.00
      Auction Date Tenor (Days) Maturity Date Amount Current Rate /
    Cut off Rate
    C. Liquidity Adjustment Facility (LAF), Marginal Standing Facility (MSF) & Standing Deposit Facility (SDF)
    I. Today’s Operations
    1. Fixed Rate          
    2. Variable Rate&          
      (I) Main Operation          
         (a) Repo          
         (b) Reverse Repo          
      (II) Fine Tuning Operations          
         (a) Repo Tue, 10/06/2025 1 Wed, 11/06/2025 3,853.00 5.51
         (b) Reverse Repo          
    3. MSF# Tue, 10/06/2025 1 Wed, 11/06/2025 16.00 5.75
    4. SDFΔ# Tue, 10/06/2025 1 Wed, 11/06/2025 2,72,671.00 5.25
    5. Net liquidity injected from today’s operations [injection (+)/absorption (-)]*       -2,68,802.00  
    II. Outstanding Operations
    1. Fixed Rate          
    2. Variable Rate&          
      (I) Main Operation          
         (a) Repo          
         (b) Reverse Repo          
      (II) Fine Tuning Operations          
         (a) Repo          
         (b) Reverse Repo          
    3. MSF#          
    4. SDFΔ#          
    D. Standing Liquidity Facility (SLF) Availed from RBI$       6,808.82  
    E. Net liquidity injected from outstanding operations [injection (+)/absorption (-)]*     6,808.82  
    F. Net liquidity injected (outstanding including today’s operations) [injection (+)/absorption (-)]*     -2,61,993.18  
    G. Cash Reserves Position of Scheduled Commercial Banks
         (i) Cash balances with RBI as on June 10, 2025 9,30,581.92  
         (ii) Average daily cash reserve requirement for the fortnight ending June 13, 2025 9,41,551.00  
    H. Government of India Surplus Cash Balance Reckoned for Auction as on¥ June 10, 2025 3,853.00  
    I. Net durable liquidity [surplus (+)/deficit (-)] as on May 16, 2025 3,48,763.00  
    @ Based on Reserve Bank of India (RBI) / Clearing Corporation of India Limited (CCIL).
    – Not Applicable / No Transaction.
    ** Relates to uncollateralized transactions of 2 to 14 days tenor.
    @@ Relates to uncollateralized transactions of 15 days to one year tenor.
    $ Includes refinance facilities extended by RBI.
    & As per the Press Release No. 2019-2020/1900 dated February 06, 2020.
    Δ As per the Press Release No. 2022-2023/41 dated April 08, 2022.
    * Net liquidity is calculated as Repo+MSF+SLF-Reverse Repo-SDF.
    ¥ As per the Press Release No. 2014-2015/1971 dated March 19, 2015.
    # As per the Press Release No. 2023-2024/1548 dated December 27, 2023.
    Ajit Prasad          
    Deputy General Manager
    (Communications)    
    Press Release: 2025-2026/522

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australia-US rift over sanctions on Israeli ministers further complicates Albanese-Trump expected talks

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Australia, together with the United Kingdom, Canada, New Zealand and Norway, has imposed sanctions on two ministers in the Israeli government for “inciting violence against Palestinians in the West Bank”.

    Australia and the other countries were immediately condemned by the United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who called for them to be lifted.

    The move comes as Prime Minister Anthony Albanese prepares to leave on Friday for the G7 in Canada, where he is expected to meet UN President Donald Trump on the sidelines of the conference.

    Australia’s signing up for the sanctions is just another complication for the anticipated meeting. The Australian government is under pressure from the US administration to significantly boost its defence spending. Meanwhile, Australia is seeking a deal to get some exemption from the Trump tariffs.

    The sanctions are on National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich.

    They include bans on travel to Australia, a freeze on any assets they might have here, and a prohibition on anyone in Australia directly or indirectly making assets available to them.

    Foreign Minister Penny Wong said the two ministers “have been the most extremist and hard line of an extremist settler enterprise which is both unlawful and violent”.

    The Israeli ministers are accused of major violations of human rights, including escalating physical violence and abuse by Israeli settlers. A few days ago they marched through Jerusalem’s Muslim Quarter with a group that chanted “death to Arabs”.

    In a social media post, Rubio said the sanctions “do not advance US-led efforts to achieve a ceasefire, bring all hostages home, and end the war”.

    “We reject any notion of equivalence: Hamas is a terrorist organization that committed unspeakable atrocities, continues to hold innocent civilians hostage, and prevents the people of Gaza from living in peace. We remind our partners not to forget who the real enemy is.”

    Urging the reversal of the sanctions, Rubio said the US “stands shoulder-to-shoulder with Israel”.

    Asked whether he was concerned the sanctions would damage Australia’s relations with the US, Albanese told reporters he was not: “Australia makes its own decisions based upon the assessments that we make”. He pointed out the action was in concert with the Five Eyes countries of Canada, the UK and new Zealand.

    Shadow Foreign Minister Michaelia Cash  said sanctioning  democratically elected officials of a key ally was “very serious”.

    “Labor should be clear who initiated this process, on what basis they have done so and who made the decision”, Cash said. The government should also say what, if any, engagement it had had with the US on the matter, she said.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Australia-US rift over sanctions on Israeli ministers further complicates Albanese-Trump expected talks – https://theconversation.com/australia-us-rift-over-sanctions-on-israeli-ministers-further-complicates-albanese-trump-expected-talks-258691

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Christine Lagarde: Drawing a common map: sustaining global cooperation in a fragmenting world

    Source: European Central Bank

    Speech by Christine Lagarde, President of the ECB, at the People’s Bank of China in Beijing

    Beijing, 11 June 2025

    It is a pleasure to be back here in Beijing.

    Some years ago, I spoke about how a changing world was creating a new global map of economic relations.[1]

    Maps have always reflected the society in which they are produced. But in rare instances, they can also capture historical moments when two societies meet at the crossroads.

    This was evident in the late 1500s during the Ming Dynasty, when Matteo Ricci, a European Jesuit, travelled to China. There Ricci went on to work with Chinese scholars to create a hybrid map that integrated European geographical knowledge with Chinese cartographic tradition.[2]

    The result of this cooperation – called the Kunyu Wanguo Quantu, or “Map of Ten Thousand Countries” – was historically unprecedented. And the encounter came to symbolise China’s openness to the world.

    In the modern era, we saw a similar moment when China entered the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. The country’s accession to the WTO signified its integration into the international economy and its openness to global trade.

    China’s entry into the WTO went on to reshape the global map of economic relations at a time of rapid trade growth, bringing significant benefits to countries across the world – particularly here in China.

    Since that time, the global economy has changed dramatically. In recent years, trade tensions have emerged and a geopolitically charged landscape is making international cooperation increasingly difficult.

    Yet the emergence of tensions in the international economic system is a recurring pattern across modern economic history.

    Over the last century, frictions have surfaced under a range of international configurations – from the inter-war gold exchange standard, to the post-war Bretton Woods system, to the subsequent era of floating exchange rates and free capital flows.

    While each system was unique, two common lessons cut across this history.

    First, one-sided adjustments to resolve global frictions have often fallen short, regardless of whether deficit or surplus countries carry the burden. In fact, they can bring with them either unpredictable or costly consequences.

    Such adjustments can be especially problematic when trade policies are used as a substitute for macroeconomic policies in addressing the root causes.

    And second, in the event that tensions do emerge, durable strategic and economic alliances have proven critical in preventing tail risks from materialising.

    In contrast to eras when ties of cooperation were weak, alliances have ultimately helped to prevent a broader surge in protectionism or a systemic fragmentation of trade.

    These two lessons have implications for today. Frictions are increasingly emerging between regions whose geopolitical interests may not be fully aligned. At the same time, however, these regions are more deeply economically integrated than ever before.

    The upshot is that while the incentive to cooperate is reduced, the costs of not doing so are now amplified.

    So the stakes are high.

    If we are to avoid inferior outcomes, we all must work towards sustaining global cooperation in a fragmenting world.

    Tensions across history

    If we look at the history of the international economic system over the past century, we can broadly divide it into three periods.

    In the first period, the inter-war years, major economies were tied together by the gold exchange standard – a regime of fixed exchange rates, with currencies linked to gold either directly or indirectly.

    But unlike the pre-war era, when the United Kingdom played a dominant global role[3], there was no global hegemon. Nor were there impactful international organisations to enforce rules or coordinate policies.

    The system’s flaws quickly became apparent.[4] Exchange rate misalignments caused persistent tensions between surplus and deficit countries. Yet the burden of adjustment fell overwhelmingly on the deficit side.

    Facing outflows of gold, deficit countries were forced into harsh deflation. Meanwhile, surplus countries faced little pressure to reflate. By 1932, two surplus countries accounted for over 60% of the world share of gold reserves.[5]

    One-sided adjustments failed to resolve the underlying problems. And without strong alliances to contain tail risks, tensions escalated. Countries turned to trade measures in an attempt to reduce imbalances in the system – but protectionism offered no sustainable solution.

    In fact, if current account positions narrowed at all, it was only because of the fall-off in world trade and output. The volume of global trade fell by around one-quarter between 1929 and 1933[6], with one study attributing nearly half of this fall to higher trade barriers.[7] World output declined by almost 30% in this period.[8]

    During the Second World War, leaders took the lessons to heart. They laid the groundwork for what became the Bretton Woods system in the early post-war era: a framework of fixed exchange rates and capital controls.

    This marked the beginning of the second period.

    The new regime was anchored by the US dollar’s convertibility into gold, with the International Monetary Fund acting as a referee. Trade flourished during this era. Between 1950 and 1973[9], world trade expanded at an average rate of over 8% per year.[10]

    But again, frictions emerged.

    In particular, the United States had shifted from initially running balance of payments surpluses to persistent deficits. At the heart of this shift was the role of the US dollar as the world’s reserve currency and source of liquidity for global trade.

    While US deficits provided the world with vital dollar liquidity, those very same deficits strained the dollar’s gold convertibility at USD 35 per ounce, threatening confidence in the system.

    By the late 1960s, foreign holdings of US dollars – amounting to almost USD 50 billion – were roughly five times the size of US gold reserves.[11]

    Ultimately, these tensions proved unsustainable as the United States was unwilling to sacrifice domestic policy goals – which generated fiscal deficits – for its external commitments.

    The Bretton Woods system ended abruptly in 1971, when President Nixon unilaterally suspended the US dollar’s convertibility into gold and imposed a 10% surcharge on imports.

    The goal behind the surcharge was to force US trading partners to revalue their currencies against the dollar, which was perceived as being overvalued.[12] As in earlier periods, this was a one-sided adjustment – though now aimed at shifting the burden onto surplus countries.

    Crucially, however, the downfall of Bretton Woods unfolded within the context of the Cold War. Countries operating under the system were not just trading partners – they were allies.

    And so, everyone had a strong geopolitical incentive to pick up the pieces and forge new cooperative agreements that could facilitate trade relationships, even in moments of pronounced volatility.

    We saw this several months after the “Nixon Shock”, when Western countries negotiated the Smithsonian Agreement.

    This agreement was a temporary fix to maintain an international system of fixed exchange rates. It devalued the US dollar by over 12% against the currencies of its major trading partners and removed President Nixon’s surcharge.[13]

    And we saw a strong geopolitical incentive at work again with the Plaza Accord in the 1980s – an era of floating exchange rates and free capital flows – when deficit and surplus countries in the Group of Five[14] sat down to try and resolve tensions.

    Of course, neither agreement ultimately succeeded in addressing the root causes of tensions. But critically, the risk of a broader turn toward protectionism – which was rising at several points[15] – never materialised.

    The contrast is telling.

    Both the inter-war and post-war eras revealed that one-sided adjustments cannot sustainably resolve economic frictions – whether on the deficit or surplus side.

    Yet the post-war system proved far more resilient, because the countries within it had deeper strategic reasons to cooperate.

    Frictions threatening global trade today

    In recent decades, we have been moving into a third period.

    Since the end of the Cold War, we have seen the rapid expansion of truly global trade.

    Trade in goods and services has risen roughly fivefold to over USD 30 trillion.[16] Trade as a share of global GDP has increased from around 38% to nearly 60%.[17] And countries have become much more integrated through global supply chains. At the end of the Cold War, these chains accounted for around two-fifths of global trade.[18] Today, they account for over two-thirds.[19]

    Yet this globalisation has unfolded in a world where – increasingly – not all nations are bound by the same security guarantees or strategic alliances. In 1985 just 90 countries were party to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Today, its successor – the WTO – counts 166 members, representing 98% of global trade.[20]

    There is no doubt that this new era has amplified the benefits of trade.

    Some originally lower-income countries have experienced remarkable gains – none more so than China.

    Since joining the WTO, China’s GDP per capita has increased roughly twelvefold.[21] The welfare impact has been equally profound: almost 800 million people in China have been lifted out of poverty, accounting for nearly three-quarters of global poverty reduction in recent decades.[22]

    Advanced economies, too, have benefited, albeit unevenly. While some industries and jobs have faced pressure from heightened import competition[23], consumers have enjoyed lower prices and greater choice. And for firms able to climb the value chain, the rewards have been substantial – especially in Europe.

    Today, EU exports to the rest of the world generate more than €2.5 trillion in value added – nearly one-fifth of the EU’s total – and support over 31 million jobs.[24]

    But the weakening alignment between trade relationships and security alliances has left the global system more exposed – a vulnerability now playing out in real time.

    According to the International Monetary Fund, trade restrictions across goods, services and investments have tripled since 2019 alone.[25] And in recent months, we have seen tariff levels imposed that would have been unimaginable just a few years ago.

    This fragmentation is being driven by two forces.

    The first is geopolitical realignment. As I have outlined in recent years, geopolitical tensions are playing an increasingly decisive role in reshaping the global economy.[26] Countries are reconfiguring trade relationships and supply chains to reflect national security priorities, rather than economic efficiency alone.

    The second force is the growing perception of unfair trade – often linked to widening current account positions.

    Current account surpluses and deficits are not inherently problematic, particularly when they reflect structural factors such as comparative advantage or demographic trends.

    But these imbalances become more contentious when they do not resolve over time and create the perception that they are being sustained by policy choices – whether through the blocking of macroeconomic adjustment mechanisms or a lack of respect for global rules.

    Indeed, while in recent decades the persistence of current account positions has remained fairly constant, the dispersion of those positions – that is, how widely surpluses and deficits are spread across countries – has shifted significantly.

    In the mid-1990s current account deficits and surpluses were similarly dispersed within their respective groups: both were relatively evenly distributed among several countries.[27]

    Today, that balance has changed. Deficits have become far more concentrated, with just a few countries accounting for the bulk of global deficits. In contrast, surpluses have become somewhat more dispersed, spread across a wider range of countries.

    These developments have recently led to coercive trade policies and risk fragmenting global supply chains.

    Making global trade sustainable

    Given national security considerations and the experience during the pandemic, a certain degree of de-risking is here to stay. Few countries are willing to remain dependent on others for strategic industries.

    But it does not follow that we must forfeit the broader benefits of trade – so long as we are willing to absorb the lessons of history. Let me draw two conclusions for the current situation.

    First, coercive trade policies are not a sustainable solution to today’s trade tensions.

    To the extent that protectionism addresses imbalances, it is not by resolving their root causes, but by eroding the foundations of global prosperity.

    And with countries now deeply integrated through global supply chains – yet no longer as geopolitically aligned as in the past – this risk is greater than ever. Coercive trade policies are far more likely to provoke retaliation and lead to outcomes that are mutually damaging.

    The shared risks we face are underscored by ECB analysis. Our staff find that if global trade were to fragment into competing blocs, world trade would contract significantly, with every major economy worse off.[28]

    This leads me to the second conclusion: if we are serious about preserving our prosperity, we must pursue cooperative solutions – even in the face of geopolitical differences. And that means both surplus and deficit countries must take responsibility and play their part.

    All countries should examine how their structural and fiscal policies can be adjusted to reduce their own role in fuelling trade tensions.

    Indeed, both supply-side and demand-side dynamics have contributed to dispersion of current accounts positions we see today.

    On the supply side, we have witnessed a sharp rise in the use of industrial policies aimed at boosting domestic capacity. Since 2014, subsidy-related interventions that distort global trade have more than tripled globally. [29]

    Notably, this trend is now being driven as much by emerging markets as by advanced economies. In 2021, domestic subsidies accounted for two-thirds of all trade-related policies in the average G20 emerging market, consistently outpacing the share seen in advanced G20 economies.[30]

    On the demand side, global demand generation has become more concentrated, especially in the United States. A decade ago, the United States accounted for less than 30% of demand generated by G20 countries. Today, that share has risen to nearly 35%.

    This increasing imbalance in demand reflects not only excess saving in some parts of the world, but also excess dissaving in others, especially by the public sector.

    Of course, none of us can determine the actions of others. But we can control our own contribution.

    Doing so would not only serve the collective interest – by helping to ease pressure on the global system – but also the domestic interest, by setting our own economies on a more sustainable path.

    We can also lead by example by continuing to respect global rules – or even improving on them. This helps build trust and creates the foundation for reciprocal actions.

    That means upholding the multilateral framework which has so greatly benefited our economies. And it means working with like-minded partners to forge bilateral and regional agreements rooted in mutual benefit and full WTO compatibility.[31]

    Central banks, in line with their respective mandates, can also play a role.

    We can stand firm as pillars of international cooperation in an era when such cooperation is hard to come by. And we can continue to deliver stability-oriented policies in a world marked by rising volatility and instability.

    Conclusion

    Let me conclude.

    In a fragmenting world, regions need to work together to sustain global trade – which has delivered prosperity in recent decades.

    Of course, given the geopolitical landscape, that will be a harder challenge today than it has been in the past. But as Confucius once observed, “Virtue is not left to stand alone. He who practices it will have neighbours”.

    Today, to make history, we must learn from history. We must absorb the lessons of the past – and act on them – to prevent a mutually damaging escalation of tensions.

    In doing so, we all can draw a new map for global cooperation.

    We have done it before. And we can do it again.

    Thank you.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI: Grupo Financiero Galicia S.A. Announces Pricing of Secondary Offering of American Depositary Shares by HSBC Bank plc

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    BUENOS AIRES, June 10, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Grupo Financiero Galicia S.A. (Nasdaq: GGAL; Bolsas y Mercados Argentinos S.A./A3 Mercados S.A.: GGAL, the “Company”), one of Argentina’s largest financial services groups, announced today the pricing of the previously announced underwritten secondary offering (the “Offering”) by HSBC Bank plc (the “Selling Shareholder”) of 11,721,449 American Depositary Shares (“ADSs”) representing 117,214,490 Class B ordinary shares of the Company, par value Ps.1.00 per share (“Class B ordinary shares”) at a public offering price of $54.25 per ADS. The ADSs are not authorized for public offering in Argentina by the Argentine National Securities Exchange Commision (Comisión Nacional de Valores – “CNV) and are not being offered or sold publicly under the Argentine Capital Markets Law No. 26,831, as amended and complemented.  The documents related to the Offering have not been filed with, reviewed or authorized by the CNV, and therefore the CNV has not made any determination as to the truthfulness or completeness of those documents.

    All of the ADSs were offered by the Selling Shareholder. The Selling Shareholder will receive all of the proceeds from the Offering. The Company is not selling any ADSs in the Offering and will not receive any proceeds from the Offering.

    Morgan Stanley & Co. LLC and Goldman Sachs & Co. LLC are acting as the representatives of the underwriters of the Offering.  The Offering is expected to close on June 12, 2025 subject to customary closing conditions.

    The Offering is being made pursuant to an effective shelf registration statement on Form F-3 (including a prospectus) filed by the Company with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”). A final prospectus supplement and accompanying prospectus describing the terms of the Offering will be filed with the SEC, copies of which may be obtained, when available, from Morgan Stanley & Co. LLC, Attention: Prospectus Department, 180 Varick Street, 2nd Floor, New York, New York 10014, and from Goldman Sachs & Co. LLC, Attention: Prospectus Department, 200 West Street, New York, New York 10282, by telephone at (866) 471-2526, or by email at prospectus-ny@ny.email.gs.com. These documents may also be obtained free of charge by visiting EDGAR on the SEC’s website at www.sec.gov.

    This press release does not constitute an offer to sell or the solicitation of an offer to buy these securities, nor shall there be any sale of these securities in any state or jurisdiction in which such offer, solicitation or sale would be unlawful prior to registration or qualification under the securities laws of any such state or jurisdiction.

    Cautionary Note Concerning Forward Looking Statements

    This press release contains forward-looking statements within the meaning of Section 27A of the U.S. Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the “Securities Act”), and Section 21E of the Exchange Act. Such forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to, those regarding the expected closing of the Offering. Forward-looking statements generally can be identified by the use of such words as “may”, “will”, “expect”, “intend”, “estimate”, “anticipate”, “believe”, “continue” or other similar terminology, although not all forward-looking statements contain these identifying words. Such statements are subject to numerous important factors, risks and uncertainties that may cause actual events or results to differ materially from current expectations and beliefs, including, but not limited to, risks and uncertainties related to: the occurrence of any event, change or other circumstance that could impact the expected timing, completion or other terms of the Offering; the impact of general economic, industry or political conditions in the United States or internationally, as well as the other risk factors set forth under the caption  Item 3.D. “Risk Factors” in our most recent annual report on Form 20-F, and from time to time in the Company’s other filings with the SEC. The information contained in this press release is as of the date indicated above.  The Company does not undertake any obligation to release publicly any revisions to forward-looking statements to reflect later events or circumstances or to reflect the occurrence of unanticipated events.

    About Grupo Financiero Galicia S.A.:

    Grupo Financiero Galicia S.A. (Nasdaq: GGAL; Bolsas y Mercados Argentinos S.A./A3 Mercados S.A.: GGAL) is the main financial services holding company in Argentina, which seeks to create long-term value through its companies, providing savings, credit, investment, insurance, advice and digital solutions opportunities to people, companies and organizations, prioritizing customer experience and sustainable development.

    With more than 110 years of experience, Grupo Financiero Galicia S.A. is a group of financial services companies in Argentina, integrated by Banco de Galicia y Buenos Aires S.A.U. (Banco Galicia), GGAL Holdings S.A. (Galicia Más Holdings), Tarjetas Regionales S.A. (Naranja X), Sudamericana Holdings S.A. (Galicia Seguros), Galicia Asset Management S.A.U. (Fondos Fima), IGAM LLC (Inviu), Galicia Securities S.A.U. (Galicia Securities), Agri Tech Investment LLC (Nera), Galicia Ventures LP and Galicia Investments LLC (collectively referred to as Galicia Ventures), and Galicia Warrants S.A. (Warrants).

    Investor Contact:

    Mr. Pablo Firvida
    Investor Relations Officer
    www.gfgsa.com 
    +5411 6329 4881
    inversores@gfgsa.com 

    THE TERMS AND CONDITIONS OF THE OFFERING WILL BE NOTIFIED IN ARGENTINA PURSUANT TO AN HECHO RELEVANTE, SOLELY FOR INFORMATIONAL PURPOSES, BUT SUCH NOTICE WILL NOT CONSTITUTE AN OFFER OF SECURITIES FOR SALE IN ARGENTINA.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI China: World Bank cuts global growth forecasts on trade barriers, policy uncertainty

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Customers shop at a Walmart store in Los Angeles County, California, the United States, May 20, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

    The World Bank slashed global economic growth forecasts on Tuesday citing heightened trade tensions and policy uncertainty.

    The turmoil resulted in lower growth forecasts in nearly 70 percent of all economies across all regions and income groups, according to the latest bi-annual Global Economic Prospects report issued on Tuesday.

    The report cut the 2025 global economic growth forecast to 2.3 percent from 2.7 percent in January, 2025 with the 2026 growth forecast lowered to 2.4 percent from 2.7 percent.

    Advanced economies are expected to see an expansion of 1.2 percent in 2025, down from 1.7 percent in earlier forecasts while the growth forecast with emerging market and developing economies was lowered by 0.3 percentage points to 3.8 percent in 2025.

    In particular, the United States is expected to grow by 1.4 percent in 2025, 0.9 percentage points less than previous forecast and only half of the 2.8 percent growth in 2024.

    Both the Euro Area and Japan are expected to grow 0.7 percent this year, 0.3 percentage points and 0.5 percentage points lower from previous estimates, respectively, while China’s growth forecasts for both 2025 and 2026 remain unchanged.

    The world economy is once more running into turbulence while a “soft landing” appeared to be in sight only six months ago, said the report.

    “Without a swift course correction, the harm to living standards could be deep,” warned the report.

    “Outside of Asia, the developing world is becoming a development-free zone,” said Indermit Gill, the World Bank Group’s Chief Economist and Senior Vice President for Development Economics.

    Gill highlighted slower economic and investment growth in developing economies in comparison with recording-making debt levels.

    Progress by emerging market and developing economies in closing per capita income gaps with advanced economies and reducing extreme poverty is anticipated to remain insufficient and the outlook largely hinges on the evolution of trade policy globally, said the report.

    The global economy is expected to see a tepid recovery in 2026 and 2027 but world output would remain materially below projections made in January, 2025.

    However, growth could turn out to be lower if trade restrictions escalate or if policy uncertainty persists, which could also result in a build-up of financial stress, according to the report. 

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Navigating Uncertainty by Putting Your Fiscal House in Order

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    Opening Remarks by Deputy Managing Director Kenji Okamura at the Tenth Tokyo Fiscal Forum

    June 10, 2025

    Good morning and welcome to the tenth Tokyo Fiscal Forum.

    Let me first thank our co-hosts, Japan’s Ministry of Finance and the Asian Development Bank Institute for the excellent collaboration, and the Japanese government for its generous support.

    At last year’s forum, I spoke about revenue collection and spending efficiency in the context of high public debt and low growth.

    Since then, major policy shifts have occurred, and trade tensions have flared, leading to market turbulence and even to a brief period of turmoil in early April. Tensions have abated but policy uncertainty remains elevated.

    This heightened uncertainty, together with tighter financial conditions, is weighing on growth prospects, amplifying debt risks in countries where debt levels are already high. In fact, our recently released Fiscal Monitor estimates public debt could increase by approximately 4.5 percent of GDP in the medium term because of a significant rise in uncertainty.

    This is why our discussion today is focused on fiscal frameworks. In this rapidly changing environment, countries must prioritize putting their own fiscal house in order. This includes countries in the Asia-Pacific.

    Public debt levels in the region, excluding China, are on average 20-26 percent of GDP higher relative to 2007. This will make it more difficult to manage the growing spending pressures from aging, development needs, and natural disasters.

    Strengthening fiscal frameworks helps governments in the region tackle long-standing challenges and build fiscal buffers against uncertainties. For countries with high or rising debt, it would help reduce risks, while avoiding disruptive fiscal adjustments, ultimately improving long-term growth prospects.

    I look forward to hearing more from our distinguished panel on this.

    Tomorrow the forum will focus on GovTech, and how governments can harness the full potential of digitalization. The demand and development of digital products and services in Asia and the Pacific have accelerated quickly, outpacing most other regions. But more can be done to integrate emerging technologies, like AI, to improve the efficiency of public finances.

    The panelists in tomorrow’s session will share their experiences applying some of the latest technologies.

    On both these topics, the IMF is here to support you. In collaboration with the Asian Development Bank and World Bank, and through our Global Public Finance Partnership, we are ramping up our technical assistance. That said, this forum is an opportunity to hear from you. I welcome any suggestions you might have on how we can better tailor more of our advice to support your needs.

    In these times of high uncertainty, fiscal policy can be an anchor for confidence and stability. Prudent policies, within a robust fiscal framework can deliver growth and prosperity for all.

    Before concluding, I would like to thank Vitor for his leadership and contributions to this forum. This is the last time he’ll be participating as Director of the Fiscal Affairs Department, but his legacy as the founding father of the forum will live on.

    With this, let me turn over to the conference organizers. I wish you a productive discussion over the next two days.

    Thank you.

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/06/10/sp-fiscal-forum-navigating-uncertainty-by-putting-your-fiscal-house-in-order

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • World Bank pegs India’s growth at 6.3 pc for FY26, country remains fastest growing economy

    Source: Government of India

    Source: Government of India (4)

    The World Bank on Tuesday kept India’s economic growth projection at 6.3 per cent for FY 2025-26, as the country remains the fastest growing economy globally.

    “In the next two fiscal years, starting in FY2026/27, growth is expected to recover to 6.6 per cent a year, on average, partly supported by robust services activity contributing to a pickup in exports,” said the World Bank in its ‘Global Economic Prospects’ report.

    In India, growth moderated in FY2024/25 (April 2024 to March 2025), partly reflecting a deceleration in industrial output growth.

    “However, growth in construction and services activity remained steady, and agricultural output recovered from severe drought conditions, supported by resilient demand in rural areas,” said the World Bank.

    Meanwhile, heightened trade tensions and policy uncertainty are expected to drive global growth down this year to its slowest pace since 2008 outside of outright global recessions.

    The turmoil has resulted in growth forecasts being cut in nearly 70 per cent of all economies — across all regions and income groups.

    “Global growth is projected to slow to 2.3 per cent in 2025, nearly half a percentage point lower than the rate that had been expected at the start of the year,” said the World Bank.

    “A global recession is not expected. Nevertheless, if forecasts for the next two years materialise, average global growth in the first seven years of the 2020s will be the slowest of any decade since the 1960s,” it added.

    “Outside of Asia, the developing world is becoming a development-free zone,” said Indermit Gill, the World Bank Group’s Chief Economist and Senior Vice President for Development Economics.

    “It has been advertising itself for more than a decade. Growth in developing economies has ratcheted down for three decades—from 6 per cent annually in the 2000s to 5 per cent in the 2010s—to less than 4 per cent in the 2020s,” he noted.

    That tracks the trajectory of growth in global trade, which has fallen from an average of 5 per cent in the 2000s to about 4.5 per cent in the 2010s — to less than 3 per cent in the 2020s. Investment growth has also slowed, but debt has climbed to record levels.

    The report argued that in the face of rising trade barriers, developing economies should seek to liberalise more broadly by pursuing strategic trade and investment partnerships with other economies and diversifying trade, including through regional agreements.

    Given limited government resources and rising development needs, policymakers should focus on mobilising domestic revenues, prioritising fiscal spending for the most vulnerable households, and strengthening fiscal frameworks, the report said.

    (IANS)

  • MIL-OSI Russia: The Caribbean Challenge: Fostering Growth and Resilience Amidst Global Uncertainty

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    June 10, 2025

    As prepared for delivery

    Introduction and Road Map

    Good evening, everyone.

    It is a great pleasure to join you here in Brasilia for the 55th Annual Meeting of the Caribbean Development Bank (CDB or the Bank).

    Thank you Valerie for your very kind introduction. I also take this opportunity to thank the Bank for giving me the honor of delivering this year’s lecture in memory of Dr. William Gilbert Demas.

    It is highly symbolic that this year’s meeting takes place in Brazil for the very first time. This symbolizes a new beginning and demonstrates the CDB’s broad and international coalition of shareholders all vested in CDB’s success.

    The CDB is an incredibly important institution that has a vital role to play in the Caribbean’s development. It must be cherished, and supported, even as it delivers value to its borrowing and non-borrowing membership in harmonious partnership with all its stakeholders.

    This is also the first CDB Annual General Meeting under the presidency of Mr. Daniel Best. It is therefore in order to, again, congratulate President Best and to wish him tremendous success.

    Dr. Demas’s contributions throughout his career—as a policymaker, as an academic, and as an economist—cannot be overstated. He left a legacy of far-sighted vision and Caribbean excellence. A legacy that the whole region can be proud of.

    We need to channel that vision and that excellence to meet two urgent priorities for the region. First, to lift growth prospects and living standards. And second, to build resilience against persistent economic shocks and natural disasters. These two objectives go hand in hand. We need the second to sustainably deliver on the first.

    At a moment of exceptional uncertainty in the global economy, these tasks become even harder—and our efforts become even more urgent.

    Today, I will address the growth and resilience challenge: both in the global context and in the context of the Caribbean region.

    I will then discuss how regional policymakers can respond—by implementing sound macroeconomic policies and by following through on necessary structural reforms.

    Finally, I will share how the IMF is supporting our members to boost growth prospects and build resilience in today’s uncertain global environment.

    The Global Growth Challenge

    Let me start with the global growth outlook.

    After a series of shocks over the past five years, the global economy seemed to have stabilized—at steady but underwhelming rates, as compared with recent experience.

    However, the landscape has now changed. Major policy shifts have signaled a resetting of the global trading system. In early April, the US effective tariff rate jumped to levels not seen in a century.

    And, while trade talks continue and there’s been a scaling back of some tariffs, trade policy uncertainty remains off the charts.

     

    As a result, we significantly downgraded our most recent global growth projections in the April World Economic Outlook—by 0.5 percentage point for this year, from 3.3 to 2.8 percent; and 0.3 percentage point in 2026, from 3.3 to 3.0 percent. This represents the lowest global growth in approximately two decades, outside of 2020, the year of the pandemic.

    A natural question is: if trade tensions and uncertainty persist, what could be the impact on global growth?

    To start, we know that uncertainty imposes huge costs. With complex modern supply chains and changing bilateral tariff rates, planning becomes very difficult. Businesses postpone shipping and investment decisions. We also know that the longer uncertainty persists, the larger the costs imposed.

    In addition, rising trade barriers hit growth upfront. Tariffs do raise fiscal revenues but come at the expense of reducing and shifting economic activity—and evidence from past episodes suggests higher tariff rates are not paid by trading partners alone. These costs are passed on to importers and, ultimately, to consumers who pay higher prices.

    Protectionism also erodes productivity over the long run, especially in smaller economies. Shielding industries from competition reduces incentives for efficient resource allocation. Past productivity and competitiveness gains from trade are given up, which hurts innovation.

    Tariffs will impact economic growth differently across countries, but no nation is immune. The IMF’s most significant downgrades to growth are concentrated in countries affected the most by recent trade measures. Low-income countries face the added challenge of falling aid flows, as donor countries reprioritize resources to deal with domestic concerns.

    And we have already seen an increase in global financial market volatility. Equity market valuations declined sharply in response to the April tariff announcements. Unusual movements in the US government bond and currency markets followed.

    Equity markets have since regained ground on the hopes of a swift resolution of trade tensions. But with continued uncertainty and tighter financial conditions, we assessed in our most recent Global Financial Stability Report that risks to global financial stability have increased significantly.

    These global realities result in three main vulnerabilities.

    First, valuations remain high in some key segments of global equity and corporate bond markets. If the economic outlook worsens, these assets are vulnerable to sharp adjustments. This could, in turn, affect emerging markets’ currencies, asset prices, and capital flows.

    Second, in more volatile markets, some financial institutions could come under strain, especially highly leveraged nonbank financial institutions, with implications for the interconnected financial system.

    Third, sovereign bond markets are vulnerable to further turbulence, especially where government debt levels are high. Emerging market economies—which already face the highest real financing costs in a decade—may now need to refinance their debt and finance fiscal spending at even higher costs.

     

    These vulnerabilities, and the potential for impact in emerging economies, should not be underestimated nor ignored.

    But let me step back from these most recent economic and financial developments. As I mentioned, global growth prospects were already underwhelming.

    And looking over the medium term, these global growth prospects, as I mentioned previously, remain at their lowest levels in decades.

    What is driving this? Our analysis shows that a significant and broad-based slowdown in productivity growth accounts for more than half of the decline in global growth.

    This is partly because global labor and capital have not been flowing to the most dynamic firms. Lower private investment after the Global Financial Crisis and slower working-age-population growth in major economies exacerbated the problem. Our studies show that, without a course correction, global growth rates by the end of this decade would be below the pre-pandemic average by about 1 percentage point.

    Simply put, new uncertainties on top of already weak economic prospects make for a very challenging global growth backdrop.

    The Caribbean Growth and Resilience Challenge

    It is not surprising, then, that most Caribbean countries also face a challenging outlook.

    In our latest World Economic Outlook, we already projected tepid growth in the Caribbean region overall—even before accounting for the US trade policy announcements. Stronger performance in some countries—such as Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago—was offset by slower growth in others.

    And in several countries, crime weighs on growth prospects. Particularly in Haiti, where the security situation hampers efforts to sustain economic activity, implement reforms, and attract aid and foreign direct investment.

    On top of that, we estimate that the April tariff announcement and its global spillovers would lower Caribbean regional growth by at least 0.2 percentage point on average.

    But the impact varies across countries.

    In tourism-dependent economies, where growth is closely tied to US economic activity, the impact will mainly depend on the size of the US tourist base (Figure).

    In oil-exporting countries, lower commodity prices and higher volatility are the main channels of transmission. Lower global growth means lower demand for these commodities which adversely impacts the economies of commodity exporting countries.

    Slower growth, while a relatively recent phenomena from a global perspective, is, unfortunately, not new to the Caribbean. Declining growth trends in the Caribbean region have loomed over the longer horizon as well. Recent IMF analysis finds that most Caribbean countries had significantly slower growth over the last decades: 2001–2023, as compared with the previous two decades: 1980–2000 (Figure).

    For tourism-dependent Caribbean economies, we estimate a decline in potential growth from 3.3 percent over the 1981 – 2000 period to 1.6 percent over the following two decades, 2001-2019.

    This presents the Caribbean with an aggravated challenge – to reverse the trend of slower growth at a time when global growth is also declining. That is, the challenge is to reverse the trend of slower growth when the wind in the proverbial sail is weaker and has changed direction.

    Let’s be clear about what is at stake.

    Slower growth in the Caribbean slows the improvement in living standards and stymies the aspirations of Caribbean people for better opportunities. Slowing growth, in the past, has also meant that convergence in income levels between the Caribbean and advanced economies has stalled. In other words, the gap between the economic fortunes of the Caribbean national and that of her counterpart in the advanced world is growing wider.

     

    Of course, there are exceptions to the regional trend. In particular, Guyana’s economy has grown rapidly over the past two decades, progressing from low-middle-income to high-income status. Growth accelerated to over 45 percent on average in the past three years, making Guyana the fastest growing economy in the world!

    But for the Caribbean more broadly, the questions on which we should focus is – what explains the pattern of declining growth? And, what is the appropriate menu of policy responses to this pattern?

    With respect to the first question, and as in the rest of the world, a key explanation for declining growth is weak productivity growth.

    The growth challenge is not a mystery. Growth potential can be decomposed into its constituent factors and we can compare how the Caribbean’s growth potential has declined over time. Such an analytical and data-driven approach reveals that the Caribbean’s growth potential is a half of what it was a few decades ago. Addressing the Caribbean growth challenge requires systematic and comprehensive policies to strategically improve the factors that contribute to growth potential. Zooming in on one of the important factors: the Caribbean’s productivity growth has declined to almost zero. This is at the root of the Caribbean’s growth challenge. In addition to productivity growth, physical and human capital development need to be accelerated. So, ladies and gentlemen, there is no magic solution to the Caribbean growth challenge. There is no quick fix either. In fact, great danger exists if we believe that the growth challenge can be addressed with quick fixes. Solving the growth question will require as much effort as the effort put into the macro stability reforms successfully undertaken in Jamaica, Barbados and Suriname.

    What Should Policymakers Do? – Maintain and Entrench Macro Stability

    The goal for policymakers is clear: to foster resilient and inclusive growth that sustainably raises living standards.

    How should this be achieved?

    1. Maintain and entrench macro-economic stability and
    2. Decisively and comprehensively address the factors that raise growth potential

    As a pre-requisite, countries should strive to pursue policies that restore, maintain and entrench macroeconomic stability – stable prices, sustainable fiscal trajectories, adequate foreign exchange reserves and financial sector stability.

    The collective Caribbean experience powerfully demonstrates the transformative potential of macroeconomic stability. Jamaica, for example, which was burdened with unemployment rates that averaged 20% between the early 1970’s and the end of the 1980’s and 15% between over the 1990’s to the mid 2000’s only achieved the previously unimaginable result of low single digit unemployment rates, in the region of 4% and lower, when stability became entrenched.

    Stability is also a friend to the poor as Jamaica’s experience also highlights.

    Jamaica achieved the lowest rate of poverty in its history in 2023, again on the back of entrenched macroeconomic stability in the context of an institutionalized social protection framework supplemented by temporary and targeted counter-cyclical measures at times of distress.

    Friends, our history and global economic history clearly demonstrate that economic stability is indispensable to national success, regardless of chosen social and political organization. Economic stability should therefore be guarded and protected as a national asset, allowing for focus on higher order challenges like structural reforms to unlock growth potential. Also, the requirements of stability should act as a constraint on policy. Any proposed policy action that has the prospect of jeopardizing any of the components of stability should not make it through the policy formation gauntlet. Securing economic stability into the future requires laws but laws are insufficient. Stability over the long term is best preserved by developing, empowering, and strengthening institutions.

    Build fiscal buffers, strengthen fiscal frameworks, and bolster resilience.

    The Caribbean region hosts different currency regimes. The key requirement is internal consistency within the chosen currency regime. Floating rate and fixed rate currency regimes impose their own constraints. These need to be observed for success.

    While there is always room for improvement in monetary frameworks, the areas within the macro stability complex, that require urgent attention in the Caribbean, are rebuilding fiscal buffers, strengthening fiscal frameworks and bolstering resilience.

    Let’s face it: on top of all the other challenges, government budgets in the region are strapped. Providing extraordinary support in response to extraordinary shocks has depleted buffers.

    Public debt ratios have come down since the pandemic—this is good news. However, in many countries—including Caribbean countries—debt and financing needs are still too high.

    In fact, for some Eastern Caribbean Currency Union (ECCU) members, achieving their regional debt target of 60 percent of GDP by 2035, a full decade from now, will require sizeable efforts.

    With timely fiscal consolidation, countries can bring down debt ratios and by so doing, they can protect themselves against future shocks. And they can make space to invest in crucial human and physical capital—an investment in their own future.

    In addition, some Caribbean countries have pegged exchange rates, which have been a long-standing anchor of stability—for example, in the Eastern Caribbean. The ECCU is one of only four currency unions in the entire world[1] and stands as a testimony to the capacity of Caribbean people to collaborate, cooperate and innovate.

    However, to safeguard the stability provided by this currency union long into the future, fiscal policies must be sustainable, resilient, and consistent with the exchange rate regime. Inconsistency only serves to compromise the currency union with the potential for destabilizing consequences.

    Our advice to policymakers on how to rebuild buffers and strengthen frameworks is straightforward: mobilize tax revenue, spend wisely, and plan ahead.

    Let’s start with mobilizing tax revenue. The tax revenue yield in Eastern Caribbean countries is falling short of peers. Inefficient tax exemptions and weak tax administrations are leading to large revenue losses.

    Broadening the tax base and removing distortions will not only increase revenues but also support investment and growth. The Fund has provided technical assistance to our members in the Caribbean to support their ongoing efforts in this area.

    Let me turn to spending wisely. Not all spending is productive spending. With limited fiscal space focus must be on spending that has the potential to deliver quantifiable social and economic returns within reasonable timeframes. Policymakers should keep the quality and composition of spending under review, including by containing unproductive spending, enhancing efficiency, and digitalizing government services.

    Finally, plan ahead. With conviction. Credibility is critical to allow fiscal consolidation to proceed gradually with lower financing costs and better growth results.

    Strong medium-term fiscal frameworks, with well-designed fiscal rules and specific plans for fiscal policies and reforms, can help bring debt down and investment up.

    Frameworks that combine debt and operational targets—and are backed by adequate capacity and institutions—can be particularly powerful.

    This approach worked well in Jamaica, where fiscal responsibility was written into law under the Financial Administration and Audit Act. The Act established a public debt goal of 60 percent of GDP and a rule that determines the annual target fiscal balance consistent with that objective. An Independent Fiscal Commission is the arbiter of Jamaica’s fiscal rules and provides an opinion on fiscal policy sustainability, strengthening credibility and accountability.

    Planning ahead also means being ready for the certainty of economic shocks. A golden rule in policymaking in a country is to design policies that fit the country’s circumstances. Shocks are a permanent feature of Caribbean small state reality. Caribbean economic policy ought, therefore, to make provisions for the inevitability of economic shocks. In Jamaica’s Act, there are clear escape clauses for large shocks and an automatic adjustment mechanism to secure a return to the debt target.

    Well-designed and transparent sovereign wealth funds can also help stabilize public finances when shocks hit. For example, Trinidad and Tobago’s sovereign wealth fund insulates fiscal policy from oil price fluctuations. Guyana’s fund helps manage its natural resource revenues, finance investment, and save for the future. And St. Kitts and Nevis is considering a fund to smooth volatile revenues from the Citizenship-by-Investment program.

    Planning for shocks is ever more important in regions like the Caribbean that face recurrent threats from natural disasters.

    Our countries need to be prepared before disasters hit.

    Recurring natural disasters impair productive infrastructure and hinder human development, constraining productivity growth even further.

    Major natural disasters cost an average of 2 percent of GDP per year in Caribbean countries and close to 4 percent of GDP in the Eastern Caribbean countries.

    There is a physical dimension to disaster preparedness, which involves investing in resilient infrastructure.

    There is also a financial dimension, which involves developing resilient risk transfer, contingent claim and insurance mechanisms.

    Unfortunately, rising global private re-insurance premiums are making the task even harder. Domestic insurance premiums have also been rising. The result is lower insurance coverage in the private sector, and thus potentially more burden on governments when a natural disaster strikes.

    Caribbean countries can secure a comprehensive insurance framework with multiple layers: self-insurance through their own fiscal buffers, participation in pooled risk transfer arrangements, contingent financing and catastrophe bonds.

    With respect to the first layer, in Jamaica, there is a legislated requirement to save annually in a natural disaster fund. I recognize, however, that for some countries individual buffers have declined since the pandemic and need to be restored.

    On the second layer, the Caribbean Catastrophe Risk Insurance Facility (CCRIF) helps fill an important gap. Coverage has steadily improved since its inception, and the CCRIF has made prompt payouts after various natural disasters. This included US$85 million across five countries, Grenada, St Vincent & the Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago, the Cayman Islands and Jamaica, in a matter of days after Hurricane Beryl, underscoring the Facility’s regional importance. Further expanding coverage would pay off in the long term.

    On the third layer of contingent financing, the World Bank has approved catastrophe deferred drawdown options for Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, Jamaica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, among other countries in the pipeline. Furthermore, Grenada and St. Vincent and the Grenadines have already drawn on these instruments following natural disasters.

    In addition, the IDB has credit contingent facilities with Antigua and Barbuda, the Bahamas, Barbados, Jamaica, St Vincent and the Grenadines among other countries.

    On the fourth layer, Jamaica has, with World Bank assistance, independently sponsored two catastrophe bonds.

    Now, to be clear, stability, resilience and risk transfer by themselves, do not automatically deliver the elevated growth needed. However, elevated levels of economic growth cannot be achieved without stability. Furthermore, stability and resilience set the stage for elongating the economic cycle by significantly lowering a country’s risk premium, lowering the cost of capital, expanding the frontier of project economic viability and providing the counter-cyclical capacity to respond to shocks, thereby limiting the duration and intensity of downturns, and providing for longer unbroken periods of consecutive economic growth. The Jamaican experience demonstrates these relationships.

    To achieve higher growth, in addition to stability, policymakers have to decisively address factors that elevate growth potential beginning with the productivity gap.

    Decisively address structural obstacles to lift firm level productivity

    Addressing the growth challenge requires reversing the decline in the Caribbean’s growth potential by 1) improving total factor productivity and 2) boosting investment in physical and human capital.

    Our analysis for the ECCU shows that the bulk of total factor productivity losses come from high costs of finance, cumbersome tax administration, inefficient business licensing and permits, and skills mismatches in the workforce. From my experience, this can also be applied to most of the Caribbean beyond the ECCU.

    Overcoming these obstacles could bring substantial productivity gains ranging from 34 to 65 percent— which would be an incredible result! This could close the gap in income per capita with the US by 9 to 27 percentage points.

    Simplify and Digitalize Regulation, Business Licensing, Permits and Tax Payment Procedures

    One practical step is to promote digitalization of Caribbean societies which can significantly boost productivity. This will require a multifaceted strategy including investment in digital infrastructure, digital transformation of government, reducing the cost and increasing the availability of data transmission, improving digital literacy, among other factors.

    Application of digital tools and digital technologies to improve access to government services, while reducing time, ought to be seen as a non-negotiable imperative. As an obvious example, further enhancing taxpayer access to digital government services—through e-payment, e-filing, and e-registration—would not only reduce the administrative burden but also encourage compliance, fostering a better environment for entrepreneurship.

    In much of the Caribbean, businesses have to navigate a complex labyrinth of licensing, permitting and regulatory regimes. This is a drag on productivity. While the largest enterprises have the scale to absorb the inefficiencies, smaller firms suffocate from overly burdensome processes. We know that the economic vitality of a country is linked to the level of hospitability of the business environment to its small and medium-sized firms.

    There is, therefore, tremendous scope in the region to greatly simplify regulatory processes and eliminate unnecessary steps. Furthermore, the digitalization of licensing, permitting and regulatory procedures promises to enhance the efficiency of firms, boosting productivity.

    Improving Access to Finance

    That leads me to another practical step: improving access to finance, which can encourage new businesses and support a transition into the more productive formal sector. Finance is the oxygen of business, and its affordable and widespread availability is essential for having a dynamic business environment.

    There could be an entire session on improving access to finance as it is so fundamental, yet so multifaceted and complex.

    Many factors hinder access to finance in the Caribbean. I will touch on a few.

    First, legacy weaknesses in banks’ balance sheets limit access to credit, investment, and growth across the region. So it is important to address vulnerabilities in the banking sector. This includes timely compliance with regulatory standards and easier ways to dispose of impaired assets. Progress is happening: banks are building buffers and reducing non-performing loan ratios. But more work is needed to ensure all banks meet regulatory minimums.

    Reducing the costs of non-performing loan resolutions, ultimately reduces the cost of loans. This can be achieved by modernizing insolvency regimes to encourage faster out-of-court debt workouts. Asset management companies—if they are properly funded—would facilitate asset disposals.

    Collateral infrastructure should also be strengthened through effective credit registries and partial credit guarantee schemes. For example, the recently created regional credit bureau in the Eastern Caribbean can help lower the cost and time of credit risk assessments and close information asymmetry gaps. This will help small and medium enterprises access credit while safeguarding credit quality.

    Stronger anti-money laundering and anti-terrorism financing frameworks can help protect the financial system from external threats and retain correspondent banking relationships, the absence of which impedes access to credit.

    The above financial sector measures are absolutely necessary but hardly revolutionary.

    Revolutionizing access to credit in the region could be achieved by enabling mobile real-time, instant, 24/7 payment system platforms as exist in India through their Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and right here in Brazil through Pix.

    In both India and Brazil, access to finance and to financial services have been transformed, and inclusiveness expanded, by these innovations. Transactions are free, or ultra-low cost, and these payment platforms are integrated into banking apps and into e-commerce platforms.

    Of course, these systems only exist within the context of national identification systems that provide the necessary identity verifications as required.

    Seize the Opportunities from the Renewable Energy Transition.

    The use of oil imports for electricity generation is costly and has led to very high electricity prices which undermines competitiveness—particularly for the tourism industry—at the expense of potential growth.

    As we explored last December in the Caribbean Forum in Barbados, a successful energy transition can foster inclusive, sustainable, and resilient growth.

    That transition will look different for energy-importing and energy-exporting countries.

    For energy importers, diversifying into renewable energy, with fast declining costs, can reduce reliance on expensive and volatile oil imports. It would also offer relief from some of the highest electricity costs in the world. Consider this key fact: electricity in many countries in the Caribbean costs, a minimum of, twice as much as in advanced economies. We have been discussing this in the region for a long time. Too long.

    The energy transition would enhance external sustainability for energy importers, while making them more competitive, more resilient to shocks, and more likely to grow faster and on a sustainable basis.

    But seizing these opportunities requires tackling key obstacles. For example, high upfront investment costs. Limited fiscal space. Regulatory hurdles for private investment. And small market sizes and isolated grids that hinder economies of scale.

    So, the transition to renewables will take time and investment. It will also take efforts coordinated on a regional scale.

    One immediate, cost-effective step is to implement energy efficiency measures. For example, both Barbados and Jamaica have retrofitted government buildings with energy-efficient equipment. This delivers quick savings, typically without large upfront costs.

    On the regional front, initiatives like the Resilient Renewable Energy Infrastructure Investment Facility—championed by the Eastern Caribbean Central Bank and supported by the World Bank—offer a promising step forward.

    Regional mechanisms to promote pooled procurement and to harmonize regulatory frameworks will also be key.

    Energy exporters in the Caribbean face a different set of challenges. Most notably, they have the difficult task of managing changes in fossil fuel demand and fiscal revenues while maximizing the value of existing reserves.

    But the energy transition is also an opportunity to diversify into the green energy sectors of the future, such as green petrochemicals and green hydrogen.

    Energy exporters will also need to watch out for spillovers from other regions’ climate policies, such as border carbon adjustment mechanisms. For example, Trinidad and Tobago faces exposure to the EU Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, which could, potentially, affect over 5 percent of the country’s total exports. And a further 5 percent is at risk if the EU expands its Mechanism.

    But energy exporting countries can also turn this type of spillover into an advantage. By introducing their own carbon pricing systems, they can retain revenue in their economies rather than have it collected by their trading partners.

    Invest in Human Capital, Bridge the Skills Gap and Invest in Physical Infrastructure

    The most important investment Caribbean countries can make is in boosting the human capital of the region. Human capital development is multifaceted, but today I will focus on the central elements of education and skills.

    Invest in Human Capital; Address the Skills Gap

    Given the small size of Caribbean economies, and the absence of economies of scale, economic success will be determined by the level and quality of human capital in the region.

    Elevated levels of economic growth will require substantial improvements in education and skills outcomes across the region, and in some countries more than others. This is deserving of the region’s energy and focus.

    A recent survey for the ECCU highlights a shortage of skilled labor as a key constraint for businesses. I know this skills gap is also a reality in Jamaica and can be generalized across much of the Caribbean.

    What can be done? The answer is twofold: enhance the skills of those employed and provide opportunities to those who have skills but are not in the labor market.

    Expanding vocational training and modernizing education systems, coupled with active labor market policies, can help mitigate the skills gap. And digital tools can connect employers with potential employees.

    Emerging technologies—such as artificial intelligence—make closing the skills gap all the more important. The opportunity is that rapidly evolving technologies could bring high productivity gains, with the threat that failure to upgrade skills could expose industries important to the region such as business process outsourcing.

    Harnessing that potential in Caribbean countries includes, for instance, integrating AI and data science into all levels of education.

    The good news is that many countries in the region are facing the skills challenge head on.

    For example, my home country of Jamaica launched a national initiative—supported by the World Bank—for secondary school students in the areas of Science, Technology, Engineering, Arts, and Mathematics, also known as the STEAM initiative.

    In Barbados, the 2022 Economic Recovery and Transformation Plan aims to enhance the business environment by advancing digitalization and skills training.

    In St. Vincent and the Grenadines, an ongoing education reform is focused on modernizing and expanding post-secondary technical and vocational education to better align skills with labor market needs.

    And in Antigua and Barbuda, the planned expansion of the University of the West Indies Five Islands Campus will provide new opportunities for higher education and regional talent development.

    However more can be done, and should be done, in each of these countries. The goal of policy should be to have Caribbean schools rank in the upper quartile of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) benchmarks.

    On creating more opportunities, bringing more women into the labor market can contribute to economic growth.

    We estimate that eliminating the gender gap in the ECCU—which is over 11 percentage points, on average—could boost regional GDP by roughly 10 percent. That is a powerful economic case for inclusive labor policies, such as enhanced access to childcare and elderly care.

    It is also imperative to foster opportunities for youth. Caribbean countries have some of the highest youth unemployment rates in the world, ranging from 10 to 40 percent. Empowering future generations is at the core of addressing the growth and resilience challenge in the region.

    I want to acknowledge the important efforts led by the Caribbean Community, CARICOM, to work towards deeper social and economic integration.

    Earlier this year, we saw tangible progress. CARICOM members are working to enable free movement of CARICOM nationals for willing countries. Importantly, this initiative also includes access to primary and secondary education, emergency healthcare, and primary healthcare for migrating individuals.

    Boost Investment in Infrastructure

    Improved infrastructure enhances the productivity of capital as well as the productivity of labor. The Caribbean will need much higher levels of investment to restore and boost its growth potential.

    Workers depend on public transportation to get from home to work and back home again. If this, for example, routinely takes an hour and a half each way, on average, and costs a third of weekly wages, then labor productivity will suffer. Efficient, affordable, accessible mass transportation enhances productivity. While taxis complement bus transportation, they cannot be an effective substitute. This is more of a problem in larger Caribbean territories and I know that Jamaica is tackling this problem head-on.

    Similarly, road and highway connectivity that opens new investment opportunities and reduces the cost of transportation of people and goods enhances productivity of capital as well as the productivity of labor and enhances growth potential.

    Modern commerce relies on communication and, importantly, on data. I mentioned this earlier. There is scope for telecommunications and broadband infrastructure to be improved, for data costs to be lowered, and for data access to be expanded. This will require investment. Hopefully, private investment, but investment that will need to be facilitated by government policy.

    Water is the source of life. Without water, communities are less productive, and businesses cannot function. Across the region, significant investment in water treatment, storage, and distribution infrastructure will be required to support economic growth and improve standards of living over the medium term.

    All of these elements of infrastructure – transportation, broadband, roads, water, and energy, dealt with earlier, – need considerable investment to keep Caribbean societies competitive and to raise the growth potential.

    However, Caribbean governments will not have the required resources to finance these investments from tax revenues, and at the same time fund education, health, security and other essential services.

    As such, governments will need to consider attracting local, regional, and international private capital in well-structured transactions to finance the productivity enhancing infrastructure needs of the region.

    This can be accomplished through the variety of Public Private Partnerships (PPP) modalities that exist and with the advice of multilateral partners, such as the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) who are very experienced in structuring these kinds of transactions, and who know what is required to generate investor interest.

    I can speak from experience – the IFC has been instrumental in assisting Jamaica to develop its pipeline of PPP’s.

    My advice however is to not develop PPP’s sequentially, one at a time, starting one as the other concludes. Given the preparation period required for each, sequential PPP development will take too long. Instead, pursue PPP’s using a programmatic approach. That is, develop a pipeline of infrastructure PPP’s in parallel so you can bring these to market in rapid succession. The time and resources required for investors to familiarize themselves with the macro-environment, the legislative framework, the regulatory architecture, the country risks etc., with uncertainty around bid success, needs to be amortized over a number of transactions – in order to attract deep pocketed and experienced investors prepared to provide competitive bids.

    Open, transparent and competitive PPP’s, that are well structured, can help bridge the infrastructure gap and boost productivity.

    The Role of the IMF

    These are not easy times, and these are not easy steps to take. They require clarity of vision, coordination, partnerships, technical expertise and lots of energy.

    But these steps can put Caribbean countries on a path toward greater growth and resilience.

    Rest assured that the IMF remains fully committed to supporting our members across the region.

    Our near-universal membership provides us with a unique global perspective and we are informed by a large range of cross-country experiences over the last 80 years.

    With 191 member countries the IMF, as compared to the United Nations with 192 member countries, is as global as it gets. We engage with each of our members on a country-by-country basis, as well as on a regional basis with currency unions, including the Eastern Caribbean Currency Union.

    Our member countries, including Caribbean states, are shareholders and owners of the IMF. We work for you. And we do so through three primary modalities – (i) surveillance, where we provide a review and analysis of our member countries’ economy on an annual or biennial basis. This review, called the Article IV Consultation report, named after the clause in our articles that mandates this exercise, is a principal obligation of IMF membership. This review, which contains country specific policy advice, is published, and freely available, online. I encourage media practitioners, economists, financial analysts, public policy advocates, and citizens interested in their country and region to access these Article IV reports for your country and make good use of the information and analysis contained therein.

    The second modality through which the IMF provides a service to its member countries is capacity development. Here we provide technical analysis and tailor-made policy advice on specific issues that countries may be grappling with. For example, designing of tax policy measures, improving efficiency in public spending, optimizing public debt management, bolstering the capacity of statistics agencies and the development of monetary policy tools to name a few. Under this modality we also provide training courses for public officials through regional institutions such as CARTAC and also in courses at the IMF’s headquarters in Washington, DC.

    Our third modality is the one that most are familiar with – the IMF provides financing designed to address balance of payments challenges. Our long-established lending toolkit helps countries restore macroeconomic stability. In this goal of restoring macroeconomic stability many countries have had successful engagements with the IMF. In the region, Jamaica, Barbados, and Suriname come immediately to mind.

    At the recent IMF Spring Meetings I moderated a panel where the Greek Finance Minister made the point that at this juncture of very challenging fiscal circumstances in the Eurozone, only six countries within the 27 member EU have fiscal surpluses, and it so happens that four of these had IMF programs during the Global Financial Crisis.

    And the IMF continues to evolve to meet the needs of our member countries. Our rapid facilities provide emergency financing when shocks hit. And our newer Resilience and Sustainability Facility provides affordable long-term financing to support resilience-building efforts.

    In the Caribbean, Barbados and Suriname have made great strides in positioning their economies for growth while reducing vulnerabilities under their economic programs supported by the Extended Fund Facility. These countries’ ownership of the reforms has been critical to their success.

    Jamaica had access to—but did not draw on—the Fund’s Precautionary and Liquidity Line, which provided an insurance buffer against external shocks. It supported efforts to keep the economy growing, reduce public debt, enhance financial frameworks, and upgrade macroeconomic data.

    The Fund also provided rapid financing to seven Caribbean member countries during the pandemic.

    And Barbados and Jamaica have benefitted from the Resilience and Sustainability Facility. Reforms have helped integrate climate-related risks in macroeconomic frameworks, provide incentives for renewable energy to support growth, and catalyze financing for investment in resilience.

    We are also engaging closely with Haiti through a Staff-Monitored Program. This Program is designed to support the authorities’ economic policy objectives and build a track record of reform implementation, which could pave the way for financial assistance from the Fund.

    Of course, the effectiveness of our advice and financial support is enhanced by our continued efforts in capacity development. In particular, I would like to highlight the work of CARTAC, which has been operating since 2001.

    CARTAC offers capacity building and policy advice to our Caribbean members across several areas: from public finance management, to tax and customs administration, to financial sector supervision and financial stability, and beyond.

    We greatly appreciate the generous support received so far for CARTAC. But more is needed to close the financing gap. I hope we can count on your advocacy with development partners to sustain CARTAC’s essential work.

    In my time at the Fund thus far, I have seen how much advanced countries rely on, and use, the IMF’s intellectual output to the benefit of their countries and how this output features in, and informs, public discourse in many member countries. The IMF is an incredibly powerful resource that works for you and I strongly encourage Caribbean countries to strategically maximize their use of the IMF and what it has to offer.

    A Call to Action

    Let me conclude.

    Policymakers in the Caribbean are facing a complex set of old and new challenges.

    But challenging times can also be times of opportunity, action, and resolve.

    The Caribbean is a region of immense promise, with rich cultural heritage, natural beauty, and vibrant population.

    The world is undergoing profound change. This change introduces global vulnerabilities to which the Caribbean is not immune. The resilience of small open economies like those in the Caribbean is likely to be tested.

    It is imperative, therefore, that Caribbean countries work to put their macro-fiscal houses in order while engaging in deep and meaningful structural reforms to increase the growth potential of Caribbean economies.

    You hold the keys to the future of the region. You have the tools, the talent, and the tenacity to chart a new path for growth and resilience. Your actions can make a difference to the Caribbean’s prospects.

    We have seen many steps in the right direction to address bottlenecks and boost productivity. And we encourage you to keep going.

    Implement those reforms that are under your control.

    Continue to work together across the region.

    Capitalize on CARICOM to achieve a larger market for the movement of people, investment, and trade.

    Stay focused on the goal: delivering more economic resilience, higher growth prospects, and better living standards for people across the Caribbean.

    And, you can count on the Fund along the way.

    Thank you.


    [1] The other currency unions are: Economic Community of Central African States (CEMAC); West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU); and the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU).

    IMF Communications Department
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    PRESS OFFICER: Julie Ziegler

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    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/06/10/dmd-clarke-cdb-speech-june-10

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    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Crapo Leads Legislation to Protect Idahoans from Payment Scams

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Idaho Mike Crapo
    Washington, D.C.–Citing more than $63 million in reported losses in Idaho to payment scams in 2024, U.S. Senator Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) and U.S. Senator Mark Warner (D-Virginia) introduced the bipartisan Task Force for Recognizing and Averting Payments Scams (TRAPS) Act, which would create a task force to combat the growing issue of payment scams.  The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) reported losses to fraud have soared 25 percent over the last year to $12.5 billion nationwide.
    U.S. Senators Jerry Moran (R-Kansas) and Raphael Warnock (D-Georgia) are co-sponsors of the legislation.
    “Criminals continue to target vulnerable Americans through creative ways to trick them out of their hard-earned money,” said Senator Crapo.  “We can–and should–better equip law enforcement and regulators with the tools to go after scammers and prevent scams before they happen.”
    “The evolving sophistication of financial scams emphasizes the urgent need for unified and proactive defense,” said Senator Warner.  “The TRAPS Act will bridge the gap between law enforcement, regulators and the financial industry in order to better protect Americans’ financial welfare and hold those who prey on hard-working individuals accountable.”
    “Combatting the global rise in fraud starts with making certain federal regulators and law enforcement agencies are coordinating effectively to address these threats,” said Senator Moran.  “Establishing a task force to promote inter-agency cooperation on preventing payment scams and other fraud is yet another step in protecting the financial security of Kansans.”
    “Scams and financial schemes continue to debilitate Americans’ pocketbooks and funds, especially our seniors who work hard their entire lives to build savings,” said Senator Reverend Warnock.  “The Task Force for Recognizing and Averting Payments Scams (TRAPS) Act better equips law enforcement and regulators to fight back and provide much-needed protection for fraud victims, and helps prevent scams before they happen.”
    “Fighting cyber and financial crime is a priority for the Idaho Department of Finance, and Sen. Crapo’s TRAPS Act is an important step for creating strategies to address the growing threat electronic payment scams pose to Idahoans and Americans,” said Idaho Department of Finance Director Patti Perkins.
    Payment scams occur when a scammer induces a victim, usually under false pretenses of romance or investments, to voluntarily send them money.  Crapo’s legislation would bring together industry, law enforcement, financial regulators and telecommunication regulators to decide best practices for identifying and preventing future scams.
    Specifically, the TRAPS Act would:
    Create a task force, chaired by the U.S. Department of the Treasury and composed of the prudential regulators, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the Federal Communications Commission, Federal Trade Commission, U.S. Department of Justice and representatives from industry. 
    Direct the task force to examine the payments landscape and compile a report to recommend legislative and regulatory changes, including best practices to coordinate state, local and federal efforts.
    Require the task force to update the report annually for three years.
    The TRAPS Act is supported by AARP, Early Warning Services, Electronic Transactions Association, GoWest Credit Union Association, American Bankers Association, Consumer Bankers Association, National Bankers Association, the Defense Credit Union Council and America’s Credit Unions.
    “Scams don’t originate on payment platforms, and this legislation is a critical step in protecting consumers and preventing scams by bringing together regulators, law enforcement, industry leaders and consumer advocates to help strengthen our nation’s scam prevention infrastructure,” said Cameron Fowler, CEO, Early Warning Services, the company behind Zelle.  “Protecting consumers, small businesses and community financial institutions is essential to preserving trust in our financial system.  Early Warning thanks Senators Mike Crapo, Mark Warner, Jerry Moran and Raphael Warnock for their leadership in introducing and sponsoring this proposal.  Criminals are constantly evolving how they scam American consumers, small businesses and financial institutions.  Combating these criminals demands a united front from government, law enforcement and the private sector.”
    “Consumer Bankers Association deeply appreciates Sen. Crapo’s leadership to address the growing fraud and scams crisis.  A whole-of-government approach is critically important to make a meaningful difference toward protecting the hardworking Americans we’re all working to serve,” said Consumer Bankers Association President and CEO Lindsey Johnson.  “This legislation would convene a comprehensive group of financial regulators along with multiple industry sectors to get the root of the problem and propose solutions.”
    “We thank Senator Crapo and the bill’s co-sponsors for their leadership and commitment, not just to credit union members, but to all consumers and the long-term integrity of our financial system,” said Troy Stang, President and CEO, GoWest Credit Union Association.  “The TRAPS Act reflects the credit union movement’s deep-rooted priority: protecting the safety and security of our members and communities.  This legislation is a smart, holistic approach to identifying and seeking solutions to actively combat and put a stop to the fraud that is eroding the financial security of Americans.”
    “Fighting fraud and scams is a priority shared by the payments industry, policymakers and law enforcement,” said Jodie Kelley, CEO, Electronic Transactions Association.  “We applaud Sen. Crapo’s TRAPS Act as it brings together the key players needed to help address this common goal.”
    Bill text is available here.

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  • MIL-OSI USA: Court Appointments Announced

    Source: US State of New York

    overnor Kathy Hochul today announced 17 appointments to the New York State Court of Claims, 5 appointments to the Supreme Court and 2 appointments to Family Court.

    “Our judicial system works best when we have talented, qualified jurists on the bench,” Governor Hochul said. “These 24 individuals have the experience and knowledge to serve as members of the judiciary, and will play a critical role in the fair and impartial dispensation of justice across New York.”

    As Judges of the Court of Claims:

    Monica Wallace

    Monica Piga Wallace was first elected to the Assembly in 2016. Wallace worked her way through college and law school, earning her undergraduate degree with honors from SUNY Binghamton, and her J.D., cum laude, from SUNY Buffalo Law School. Before her election to the Assembly, Monica spent much of her legal career as a law clerk in federal court, where she helped ensure that justice was served and that laws were applied equally to all parties appearing before the court. Monica also served on the faculty at her alma mater, SUNY Buffalo Law School, teaching students how the law can be used as a vehicle for positive social change.

    Gregory McCaffrey

    Gregory McCaffrey served as the District Attorney of Livingston County, New York; a position he held from May 2012 until December 2024. McCaffrey oversaw a team of legal professionals prosecuting serious criminal cases including homicides, violent felonies, and child sex offenses. Prior to this role, he practiced at Jones and Skivington Law Firm, focusing on litigation, municipal law, and criminal defense, and served as Town Attorney for Conesus, New York.

    Earlier in his career, he was an Assistant District Attorney in Monroe County, where he handled a progression of increasingly complex felony cases. He holds a Juris Doctor from the University at Buffalo School of Law and a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science from Nazareth College of Rochester. McCaffrey was born and raised in Livingston County where he resides with his family.

    John Bringewatt

    John Bringewatt currently serves as the Monroe County Attorney. In that role, he oversees a team of attorneys responsible for all of the County’s civil legal work. He previously maintained a wide-ranging litigation practice at Harter Secrest & Emery LLP. Early in his career, he served as a Law Clerk to Judge Susan L. Carney of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.

    He holds a J.D. from the University of Michigan Law School and a B.A. in Political Science and Psychology from Colgate University.

    Abby Perer

    Abby Perer has served as in-house counsel for Syracuse University for nearly 10 years. In that role, she oversees all litigation and regulatory compliance matters. Before joining the University, Perer was a litigation associate for DLA Piper LLP, where she represented corporate and individual clients in commercial litigation, as well as civil and criminal investigations.

    Perer was once a Legal Intern for the Office of NYS Attorney General Eric T. Schneiderman. She attended Brooklyn Law School for her JD, and Hamilton College for her BA. She is a resident of Fayetteville, New York.

    Noel Mendez

    A native New Yorker, Noel Mendez was born and raised in the Bronx. He attended Lehman College and graduated with a degree in theater. Before attending the University at Buffalo School of Law, Noel worked as a police officer in the NYPD. Since graduating from law school, Noel obtained a Master of Laws in securities regulation from Georgetown University Law Center and subsequently moved to the Capital Region, where he worked as a court attorney for the New York State Court of Appeals. He later became a law clerk to the Honorable Jenny Rivera.

    Noel has held a variety of legal positions in the Capital Region since then. Most notably, he worked as a staff attorney for the Legal Aid Society of Northeastern New York and briefly as a prosecutor at the Albany County District Attorney’s Office. Most recently, Noel served as counsel to New York State Senator Jamaal T. Bailey.

    Noel lives in Albany County with his wife, Marlene and daughter, Annabelle.

    Natacha Carbajal-Evangelista

    Natacha Carbajal-Evangelista serves as the General Counsel for the NYS Department of State. In this role, Natacha oversees the Office of General Counsel, which provides legal advice and support to the New York Secretary of State and the diverse programs, divisions, boards, and commissions housed within the Department.

    Previously, Natacha served as Assistant Secretary for Labor & Workforce for New York State, leading the Statewide implementation of groundbreaking initiatives, including New York’s Paid Family Leave. Natacha also served as Senior Deputy Counsel and the Executive Deputy Superintendent for Operations at the NYS Department of Financial Services and Deputy Director at the NYS Workers’ Compensation Board.

    Prior to joining State government, Natacha was a senior associate at BakerHostetler, serving as counsel to the SIPA Trustee for the liquidation of Bernard L. Madoff Investment Securities LLC (BLMIS). Natacha served as a Judicial Law Clerk to the Hon. Elizabeth S. Stong of the U.S. Bankruptcy Court, E.D.N.Y. and the Hon. Arthur J. Gonzalez, former Chief Judge of the U.S. Bankruptcy Court, S.D.N.Y.

    Natacha is a graduate of Fordham Law School and Cornell University’s School of Industrial and Labor Relations.

    Mary Lynn Nicolas-Brewster

    Mary Lynn Nicolas-Brewster is the Executive Director of the Franklin H. Williams Judicial Commission, a permanent statewide commission dedicated to promoting racial and ethnic fairness in the court system. The Williams Commission, chaired by Hon. Shirley Troutman, Associate Judge of the New York State Court of Appeals, and Hon. Troy K. Webber, Associate Justice of the Appellate Division, First Department, strives to make the court system more responsive to the concerns of people of color and works to enhance diversity, equity and inclusion in the legal profession and the court system. The Commission’s namesake, Ambassador Franklin H. Williams, a distinguished attorney and civil rights leader, was a visionary and trailblazer who devoted his life to the pursuit of equal justice. The Commission stands as a testament to his life and legacy as the Commission pursues its mission to ensure justice and equity for all in the courts.

    Prior to this position, Nicolas-Brewster, a former Village Judge with the Village of Spring Valley, served as Court Attorney-Referee for the New York State Supreme Court, Ninth Judicial District, and as a Hearing Officer for the Office of Court Administration. Nicolas-Brewster also held multiple positions at the Office of the Westchester County Attorney, including Associate County Attorney, Senior Assistant County Attorney, and Assistant County Attorney. She has also served as Assistant Solicitor General for the New York State Attorney General’s Office, Senior Appellate Court Attorney for the New York State Appellate Division, Second Judicial Department, and Pro Se Law Clerk with the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. She has also been a member of the adjunct faculty at SUNY-Rockland Community College in the Legal Studies Department.

    Ms. Nicolas-Brewster obtained a J.D. from the New York University School of Law in 1992 and a B.A. in Literature and Rhetoric at Binghamton University, SUNY, in 1989.

    Erin Guven

    Erin Guven brings over 20 years of experience as an attorney dedicated to public interest to her new role as Court of Claims judge. In her most recent role as Westchester Family Court Support Magistrate, she conducted child support, spousal support and paternity hearings in a high-volume court. Erin has also held many other vital positions during her tenure including Court Attorney-Referee in the Supreme Court, 9th JD, Pro Bono Director & Staff Attorney at Legal Services of the Hudson Valley and Small Claims Assessment Review Hearing Officers. She is an active member of her legal and local communities and holds and undergraduate degree from Georgetown University and a JD from Brooklyn Law School.

    Menachem Mirocznik

    Menachem “Mendy” Mirocznik has served as a Court Attorney to the Hon. Orlando Marrazzo, Jr. in various Civil Courts since 2009. Since 2020, he has supported Justice Marrazzo in presiding over Richmond County’s Supreme Court, Civil Term. He conducts legal research and analysis, reviews cases, and drafts decisions. Between 2001 and 2008, he supported various Housing Court Judges for New York City’s Civil Court. He began his career in 1997 as a Legal Intern for Main Street Legal Services, representing indigent clients in cases regarding public assistance benefits and benefit termination.

    Mirocznik is a graduate of Touro College, from which he obtained a Political Science B.A. He received his J.D. from CUNY School of Law and was the President of the Jewish Law Students Association. He has been an active member of Community Board 2 since 2010, a board member of the Jewish Community Center of Staten Island since 2014, and President of the Council of Jewish Organizations of Staten Island since 2012.

    Jay Kim

    Jay Kim is currently the Principal Law Clerk to the Hon. Dena E. Douglas, a New York State Supreme Court Justice in Kings County, Criminal Term. He started his career in public service in 2008 as an Assistant Corporation Counsel in the Tort Division of the New York City Law Department. He subsequently served as a Principal Law Clerk to the Hon. Theodore T. Jones (Dec.) and the Hon. Jenny Rivera, Associate Judges of the New York State Court of Appeals, from 2010 to 2013. After his Court of Appeals clerkship, he served as a Senior Counsel in the Labor & Employment Division of the New York City Law Department from 2013 to 2015 and as an attorney within the Office of Legal Services of the New York City Department of Education from 2015 to 2018. Kim obtained his J.D. from St. John’s University School of Law and his B.A. in Sociology from New York University.  He is a member of the Asian American Bar Association of New York and the Korean American Lawyers Association of Greater New York.

    Denis Reo

    Denis Reo began his career in the Unified Court System in 2004, working as a Secretary to the Honorable Carol Edmead. He then went to work for the Honorable George J. Silver in January 2005 and served as Judge Silver’s Court Attorney, Senior Court Attorney, Principal Court Attorney and Principal Law Clerk from 2005 through 2017. During this time, he was assigned to Civil Court, Kings County; Family Court, Bronx County; and Supreme Court, Civil Term, New York County. In July 2017 Judge Silver was appointed Deputy Chief Administrative Judge for New York City Courts and Denis was named a Special Assistant to the Deputy Chief Administrative Judge. He was promoted to Chief of Staff to the Deputy Chief Administrative Judge in January 2019. In August 2019 he was appointed Chief Clerk of the Supreme Court, Civil Term, New York County where he assisted the Administrative Judge overseeing daily court operations as well as managing 350 non-judicial personnel within the court. Since December 2024 he has served as Chief of Staff to Deputy Chief Administrative Judge Adam Silvera, assisting Judge Silvera in overseeing the trial courts within New York City.

    Denis is a graduate of Sacred Heart University and St. John’s University School of Law. He resides in Farmingdale, NY with his wife and two children.

    Ilene Fern

    Ilene P. Fern is the Principal Law Clerk to the Honorable Lee A. Mayersohn of the 11th Judicial District of the New York State Supreme Court, a position she has held since 2021. Prior to that, Fern was the Principal Law Clerk to the Honorable Martin J. Schulman of the 11th Judicial District of the New York State Supreme Court from 1995-2020. From 1992 to 1994, Fern was the Senior Court Attorney to the Honorable Robert J. McDonald of the 11th Judicial District in the New York City Criminal Court. From 1989 to 1991, Fern was the Court Attorney to the Honorable Arnold N. Price in the New York City Civil Court. Fern was the President of the Queens County Women’s Bar Association from 1998-1999. She is currently a member of the Executive Board of the Brandeis Association. Fern obtained a J.D., from Jacob D. Fuchsberg Law Center at Touro University in 1985, where she was a Senior Editor of the Law Review, and a B.A., from the State University of New York at Binghamton in 1981.

    Darlene Goldberg

    Darlene Goldberg is a Principal Law Clerk for Hon. Caryn R. Fink with the NYS Unified Court System. Alongside Judge Fink, Goldberg researches and analyzes legal issues, advises on court proceedings and sentencing matters, drafts opinions, conducts discovery and pre-trial conferences, and leases with the Office of Court Administration. She previously operated her own criminal defense law firm for 13 years, specializing in major felonies through Nassau County’s indigent defense panel. She covered criminal cases ranging from misdemeanors to violent felonies and led counsel in both jury ad non-jury trials. She was also a Trial Attorney for the Legal Aid Society of Nassau County. She managed criminal cases from inception through disposition.

    Goldberg volunteered with the Moreland Shelter and Birthday Wishes of Long Island, which she coordinated tutoring services for the homeless children residing at the shelter as well as temporary to permanent housing transitioning. Goldberg is a graduate of Fordham University’s School of Law and Boston University for her undergraduate degree. She resides in Melville with her family. Her husband is also a lawyer.

    Gordon Cuffy

    Gordon Cuffy was appointed by Governor Hochul in June 2025 to serve as an Acting Supreme Court Justice. Cuffy previously served as a Court of Claims Judge in Onondaga County Court, where he presided over felony criminal cases. He was appointed to the bench in 2017 by Governor Andrew Cuomo, becoming the first African-American judge to oversee felony matters in Onondaga County. Prior to his appointment, he served as Onondaga County Attorney under County Executive Joanie Mahoney and also worked as a prosecutor and as General Counsel to New York State Thruway Authority. He previously ran for County Court Judge in 2012.

    James Ferreira

    James H. Ferreria was appointed to the Court of Claims by Governor George E. Pataki on June 16, 2006 and confirmed by the Senate on June 21, 2006. Judge Ferreira was reappointed to the Court of Claims for a full nine year term by Governor Eliot Spitzer on April 30, 2007 and confirmed again by the Senate on June 19, 2007. One June 10, 2016 Judge Ferreira was reappointed by Governor Andrew Cuomo and the Senate confirmed Judge Ferreira to an additional nine year term on June 15, 2016. Judge Ferreira was additionally designated as an Acting Justice of the Supreme Court in 2014 in the Third Judicial District. Judge Ferreira presides over civil actions pending in the Court of Claims, Albany County Supreme Court and Schoharie County Supreme Court.

    Judge Ferreira graduated from Cornell University in 1984, Syracuse University College of Law in 1989, cum laude, and the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at Syracuse University in 1989.

    In 1989, Judge Ferreira began his legal career as a law clerk at the New York State Supreme Court, Appellate Division, Fourth Department. He then went on to work at the law firm of Harris Beach LLP as an associate in 1991. In 1995, he joined the New York State Attorney General’s office as a Deputy Bureau Chief in the Environmental Protection Bureau. He then worked between 1999 and 2006 at the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation in various capacities, including as Assistant Commissioner in the Office of Hearing and Meditation Services and as Deputy Commissioner and General Counsel.

    Rhonda Tomlinson

    Judge Rhonda Ziomaida Tomlinson, a Brooklyn native raised by her Panamanian mother, was appointed to the New York State Court of Claims in June 2021. She earned her B.S. from Cornell University’s School of Industrial and Labor Relations and her J.D. from Hofstra University School of Law. Prior to her appointment, she served as Chief Administrative Law Judge for the NYS Board of Parole, overseeing statewide adjudications and participating in the Harlem Reentry Court.

    Her legal career includes roles as a principal court attorney, administrative law judge, Legal Aid defense attorney, and private practitioner in criminal and family law. She has been active in bar association committees and initiatives related to parole, sex trafficking, and the effects of incarceration on families. Judge Tomlinson has also taught legal and multicultural studies at CUNY School of Law, John Jay College, and St. John’s University. She is an engaged member of St. Gregory the Great R.C. Church, serving as a scout leader, lector, and school board member.

    Cheryl Joseph

    Judge Cheryl Joseph serves as Supervising Judge of the Matrimonial Parts in the Suffolk County Supreme Court and has been a Judge of the New York State Court of Claims since 2015. Appointed as an Acting Supreme Court Justice, she previously served for nine years as a Support Magistrate in Bronx and Suffolk County Family Courts.

    Judge Joseph earned her J.D. from NYU School of Law and her B.A. in Political Science and Philosophy from NYU, graduating magna cum laude and Phi Beta Kappa. She has also taught family law and civil litigation as an adjunct professor at Touro Law Center, where she was named Adjunct Professor of the Year twice.

    As Interim Supreme Court Justices:

    J. David Sampson

    Judge John David Sampson was appointed to the New York State Court of Claims in 2015 by Governor Andrew Cuomo and serves as a Court of Claims Judge and as an Acting Supreme Court Justice. He previously served as Executive Deputy Commissioner of the New York State Department of Motor Vehicles (2011–2015) and as Deputy Attorney General for Regional Affairs in the New York Attorney General’s Office (2008–2010). Earlier in his career, he spent over 25 years in private practice, including as a partner at Underberg Kessler LLP.

    Judge Sampson earned his J.D. from Albany Law School (1982) and his B.A. in Economics from Canisius University (1977). He is based in the Buffalo/Niagara area.

    Denise Hartman

    Hon. Denise Hartman was first appointed to the Court of Claims in 2015, and has served as an Acting Supreme Court Justice in Albany County for the last 10 years. She handles a full civil docket, including proceedings against governmental agencies, personal injury and contract actions, matrimonial cases, commercial litigation, and more. She also presides over the statewide Litigation Coordinating Panel.

    Prior to her judicial appointment, she was an Assistant Solicitor General in the New York State Attorney General’s Office from 1985 to 2015. There she briefed and argued many, many appeals in the New York State Appellate Divisions, Court of Appeals, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, and U.S. Supreme Court. She was formerly a Confidential Law Clerk at the Appellate Division, 4th Department, and was once a Law Assistant at Langan, Grossman, Kinney & Dwyer, PC.

    She obtained a BS in Civil and Environmental Engineering from Cornell University, and her JD from Syracuse University School of Law.

    Walter Rivera

    Judge Walter Rivera was appointed to the New York State Court of Claims by Governor Andrew Cuomo in 2017 and served one term as an Acting Supreme Court Justice in the 9th Judicial District. A native of Hell’s Kitchen in Manhattan, he is a graduate of Columbia College (1976) and the University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School (1979).

    He began his legal career as a law clerk at the New York State Court of Appeals and later served as an Assistant Attorney General before entering private practice. Rivera was elected Town Justice in Greenburgh, NY, serving from 2011 until his Court of Claims appointment. He was an adjunct professor at the Elisabeth Haub School of Law at Pace University for six years, past president of the Latino Judges Association, and a co-founder of the Hudson Valley Hispanic Bar Association.

    Michael Kitsis

    Michael Kitsis is an Acting Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of New York, serving since 2021. He has also served as a Judge in the Criminal Court of the City of New York since 2016. Prior to his judicial appointments, he spent over three decades as an Assistant District Attorney in the Manhattan District Attorney’s Office from 1983 to 2016.

    He holds a J.D. from the University of Virginia School of Law and a B.A. from the University of Pennsylvania.

    Jonathan Svetkey

    Jonathan Svetkey is currently an Acting Supreme Court Justice sitting in Manhattan, Criminal Term. His first appointment was to the New York City Civil Court in 2019 and a year later he was re-appointed to serve as a New York City Criminal Court Judge. Prior to taking the bench, Judge Svetkey was the Court Attorney for the Honorable Joanne B. Watters from 2017 to 2019. Before that he spent twenty years in private practice as a criminal defense attorney with the law firm of Watters & Svetkey, LLP. He also served as an Assistant District Attorney in the Bronx County District Attorney’s Office Appeals Bureau from 1990 to 1995. His first job out of law school was with the Kings County District Attorney’s Office. Judge Svetkey received his undergraduate degree from the University of Rochester and graduated from the Columbus School of Law at the Catholic University of America in 1984.

    As Interim Family Court Judges:

    Tonia Ettinger

    Tonia M. Ettinger was appointed by Governor Hochul in June 2025 to serve as a Family Court Attorney for Monroe County. Ettinger most recently served as the Principal Court Attorney for Honorable Fatimat O. Reid in the 7 th Judicial District (Monroe County Family Court), a position she has held since 2019. A dedicated and experienced family law attorney, Ettinger has spent her career advocating for children and families throughout Monroe County. She served for nearly a decade as an Attorney for the Child at the Legal Aid Society of Rochester, representing children in Monroe County Family Court (2009-2018).

    A graduate of the University at Buffalo School of Law (magna cum laude) and SUNY Geneseo (cum laude), Ettinger has been recognized as one of the Top Women in Law by the Daily Record. Ettinger is equally dedicated to embracing and uplifting the Rochester community, actively participating in events under the 7th Judicial District’s “Embracing Our Community” initiative. With 21 years of legal experience—16 years dedicated exclusively to Monroe County Family Court—she has demonstrated a deep and consistent commitment to justice, particularly for vulnerable youth and families navigating the family court system.

    Jessica Wilcox

    Jessica R. Wilcox serves as a Principal Law Clerk for the Honorable James H. Ferreira of the New York State Court of Claims, and previously served under Honorable Glen T. Bruening of the New York State Court of Claims from 2011-2022. Before that, she was the Principal Law Clerk for the Honorable John C. Egan Jr. of the Appellate Division of the Third Department for the New York State Supreme Court from 2007 to 2011. Wilcox was a Senior Associate at Barclay Damon f/k/a Bouck, Holloway, Kiernan, and Casey from 2000 to 2007 and an Associate Attorney at Rowley Forrest, O’Donnell & Beaumont from 1999 to 2000. From 1998 to 1999, Wilcox was an Associate at Brennan, Rehfuss, and Ligouri P.C.

    Wilcox obtained a J.D. from Albany Law School in 1997 and a B.A., cum laude, in Philosophy and German from Wells College in 1993.  She was found HQ by the Statewide Judicial Department Screening Committee on March 28, 2022.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI: Grupo Financiero Galicia S.A. Announces Commencement of Secondary Offering of American Depositary Shares by HSBC Bank plc

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    BUENOS AIRES, June 10, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) —  Grupo Financiero Galicia S.A. (Nasdaq: GGAL; Bolsas y Mercados Argentinos S.A./A3 Mercados S.A.: GGAL, the “Company”), one of Argentina’s largest financial services groups, announced today the launch of an underwritten secondary offering (the “Offering”) by HSBC Bank plc (the “Selling Shareholder”) of 11,721,449 American Depositary Shares (“ADSs”) representing 117,214,490 Class B ordinary shares of the Company, par value Ps.1.00 per share (“Class B ordinary shares”). The ADSs are not authorized for public offering in Argentina by the Argentine National Securities Exchange Commision (Comisión Nacional de Valores – “CNV) and they may not be offered or sold publicly under the Argentine Capital Markets Law No. 26,831, as amended and complemented.  The documents related to the Offering have not been filed with, reviewed or authorized by the CNV, and therefore the CNV has not made any determination as to the truthfulness or completeness of those documents.

    All of the ADSs are being offered by the Selling Shareholder. The Selling Shareholder will receive all of the proceeds from the Offering. The Company is not selling any ADSs in the Offering and will not receive any proceeds from the Offering.

    Morgan Stanley & Co. LLC and Goldman Sachs & Co. LLC are acting as the representatives of the underwriters of the Offering.

    The Offering is being made pursuant to an effective shelf registration statement on Form F-3 (including a prospectus) filed by the Company with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”). Before you invest, you should read the prospectus in the shelf registration statement and the related prospectus supplement and other documents the Company has filed with the SEC for more complete information about the Company and the Offering. The Offering will be made only by means of a prospectus and a related prospectus supplement relating to the Offering, copies of which may be obtained from Morgan Stanley & Co. LLC, Attention: Prospectus Department, 180 Varick Street, 2nd Floor, New York, New York 10014, and from Goldman Sachs & Co. LLC, Attention: Prospectus Department, 200 West Street, New York, New York 10282, by telephone at (866) 471-2526, or by email at prospectus-ny@ny.email.gs.com. A copy of the prospectus and the related prospectus supplement relating to the Offering may also be obtained free of charge by visiting EDGAR on the SEC’s website at www.sec.gov.

    This press release does not constitute an offer to sell or the solicitation of an offer to buy these securities, nor shall there be any sale of these securities in any state or jurisdiction in which such offer, solicitation or sale would be unlawful prior to registration or qualification under the securities laws of any such state or jurisdiction.

    Cautionary Note Concerning Forward Looking Statements

    This press release contains forward-looking statements within the meaning of Section 27A of the U.S. Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the “Securities Act”), and Section 21E of the Exchange Act. Such forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to, those regarding the expected number of ADSs to be sold in the Offering . Forward-looking statements generally can be identified by the use of such words as “may”, “will”, “expect”, “intend”, “estimate”, “anticipate”, “believe”, “continue” or other similar terminology, although not all forward-looking statements contain these identifying words. Such statements are subject to numerous important factors, risks and uncertainties that may cause actual events or results to differ materially from current expectations and beliefs, including, but not limited to, risks and uncertainties related to: the occurrence of any event, change or other circumstance that could impact the expected timing, completion or other terms of the Offering; the impact of general economic, industry or political conditions in the United States or internationally, as well as the other risk factors set forth under the caption  Item 3.D. “Risk Factors” in our most recent annual report on Form 20-F, and from time to time in the Company’s other filings with the SEC. The information contained in this press release is as of the date indicated above.  The Company does not undertake any obligation to release publicly any revisions to forward-looking statements to reflect later events or circumstances or to reflect the occurrence of unanticipated events.

    About Grupo Financiero Galicia S.A.:

    Grupo Financiero Galicia S.A. (Nasdaq: GGAL; Bolsas y Mercados Argentinos S.A./A3 Mercados S.A.: GGAL) is the main financial services holding company in Argentina, which seeks to create long-term value through its companies, providing savings, credit, investment, insurance, advice and digital solutions opportunities to people, companies and organizations, prioritizing customer experience and sustainable development.

    With more than 110 years of experience, Grupo Financiero Galicia S.A. is a group of financial services companies in Argentina, integrated by Banco de Galicia y Buenos Aires S.A.U. (Banco Galicia), GGAL Holdings S.A. (Galicia Más Holdings), Tarjetas Regionales S.A. (Naranja X), Sudamericana Holdings S.A. (Galicia Seguros), Galicia Asset Management S.A.U. (Fondos Fima), IGAM LLC (Inviu), Galicia Securities S.A.U. (Galicia Securities), Agri Tech Investment LLC (Nera), Galicia Ventures LP and Galicia Investments LLC (collectively referred to as Galicia Ventures), and Galicia Warrants S.A. (Warrants).

    Investor Contact:

    Mr. Pablo Firvida
    Investor Relations Officer
    www.gfgsa.com 
    +5411 6329 4881
    inversores@gfgsa.com 

    THE TERMS AND CONDITIONS OF THE OFFERING WILL BE NOTIFIED IN ARGENTINA PURSUANT TO AN HECHO RELEVANTE, SOLELY FOR INFORMATIONAL PURPOSES, BUT SUCH NOTICE WILL NOT CONSTITUTE AN OFFER OF SECURITIES FOR SALE IN ARGENTINA.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Highlights – Exchange of views with Ioannis Tsakiris, Vice-President of the EIB – Special committee on the Housing Crisis in the European Union

    Source: European Parliament

    On 16 June, HOUS Members will hold an exchange of views with Ioannis Tsakiris, Vice-President of the European Investment Bank (EIB).

    Vice-President Tsakiris will provide an overview of the recently approved EIB housing action plan.

    The meeting will also offer insight into selected projects to showcase how the EIB is assisting cities, regions and the construction sector in the development and renovation of affordable and energy efficient housing solutions.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Need for a permanent ceasefire and the escalation of violence in the West Bank – E-000985/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    The European Council in March 2025[1] deplored the breakdown of the ceasefire in Gaza, and called for an immediate return to the full implementation of the ceasefire-hostage release agreement.

    It stressed the need for a ceasefire leading to the release of all hostages and a permanent end to hostilities. Joint statements by the High Representative/Vice-President, the Commissioner for the Mediterranean and the Commissioner for Humanitarian Aid and Crisis Management on the importance of lifting the blockade on humanitarian aid into Gaza were issued on 12 April 2025[2] and 7 May 2025[3].

    The EU has been consistently calling for the immediate resumption of humanitarian aid at scale into Gaza and encouraged all similar appeals.

    The EU remains committed to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on the two-state solution in accordance with the international law and relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions.

    The EU continues its efforts promoting a political process through the Global Alliance for the implementation of the two-state solution. The EU also continues to support the Palestinian Authority[4] to address its most pressing needs, build institutional capacities, and implement its reform agenda.

    At the EU-Palestine High-Level Political Dialogue, which took place on 14 April 2025 in Luxembourg, the Commission proposed a multiannual Comprehensive Support Programme[5] worth up to EUR 1.6 billion, to foster Palestinian recovery and resilience for 2025-2027.

    It is structured around three pillars: 1) Support to services for Palestinian people (EUR 620 million in grants of direct assistance); 2) Support to recovery and stabilisation of the West Bank and in Gaza (EUR 576 million in grants, including EUR 82 million per year for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East); and 3) Support for the private sector (up to EUR 400 million of European Investment Bank in loans).

    • [1] https://www.consilium.europa.eu/media/viyhc2m4/20250320-european-council-conclusions-en.pdf.
    • [2] https://north-africa-middle-east-gulf.ec.europa.eu/news/joint-statement-high-representative-kallas-and-commissioners-suica-and-lahbib-humanitarian-situation-2025-04-12_en.
    • [3] https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/de/statement_25_1155.
    • [4] This designation shall not be construed as recognition of a State of Palestine and is without prejudice to the individual positions of the Member States on this issue.
    • [5] https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_25_1055.
    Last updated: 10 June 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Duckworth, Durbin Join Van Hollen, Klobuchar and Colleagues in Pressing Administration for Answers on Cancelled Protected Status for Afghans Living in U.S.

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Illinois Tammy Duckworth
    June 10, 2025
    Decision could endanger thousands of Afghans, including many who supported U.S. efforts during the war in Afghanistan
    [WASHINGTON, D.C.] – U.S. Senator Tammy Duckworth (D-IL) and U.S. Senate Democratic Whip Dick Durbin (D-IL) joined U.S. Senators Chris Van Hollen (D-MD) and Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) and U.S. Representative Glenn Ivey (D-MD-04) in leading 96 of their colleagues in pressing for answers from the Department of Homeland Security and Department of State around the decision to terminate Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Afghan nationals living in the United States. The lawmakers’ letter, sent to Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, notes the devastating impact of this decision, including on the many Afghans who supported the U.S. military during the war in Afghanistan and who face significant danger upon their return.
    “We write with deep concern about the Department of Homeland Security’s termination of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Afghanistan, which is scheduled to take effect on July 14, 2025. This decision is devastating for resettled Afghan nationals in the United States who have fled widespread violence, economic instability, challenging humanitarian conditions, and human rights abuses in their home country. Many of these Afghans fearlessly served as strong allies to the United States military during the war in Afghanistan, and we cannot blatantly disregard their service. We respectfully ask that you redesignate Afghanistan for TPS to ensure Afghan nationals in the U.S. are not forced to return to devastating humanitarian, civic, and economic conditions,” the lawmakers wrote.
    They go on to note, “The Secretary of Homeland Security ‘may designate a foreign country for TPS due to conditions in the country that temporarily prevent the country’s nationals from returning safely, or in certain circumstances, where the country is unable to handle the return of its nationals adequately.’  This is why, following the withdrawal of American troops and the return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan, in May 2022 the U.S. designated Afghanistan for TPS.”
    “The grave conditions that forced Afghan nationals to flee and seek refuge in the U.S. following the return of the Taliban to power remain. Because of this harsh reality, forcing Afghan nationals in the U.S. to return to Afghanistan would be reckless and inhumane, and would threaten the safety and well-being of thousands of individuals and families, especially women and girls,” they stress.
    The lawmakers close the letter urging the Administration to reverse course and seeking the following information:
    Any reports that credibly determine that conditions have improved in Afghanistan since 2023. 
    Details on how the Administration made the determination that “there are recipients who have been under investigation for fraud and threatening our public safety and national security” and how widespread these allegations of fraud and threats are.
    A description the collaboration with the Department of Homeland Security and Department of State to reach the determination that Afghanistan no longer meets the conditions for designation for TPS.
    Any reports that indicate the Taliban is no longer a threat to Afghan nationals that assisted the United States military during the war in Afghanistan.
    The steps being taken to ensure that Afghan nationals who previously had TPS will not be sent back to persecution or torture in Afghanistan
    Duckworth has been an outspoken leader in calling for the protection of our Afghan allies who’ve aided the United States during the war in Afghanistan. During July of 2021, after learning of and encountering problems with the efficiency of employment verification for applicants in the Afghan Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) program, Duckworth wrote to Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin asking them to take immediate action to fix the problem. By the fall, DoD responded to Duckworth’s request to confirm they have taken steps to in line with her suggestions to improve the process through Project Rabbit, a program designed to simplify the employment verification process for Afghan employees who have applied for a SIV.
    In addition to Duckworth and Durbin, U.S. Senators Van Hollen (D-MD), Klobuchar (D-MN) and U.S. Representative Ivey (D-MD-04), the letter was signed by U.S. Senators Alsobrooks (D-MD), Baldwin (D-WI), Blumenthal (D-CT), Booker (D-NJ), Coons (D-DE), Cortez Masto (D-NV), Fetterman (D-PA), Gillibrand (D-NY), Heinrich (D-NM), Hirono (D-HI), Kaine (D-VA), Kelly (D-AZ), Kim (D-NJ), King (I-ME), Markey (D-MA), Padilla (D-CA), Reed (D-RI), Rosen (D-NV), Sanders (I-VT), Schiff (D-CA), Smith (D-MN), Warner (D-VA), Warnock (D-GA), Welch (D-VT) and Wyden (D-OR) and U.S. Representatives Gabe Amo (D-RI-01), Ansari (D-AZ-03), Balint (D-VT-At-Large), Bell (D-MO-01), Beyer (D-VA-08), Budzinski (D-IL-13), Carbajal (D-CA-24), Carter (D-LA-07), Casten (D-IL-06), Castro (D-TX-20), Chu (D-CA-28), Clarke (D-NY-09), Cleaver (D-MO-05), Courtney (D-CT-02), Dean (D-PA-04), DeGette (D-CO-01), DelBene (D-WA-01), Elfreth (D-MD-03), Evans (D-PA-03), Fields (D-LA-06), Garcia (D-CA-42), García (D-IL-04), Garcia (D-TX-29), Goldman (D-NY-10), Gomez (D-CA-34), Gonzalez (D-TX-34), Gottheimer (D-NJ-05), Hayes (D-CT-05), Jackson (D-IL-01), Jayapal (D-WA-07), Johnson (D-GA-04), Johnson (D-TX-32), Kaptur (D-OH-09), Keating (D-MA-09, Kelly (D-IL-02), Kennedy (D-NY-26), Krishnamoorthi (D-IL-08), Landsman (D-OH-01), Larson (D-CT-01), Latimer (D-NY-16), Levin (D-CA-49), Lieu (D-CA-36), Lofgren (D-CA-18), Lynch (D-MA-08), McClain Delaney (D-MD-06), McClellan (D-VA-04), McCollum (D-MN-04), McGovern (D-MA-02), Meeks (D-NY-05), Mfume (D-MD-07), Moulton (D-MA-06), Norton (D-DC-At-Large), Olszewski (D-MD-02), Pallone (D-NJ-06), Panetta (D-CA-19), Peters (D-CA-50), Raskin (D-MD-08), Sánchez (D-CA-38), Scanlon (D-PA-05), Schakowsky (D-IL-09), Sherman (D-CA-32), Sorensen (D-IL-17), Subramanyam (D-VA-10), Swalwell (D-CA-14), Titus (D-NV-01), Tlaib (D-MI-12), Tokuda (D-HI-02), Tonko (D-NY-20), Vargas (D-CA-52), Veasey (D-TX-33) and Watson Coleman (D-NJ-12).
    The full text of the letter is available on Senator Duckworth’s website and below.
    Dear Secretary Noem and Secretary Rubio:
    We write with deep concern about the Department of Homeland Security’s termination of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Afghanistan, which is scheduled to take effect on July 14, 2025. This decision is devastating for resettled Afghan nationals in the United States who have fled widespread violence, economic instability, challenging humanitarian conditions, and human rights abuses in their home country. Many of these Afghans fearlessly served as strong allies to the United States military during the war in Afghanistan, and we cannot blatantly disregard their service. We respectfully ask that you redesignate Afghanistan for TPS to ensure Afghan nationals in the U.S. are not forced to return to devastating humanitarian, civic, and economic conditions.
    The Secretary of Homeland Security “may designate a foreign country for TPS due to conditions in the country that temporarily prevent the country’s nationals from returning safely, or in certain circumstances, where the country is unable to handle the return of its nationals adequately.” This is why, following the withdrawal of American troops and the return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan, in May 2022 the U.S. designated Afghanistan for TPS. In September 2023, the U.S. extended and redesignated TPS for Afghanistan. The Administration’s decision to terminate TPS for Afghanistan negatively impacts approximately 9,000 Afghan nationals.
    In your announcement, you state that “there are notable improvements in the security and economic situation such that requiring the return of Afghan nationals to Afghanistan does not pose a threat to their personal safety due to armed conflict or extraordinary and temporary conditions.” But you also concede that threats of violence and terrorism, as well as humanitarian concerns, remain. The Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP), the Afghan affiliate of the Islamic State (ISIS), continues to launch attacks against ethnic and religious minorities and against the Taliban, leading to innocent civilian casualties. If Afghan nationals are forced to return to Afghanistan, they will be caught in the crossfire between the Taliban and ISKP. According to Human Rights Watch, in 2024, Taliban authorities intensified their crackdown on human rights, especially against women and girls. Women and girls are banned from attending secondary school or university and are unable to move freely. The Taliban also continues to detain and torture journalists, curtailing free speech and media. The 2023 U.S. State Department Human Rights Report covering Afghanistan found that women’s rights rapidly declined and restrictions on freedom of expression increased. The horrific human rights conditions in Afghanistan are unsafe for Afghan nationals to return to and returning would put their personal safety at immediate risk.
    We are also deeply concerned about the State Department Human Rights Report finding that widespread arbitrary and unlawful killings against officials associated with the pre-August 2021 government have occurred. Afghan nationals who assisted the U.S. military should not be put in harm’s way because they supported the U.S. in its fight against the Taliban. This would be a betrayal of those who bravely served alongside our servicemembers for nearly two decades.
    Afghan civilians still face devastating humanitarian and economic conditions. Over half of the population in Afghanistan needs urgent humanitarian assistance. Human Rights Watch reports that in 2024, 12.4 million people were facing food insecurity and 2.9 million were at emergency levels of hunger. The World Bank also found that in Afghanistan, as of May 2025, “per capita income has stagnated, while poverty and food insecurity remain pressing challenges, exacerbated by high unemployment and restrictions on women’s economic participation.” 
    The grave conditions that forced Afghan nationals to flee and seek refuge in the U.S. following the return of the Taliban to power remain. Because of this harsh reality, forcing Afghan nationals in the U.S. to return to Afghanistan would be reckless and inhumane, and would threaten the safety and well-being of thousands of individuals and families, especially women and girls.
    In August 2021, Americans welcomed Afghan nationals at Washington Dulles International Airport in Virginia with open arms, and we refuse to turn our backs on them now. We strongly urge you to reconsider your decision to terminate TPS for Afghanistan and ask that you respond to the following requests no later than two weeks of receipt of this letter:
    Please provide any reports that credibly determine that conditions have improved in Afghanistan since 2023.
    The TPS termination announcement stated that “there are recipients who have been under investigation for fraud and threatening our public safety and national security.” Please provide additional details on how the Administration made this determination and how widespread these allegations of fraud and threats are.
    Describe the collaboration with the Department of Homeland Security and Department of State to reach the determination that Afghanistan no longer meets the conditions for designation for TPS.
    Please provide any reports that indicate the Taliban is no longer a threat to Afghan nationals that assisted the United States military during the war in Afghanistan.
    What steps are you taking to ensure that Afghan nationals who previously had TPS will not be sent back to persecution or torture in Afghanistan?
    Thank you for your attention to this urgent matter and we hope to receive your responses soon.
    Sincerely,
    -30-

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Banking: Microsoft announces quarterly dividend

    Source: Microsoft

    Headline: Microsoft announces quarterly dividend

    MIL OSI Global Banks

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Financial news: The limit of payment under the European protocol for accidents with disagreements is doubled

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Central Bank of Russia –

    The maximum amount of compensation under OSAGO when drawing up documents about an accident without calling the police (Europrotocol) in case of disagreement between the participants of the accident increases from 100 thousand to 200 thousand rubles. You can count on compensation within this limit if there is photographic evidence of damage. This rule is provided by law, which was adopted by the State Duma.

    In the absence of disagreements, the terms of payment under the European protocol remain the same. The victim receives compensation of up to 400 thousand rubles with photo recording and up to 100 thousand rubles if there is no photo recording.

    The innovation will allow accident victims to receive a larger amount of insurance compensation under the Europrotocol in case of disagreement. This will contribute to the growth of accident registration without the involvement of the State Traffic Safety Inspectorate. According to the Bank of Russia, in 2024, more than 40% of all accidents reported in the OSAGO system were registered under the Europrotocol. The amount of insurance compensation in more than 80% of such cases was less than 100 thousand rubles.

    The rule on increasing the limit will come into effect 10 days after the official publication of the law.

    For more information on the procedure for registering an accident using the Europrotocol, see the section “Questions and Answers”.

    Preview photo: Slexp880 / Shutterstock / Fotodom

    Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    Please Note; This Information is Raw Content Directly from the Information Source. It is access to What the Source Is Stating and Does Not Reflect

    HTTPS: //VVV.KBR.ru/Press/Event/? ID = 24694

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Cortez Masto, Banks Introduce Legislation to Address Excessive Executive Pay Within Federal Home Loan Banks System

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Nevada Cortez Masto
    Washington, D.C. – U.S. Senators Catherine Cortez Masto (D-Nev.) and Jim Banks (R-Ind.) introduced the Curbing Unreasonable Remuneration at Banks (CURB) Act. This bipartisan legislation grants the Director of the Federal Housing Finance Agency the authority to set reasonable compensation levels for senior executives. 
    “While the Federal Home Loan Bank system has continued to fail to meaningfully invest in affordable housing and community development, it pays its executives millions each year,” said Senator Cortez Masto. “This bipartisan legislation gives the Federal Housing Finance Agency more oversight over FHLBanks executives’ compensation to help make sure the system delivers for working families.”
    “Federal Home Loan Banks exist to help Americans buy homes, not to pad the pockets of executives,” said Senator Banks.“This bill keeps FHLBs on mission and empowers President Trump and FHFA Director Pulte to eliminate excessive pay and waste of government resources.”
    Over the years, the Federal Home Loan Banks’ mission of supporting affordable housing and community lending has taken a back seat to incentivizing profit-driven behavior. As government-sponsored enterprises, FHLBs operate with public backing, including access to low-cost borrowing through government-implied guarantees and exemption from income tax, which gives them a unique responsibility to prioritize their mission and the public interest. However, a 2023 report from the FHFA indicated that executives earned bonuses tied to financial performance metrics that did not advance affordable housing goals. The CURB Act direct the Federal Housing Finance Agency to oversee and establish more reasonable salaries and bonuses.
    Full bill text can be found here.
    Throughout her time representing Nevada, Senator Cortez Masto has made reforming the Federal Home Loan Banks a cornerstone of her work. In April, Cortez Masto introduced the Federal Home Loan Banks’ Mission Implementation Act, which would ensure the FHLBanks are re-focused on their mission to support housing finance and community development. In Congress, Senator Cortez Masto has also highlighted the fact that Nevada has been treated unfairly by the system, and she has sought additional investment in Nevada by the FHLBank of San Francisco resulting in the first-in-the nation targeted Affordable Housing Program for the state.

    MIL OSI USA News