Category: Child Poverty

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Press Briefing Transcript: European Department, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    April 25, 2025

    PARTICIPANTS:

     MR. HELGE BERGER, Deputy Director, European Department, IMF

     MS. OYA CELASUN, Deputy Director, European Department, IMF

     MR. ALFRED KAMMER, Director, European Department, IMF

    MODERATOR: 

    MS. CAMILA PEREZ, Senior Communications Officer, IMF

    *  *  *  *  *

    P R O C E E D I N G S

    (10:00 a.m.)

    MS. PEREZ: Hi everyone.  Thank you so much for joining today’s press conference on the European Economic Outlook.  I’m Camila Perez.  I’m a Communications Officer with the IMF.  We’re pleased to be joined today by Alfred Kammer, sitting next to me, Director of the European Department here at the IMF.  Also, with us we’ve got Oya Celasun and Helge Berger, both Deputy Directors of the Department. 

    We’ll begin as usual with some opening remarks from Alfred, and then we’ll take your questions.  I see some colleagues joining online, so we will also go to your questions online.  Alfred, over to you. 

    MR. KAMMER: Welcome to this press conference on Europe. I have posted my opening remarks and also circulated.  You should have them.  So, I will just make a few points for emphasis. 

    First of all, in terms of the outlook, we have had a meaningful downgrade for Europe that reflects the impact of tariffs, partially compensated by an increase in infrastructure spending and defense spending, in particular from Germany.  But the biggest impact is coming from uncertainty and tighter financial conditions.  The impact is different for the Euro area versus CESEE (Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe).  CESEE is more affected as it has a larger manufacturing sector and is more exposed to tariffs. 

    Second point to make is when we are looking at the medium term, we see rather weak growth, and that has not changed from our previous outlook.  And that is a clear result of a large productivity gap Europe has to the global economy.  And that is something which clearly needs to be fixed.  We were talking about internal barriers; we are talking about financial barriers which need to be overcome.  So that’s part of the medium-term growth story, and that is something for the policy part. 

    On the policy recommendations, first, our recommendation is more trade is better and therefore we are very encouraged that the European Union is continuing to move forward on trade agreements.  Those who have been — which have been negotiated, they should be brought to a conclusion. 

    The second policy advice is on the monetary side.  In the Euro area, we had success in the disinflation effort.  We are forecasting now that we hit the target in the second half of 2025.  What does that mean for ECB monetary policy?  One more cut in the summer of 25 basis points and then keep the rate on hold at 2 percent until — unless major shocks ask for a recalibration of that monetary stance.  A bit different in CESEE, where inflation is more persistent and still higher, and there needs to be taken more caution in terms of the easing part.

    On fiscal consolidation, fiscal consolidation should continue.  Europe needs to build up buffers for the next shock.  But also, Europe needs to build fiscal space for long-term spending pressures, which we have on aging, health care, the energy transition, and of course, now an accelerated need is on defense spending. 

    Final point, focus needs to be on structural reforms.  In Europe, we have been making suggestions on reforms which could be taken at the EU level.  Draghi Letta, we have a shared diagnostic.  We also have an understanding of the policy solutions.  These reforms should be undertaken with urgency.  We selected a number of key reforms which are under discussion.  If we are looking at the benefit of the implementation, it would add 3 percent to the level of GDP in Europe.  So, these reforms need to be pushed forward with urgency. 

    There’s also a need for national structural reforms.  There’s lots of benefit to those.  Priority in Europe actually is on the labor market side, including on upskilling and reskilling of workers.  We put together, country by country, a set of priority reform areas.  If countries actually close the gap to the best-performing countries, best-practice countries in these areas by only 50 percent, it would give a boost to the level of GDP by 5 percent for advanced European countries, by 6 to 7 percent for CESEE countries and for the Western Balkan countries, the number is 9 percent increase in GDP.  So, the reform areas are discussed, the reform areas are agreed.  What now needs to happen is the political will, and that is not easy to overcome vested interests, but it needs to be done because this is to secure the future of Europe.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks so much, Alfred. We can now start with your questions.  We will go to the room.  Please raise your hand when called, identify yourself, name, and outlet.  We’re going to get started with the lady sitting here.  Thank you.  First row. 

    QUESTIONER: Hi, good morning.  Thank you for taking my question.  So, in recent weeks financial market has shown increasing pressure on U.S. Treasury while demand on the European debt appears to be rising.  Do you believe this shift represents a sustainable trend?  And more broadly, do you think that what some have termed European exceptionalism could eventually supplant the American exceptionalism in the global economic and financial order?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: First, to move to European exceptionalism. It’s still a long and hard road away, and it starts with utilizing the single market in order to create the productivity gains necessary actually to create markets to scale and to create financing to scale so that we get a dynamic business sector going.  And that is a must, which needs to be done in order to increase growth, and also, given all of the spending needs coming to secure the European welfare state. 

    On your other question, we should not overinterpret the shifts which have taken place on the portfolio side over the last few weeks.  When markets are adjusting, you would expect rebalancing to take place.  At this stage, way too early to say whether there has been a structural shift. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you, Alfred. We’re going to go now to the gentleman in the fourth row with the blue jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER: Mr. Kammer, Germany has been very praised here during the Spring Meetings for its new fiscal stimulus package.  But in Germany we have a little bit of different discussion.  A lot of economists criticize the lack of structural reforms in Germany.  Do you have already a first assessment of how the fiscal stimulus package could boost the weak German potential growth?  And do you think that the expenditures are in line with the EU fiscal rules, or must the EU fiscal rules be reformed again so that Germany just can spend the money in the end?  Thanks.

    MR. KAMMER: On your first question, yes, we do. And I hand over to Oya. 

    MS. CELASUN: Thank you very much. So, you’re asking how the fiscal stimulus will impact the German economy and how it fits in with the broader structural reform agenda.  So, it will bring some — blow some energy into the economy after several years of weak growth.  We don’t expect the ramp-up in expenditures to be very quick.  We expect the peak effect in 2026.  Basically in ’25, it will bring some partial offset to the increased drags we are seeing from the trade side from global uncertainty, weak consumer and business confidence.  But as we move into 2026 and 2027, it will be a dominant factor offsetting the expected ongoing drag from trade tensions.  So, it will certainly lift aggregate demand. 

    And the part on infrastructure spending is very welcome.  For years we’ve pointed to deficient public infrastructure as a factor holding back growth in Germany.  So not only will it help growth in the near-term through aggregate demand, but it should have, if fully spent, it should have an effect on lifting potential growth in the long-term as well.  It is one of the important areas we see for lifting potential growth as Germany moves into a period with weak growth in its workforce — in fact, a sharp contraction in the coming five years.  So that’s very welcome.  But there are other important areas.  One of them is cutting red tape, actually important for lifting public infrastructure spending as well.  It’s important for Germany to be a leader in pushing European integration and also deal with its shrinking labor force by helping women work full-time.  Thanks. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks, Oya. We’re —

    QUESTIONER: [off mic]

    MS. CELASUN: So maybe the important thing to mention is that Germany has fiscal space, it has low debt, it has low deficits, it has low borrowing costs. So that’s very important.  We, our own forecasts suggest that Germany, once you exclude defense spending of about 1.5 percent of GDP relative to 2021, will keep its deficits below 3 percent.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: We’re going to go now to the center. Gentlemen on the second row.  Thank. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you.  In the updated World Economic Outlook, the IMF downgraded its projection for Ukraine up to 2 percent this year compared with the November forecast, which was 2.5-3.5 percent.  Could you please elaborate on the aspects that have affected the current forecast?  What share of this is due to the global and regional slowdown, domestic factors, war, or external support?  And secondly, may I ask you to comment on the issue of debt restructuring for Ukraine?  Do you have communication with the Ukrainian government on this, and how do you evaluate the risks for Ukraine if they couldn’t reach a deal on this issue?  Thank you.

    MS. PEREZ: Let me see if there’s any other questions on Ukraine. The lady in the third row.  Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: I also want to ask you about the crisis and there are — have many — many different cases, many countries have had their debt written off.  And do you recommend the creditors write off part of Ukraine’s debt, and is this option being considered now?  Thank you.

    MR. KAMMER: So, let me start with a question on growth first. What we are seeing is lower growth momentum carrying forward from 2024.  That is a reflection of the bombing of the energy infrastructure and that is hampering the economy.  It’s also reflecting a very tight labor market and it’s reflecting continued uncertainty of the length of the war and how the war will evolve and affect the economy.  And that is clearly weighing on growth in 2025. 

    I should say, of course, and emphasize again that the Ukraine economic team, Minister of Finance, Central Bank Governor are doing an extraordinary job to maintain macro stability under these conditions and also to prepare the economy for a post-war reconstruction period.  And important for that is the need to work on the medium-term national revenue strategy because Ukraine will need revenue in order to provide all of the necessary service of a modern state and their support the reconstruction.  So, I think that’s very important.  But praise again for the economic team to operate and attain macro stability in this difficult situation. 

    On the debt part, what we are seeing is that there is a credible process underway with private creditors that is proceeding, and that is an important element of the Fund program.  So that in the end, under the Fund program, we are going to see that sustainability in Ukraine emerging. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you. We’re going to go to this side of the room.  The lady in the second row.  Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: Hi, good morning.  A question on the UK.  There’s a lot of speculation in the UK about a potential trade deal with the U.S.  Will it make any difference to growth?  And our finance minister was on the radio this morning saying our trading relationship with Europe was arguably even more important because they’re nearer to us.  Do you agree with that?

    MR. KAMMER: Helge?

    MR. BERGER: We agree with everybody who concludes that more trade is better than less trade. We understand that trade has been sort of in the past and will be in the future, I’m sure, an engine for growth and productivity improvements. So, in that spirit, sort of any trade agreements that the UK will be concluding with any country going forward that will improve sort of the trading relationships that they already have are very welcome.  And we would generally encourage all countries to follow this path. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you. We’re going to go.  The gentleman in the second row. 

    QUESTIONER: Hi. I was just wondering, during the meetings this week, there seem to be differing opinions among European leaders about the prospects of a trade deal with the United States.  The French saying they think perhaps a deal might be some way off.  The Germans expressing more optimism.  I just wondered from your vantage point how important you think it is that a deal be done for growth for the European Union and for Europe more broadly.  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, so clearly our message is more trade is better. Trade tensions are bad for growth.  And so, we are encouraging to have constructive negotiations.  And the U.S. is a large trading partner of the European Union, so we are hoping that there will be successful negotiations taking place.  And in our discussions with European leaders, I don’t sense any difference of views with regard to the importance of that relationship and that an effort needs to be made to de-escalate and to negotiate a deal. 

    MS. PEREZ: We’re going to go online now. Go ahead please.  You can unmute yourself. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Thank you so much.  Trade between Russia and Europe has shrunk dramatically due to sanctions and counter-sanctions.  How does the IMF characterize the current state of Russia-Europe trade flows?  Are we essentially seeing a permanent decoupling of the Russian economy from its European trading partners, or are there still significant economic interactions that could influence the outlook?  Moreover, what does the IMF foresee for the future of these trade relations?  Is any normalization expected within the forecast horizon, taking into account U.S. tariffs, or will they remain at minimal levels?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: So, it would be speculative on my side to pronounce on what the future will bring with regard to the European Russian relations. Fact is that there has been a decoupling taking place, or trade has been reduced quite considerably. And Russia, in response, has increased domestic production, import substitution, and reoriented trade relations, in particular to China and India.  So that has taken place.  When we are looking at the Russian economy, what we are seeing is a quite sharp slowdown this year from last year’s growth, and that shows the strain the war is imposing on the Russian economy.  Importantly, what we see is if this isolation of Russia is going to continue, it will impact, of course, on the transfer of technology.  And we are forecasting that potential growth in Russia has fallen significantly to 1.2 percent.  And with such a potential growth rate, it will not converge to Western European living standards.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks. We’re going to go with the first row.  The gentleman in the jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you.  Italy’s growth forecast was cut in half, almost from 0.7 to 0.4.  Was it just on account of trade or for other factors?  And if you have any policy recommendation for the government.  And also, another question on the ECB, you are recommending that they cut 2 percent.  Most economists expect the rate to go down below 2 percent.  Are you suggesting they should stay at that level.

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, maybe I’ll start with the ECB question, and Helge can take the question on the growth performance of Italy. So, what we are seeing is that inflation is coming down as expected. The uncertainty at this stage is at the wage side.  But here we also see a slowdown, and we are expecting wages to converge to projections by the end of this year.  And the bottom line of this is that we expect that the inflation target of 2 percent will be sustainably met in the second half of 2025.  We will see that headline inflation may be a bit below and that reflects the impact of lower energy prices.  We will see that core inflation may stay a bit above 2.  The bottom line on our side is we are looking at a monetary policy stance which will maintain sustainably this inflation rate at 2 percent.  And we are seeing that can be achieved with another 25-basis point cut and then hold at 2 percent.  We don’t see a need for going lower than 2 percent. 

    This, of course, is subject to major shocks affecting the monetary policy stance in the future.  We should not forget.  And we are emphasizing major shocks because the impact on monetary policy on inflation is not going to become evident within the first 18 months.  So, this is a long-term endeavor whenever you are changing the monetary stance.

    MS. PEREZ: Helge. 

    MR. BERGER: Italy.  So, thanks for the question.  The downgrade as in 2025, this year, 2.4 from 0.7, and next year from 0.9 to 0.8, is roughly in line what we have seen in other countries.  So, there are two factors at play.  One is the trade tensions.  They have a direct element, so there’s an exposure to tariffs.  But there’s also trade uncertainty.  And this uncertainty has also left its marks on financial conditions which have tightened.  So, all these factors sort of slow down growth. 

    In ’26, the downgrade is a bit lower because some of these effects are less urgent.  But we also do have some countervailing factors such as the NRP public investment surging as the program comes to an end.  And that’s something we welcome.  The government is making good progress in this area, and we like the public investment and reforms attached to it.  It is also clear that after ’26, when this program is over, there is an opportunity to ramp up domestic structural reforms.  The country has a comprehensive agenda which we encourage it to continue on.  That includes reforms in education and upskilling, includes business environment reforms.  And finally, labor market participation is a perennial issue in Italy, as we heard.  It’s also an issue in other countries, but I think Italy is part of this. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go towards the back of the room.  The lady in the light green jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thank you.  I would like to ask about Turkish economy.  In the World Economic Outlook report, unlike most countries, we see a slight upward revision in Türkiye’s growth forecast this year.  And the country’s economic growth is also projected to accelerate next year.  How do you assess the current state of Turkish economy?  Also, how does the IMF view the country’s progress in controlling inflation? 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, so what we are seeing under growth performance is to some extent a carryover from a very strong momentum in the second half of 2024.  And that led to a growth upgrade, a small one, but compensating.  And that is important for the negative impact of tariffs and uncertainty on the outlook. 

    With regard to the government’s disinflation program that is moving forward.  The economic team is implementing disinflation program.  Our recommendation remains, disinflation should happen faster and that requires a tighter macroeconomic policy mix.  And the linchpin of that needs to be tighter fiscal policy.  And why do we advocate that?  The longer the disinflation effort is dragging out the longer the time of vulnerability and being hit by shocks which we don’t know yet to even think about it.  So, disinflation program accelerate linchpin is tied to fiscal policy. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go with the gentleman on the fifth row.  Thank you. 

    QUESTIONER:  Good afternoon.  Mr. Kammer, you strongly advocate trade agreements between Europe and other countries.  As you well know, France is quite reluctant to sign the Mercosur Agreement.  The whole political spectrum is very reluctant, saying that there are issues on farming and environment.  What would you say to convince France and other maybe reluctant countries to sign this Mercosur Agreement? 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, I would say first, it’s not just Mercosur.  Mercosur is one aspect.  There are other trade agreements in place.  And when you’re looking at the success of technology and of trade in terms of lifting up living standards globally, is just immense.  It’s not just putting people out of poverty, it is helping the rich world also grow richer. 

    There’s no question that whenever you have technological changes or when you are getting rid of trade barriers, that some sectors and some industries and the people working there will be negatively affected.  And on that our recommendation has always been and continues to be, and this has to be a continuous focus when you’re looking at the transformation which will be triggered by technological progress and artificial intelligence in particular, to make sure that the people have a social safety net to fall into.  It’s one part. 

    But then also, and that is as important, and that needs to be strengthened, to upskill skills of the labor force so that they find jobs in growing new dynamic sectors.  And that has to be a focus.  If I see one model which works and worked very well in the global economy, it’s the Flexicurity program in Denmark, which allows workers to move to jobs quickly, including getting the reskilling and upskilling.  And I think that needs to be the focus. 

    But it’s very clear we need to take care of those who are displaced and who are losing their jobs.  And we know how to do this, but it needs to be done. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go to the first row here, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thank you.  In the context of European and European market integration, do you see that it’s possible Bulgaria to become next member of the euro area in the next year?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: The answer is definitely yes.  But Helge, you may want to elaborate. 

    MR. BERGER: Thanks for the setup.  So, yes, we’re following this closely, of course.  I think it’s clear that Bulgaria has made major progress towards fulfilling the conditions for the access to the eurozone.  We have seen deficits in line with the EU fiscal framework of 3 percent.  We have seen inflation coming down.  So, the next step is for the European authorities to speak to this, the European Commission, the ECB, will speak to accession and then we expect the process to continue.

    From our end, this would be a welcome step for the country.  EU accession, sorry, euro accession means lower trading costs, more beneficial environment for the FDI flows, and so on.  So, there’s, there are a lot of upsides for the country, but of course it should enter strongly, just as strongly as it has performed in the last few years.  That means sort of taking care of fiscal policy, remain prudent, have an open eye on any financial sector risks that could come, including from accession, and last, not least, sort of work to complete the structural form agenda that the government has.  You know, you want to enter the euro, but you want to enter it on a strong footing. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go online now.  Olena, please unmute yourself.

    QUESTIONER:  Hi, everyone.  I have a question related to Europe.  Although you mentioned that increased defense spending is an upside risk, do you think that trade wars and tariffs can undermine its role for growth on European continent?  And if we compare, how do you evaluate the implementation of your policy recommendations by Europe comparing to the previous outlook? 

    MR. KAMMER: Sorry, I didn’t get the last part. 

    QUESTIONER:  How do you evaluate the implementing of policy recommendations in Europe comparing to your previous outlook? 

    MR. KAMMER: Okay, good.  So, clearly tariffs do have an impact and the longer they last, the more pronounced the impact will be, including on the medium-term outlook.  And therefore, our call on talking in terms of de-escalating and negotiating agreements, but also in general the idea of trade matters and more trade is better to look for new opportunities to lower trade barriers. 

    When it comes to our recommendations with regard to Europe, I would say on the macroeconomic front, both on the monetary policy side and also on the fiscal policy side, the right steps were taken, and the right steps are being implemented.  And clearly, on the monetary policy side, they are already showing the results.  Monetary policy, again, showed that it works in order to bring inflation down.  That was doubted at one point in time over the last few years.

    Where we seem to be repeating our policy recommendations is under EU reforms and also under structural reform sides.  And those reform areas are more difficult to tackle.  They are facing political economy considerations and resistance.  And so, clearly what we are happy about is that there is a shared diagnostic and there is a shared understanding of the policy solutions. 

    And I could tell you in our discussion with the European policymakers during these meetings, that is the case.  They all agree on the diagnostics and they all agree also on what needs to be done on the policy solution side.  And what we discussed was, so how to actually do it.  There’s willingness to do it, but it is some of the things are technical.  But there’s a lot of resistance, of course, from certain sectors and in certain countries towards change.  And what one needs to consider is maybe have a bigger approach to that and to start not discussing and negotiating just individual areas of reform where you have perceived winners and losers, but to think about more of a package deal where everybody can see something which is a win situation, and they need to make compromise on other parts. 

    I think on our side, what we are trying to do in messaging, it is very little understood, and it’s not really communicated by policymakers and politicians of the huge value an integrated single market is created for Europe.  You usually hear a point towards net contribution to a very small European budget, which is 1 percent of European GDP.  That is just a rounding mistake in the bigger scheme of things, of what wealth that single market already has created for all of the member countries and what it can create in the future by deepening this market.  And I think that is something where we are trying to help policymakers with, to change that narrative that Europe is a burden.  No.  Europe is a winner for all the 27 countries which are participating in the European Union.  And I think that’s an important message to make. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re running out of time, so we’ll take one or two more questions.  We’re going to go with the gentleman on the fifth row, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thanks.  I have two questions.  One is, could you a little bit elaborate more on your policy advice?  For example, in Austria we have a big debate about should wage costs go down in order to bring back industry.  But if I’m correct, I hear that you see more potential in kind of a stronger integration in Europe. 

    And my second question is, I was just at the Peterson Institute where they said basically that this 10 percent appreciation of the euro versus the dollar is more or less equivalent to the 20 percent additional tax.  So what was your assumption on the exchange rate of the dollar and the euro?  And is there a danger that this might lead to more trouble if the dollar keeps getting weaker?  Thanks.

    MR. KAMMER: Mm-hmm.  Oya, do you want to take this question? 

    MS. CELASUN: Sure.  On the Austrian side, basically what we have, we’ve recently concluded a consultation with Austria and the reforms that we found to be the most important ones were to lift female and elderly labor force participation because Austria, like others, is aging rapidly.  And for that, childcare and elder care availability and access are very important.  Also, Austria is yet another country where we would see a strong push, we would like to see a strong push for European integration.  Especially the regulatory growth financing environment for startups need to be bolstered and that those require, in our view, reforms at the European level. 

    On the second side, I don’t think I caught everything. 

    MR. KAMMER: Okay.  So, on the euro, first of all, we shouldn’t translate swings and volatility into long-term trends.  We need to be careful about that.  But, of course, the exchange rate will have an impact on Europe, including on the inflation outlook, if persistent.  But what I would point towards is, there is a narrative out there that Europe is not competitive.  And that narrative is actually wrong.  Europe is competitive.  Europe has a current account surplus versus the rest of the world.  What we are arguing is that Europe has a gap in its productivity and in particular a gap in labor productivity.  And it is that to focus on in order to actually create more income.  And that’s the important stuff. 

    Now, how to deal with changes in the external environment.  The key message to Europe for that is external shocks are going to persist.  Transformations will have to take place because technology is moving, energy security needs to be established.  The green transition is a key policy priority for Europe.  And for that we need a more dynamic business sector.  And we don’t have that in Europe.  When you’re looking at startups in particular, it’s not that Europe doesn’t have the capacity to innovate, it does.  Does Europe have the startups?  Europe has the startups.  But we don’t have the environment for these startups to flourish.  They don’t need bank loans, bank loans need collateral.  And many of the startups are in the intellectual sphere in terms of what they’re providing.  And so, what you need for that is risk capital, equity and venture capital for those startups to move forward.  Many will die, but there will be winners, and they need to scale up.  And for that you need to have this risk capital.  And what happens right now is they’re going to the U.S. for that.  And that’s one part of the business dynamism which is actually taken away from Europe because companies cannot scale up.  We have these internal barriers. 

    And companies cannot scale up because we have the financial barriers.  And the financial barriers are, in Europe, we don’t have deep capital markets which can provide debt risk capital to these young startups.  We have an abundance of small and medium-sized enterprises in Europe and when you’re looking at comparison to the U.S. these small and medium term and medium sized enterprises, they are old, and their productivity is not that high.  But the young spectrum is missing.  And when we have successes, then you need to for these success stories to have the market to operate in and scale up.  We don’t yet.  And you need the capital for those companies to grow to scale.  And again, many of these companies who reach that state, they list at the New York Stock Exchange because European capital markets are too small. 

    So, if I point towards a big issue in order to address many of the problems we are seeing in the future, it must be a more dynamic business sector, including more exit of firms which are not viable. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you so much.  I’m afraid we’re going to have to leave it here, but please do come to us bilaterally for the questions we couldn’t take.  I would like to thank our speakers and thank you here, joining us, and colleagues joining us online with this.  We can wrap it up.  Have a good day everyone. 

    MR. KAMMER: Thank you. 

    *  *  *  *  *

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Camila Perez

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Press Briefing Transcript: African Department, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    April 25, 2025

    PARTICIPANTS:

    Speaker: ABEBE AEMRO SELASSIE, Director, African Department, IMF

    Moderator: KWABENA AKUAMOAH-BOATENG, Communications Officer, IMF

    *  *  *  *  *

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening to all of you here in the room and those joining us online. My name is Kwabena Akuamoah-Boateng.  I am with the Communications Department of the IMF, and

    I will be your moderator for today. 

    Welcome to today’s press briefing on the Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa. I am pleased to introduce Abebe Aemro Selassie, Director of the IMF’s African Department.  Abebe will share key insights from our new report titled Recovery Interrupted

    But before I turn to Abebe, a reminder that we have simultaneous interpretation in French and Portuguese, both online and in the room.  And the materials for this press briefing, the report, are all available online at IMF.org/Africa. Abebe, the floor is yours.

    MR. SELASSIE: Good morning and good afternoon to colleagues joining us from the region and beyond. Thank you for being here today for the release of our April Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa.

    Six months ago, I highlighted our region’s sluggish growth, and the steep political and social hurdles governments had to overcome to push through essential reforms.  Today, that fragile recovery faces a new test: the surge of global policy uncertainty so profound it is reshaping the region’s growth trajectory.

    Just when policy efforts began to bear fruit, with regional growth exceeding expectations in 2024, the region’s hard-won recovery has been overtaken by a sudden realignment of global priorities, casting a shadow over the outlook.  We now expect growth in Sub-Saharan Africa to ease to 3.8 percent in 2025 and 4.2 percent in 2026, marked down from our October projections, and these have been driven largely by difficult external conditions: weaker demand abroad, softer commodity prices, and tighter financial markets.

    Any further increase in trade tensions or tightening of financial conditions in advanced economies could further dampen regional confidence, raise borrowing costs further, and delay investment.  Meanwhile, official development assistance to Sub-Saharan Africa is likely to decline further, placing extra strain on the most vulnerable population.

    These external headwinds come on top of longer-standing vulnerabilities. High debt levels constrain the ability of many countries to finance essential services and development priorities.  While inflationary pressures have moderated at the regional level, quite a few countries are still grappling with elevated inflation, necessitating a tighter monetary stance and careful fiscal policy.

    Against this challenging backdrop, our report underscores the importance of calibrating policies to balance growth, social development, and macroeconomic stability.  Building robust fiscal and external buffers is more important than ever, underpinned by credibility and consistency in policymaking.

    In particular, there is a premium on policies to strengthen resilience: mobilize domestic revenue, improve spending efficiency, and strengthen public finance management and fiscal framework and fiscal frameworks to lower borrowing costs.  Reforms that enhance growth, improve the business climate, and foster regional trade integration are also needed to lay the groundwork for private sector-led growth.  High growth is imperative to engender the millions of jobs our region needs. 

    A strong, stable, and prosperous Sub-Saharan Africa is important for its people but also the world.  It is the region that will be the main source of labor and incremental investment and consumption demand in the decades to come.  External support as the region goes through its demographic transition is of tremendous strategic importance for the future of our planet. 

    The Fund is doing its part to help, having dispersed over $65 billion since 2020 and more than $8 billion just over the last year.  Our policy advice and capacity development efforts support more countries still. 

    Thank you and I’m happy to answer your questions. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Thank you, Abebe. Before we turn to you for your questions, a couple of ground rules, please. If you want to ask a question, raise your hand, and we’ll come to you.  Identify yourself and your organization and please limit it to one question.  For those online, you can use the chat function, or you can also raise your hand, and then we’ll come to you.  I will start from my right. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Thank you for taking my question.  You mentioned several things in your report.  The recovery that is going on the continent as well as some of the challenges that the continent is facing and the dividends that the continent currently has in its youth.  Leaders on the continent are working — I was at an event yesterday where they are looking at ways to raise funds to develop projects.  So, what is your recommendation for projects?  We’re seeing a need for projects like this as well as revenue mobilization on the continent.  So, is your recommendation to leaders on the continent on how to source these funds that are needed, given that some of the advanced economies are cutting back? 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, any related questions before we go to Abebe?

    QUESTIONER: Abebe, you just made the point that the recovery has been hit by these uncertainties.  Beyond just policy direction, is there any scope to do anything in terms of, for example, maybe you dispense some money though, but maybe a little more to expect — to countries that are coming off defaults and what have you to help in this recovery, even at such a time?  This is also aided by, beyond the fact that some are coming, they have no buffers whatsoever.  And then, coming from defaults, things become very difficult for some of these countries to even have the money to do this.  Could there be any extra funding, even if on a regional level, to back the policy prescriptions that you have proposed? 

    MR. SELASSIE: I think there’s two different points here. The first one is more of a broader meta point, whether financing is the only constraint that is hindering more investment, more robust economic activity, and job creation. Of course, financing plays a role, but it is not the only constraint. It depends on country-to-country circumstances, what sectors we are talking about.  But it really is important to recognize that there are many other things that can be done to engender higher growth to facilitate more investment. 

    One of the issues that we have seen in our region over the years is that a lot of growth has –in many countries– been driven by public spending and public investment for many years.  That, of course, has made a major contribution.  It has facilitated all the investment that we have seen in infrastructure, building schools, building clinics.  So, that has a role to play. But I would say that going forward it will be as important to see if we can find ways in which the private sector is the main engine of growth. So, there are reforms that can be done to facilitate this growth. 

    The second one I am sensing from both your questions is about the circumstance right now where a combination of cuts in aid [and] tighter financing conditions are causing dislocation [and difficulties for governments. We have been, more than anybody else, stressing just what a difficult environment our governments have been facing.  We have been talking about the brutal funding squeeze that countries are under.  It has ebbed a little bit and flowed, you know, like the external market conditions, for example. There have been periods when they have been opened and some of our market access countries have been able to borrow, and then other periods where they have been closed, and we are going through one right now.  And this is on top of the cuts in aid that we have seen and tighter domestic financing conditions.  

    When this more cyclical point is playing out, I think it’s important for countries to be a bit more measured in how they are seeking to tackle their development needs.  So, maybe it means a bit more relying on domestic revenue mobilization, expenditure prioritization when conditions are particularly difficult as they are now, and, as I said earlier, going back to see what can be done to find ways to engender growth over the medium-term.  But it is a difficult period, as we note in our report, and one that is causing quite a bit of dislocation to our countries. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: I will come to the middle. The lady in the front.

    QUESTIONER: My first question is around recovery, of course, your reports are called “interrupted”.  So, with recovery slipping, growth downgraded, debt pressures mountain, is Sub-Saharan Africa at risk of another lost decade?  Because in your report you mentioned that the last four years have been quite turbulent for Africa, and we are trying to get back on track.  What is IMF’s message on bold actions that leaders must take now to avoid being left behind in the global economy and to avoid Africa being in a permanent state of vulnerability?  Because we always hear that we are in a permanent state of vulnerability.  Then for Nigeria, macros are under threat right now.  How can the government — what are your suggestions on how the government can actually push through deep reforms that deliver tangible growth for its people?  Of course, for your report, you did mention the millions and millions of people that you know live below $2.15 a day. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Any more Nigeria questions? I will take the gentleman right here.

    QUESTIONER: In your report you said that debt has stabilized.  And when you look at Nigeria’s debt profile, what insights can you share as to where the borrowings are going to?  Are you seeing more of long-term loans or short-term loans?  So that’s one.  So, what — recently the World Bank expressed concerns about the performance of Nigeria’s statistical body, saying that the institution is performing Sub optimally.  Do you share that sentiment?  Thank you very much. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: I will take one more on Nigeria. The gentleman in the first row.

    QUESTIONER: I [would] like to know in specific terms, Nigeria has already undertaken several reforms, especially removed oil subsidies and floated the naira.  What more specific things do you expect of Nigeria in terms of reform?

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, thank you. Abebe?

    MR. SELASSIE: So, in terms of the reforms that have been going on in Nigeria and the particularities of the challenge, the first thing to note is that we have been really impressed by how much reforms have been undertaken in recent years. Most notably, trying to go to the heart of the cause of the macroeconomic imbalances in Nigeria, which are related to the fact that, oil subsidies were taking up a very large share of the limited tax revenues that the government have and not necessarily being used in the most effective way to help the most vulnerable people. The issues related to the imbalances on the external side with the exchange rate extremely out of line. 

    So it’s been really good to see the government taking these on, head-on, address those, and also beginning to roll out the third component of the reforms that we have been advocating for and of course, the government has been pursuing, which is to expand social protection, to target generalized subsidies to help the most vulnerable.  This has all been very good to see, but more can be done, particularly on the latter front, expanding social protection and enhancing a lot more transparency in the oil sector so that the removal of subsidies does translate into flow of revenue into the government budget.  So, there is still a bit more work to do in these areas. 

    We just had a mission in Nigeria where there was extensive discussions on these and other issues on the macroeconomic area, but also other areas where there is a need to do reforms to engender more private sector investment and also how more resources can be devoted to help Nigeria generate the revenues it so desperately needs to build more schools, more universities, and, of course, more infrastructure.  So, there is a comprehensive set of reforms that Nigeria can pursue that would help engender more growth and help diversify the economy away from reliance on oil.  And this diversification is, of course, all the more important given what we are seeing happening to commodity prices.  So, I think this is an important agenda. 

    Second, as the government is doing this, of course there will be a financing need.  And here what is needed is really a judicious and agile way of dealing with the financing challenges the country faces.  In the long run, the financing gap can only be filled by permanent sources such as revenue mobilization.  But in the interim, carefully looking at all the options the country must borrow in a contained way will be part of that solution.  And I think the government has been going about this prudently and cautiously so far, and we are encouraged by that. 

    And lastly, on data issues in Nigeria we really applaud the effort the government’s making to try and revise and upgrade data quality in Nigeria.  This task is not an easy one in our countries, given the extent of informality there is, given the extent of relative price changes that play out in our economies.  So doing this cautiously is what is needed methodically.  And that is exactly what we see happening.  We welcome, though, the efforts the government is making because without good data, it is difficult to make good policies.  So, we really applaud the effort the government is making to try and upgrade data quality. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We will take a round of questions online.

    QUESTIONER: There are bills in the UK Parliament and the New York State Assembly that aim to force holdout private creditors to accept debt treatments on comparable terms to other creditors and to limit or stop such litigation.  Are these bills needed, do you think, or is the current international debt architecture sufficient?  So, you know, IMF, DSAs, creditor groups, the common framework, where applicable. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Please go ahead with your question.

    QUESTIONER: Earlier this month, the IMF reached a staff-level agreement with Burkina Faso to complete the Third Review of the country’s program.  So as part of the review, the IMF allowed a greater fiscal flexibility, allowing Burkina Faso to raise its public deficit target to 4 percent, up from the 2 percent cap set by the West African Economic Monetary Union.  So, given that the country’s challenges, such as persistent insecurity, high social demands, are common across the region, wouldn’t it be wiser to consider applying this flexibility more broadly to the West African Economic Monetary Union?  And my second question will be about the downward revision of the growth forecast for 2025 and 2026 in Sub-Saharan Africa.  Does the IMF view this new crisis – I am talking about the global uncertainty and the recent U.S. tariff measures.  Does the IMF view this crisis as potentially more severe and with broader consequences for the region than previous shocks such as COVID and the war in Ukraine? 

    MR. SELASSIE: On the first question on debt workouts and the challenges there, I am not fully informed about the specifics of the bills that Rachel, you are talking about, indeed, we have seen from time to time some private creditor groups holding out, trying to hold out, but I am not sure that a bill is what’s needed, but rather, force of argument to try and bring people to the table. And in recent restructurings, at least I am not aware of this being the main hindrance in advancing discussions.  There have been many other factors, including just the complexity of the current creditor landscape, that have played a role. 

    On Burkina Faso, flexibility under the program or the deficit targets for the WAEMU countries more generally, just it is important to distinguish between particular years’ fiscal deficit targets that the government wants to pursue and we, incorporate in the program and just the more medium-term criteria, convergence criteria that there is for the WAEMU countries. 

    So, the 3 percent target criteria are for the medium- to long-term.  And it has been very clear that when there are shocks or when there are pressing social development needs, countries do have the scope to deviate from that.  In fact, often the constraint on the Sahel countries has been not having enough, sufficient, enough financing to be able to meet these to advance development objectives.  The other constraint of course is that overall, the more you exceed this 3 percent target and add to the overall debt burden, the more you are going to have – you are likely to build up debt vulnerabilities. 

    So, in the work that we do with countries, whether it is Burkina Faso or other WAEMU countries or indeed beyond, what we try and help with is of course to help countries strike this balance between addressing the immediate and pressing needs that they have while avoiding medium-term debt sustainability problems.  I think one is just thinking about how to strike this balance.  And then second, we put resources on the table very cheaply to help countries, avoid, at least in the near term, more difficult financing difficulties.  So, for Burkina and others, it is just about striking this balance.

    And on growth, whether this latest shock is as bad for the region as the previous ones. I think it is really important also to point out that as difficult, I mean the last four or five years have been incredibly difficult time for our countries, a lot of challenges, a lot of dislocation, but there is also been quite a lot of resilience, and I think that is important to stress.  I would note that, even now, it is this year, 11 out of the 20 fastest growing economies in the world are from Sub-Saharan Africa.  So, there are quite a lot of countries that are going to be sustaining significant growth in the region.  So, we should also not lose sight of this resilience. 

    Second, and more broadly, the buildup of uncertainties I think is very negative.  And this is interrupting what we are seeing in terms of a recovery.  But growth is not, we are not projecting growth to collapse.  And our hope is that as things calm down, the region can resume its growth trajectory also.

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We will take three more questions online, then we will come back to the room.

    QUESTIONER: I wanted to know about Senegal, in terms of whether funds would be repaid after the misreporting of data and if the IMF has learned anything from that?  And also, just if you can, the status of the IMF’s programs and even operations in Sudan and South Sudan? 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Please go ahead.

    QUESTIONER: The IMF is urging countries to focus on domestic revenue mobilization.  But you may have seen that South Africa’s Finance Minister has withdrawn the VAT increase that he had proposed in the budget, in the face of opposition from coalition partners.  Does the IMF see any alternative sources of revenue that are feasible for the South African government as the parties hoped?  And are there any lessons here for other countries trying to mobilize domestic revenue?                                                         

    QUESTIONER: Building on the question that Hilary has asked that the REO does make the case for domestic revenue mobilization, and you made that argument, I believe, in the last two Regional Economic Outlook reports as well.  But poverty is still endemic.  Incomes, as far as I can tell, have not really recovered to pre-pandemic levels.  So other than broadcast to tax exemptions what else can be done to raise tax-to-GDP ratios?  One last question on this.  Has there been any progress that has been made in the Sovereign Debt Roundtable in deciding how debt from Afreximbank, and Trade and Development Bank should be treated, at least under the common framework for countries like Ghana and Zambia?  Now, do they qualify to not have their debt restructured in the same way that the IMF, the World Bank’s credit lines?

    MR. SELASSIE: On Senegal, I was recently in Dakar for discussions building on work that our team has been doing. What we are waiting for is the government to finalize the work that’s ongoing.  Right now, the audits are going on and reconciliation work is going on. 

    On the extent of domestic and external debt.  We have been very clear in welcoming the transparency and really robust and collegial way in which the government has been engaging on the issues that have arisen in the misreporting case and we look forward to the numbers stabilizing, and engaging in discussions on the next steps in terms of bringing the, the findings to our Executive Board and next steps in our engagement with Senegal. 

    On South Sudan, it has just been a difficult period of course for South Sudan.  They have been hosting hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing from the conflict in the north.  The conflict has also interrupted, disrupted heavily their main source of tax revenue, oil exports through the pipeline.  So, it’s been a really wrenching period.  Over the last three, four years we have provided, you know, we have been trying to provide South Sudan with emergency financing and trying to find a way in which we can engage with a more structured longer-term program.  We remain hopeful that we are going to be able to do that.  But first and foremost, I think we need to see what can be done to make sure that the policy making environment is as robust and as strong as it is, and as transparent, so we can come in, step in and support South Sudan.

    On revenue mobilization, I want to just first link this to the point I made earlier that what we have observed and again there is a risk of generalizing, but what we’ve observed over the last 10, 15 years in the region is that governments have made a very significant effort to invest in really important infrastructure needs in building schools, in building health clinics and much else.  And you see very positive outcomes.  Look at the electricity coverage in our region, look at the human development indicators and how much they have moved over the years in the region. 

    But we have also seen that despite a lot of investment, for example, in electricity generation capacity and electricity coverage in our countries, many roads are being built.  The returns of all this investment have not been captured in the tax revenue, which is one of the points, the pressure points where debt levels have gone up and the interest-to-revenue ratio.  So, the interest payment-to-revenue ratio has also been rising.  And this has been one of the key points of vulnerability in many economies and why a few countries have gotten into debt difficulty and needed to restructure. 

    So going forward, I think it’s very clear that to be able to continue investing; to be able to continue expanding economies and the government doing its core function, it has to find more ways other than borrowing to address this. 

    Now, in the past, governments have been quick to cut spending, and that has, we found, again and again, to be very detrimental to development progress and growth outcomes.  I think this, again, at the risk of generalizing, was the approach that was generally pursued in the 1980s and found to be very problematic, very challenging, very depressing to growth.  So, we would very much love for countries to avoid this. When there are pressing spending needs, there’s generally only a couple of ways that you can finance this.  Spending cuts or revenue mobilization.  You can borrow, of course, but as I said, borrowing is not optimal. 

    Now, this doesn’t mean revenue mobilization is easy.  Far, far from it. It requires not only political engagement, but also a lot of communication, a lot of effort to show that the resources the government is trying to generate are going to be going to the right areas to help strengthen the social contract.  So, it’s a deep and engaged process, and we are very, very cognizant of that.  But I do think that this is the most optimal way, the most economically sensible way in which our countries can help address the tremendous development needs that we have.

    Now, specifically on South Africa, ultimately when issues like this arise, these are deeply domestic political issues to be resolved as to what the best way to do the financing is.  So, if a tax rate increase for a particular tax is not possible, then maybe finding ways to expand the tax base, maybe trying different tax angles or if all of those are not possible, then revisiting spending priorities may be one of the ways that countries must handle this.  And this is typically what we see playing out in countries in the region when financing constraints are binding. 

    So, whether it is in Kenya, South Africa, or other countries the issue of revenue mobilization is a live one, but one that is extremely complex.  We are very cognizant of that.  And one that requires quite a lot of consensus building, quite a lot of discussion to be able to advance, and of course, broader societal support.  And we absolutely see countries engaging in this and do what we can to help bring lessons from other countries where we are asked to.

    Then there was a question about the GSDR.  So, this Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable, this is the initiative launched by the Fund and the Bank to try and bring creditors and debtors together around the table to find ways in which debt work[outs] can be easier because you are discussing general principles rather than country-specific debt restructuring issues. And we have seen this making quite a lot of progress. Perhaps the most recent development has been the preparation of a debt work[out] playbook that is a very helpful document that has been put out building on the experience of recent work[outs].  What has worked particularly well.  What kind of information sharing ahead of debt work[outs] have been helpful in terms of accelerating debt processes.  Debt restructurings are one of the most contentious and challenging issues that there are between states, between creditors and debtors, and it requires quite a lot of discussion, and it is not such an easy thing to do, including what the parameter of debt should be.  I think one of the questions that was raised is about the debt parameter.  This is fundamentally an issue for the debtor countries and creditors to resolve, and intra-creditor disputes also have to be done. 

    So, in terms of the principles that generally we see creditors apply when these kinds of disputes arise about what the right parameter should be or not and who gets preferential treatment. I think there’s generally been two rules of thumb. One is that the terms in which new financing is being provided or the financing is provided, whether it’s commercial or concessional has been a factor that most creditors look at in terms of whether a particular credit should be included in the parameter or not, and then also the extent to which new financing is being made available.  So, what differentiates senior creditors like the IMF, the World Bank, of course, is that for most countries we operate providing concessional financing very long-term.  And we are the ones that come in and provide financing consistently through crisis and otherwise. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We have time for one more round of questions. I will start with the gentleman in the front here. 

    QUESTIONER: The U.S. is your largest shareholder, and we are seeing mixed messages this week from the Treasury Secretary mentioning that he remains committed to the Fund but also calling on you to hold countries accountable to program performance, empower staff to walk away if reform commitment is lacking. 

    So, I wanted to ask you, should we expect the IMF spigot to start closing in response to U.S. pressure?  Or if not, are you changing your approach to countries, what you are telling them and how to deal with their issues?  Are you being a little more stringent in your requirements? 

    You have talked about Senegal, maybe Ghana, Ethiopia, related to that issue of the U.S stepping in.  The CEMAC negotiations this week, we saw American energy companies working with the CEMAC on repatriation of funds dedicated to the rehabilitation of oil sites.  I’m wondering if you have a stance on that, what the IMF position is?  I understand the U.S is trying to get the IMF involved in that.

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, thanks. Gentleman. 

    QUESTIONER: Kenyan authorities here have indicated the need to present a credible fiscal framework as they try and unlock a new program for Kenya.  Would you offer more color into the discussions this week, noting again that the same credibility questions led to the cancellation or the termination of the program at its final review?  

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We have a question online “what is the IMF’s view on Kenya’s debt position?”

    MR. SELASSIE: So, on the first question, I would like to refer you to Kristalina who gave comprehensive responses to the Secretary’s IMFC Statement. What I want to add though is that in the region, in Sub-Saharan Africa, in terms of programs, the calibration of reforms, incorporation of reforms, I would say that we are always in terms of each program has its particularities and what we always try and do in these programs is make sure that we’re striking a balance of helping countries address the long term challenges and also the cyclical challenges that are often the ones that cause them to come to us.  And I would say that I don’t think there are many countries that think that the adjustment efforts that they’re being asked to make are easy ones.

    On CEMAC.  Just to be very clear there is this dispute that is going on between member states, the BEAC, and oil companies with respect to what are called restitution funds.  The funds under contracts that countries have with oil companies are meant to be available to help restore the sites where oil is extracted back to their pre-extraction standards. 

    What has been a bit frustrating is that we are not privy to the contents of these documents. We have been calling on members and the companies involved to be transparent about this, to publish these documents.  They are after all documents that are about how countries natural resource wealth are used.  And we’ve been on record going seven, eight, nine years pushing for production sharing agreements, the terms of these things to be published so that each side can hold the other accountable.  I think that is the first thing that could be done to bring more transparency and light and understanding to the rest of the world about what is going on in these discussions. 

    Second, we have also made it clear to both parties that given that we do not have full information, it is difficult for us to know what to say.  But in general, any encumbrances in terms of how we look at foreign exchange reserves and these standards are published, any encumbrances like the type that we think there may be in the document, i.e., that is the expectation that these resources will be used for specific purposes means they’re not general use reserves.  So, they would not be classified as part of reserves. 

    On Kenya, we have had a very strong engagement with Kenya over the years and will continue to have such engagement going forward.  As we have noted, government has asked for a follow-on program to try and address the remaining challenges in Kenya, and we are discussing how to do that including in the context of these meetings. 

    It has been good to hear and see that the economy has been performing quite well in some parts.  Particularly the external adjustment front seems to have been proceeding well.  The current account has been narrowing.  So, there are quite a lot of strengths.  But also of course there remain fiscal challenges which were a significant part of the last program’s objectives that need to be advanced.  So, we are going to engage with the government and do everything that we can to be able to help it go forward. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Unfortunately, that is all the time we have. So, if you have any questions that we didn’t get to, please send them to me or to Media at IMF.org and we will try and get back to you as soon as possible.  So, also to mention that the report is now available at IMF.org/Africa.  The Spring Meetings continue.  Later this morning, we have the press briefing for the European Department and later in the afternoon we have the IMFC, and the Western Hemisphere Department press briefings. 

    On behalf of Abebe and the African and Communications Departments, thank you all for coming to this press briefing and see you next time. 

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Kwabena Akuamoah-Boateng

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/04/25/tr-04252025-african-department-press-briefing-transcript

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Congressman Dan Goldman, Councilmember Zhuang, Food Assistance Orgs, Community Leaders, Highlight Rising Grocery Prices and Cost of Living Resulting from Trump’s Chaos

    Source: US Congressman Dan Goldman (NY-10)

    Trump’s Tariffs, Planned SNAP and Medicaid Cuts are Exacerbating City’s Affordability Crisis 

     

    Trump Administration Has Cut Essential Housing, Food, and Child Care Programs for Thousands of NYC Families 

     

    Egg Prices Have Risen 60.4% Since Last Year 

     

    See Pictures and Video from Press Conference Here 

     

     

    New York, NY – Congressman Dan Goldman (NY-10) today joined, NYC Council member Susan Zhuang, and community organizations – including the Chinese-American Planning Council, Parent Child Relationship Association, Homecrest Community Services, UA3, and the Center for Family Life in Sunset Park – as well as impacted constituents to highlight how Trump and the GOP are harming working New York families by driving up grocery prices and the overall cost of living. 

    Since beginning his second term in January, Donald Trump and New York Republicans have made grocery prices skyrocket with reckless tariffs and bad economic policy. Egg prices have risen over 60% since last March, while the average price of groceries has increased by 2.4% since 2024. His administration terminated a $1 billion emergency food assistance grant that New York City organizations depended on to feed New Yorkers in need, and his cuts to the emergency rental assistance program as well as child care programs like Head Start have impacted thousands of New Yorkers’ ability to afford the already high cost of living. To compound the issue, the GOP’s budget proposal would cut SNAP and Medicaid significantly, which over 5 million New Yorkers rely on for nutrition and health care. 

    “Donald Trump and the GOP’s reckless, self-serving agenda is breaking his campaign promises by making it harder than ever for working New Yorkers to put food on the table and provide for their families,” Congressman Dan Goldman said. “Grocery prices are soaring, and families are struggling across the country, all so that Trump and Congressional Republicans can hand out tax breaks to billionaires. After running on a platform to lower costs, Trump has completely abandoned working Americans with reckless and pointless tariffs that have skyrocketed everyday costs while pushing forward with massive cuts to government programs that help New Yorkers get by.  It is long past time that New York’s Republican members of Congress choose their constituents over Trump’s billionaire buddies.” 

    Councilmember Susan Zhuang said, “For years the cost of groceries, utilities, property taxes, and more has increased. Within the last few months, we’re watching those rates sky-rocket. I dedicate my time to make our community affordable because right now it’s difficult to put food on the table. We must pay attention to these rising costs and fight against it at the federal, state, and local levels.” 

    Wai Yee Chan, President & CEO of Homecrest Community Services, said, “As the cost of living continues to rise, our community is feeling the pressure. While tariffs aim to protect local industries and ensure fair trade, they can also contribute to higher prices for everyday goods. When businesses face increased import costs, those expenses are often passed on to consumers. Nearly half of our members shared this week that they are struggling to afford basic necessities like food and rent. At Homecrest Community Services, we are deeply concerned about the growing financial strain on working families. We will continue to keep a close eye on the situation and work with partners at all levels to find fair solutions—ones that help our economy grow without putting too much pressure on everyday New Yorkers.” 

    Nicole Huang, Executive Director of Parent Child Relationship Association, said, “Rising costs are not just numbers — they are daily struggles, especially for our most vulnerable communities.” 

    Congressman Goldman has made supporting working families a centerpiece of his time in office.  

    In February 2025, Congressman Goldman joined Congresswoman DeLauro in introducing the ‘American Family Act,’ which would codify the expired, COVID-19-era expanded monthly Child Tax Credit. Passed temporarily in the Congressional Democrats’ American Rescue Plan, the expanded Child Tax Credit reached more than 61 million children and lifted nearly 4 million out of poverty in 2021 alone. 
    In August 2024, Congressman Goldman cosponsored the ‘SNAP Theft Protection Act,’ which aims to update the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) to allow states to use existing SNAP funding to refund stolen benefits to victims of SNAP-related scams.   
    In July 2024, Congressman Goldman held a Summer Nutrition Town Hall to discuss food insecurity, share information about New York State’s Summer EBT program and its rollout, and provide resources to residents who would like to apply. 

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    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Press Briefing Transcript: African Department, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    April 25, 2025

    PARTICIPANTS:

    Speaker: ABEBE AEMRO SELASSIE, Director, African Department, IMF

    Moderator: KWABENA AKUAMOAH-BOATENG, Communications Officer, IMF

    *  *  *  *  *

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening to all of you here in the room and those joining us online. My name is Kwabena Akuamoah-Boateng.  I am with the Communications Department of the IMF, and

    I will be your moderator for today. 

    Welcome to today’s press briefing on the Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa. I am pleased to introduce Abebe Aemro Selassie, Director of the IMF’s African Department.  Abebe will share key insights from our new report titled Recovery Interrupted

    But before I turn to Abebe, a reminder that we have simultaneous interpretation in French and Portuguese, both online and in the room.  And the materials for this press briefing, the report, are all available online at IMF.org/Africa. Abebe, the floor is yours.

    MR. SELASSIE: Good morning and good afternoon to colleagues joining us from the region and beyond. Thank you for being here today for the release of our April Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa.

    Six months ago, I highlighted our region’s sluggish growth, and the steep political and social hurdles governments had to overcome to push through essential reforms.  Today, that fragile recovery faces a new test: the surge of global policy uncertainty so profound it is reshaping the region’s growth trajectory.

    Just when policy efforts began to bear fruit, with regional growth exceeding expectations in 2024, the region’s hard-won recovery has been overtaken by a sudden realignment of global priorities, casting a shadow over the outlook.  We now expect growth in Sub-Saharan Africa to ease to 3.8 percent in 2025 and 4.2 percent in 2026, marked down from our October projections, and these have been driven largely by difficult external conditions: weaker demand abroad, softer commodity prices, and tighter financial markets.

    Any further increase in trade tensions or tightening of financial conditions in advanced economies could further dampen regional confidence, raise borrowing costs further, and delay investment.  Meanwhile, official development assistance to Sub-Saharan Africa is likely to decline further, placing extra strain on the most vulnerable population.

    These external headwinds come on top of longer-standing vulnerabilities. High debt levels constrain the ability of many countries to finance essential services and development priorities.  While inflationary pressures have moderated at the regional level, quite a few countries are still grappling with elevated inflation, necessitating a tighter monetary stance and careful fiscal policy.

    Against this challenging backdrop, our report underscores the importance of calibrating policies to balance growth, social development, and macroeconomic stability.  Building robust fiscal and external buffers is more important than ever, underpinned by credibility and consistency in policymaking.

    In particular, there is a premium on policies to strengthen resilience: mobilize domestic revenue, improve spending efficiency, and strengthen public finance management and fiscal framework and fiscal frameworks to lower borrowing costs.  Reforms that enhance growth, improve the business climate, and foster regional trade integration are also needed to lay the groundwork for private sector-led growth.  High growth is imperative to engender the millions of jobs our region needs. 

    A strong, stable, and prosperous Sub-Saharan Africa is important for its people but also the world.  It is the region that will be the main source of labor and incremental investment and consumption demand in the decades to come.  External support as the region goes through its demographic transition is of tremendous strategic importance for the future of our planet. 

    The Fund is doing its part to help, having dispersed over $65 billion since 2020 and more than $8 billion just over the last year.  Our policy advice and capacity development efforts support more countries still. 

    Thank you and I’m happy to answer your questions. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Thank you, Abebe. Before we turn to you for your questions, a couple of ground rules, please. If you want to ask a question, raise your hand, and we’ll come to you.  Identify yourself and your organization and please limit it to one question.  For those online, you can use the chat function, or you can also raise your hand, and then we’ll come to you.  I will start from my right. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Thank you for taking my question.  You mentioned several things in your report.  The recovery that is going on the continent as well as some of the challenges that the continent is facing and the dividends that the continent currently has in its youth.  Leaders on the continent are working — I was at an event yesterday where they are looking at ways to raise funds to develop projects.  So, what is your recommendation for projects?  We’re seeing a need for projects like this as well as revenue mobilization on the continent.  So, is your recommendation to leaders on the continent on how to source these funds that are needed, given that some of the advanced economies are cutting back? 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, any related questions before we go to Abebe?

    QUESTIONER: Abebe, you just made the point that the recovery has been hit by these uncertainties.  Beyond just policy direction, is there any scope to do anything in terms of, for example, maybe you dispense some money though, but maybe a little more to expect — to countries that are coming off defaults and what have you to help in this recovery, even at such a time?  This is also aided by, beyond the fact that some are coming, they have no buffers whatsoever.  And then, coming from defaults, things become very difficult for some of these countries to even have the money to do this.  Could there be any extra funding, even if on a regional level, to back the policy prescriptions that you have proposed? 

    MR. SELASSIE: I think there’s two different points here. The first one is more of a broader meta point, whether financing is the only constraint that is hindering more investment, more robust economic activity, and job creation. Of course, financing plays a role, but it is not the only constraint. It depends on country-to-country circumstances, what sectors we are talking about.  But it really is important to recognize that there are many other things that can be done to engender higher growth to facilitate more investment. 

    One of the issues that we have seen in our region over the years is that a lot of growth has –in many countries– been driven by public spending and public investment for many years.  That, of course, has made a major contribution.  It has facilitated all the investment that we have seen in infrastructure, building schools, building clinics.  So, that has a role to play. But I would say that going forward it will be as important to see if we can find ways in which the private sector is the main engine of growth. So, there are reforms that can be done to facilitate this growth. 

    The second one I am sensing from both your questions is about the circumstance right now where a combination of cuts in aid [and] tighter financing conditions are causing dislocation [and difficulties for governments. We have been, more than anybody else, stressing just what a difficult environment our governments have been facing.  We have been talking about the brutal funding squeeze that countries are under.  It has ebbed a little bit and flowed, you know, like the external market conditions, for example. There have been periods when they have been opened and some of our market access countries have been able to borrow, and then other periods where they have been closed, and we are going through one right now.  And this is on top of the cuts in aid that we have seen and tighter domestic financing conditions.  

    When this more cyclical point is playing out, I think it’s important for countries to be a bit more measured in how they are seeking to tackle their development needs.  So, maybe it means a bit more relying on domestic revenue mobilization, expenditure prioritization when conditions are particularly difficult as they are now, and, as I said earlier, going back to see what can be done to find ways to engender growth over the medium-term.  But it is a difficult period, as we note in our report, and one that is causing quite a bit of dislocation to our countries. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: I will come to the middle. The lady in the front.

    QUESTIONER: My first question is around recovery, of course, your reports are called “interrupted”.  So, with recovery slipping, growth downgraded, debt pressures mountain, is Sub-Saharan Africa at risk of another lost decade?  Because in your report you mentioned that the last four years have been quite turbulent for Africa, and we are trying to get back on track.  What is IMF’s message on bold actions that leaders must take now to avoid being left behind in the global economy and to avoid Africa being in a permanent state of vulnerability?  Because we always hear that we are in a permanent state of vulnerability.  Then for Nigeria, macros are under threat right now.  How can the government — what are your suggestions on how the government can actually push through deep reforms that deliver tangible growth for its people?  Of course, for your report, you did mention the millions and millions of people that you know live below $2.15 a day. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Any more Nigeria questions? I will take the gentleman right here.

    QUESTIONER: In your report you said that debt has stabilized.  And when you look at Nigeria’s debt profile, what insights can you share as to where the borrowings are going to?  Are you seeing more of long-term loans or short-term loans?  So that’s one.  So, what — recently the World Bank expressed concerns about the performance of Nigeria’s statistical body, saying that the institution is performing Sub optimally.  Do you share that sentiment?  Thank you very much. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: I will take one more on Nigeria. The gentleman in the first row.

    QUESTIONER: I [would] like to know in specific terms, Nigeria has already undertaken several reforms, especially removed oil subsidies and floated the naira.  What more specific things do you expect of Nigeria in terms of reform?

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, thank you. Abebe?

    MR. SELASSIE: So, in terms of the reforms that have been going on in Nigeria and the particularities of the challenge, the first thing to note is that we have been really impressed by how much reforms have been undertaken in recent years. Most notably, trying to go to the heart of the cause of the macroeconomic imbalances in Nigeria, which are related to the fact that, oil subsidies were taking up a very large share of the limited tax revenues that the government have and not necessarily being used in the most effective way to help the most vulnerable people. The issues related to the imbalances on the external side with the exchange rate extremely out of line. 

    So it’s been really good to see the government taking these on, head-on, address those, and also beginning to roll out the third component of the reforms that we have been advocating for and of course, the government has been pursuing, which is to expand social protection, to target generalized subsidies to help the most vulnerable.  This has all been very good to see, but more can be done, particularly on the latter front, expanding social protection and enhancing a lot more transparency in the oil sector so that the removal of subsidies does translate into flow of revenue into the government budget.  So, there is still a bit more work to do in these areas. 

    We just had a mission in Nigeria where there was extensive discussions on these and other issues on the macroeconomic area, but also other areas where there is a need to do reforms to engender more private sector investment and also how more resources can be devoted to help Nigeria generate the revenues it so desperately needs to build more schools, more universities, and, of course, more infrastructure.  So, there is a comprehensive set of reforms that Nigeria can pursue that would help engender more growth and help diversify the economy away from reliance on oil.  And this diversification is, of course, all the more important given what we are seeing happening to commodity prices.  So, I think this is an important agenda. 

    Second, as the government is doing this, of course there will be a financing need.  And here what is needed is really a judicious and agile way of dealing with the financing challenges the country faces.  In the long run, the financing gap can only be filled by permanent sources such as revenue mobilization.  But in the interim, carefully looking at all the options the country must borrow in a contained way will be part of that solution.  And I think the government has been going about this prudently and cautiously so far, and we are encouraged by that. 

    And lastly, on data issues in Nigeria we really applaud the effort the government’s making to try and revise and upgrade data quality in Nigeria.  This task is not an easy one in our countries, given the extent of informality there is, given the extent of relative price changes that play out in our economies.  So doing this cautiously is what is needed methodically.  And that is exactly what we see happening.  We welcome, though, the efforts the government is making because without good data, it is difficult to make good policies.  So, we really applaud the effort the government is making to try and upgrade data quality. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We will take a round of questions online.

    QUESTIONER: There are bills in the UK Parliament and the New York State Assembly that aim to force holdout private creditors to accept debt treatments on comparable terms to other creditors and to limit or stop such litigation.  Are these bills needed, do you think, or is the current international debt architecture sufficient?  So, you know, IMF, DSAs, creditor groups, the common framework, where applicable. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Please go ahead with your question.

    QUESTIONER: Earlier this month, the IMF reached a staff-level agreement with Burkina Faso to complete the Third Review of the country’s program.  So as part of the review, the IMF allowed a greater fiscal flexibility, allowing Burkina Faso to raise its public deficit target to 4 percent, up from the 2 percent cap set by the West African Economic Monetary Union.  So, given that the country’s challenges, such as persistent insecurity, high social demands, are common across the region, wouldn’t it be wiser to consider applying this flexibility more broadly to the West African Economic Monetary Union?  And my second question will be about the downward revision of the growth forecast for 2025 and 2026 in Sub-Saharan Africa.  Does the IMF view this new crisis – I am talking about the global uncertainty and the recent U.S. tariff measures.  Does the IMF view this crisis as potentially more severe and with broader consequences for the region than previous shocks such as COVID and the war in Ukraine? 

    MR. SELASSIE: On the first question on debt workouts and the challenges there, I am not fully informed about the specifics of the bills that Rachel, you are talking about, indeed, we have seen from time to time some private creditor groups holding out, trying to hold out, but I am not sure that a bill is what’s needed, but rather, force of argument to try and bring people to the table. And in recent restructurings, at least I am not aware of this being the main hindrance in advancing discussions.  There have been many other factors, including just the complexity of the current creditor landscape, that have played a role. 

    On Burkina Faso, flexibility under the program or the deficit targets for the WAEMU countries more generally, just it is important to distinguish between particular years’ fiscal deficit targets that the government wants to pursue and we, incorporate in the program and just the more medium-term criteria, convergence criteria that there is for the WAEMU countries. 

    So, the 3 percent target criteria are for the medium- to long-term.  And it has been very clear that when there are shocks or when there are pressing social development needs, countries do have the scope to deviate from that.  In fact, often the constraint on the Sahel countries has been not having enough, sufficient, enough financing to be able to meet these to advance development objectives.  The other constraint of course is that overall, the more you exceed this 3 percent target and add to the overall debt burden, the more you are going to have – you are likely to build up debt vulnerabilities. 

    So, in the work that we do with countries, whether it is Burkina Faso or other WAEMU countries or indeed beyond, what we try and help with is of course to help countries strike this balance between addressing the immediate and pressing needs that they have while avoiding medium-term debt sustainability problems.  I think one is just thinking about how to strike this balance.  And then second, we put resources on the table very cheaply to help countries, avoid, at least in the near term, more difficult financing difficulties.  So, for Burkina and others, it is just about striking this balance.

    And on growth, whether this latest shock is as bad for the region as the previous ones. I think it is really important also to point out that as difficult, I mean the last four or five years have been incredibly difficult time for our countries, a lot of challenges, a lot of dislocation, but there is also been quite a lot of resilience, and I think that is important to stress.  I would note that, even now, it is this year, 11 out of the 20 fastest growing economies in the world are from Sub-Saharan Africa.  So, there are quite a lot of countries that are going to be sustaining significant growth in the region.  So, we should also not lose sight of this resilience. 

    Second, and more broadly, the buildup of uncertainties I think is very negative.  And this is interrupting what we are seeing in terms of a recovery.  But growth is not, we are not projecting growth to collapse.  And our hope is that as things calm down, the region can resume its growth trajectory also.

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We will take three more questions online, then we will come back to the room.

    QUESTIONER: I wanted to know about Senegal, in terms of whether funds would be repaid after the misreporting of data and if the IMF has learned anything from that?  And also, just if you can, the status of the IMF’s programs and even operations in Sudan and South Sudan? 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Please go ahead.

    QUESTIONER: The IMF is urging countries to focus on domestic revenue mobilization.  But you may have seen that South Africa’s Finance Minister has withdrawn the VAT increase that he had proposed in the budget, in the face of opposition from coalition partners.  Does the IMF see any alternative sources of revenue that are feasible for the South African government as the parties hoped?  And are there any lessons here for other countries trying to mobilize domestic revenue?                                                         

    QUESTIONER: Building on the question that Hilary has asked that the REO does make the case for domestic revenue mobilization, and you made that argument, I believe, in the last two Regional Economic Outlook reports as well.  But poverty is still endemic.  Incomes, as far as I can tell, have not really recovered to pre-pandemic levels.  So other than broadcast to tax exemptions what else can be done to raise tax-to-GDP ratios?  One last question on this.  Has there been any progress that has been made in the Sovereign Debt Roundtable in deciding how debt from Afreximbank, and Trade and Development Bank should be treated, at least under the common framework for countries like Ghana and Zambia?  Now, do they qualify to not have their debt restructured in the same way that the IMF, the World Bank’s credit lines?

    MR. SELASSIE: On Senegal, I was recently in Dakar for discussions building on work that our team has been doing. What we are waiting for is the government to finalize the work that’s ongoing.  Right now, the audits are going on and reconciliation work is going on. 

    On the extent of domestic and external debt.  We have been very clear in welcoming the transparency and really robust and collegial way in which the government has been engaging on the issues that have arisen in the misreporting case and we look forward to the numbers stabilizing, and engaging in discussions on the next steps in terms of bringing the, the findings to our Executive Board and next steps in our engagement with Senegal. 

    On South Sudan, it has just been a difficult period of course for South Sudan.  They have been hosting hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing from the conflict in the north.  The conflict has also interrupted, disrupted heavily their main source of tax revenue, oil exports through the pipeline.  So, it’s been a really wrenching period.  Over the last three, four years we have provided, you know, we have been trying to provide South Sudan with emergency financing and trying to find a way in which we can engage with a more structured longer-term program.  We remain hopeful that we are going to be able to do that.  But first and foremost, I think we need to see what can be done to make sure that the policy making environment is as robust and as strong as it is, and as transparent, so we can come in, step in and support South Sudan.

    On revenue mobilization, I want to just first link this to the point I made earlier that what we have observed and again there is a risk of generalizing, but what we’ve observed over the last 10, 15 years in the region is that governments have made a very significant effort to invest in really important infrastructure needs in building schools, in building health clinics and much else.  And you see very positive outcomes.  Look at the electricity coverage in our region, look at the human development indicators and how much they have moved over the years in the region. 

    But we have also seen that despite a lot of investment, for example, in electricity generation capacity and electricity coverage in our countries, many roads are being built.  The returns of all this investment have not been captured in the tax revenue, which is one of the points, the pressure points where debt levels have gone up and the interest-to-revenue ratio.  So, the interest payment-to-revenue ratio has also been rising.  And this has been one of the key points of vulnerability in many economies and why a few countries have gotten into debt difficulty and needed to restructure. 

    So going forward, I think it’s very clear that to be able to continue investing; to be able to continue expanding economies and the government doing its core function, it has to find more ways other than borrowing to address this. 

    Now, in the past, governments have been quick to cut spending, and that has, we found, again and again, to be very detrimental to development progress and growth outcomes.  I think this, again, at the risk of generalizing, was the approach that was generally pursued in the 1980s and found to be very problematic, very challenging, very depressing to growth.  So, we would very much love for countries to avoid this. When there are pressing spending needs, there’s generally only a couple of ways that you can finance this.  Spending cuts or revenue mobilization.  You can borrow, of course, but as I said, borrowing is not optimal. 

    Now, this doesn’t mean revenue mobilization is easy.  Far, far from it. It requires not only political engagement, but also a lot of communication, a lot of effort to show that the resources the government is trying to generate are going to be going to the right areas to help strengthen the social contract.  So, it’s a deep and engaged process, and we are very, very cognizant of that.  But I do think that this is the most optimal way, the most economically sensible way in which our countries can help address the tremendous development needs that we have.

    Now, specifically on South Africa, ultimately when issues like this arise, these are deeply domestic political issues to be resolved as to what the best way to do the financing is.  So, if a tax rate increase for a particular tax is not possible, then maybe finding ways to expand the tax base, maybe trying different tax angles or if all of those are not possible, then revisiting spending priorities may be one of the ways that countries must handle this.  And this is typically what we see playing out in countries in the region when financing constraints are binding. 

    So, whether it is in Kenya, South Africa, or other countries the issue of revenue mobilization is a live one, but one that is extremely complex.  We are very cognizant of that.  And one that requires quite a lot of consensus building, quite a lot of discussion to be able to advance, and of course, broader societal support.  And we absolutely see countries engaging in this and do what we can to help bring lessons from other countries where we are asked to.

    Then there was a question about the GSDR.  So, this Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable, this is the initiative launched by the Fund and the Bank to try and bring creditors and debtors together around the table to find ways in which debt work[outs] can be easier because you are discussing general principles rather than country-specific debt restructuring issues. And we have seen this making quite a lot of progress. Perhaps the most recent development has been the preparation of a debt work[out] playbook that is a very helpful document that has been put out building on the experience of recent work[outs].  What has worked particularly well.  What kind of information sharing ahead of debt work[outs] have been helpful in terms of accelerating debt processes.  Debt restructurings are one of the most contentious and challenging issues that there are between states, between creditors and debtors, and it requires quite a lot of discussion, and it is not such an easy thing to do, including what the parameter of debt should be.  I think one of the questions that was raised is about the debt parameter.  This is fundamentally an issue for the debtor countries and creditors to resolve, and intra-creditor disputes also have to be done. 

    So, in terms of the principles that generally we see creditors apply when these kinds of disputes arise about what the right parameter should be or not and who gets preferential treatment. I think there’s generally been two rules of thumb. One is that the terms in which new financing is being provided or the financing is provided, whether it’s commercial or concessional has been a factor that most creditors look at in terms of whether a particular credit should be included in the parameter or not, and then also the extent to which new financing is being made available.  So, what differentiates senior creditors like the IMF, the World Bank, of course, is that for most countries we operate providing concessional financing very long-term.  And we are the ones that come in and provide financing consistently through crisis and otherwise. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We have time for one more round of questions. I will start with the gentleman in the front here. 

    QUESTIONER: The U.S. is your largest shareholder, and we are seeing mixed messages this week from the Treasury Secretary mentioning that he remains committed to the Fund but also calling on you to hold countries accountable to program performance, empower staff to walk away if reform commitment is lacking. 

    So, I wanted to ask you, should we expect the IMF spigot to start closing in response to U.S. pressure?  Or if not, are you changing your approach to countries, what you are telling them and how to deal with their issues?  Are you being a little more stringent in your requirements? 

    You have talked about Senegal, maybe Ghana, Ethiopia, related to that issue of the U.S stepping in.  The CEMAC negotiations this week, we saw American energy companies working with the CEMAC on repatriation of funds dedicated to the rehabilitation of oil sites.  I’m wondering if you have a stance on that, what the IMF position is?  I understand the U.S is trying to get the IMF involved in that.

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: All right, thanks. Gentleman. 

    QUESTIONER: Kenyan authorities here have indicated the need to present a credible fiscal framework as they try and unlock a new program for Kenya.  Would you offer more color into the discussions this week, noting again that the same credibility questions led to the cancellation or the termination of the program at its final review?  

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: We have a question online “what is the IMF’s view on Kenya’s debt position?”

    MR. SELASSIE: So, on the first question, I would like to refer you to Kristalina who gave comprehensive responses to the Secretary’s IMFC Statement. What I want to add though is that in the region, in Sub-Saharan Africa, in terms of programs, the calibration of reforms, incorporation of reforms, I would say that we are always in terms of each program has its particularities and what we always try and do in these programs is make sure that we’re striking a balance of helping countries address the long term challenges and also the cyclical challenges that are often the ones that cause them to come to us.  And I would say that I don’t think there are many countries that think that the adjustment efforts that they’re being asked to make are easy ones.

    On CEMAC.  Just to be very clear there is this dispute that is going on between member states, the BEAC, and oil companies with respect to what are called restitution funds.  The funds under contracts that countries have with oil companies are meant to be available to help restore the sites where oil is extracted back to their pre-extraction standards. 

    What has been a bit frustrating is that we are not privy to the contents of these documents. We have been calling on members and the companies involved to be transparent about this, to publish these documents.  They are after all documents that are about how countries natural resource wealth are used.  And we’ve been on record going seven, eight, nine years pushing for production sharing agreements, the terms of these things to be published so that each side can hold the other accountable.  I think that is the first thing that could be done to bring more transparency and light and understanding to the rest of the world about what is going on in these discussions. 

    Second, we have also made it clear to both parties that given that we do not have full information, it is difficult for us to know what to say.  But in general, any encumbrances in terms of how we look at foreign exchange reserves and these standards are published, any encumbrances like the type that we think there may be in the document, i.e., that is the expectation that these resources will be used for specific purposes means they’re not general use reserves.  So, they would not be classified as part of reserves. 

    On Kenya, we have had a very strong engagement with Kenya over the years and will continue to have such engagement going forward.  As we have noted, government has asked for a follow-on program to try and address the remaining challenges in Kenya, and we are discussing how to do that including in the context of these meetings. 

    It has been good to hear and see that the economy has been performing quite well in some parts.  Particularly the external adjustment front seems to have been proceeding well.  The current account has been narrowing.  So, there are quite a lot of strengths.  But also of course there remain fiscal challenges which were a significant part of the last program’s objectives that need to be advanced.  So, we are going to engage with the government and do everything that we can to be able to help it go forward. 

    MR. AKUAMOAH-BOATENG: Unfortunately, that is all the time we have. So, if you have any questions that we didn’t get to, please send them to me or to Media at IMF.org and we will try and get back to you as soon as possible.  So, also to mention that the report is now available at IMF.org/Africa.  The Spring Meetings continue.  Later this morning, we have the press briefing for the European Department and later in the afternoon we have the IMFC, and the Western Hemisphere Department press briefings. 

    On behalf of Abebe and the African and Communications Departments, thank you all for coming to this press briefing and see you next time. 

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Kwabena Akuamoah-Boateng

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: During Her Visit to Mozambique, IOM Deputy Chief Amplifies Need for Lasting Solutions for Displaced Communities

    Source: International Organization for Migration (IOM)

    Beira/ Geneva, 25 April 2025 International Organization for Migration (IOM) Deputy Director General for Operations Ugochi Daniels called for increased sustained development financing to help communities in Mozambique grappling with climate-induced displacement. Wrapping up a three-day visit to the Southern African country this week, DDG Daniels also reaffirmed IOM’s commitment to finding durable solutions for people in Mozambique. 

    “The UN Solutions Agenda calls on us to move beyond short-term fixes,” said DDG Daniels. “In Beira, I met women and local leaders who are not only rebuilding homes but reshaping futures. They reminded me that the most sustainable solutions are those driven by the communities themselves—solutions rooted in dignity, knowledge, and local leadership. Our role is to listen, support, and amplify their efforts.” 

    Mozambique ranks among the world’s top 20 countries most exposed to disasters worldwide, according to the Global Climate Risk Index. Between 2019 and 2024, recurring disasters displaced over 140,000 people, destroyed homes, and overwhelmed fragile infrastructure. In the past six months alone, severe drought—exacerbated by El Niño and limited food security—has displaced an additional 10,000 people.

    Climate shocks are escalating in frequency and severity. In just three months cyclones Chido, Dikeledi and Jude affected more than one million people. Rising temperatures, erratic rainfall, and rising sea levels are compounding the risks faced by communities already experiencing chronic poverty and inadequate housing, deepening vulnerability, and prolonging displacement.

    During the visit, DDG Daniels heard first-hand from disaster victims and community leaders during her visit. She also met with senior government officials, including the President of the National Institute for Disaster Risk Management and Reduction, Luisa Celma Caetano Meque, as well as donors, partners, and other UN officials, including the United Nations Resident Coordinator in Mozambique, Catherine Sozi.

    IOM Mozambique is supporting the repair and reconstruction of over 6,000 homes through the Cyclone Idai and Kenneth Emergency Recovery and Resilience Project (CERRP) in Beira. The project exemplifies the Build Back Safer approach—combining resilient construction techniques, community leadership, and environmental safeguards. With funding from the World Bank and coordination by the Government’s Post-Cyclone Reconstruction Office (GREPOC), the initiative is implemented in partnership with UN-Habitat and Dora Construções, merging technical expertise with local knowledge to strengthen long-term resilience. 

    “Recovery is not something done to communities,” said IOM Mozambique Chief of Mission, Dr. Laura Tomm-Bonde. “It is something we do with them—and ultimately, something they lead.” 

    IOM supported recovery efforts are not limited to infrastructure. Core to the project is the training of local artisans in resilient building techniques, fostering employment while ensuring safer, climate-adapted homes.

    The sites visited during the mission showcase how the UN’s Solutions Agenda—which advocates for long-term, development-oriented approaches to displacement—translates into action on the ground, focusing on durable solutions that promote self-reliance, resilience, and social inclusion. This demonstrates how global commitments take root in community-led recovery efforts like those in Beira. 

    For more information, please contact IOM Media Centre 

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: ASIA/BAHRAIN – “Humility, courage, justice, and love. Pope Francis has been a tireless messenger of peace”

    Source: Agenzia Fides – MIL OSI

    Friday, 25 April 2025

    Avona

    by Aldo Berardi*, O.SS.T.Manama (Fides Agency) – How can we begin to describe the life of this extraordinary pastor? Letters are pouring in from all over the world praising his witness: a witness of humility, courage, justice, and love. With his deep compassion, openness to others, and profoundly simple life, he touched the hearts of millions of people. He was a man of peace. Pope Francis was a tireless messenger of peace. He repeatedly called for an end to war and urged the world to lay down its weapons and seek dialogue. He stood alongside the suffering and displaced, giving a voice to those silenced by conflict.In our region, marked by numerous tensions, we remember with gratitude how he stopped to pray before the wall that divides the Palestinian people. Since the recent flare-up of the conflict, he has called every day to the community of Gaza, a father who never abandons his children. Until his last Easter message, he proclaimed with conviction: Peace is possible. Silence the weapons!He was a man of dialogue and listening. Pope Francis was deeply committed to dialogue, not just as a diplomatic gesture, but as a way of life rooted in the Gospel. He worked tirelessly to meet people from all walks of life in order to listen, understand, and move forward together. His pastoral visits around the world were never mere ceremonies: they were encounters, especially with religious leaders. Our region has been blessed by two visits from Pope Francis. The people of Bahrain will never forget his memorable visit in November 2022. He met with religious leaders, participated in the interfaith meeting organized by the King Hamad Global Center for Coexistence and Tolerance, and held a dialogue with the Islamic Council of Elders. He also visited the Sacred Heart School and Sacred Heart Church in Manama and our cathedral in Awali, always with the same message: We are one human family under God.He was a man of justice. Pope Francis did not shy away from raising his voice in defense of human dignity. He denounced the structures of sin that lead to poverty and exclusion. He reminded the world that societies cannot be called just if they forget the poor. Our region is a place of economic dynamism, but also of inequality. His prophetic words challenge us to ensure that no one is left behind in the pursuit of progress.He was a man of prayer and his relationship with God was central to his life. Pope Francis was a man of deep prayer. Whether in large basilicas or quiet chapels, he was always rooted in the love of Christ: a love he received from his family, nourished during his religious life, and faithfully carried forward during his Petrine ministry. Our region is also a region of prayer. Christians, Muslims, and believers of other traditions live to the rhythm of prayer and sacred time. Pope Francis reminded us that prayer opens us to God and to one another.He was a man of the Gospel. The Gospel was the foundation of Pope Francis’ life. He proclaimed the living Christ with joy, courage, and mercy. Through his words and deeds, he bore witness to the Resurrection, not as a distant memory, but as a living and present reality that continues to transform hearts and societies. Here on the Arabian Peninsula, we strive to live according to the same Gospel, to be faithful witnesses of Christ in our homes, in our workplaces, and in our communities. Pope Francis has inspired us in this mission by urging us never to be afraid to bring the light of the risen Lord to others. He has reminded us that even in the most hidden corners of the world, the Good News must be lived and proclaimed with humility and love.Pope Francis had a strong bond with Bahrain. Since His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa invited him to visit the Kingdom, a sincere friendship blossomed, characterized by mutual respect and shared commitment. The two leaders met on several occasions, including numerous visits to the Vatican, deepening a bond based on a shared vision of peace, fraternity, and human dignity. His Holiness looked upon Bahrain with admiration, recognizing its efforts to promote religious tolerance and peaceful coexistence among its diverse communities. His Majesty, in turn, always spoke of Pope Francis with deep reverence. Their friendship has become a symbol of what is possible when dialogue, respect, and goodwill guide encounters between peoples and faiths. In their unique roles, Pope Francis and King Hamad have offered the world a model of dialogue that is not only possible but necessary for a more humane, just, and united global family.The legacy of this friendship is also reflected in their respective statements. The papal encyclicals Laudato Si’ (On Care for Our Common Home, May 24, 2015) and Fratelli Tutti (On Fraternity for a New Humanity, October 3, 2020) remain cornerstones of Pope Francis’ call to preserve creation and promote a global culture of solidarity. These themes are closely linked to the Declaration of the Kingdom of Bahrain, issued by King Hamad on July 3, 2017, which calls for religious tolerance, the rejection of extremism, and peaceful coexistence. Their powerful message reflects the convictions of Pope Francis. This shared vision was reaffirmed internationally when the United Nations, at Bahrain’s initiative, declared January 28 as the International Day of Peaceful Coexistence.For us, Pope Francis was more than a global figure or the leader of the Catholic Church. He was a spiritual father, chosen by God to strengthen his brothers and sisters in faith, a faith handed down by Jesus Christ through the Apostles. He was our Shepherd and our Brother, he walked among us, encouraged us in our trials, and embraced each of us with the tender love of the Gospel. Let us keep his memory alive in our hearts. Let us carry on his legacy of mercy, peace, and fraternity. And let us pray that he may now rest in the eternal embrace of the Lord whom he served with joy. ( Fides Agency 4/25/2025)*Apostolic Vicar of Northern Arabia
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    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Hotter and drier climate in Colorado’s San Luis Valley contributes to kidney disease in agriculture workers, new study shows

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Katherine Ann James, Associate Professor of Environmental and Occupational Health, University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus

    Agricultural workers exposed to a hotter and drier climate are at an increased risk of kidney damage. George Rose/via Getty Images

    Heat and humidity contributed to kidney damage and disease in the San Luis Valley in Colorado between 1984 and 1998, according to our recently published work in the peer-reviewed journal Weather, Climate, and Society.

    The San Luis Valley is the largest high valley desert in North America. Many of its residents work in agriculture and are exposed to worsening air quality. That decline is due to increased wildfires, dust and temperatures, in combination with low humidity. This change was in part caused by the region’s climate becoming more arid due to a 23-year drought.

    I’m an environmental epidemiologist with an engineering background. For nearly two decades, I have partnered with the San Luis Valley community to investigate how water systems affect human health. Over the past eight years, my team’s research has focused on the far-reaching human health effects of the drought in the area.

    In this study, we used data from a cohort of people in the San Luis Valley who were originally recruited for research on the risk factors for Type 2 diabetes. Researchers often look to established datasets to evaluate new hypotheses because it avoids the need to recruit new study participants. This dataset includes 15 years of clinical, behavioral, demographic, genetic and environmental exposure data. Using it in our recent study allowed us to evaluate the impacts of drought conditions on kidney health.

    Our study suggests that a 10% decline in humidity is associated with a 2% increase in risk for acute kidney injury, while accounting for known risk factors for kidney disease. Those risk factors include age, sex, diabetes and hypertension.

    These findings are supported by our previous study that examined the effects of drought and heat on emergency and urgent care visits for kidney-related issues between 2003 and 2017 in the San Luis Valley.

    The two studies align with growing evidence that climate-related changes, particularly heat and humidity, are contributing to kidney injury. Over time, this means that more people are developing chronic kidney disease.

    Why it matters

    Globally, 10% of the population has kidney disease. In 2021, kidney diseases were the ninth leading cause of death worldwide, according to the World Health Organization. People experiencing poverty or limited access to health care are disproportionately affected.

    In the U.S., more than 1 in 7 adults has chronic kidney disease. That does not account for those with undiagnosed kidney disease.

    Extended exposure to drought conditions coupled with inadequate water intake has been linked to kidney stones, acute kidney injury and chronic kidney disease.

    Dehydration, especially in outdoor workers who labor in hot or dry conditions, is a known contributor to both acute kidney injury and chronic kidney disease.

    Acute kidney injury is characterized by a reduction in kidney function that is reversible.

    Chronic kidney disease is kidney damage that is progressive and may not be reversible.

    Studies in Florida and California have shown declining kidney health in agriculture workers as working conditions are becoming hotter and drier.

    Outdoor workers in agriculture, forestry, mining, ranching and construction are susceptible to the effects of changing outdoor conditions coupled with physical labor. This combination exacerbates dehydration and leads to acute and chronic kidney disease.

    What other research is being done

    In addition to these studies, our research team is involved in other projects aimed at addressing the health impacts of a changing climate.

    One such initiative is the Mountain West Climate-Health Engagement Hub, which focuses on reducing exposure to decreased air quality. This includes the deployment of do-it-yourself air filters and development of low-cost, point-of-use water filters to mitigate exposure to the secondary effects of drought.

    Do-it-yourself air filters can reduce exposure to decreased air quality.
    The Washington Post/Getty Images

    In the Centers for Health, Work & Environment, where I am affiliated, multiple national and international studies are focused on agriculture workers, farm owners and ranchers.

    These studies examine how heat, air quality and drought affect kidney, cardiovascular and mental health. These broader studies aim to inform policy and interventions to safeguard the health of workers globally and particularly in regions most vulnerable to climate change.

    The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

    Katherine Ann James receives funding from National Institutes of Health and CDC-National Institute of Occupational Safety and Health

    ref. Hotter and drier climate in Colorado’s San Luis Valley contributes to kidney disease in agriculture workers, new study shows – https://theconversation.com/hotter-and-drier-climate-in-colorados-san-luis-valley-contributes-to-kidney-disease-in-agriculture-workers-new-study-shows-248402

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Europe: REPORT on a revamped long-term budget for the Union in a changing world – A10-0076/2025

    Source: European Parliament 2

    MOTION FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RESOLUTION

    on a revamped long-term budget for the Union in a changing world

    (2024/2051(INI))

     

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to Articles 311, 312, 323 and 324 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU),

     having regard to Council Regulation (EU, Euratom) 2020/2093 of 17 December 2020 laying down the multiannual financial framework for the years 2021 to 2027[1] and to the joint declarations agreed between Parliament, the Council and the Commission in this context and the related unilateral declarations,

     having regard to Council Decision (EU, Euratom) 2020/2053 of 14 December 2020 on the system of own resources of the European Union and repealing Decision 2014/335/EU, Euratom[2],

     having regard to the amended Commission proposal of 23 June 2023 for a Council decision amending Decision (EU, Euratom) 2020/2053 on the system of own resources of the European Union (COM(2023)0331),

     having regard to the Interinstitutional Agreement of 16 December 2020 between the European Parliament, the Council of the European Union and the European Commission on budgetary discipline, on cooperation in budgetary matters and on sound financial management, as well as on new own resources, including a roadmap towards the introduction of new own resources[3] (the IIA),

     having regard to Regulation (EU, Euratom) 2024/2509 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 September 2024 on the financial rules applicable to the general budget of the Union (recast)[4] (the Financial Regulation),

     having regard to Regulation (EU, Euratom) 2020/2092 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 December 2020 on a general regime of conditionality for the protection of the Union budget[5] (the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation),

     having regard to its position of 27 February 2024 on the draft Council regulation amending Regulation (EU, Euratom) 2020/2093 laying down the multiannual financial framework for the years 2021 to 2027[6],

     having regard to its resolution of 10 May 2023 on own resources: a new start for EU finances, a new start for Europe[7],

     having regard to its resolution of 15 December 2022 on upscaling the 2021-2027 multiannual financial framework: a resilient EU budget fit for new challenges[8],

     having regard to its position of 16 December 2020 on the draft Council regulation laying down the multiannual financial framework for the years 2021 to 2027[9],

     having regard to the Interinstitutional Proclamation on the European Pillar of Social Rights of 13 December 2017[10] and to the Commission Action Plan of 4 March 2021 on the implementation of the European Pillar of Social Rights (COM(2021)0102),

     having regard to the Agreement adopted at the 15th Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity (COP 15) in Montreal on 19 December 2022 (Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework),

     having regard to the Agreement adopted at the 21st Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC (COP 21) in Paris on 12 December 2015 (the Paris Agreement),

     having regard to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals,

     having regard to the report of 30 October 2024 by Sauli Niinistö entitled ‘Safer together – strengthening Europe’s civilian and military preparedness and readiness’ (the Niinistö report),

     having regard to the report of 9 September 2024 by Mario Draghi entitled ‘The future of European competitiveness’ (the Draghi report),

     having regard to the report of 4 September 2024 of the Strategic Dialogue on the Future of EU Agriculture entitled ‘A shared prospect for farming and food in Europe’,

     having regard to the report of 17 April 2024 by Enrico Letta entitled ‘Much more than a market – speed, security, solidarity: empowering the Single Market to deliver a sustainable future and prosperity for all EU Citizens’ (the Letta report),

     having regard to the report of 20 February 2024 of the High-Level Group on the Future of Cohesion Policy entitled ‘Forging a sustainable future together – cohesion for a competitive and inclusive Europe’,

     having regard to the Budapest Declaration on the New European Competitiveness Deal,

     having regard to the joint communication of 26 March 2025 entitled ‘European Preparedness Union Strategy’ (JOIN(2025)0130),

     having regard to the joint white paper of 19 March 2025 entitled ‘European Defence Readiness 2030’ (JOIN(2025)0120),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 7 March 2025 entitled ‘A Roadmap for Women’s Rights’ (COM(2025)0097),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 26 February 2025 entitled ‘The Clean Industrial Deal: a joint roadmap for competitiveness and decarbonisation’ (COM(2025)0085),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 19 February 2025 entitled ‘A Vision for Agriculture and Food’ (COM(2025)0075),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 11 February 2025 entitled ‘The road to the next multiannual financial framework’ (COM(2025)0046),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 29 January 2025 entitled ‘A Competitiveness Compass for the EU’ (COM(2025)0030),

     having regard to the Commission communication of 9 December 2021 entitled ‘Building an economy that works for people: an action plan for the social economy’ (COM(2021)0778),

     having regard to the European Council conclusions of 20 March 2025, 6 March 2025 and 19 December 2024,

     having regard to the political guidelines of 18 July 2024 for the next European Commission 2024-2029,

     having regard to the opinion of the Committee of the Regions of 20 November 2024 entitled ‘EU budget and place-based policies: proposals for new design and delivery mechanisms in the MFF post-2027’[11],

     having regard to Rule 55 of its Rules of Procedure,

     having regard to the opinions of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Committee on Development, the Committee on Budgetary Control, the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs, the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs, the Committee on the Environment, Climate and Food Safety, the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy, the Committee on Internal Market and Consumer Protection, the Committee on Transport and Tourism, the Committee on Regional Development, the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development, the Committee on Culture and Education, the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs, the Committee on Constitutional Affairs, and the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality,

     having regard to the report of the Committee on Budgets (A10-0076/2025),

    A. whereas, under Article 311 TFEU, the Union is required to provide itself with the means necessary to attain its objectives and carry through its policies;

    B. whereas the Union budget is primarily an investment tool that can achieve economies of scale unattainable at Member State level and support European public goods, in particular through cross-border projects; whereas all spending through the Union budget must provide European added value and deliver discernible net benefits compared to spending at national or sub-national level, leading to real and lasting results;

    C. whereas spending through the Union budget, if effectively targeted, aligned with the Union’s political priorities and better coordinated with spending at national level, helps to avoid fragmentation in the single market, promote upwards convergence, decrease inequalities and boost the overall impact of public investment; whereas public investment is essential as a catalyst for private investment in sectors where the market alone cannot drive the required investment;

    D. whereas the NextGenerationEU recovery instrument (NGEU) established in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic enabled significant additional investment capacity of EUR 750 billion in 2018 prices – beyond the Union budget, which amounts to 1.1 % of the EU-27’s gross national income (GNI) – prompting a swift recovery and return to growth and supporting the green and digital transitions; whereas NGEU will not be in place post-2027;

    E.  whereas in 2022 Member States spent an average of 1.4 % of gross domestic product (GDP) on State aid – significantly more than their contribution to the Union budget – with over half of the State aid unrelated to crises;

    F. whereas the Union budget, bolstered by NGEU and loans through the SURE scheme, has been instrumental in alleviating the economic and social impact of the COVID-19 crisis and in responding to the effects of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine; whereas the Union budget remains ill-equipped, in terms of size, structure and rules, to fully play its role in adjusting to evolving spending needs, addressing shocks and responding to crises and giving practical effect to the principle of solidarity, and to enable the Union to fulfil its objectives as established under the Treaties;

    G. whereas people rightly expect more from the Union and its budget, including the capacity to respond quickly and effectively to evolving needs and to provide them with the necessary support, especially in times of crisis;

    H. whereas, since the adoption of the current multiannual financial framework (MFF), the political, economic and social context has changed beyond recognition, compounding underlying structural challenges for the Union and leading to a substantial revision of the MFF in 2024;

    I. whereas the context in which the Commission will prepare its proposals for the post-2027 MFF is every bit as challenging, with the established global and geopolitical order changing quickly and radically, the return of large-scale warfare in the Union’s immediate neighbourhood, a highly challenging economic and social backdrop and the worsening climate and biodiversity crisis; whereas, as the Commission has made clear, the status quo is not an option and the Union budget will need to change accordingly;

    J. whereas the US administration has decided to retreat from the country’s post-war global role in guaranteeing peace and security, in leading on global governance in the rules-based, multilateral international order and in providing essential development and humanitarian aid to those most in need around the world; whereas the Union will therefore have to step up to fill part of the void the US appears set to leave, placing additional demands on the budget;

    K. whereas the Union has committed to take all the steps needed to achieve climate neutrality by 2050 at the latest and to protect nature and reverse biodiversity loss; whereas delivering on the policy framework put in place to achieve this objective will require substantial investment; whereas the Union budget will have to play a key role in providing and incentivising that investment;

    L. whereas, in order to compensate for the budget’s shortcomings, there have been numerous workaround solutions that make the budget more opaque, leaving the public in the dark about the real volume of Union spending, undermining the longer-term predictability of investment the budget is designed to provide and undercutting not only the principle of budget unity, but also Parliament’s role as a legislator and budgetary and discharge authority and in holding the executive to account;

    M. whereas the Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities; whereas breaches of those values undermine the cohesion of the Union, erode the rights of Union citizens and weaken mutual trust among Member States;

    1. Insists that, in a fast changing world where people rightly expect more from the Union and its budget and where the Union is confronted with a growing number of crises, the next MFF must be endowed with increased resources compared to the 2021-2027 period, moving away from the historically restrictive, self-imposed level of 1 % of GNI;

    2. Underscores that the next MFF must focus on financing European public goods with discernible added value compared to national spending; highlights the need for enhanced synergies and better coordination between Union and national spending; emphasises that spending will have to address major challenges, such as the return of large-scale warfare in the Union’s immediate neighbourhood, a highly challenging economic and social backdrop, a competitiveness gap and the worsening climate and biodiversity crisis;

    3. Considers that the ‘one national plan per Member State’ approach as envisaged by the Commission, with the Recovery and Resilience Facility model as a blueprint, cannot be the basis for shared management spending post-2027; underlines that the design of shared management spending under the next MFF must fully safeguard Parliament’s roles as legislator and budgetary and discharge authority and be designed and implemented through close collaboration with regional and local authorities and all relevant stakeholders;

    4. Calls for the next MFF to continue support for economic, social and territorial cohesion in order to help bind the Union together, deepen the single market, promote convergence and reduce inequality, poverty and social exclusion;

    5. Considers that the idea of an umbrella Competitiveness Fund merging existing programmes as envisaged by the Commission is not fit for purpose; stresses that the fund should instead be a new instrument taking advantage of a toolbox of funding based on lessons learned from InvestEU and the Innovation Fund and complementing existing, highly successful programmes;

    6. Stresses that, in particular in the light of the US’s retreat from its role as a global guarantor of peace and security, there is a clear need to progress towards a genuine Defence Union, with the next MFF supporting a comprehensive security approach through an increase in investment; stresses that defence spending cannot come at the expense of nor lead to a reduction in long-term investment in the economic, social and territorial cohesion of the Union;

    7. Calls for genuine simplification for final beneficiaries by avoiding programmes with overlapping objectives, diverging eligibility criteria and different rules governing horizontal provisions; underlines that simplification cannot mean more leeway for the Commission without the necessary checks and balances and must therefore be achieved with full respect for the institutional balance provided for in the Treaties;

    8. Insists on enhanced in-built crisis response capacity in the next MFF and sufficient margins under each heading; stresses that, alongside predictability for investment, spending programmes should retain a substantial in-built flexibility reserve, with allocation to specific policy objectives to be decided by the budgetary authority; underlines that flexibility for humanitarian aid should be ring-fenced; considers that the post-2027 MFF should include two special instruments – one dedicated to ensuring solidarity in the event of natural disasters and one for general-purpose crisis response;

    9. Underlines that compliance with Union values and fundamental rights is an essential pre-requisite to access EU funds; insists that the Union budget be protected against misuse, fraud and breaches of the principle of the rule of law and calls for a stronger link between the rule of law and the Union budget post-2027;

    10. Underlines that the repayment of NGEU borrowing must not endanger the financing of EU policies and priorities; stresses, therefore, that all costs related to borrowing backed by the Union budget or the budgetary headroom be treated distinctly from appropriations for EU programmes within the future MFF architecture;

    11. Calls on the Council to adopt new own resources as a matter of urgency in order to enable sustainable repayment of NGEU borrowing; stresses that new genuine own resources, beyond the IIA, are essential for the Union’s higher spending needs; considers that all instruments and tools should be explored in order to provide the Union with the necessary resources, and considers, in this respect, that joint borrowing presents a viable option to ensure that the Union has sufficient resources to respond to acute Union-wide crises, such as the ongoing crisis in the area of security and defence;

    12. Stands ready to work constructively with the Council and Commission to deliver a long-term budget that addresses the Union’s needs; highlights that the post-2027 MFF is being constructed in a far from ‘business as usual’ context and takes seriously its institutional role as enshrined in the Treaties; insists that it will only approve a long-term budget that is fit for purpose for the Union in a changing world and calls for swift adoption of the MFF to enable timely implementation of spending programmes from 1 January 2028;

    A long-term budget with a renewed spending focus

    13. Considers that, in view of the structural challenges facing the Union, the post-2027 MFF should adjust its spending focus to ensure that the Union can meet its strategic policy aims as detailed below;

     

    Competitiveness, strategic autonomy, social, economic and territorial cohesion and resilience

    14. Is convinced that boosting competitiveness, decarbonising the economy and enhancing the Union’s innovation capacity are central priorities for the post-2027 MFF and are vital to ensure long-term, sustainable and inclusive growth and a thriving, more resilient economy and society;

    15. Considers that the Union must develop a competitiveness framework in line with its own values and political aims and that competitiveness must foster not only economic growth, but also social, economic and territorial cohesion and environmental sustainability as underlined in both the Draghi and Letta reports;

    16. Underlines that, as spelt out in the Letta and Draghi reports, the European economy and social model are under intense strain, with the productivity, competitiveness and skills gap having knock-on effects on the quality of jobs and on living standards for Europeans already grappling with high housing, energy and food prices; is concerned that a lack of job opportunities and high costs of living increase the risk of a brain drain away from Europe;

    17. Points out that Draghi puts the annual investment gap with respect to innovation and infrastructure at EUR 750-800 billion per year between 2025 and 2030; underlines that the Union budget must play a vital role but it cannot cover that shortfall alone, and that the bulk of the effort will have to come from the private sector – points to the need to exploit synergies between public and private investment, in particular by simplifying and harmonising the EU investment architecture;

    18. Stresses that the Union budget must be carefully coordinated with national spending, so as to ensure complementarity, and must be designed such that it can de-risk, mobilise and leverage private investment effectively, enabling start-ups and SMEs to access funds more readily; calls, therefore, for programmes such as InvestEU, which ensures additionality and follows a market-based, demand-driven approach, to be significantly reinforced in the next MFF; considers that financial instruments and budgetary guarantees are an effective use of resources to achieve critical Union policy goals and calls for them to be further simplified;

    19. Insists that more must be done to maximise the potential of the role of the European Investment Bank (EIB) Group – together with other international and national financial institutions – in lending and de-risking in strategic policy areas, such as climate and, latterly, security and defence projects; calls for an increased risk appetite and ambition from the EIB Group to crowd in investment, based on a strong capital position, and for a reinforced investment partnership to ensure that every euro spent at Union level is used in the most effective manner;

    20. Emphasises that funding for research and innovation, including support for basic research, should be significantly increased, should be focused on the Union’s strategic priorities, should continue to be determined by the principle of excellence and should remain merit-based; considers that there should be sufficient resources across the MFF and at national level to fund all high-quality projects throughout the innovation cycle and to achieve the 3 % GDP target for research and development spending by 2030;

    21. Stresses that the next MFF, building on the current Connecting Europe Facility, should include much greater, directly managed funding for energy, transport and digital infrastructure, with priority given to cross-border connections and national links with European added value; considers that such infrastructure is an absolute precondition for a successful deepening of the single market and for increasing the Union’s resilience in a changing geopolitical order;

    22. Points out that a secure and robust space sector is critical for the Union’s autonomy and sovereignty and therefore needs sustained investment;

    23. Underlines that a more competitive, productive and socially inclusive economy helps to generate high-quality, well-paid jobs, thus enhancing people’s standard of living; emphasises that, through programmes such as the European Social Fund+ and Erasmus+, the Union budget can play an important role in supporting education and training systems, enhancing social inclusion, boosting workforce adaptability through reskilling and upskilling, and thus preparing people for employment in a modern economy;

    24. Insists that the Union budget should continue to support important economic and job-creating sectors where the Union is already a world leader, such as tourism and the cultural and creative sectors; underscores the need for dedicated funding for tourism, including to implement the EU Strategy for Sustainable Tourism, in the Union budget post-2027; points to the importance of Creative Europe in contributing to Europe’s diversity and competitiveness and in supporting vibrant societies;

    25. Stresses that, in order to compete with other major global players, the European economy must also become more competitive and resilient on the supply side by investing more in the Union’s open strategic autonomy through enhanced industrial policy and a focus on strategic sectors, resource-efficiency and critical technologies to reduce dependence on third countries;

    26. Considers that, in light of the above, the idea of an umbrella Competitiveness Fund merging existing programmes as envisaged by the Commission is not fit for purpose; stresses that the fund should instead be a new instrument taking advantage of a toolbox of funding based on lessons learned from InvestEU and the Innovation Fund; recalls that, under Article 182 TFEU, the Union is required to adopt a framework programme for research;

    27. Notes that, in the Commission communication on the competitiveness compass, the Commission argues that a new competitiveness coordination tool should be established in order to better align industrial and research policies and investment between EU and national level; notes that the proposed new tool is envisaged as part of a ‘new, lean steering mechanism’ designed ‘to reinforce the link between overall policy coordination and the EU budget’; insists that Parliament must play a full decision-making role in both mechanisms;

    28. Emphasises that food security is a vital component of strategic autonomy and that the next MFF must continue to support the competitiveness and resilience of the Union’s farming and fisheries sectors, including small-scale and young farmers and fishers, and help the sectors to better protect the climate and biodiversity, as well as the seas and oceans; highlights that a modern and simplified common agricultural policy is crucial for increasing productivity through technical progress, ensuring a fair standard of living for farmers, guaranteeing food security and the production of safe, high-quality and affordable food for Europeans, fostering generational renewal and ensuring the viability of rural areas;

    29. Points out that the farming sector is particularly vulnerable to inflationary shocks which affect farmers’ purchasing power; calls for adequate and predictable funding for the common agricultural policy in the next MFF;

    30. Recalls that social, economic and territorial cohesion is a cornerstone of European integration and is vital in binding the Union together and deepening the single market; reaffirms, in that respect, the importance of the convergence process; underlines that a modernised cohesion policy must follow a decentralised, place-based, multilevel governance approach and be built around the shared management and partnership principle, fully involving local and regional authorities and relevant stakeholders, ensuring that resources are directed where they are most needed to reduce regional disparities;

    31. Stresses that cohesion policy funding must tackle the key challenges the Union faces, such as demographic change and depopulation, and target the regions and people most in need; calls, furthermore, for enhanced access to EU funding for cities, regions and urban authorities;

    32. Recalls the importance of the social dimension of the European Union and of promoting the implementation of the European Pillar of Social Rights, its Action Plan and headline targets; emphasises that the Union budget should, therefore, play a pivotal role in reducing inequality, poverty and social exclusion, including by supporting children, families and vulnerable groups; recalls that around 20 million children in the Union are at risk of poverty and social exclusion; stresses that addressing child poverty across the Union requires appropriately funded, comprehensive and integrated measures, together with the efficient implementation of the European Child Guarantee at national level; emphasises that Parliament has consistently requested a dedicated budget within the ESF+ to support the Child Guarantee as a central pillar of the EU anti-poverty strategy;

    33. Highlights, in this regard, the EU-wide housing crisis affecting millions of families and young people; stresses the need for enhanced support for housing through the Union budget, in particular via cohesion policy, and through other funding sources, such as the EIB Group and national promotional banks; acknowledges that, while Union financing cannot solve the housing crisis alone, it can play a crucial role in financing urgent measures and complementing broader Union and national efforts to improve housing affordability and enhance energy efficiency of the housing stock;

    34. Points out that Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has had substantial economic and social consequences, in particular in Member States bordering Russia and Belarus; insists that the next MFF provide support to these regions;

    The green and digital transitions

    35. Highlights that the green and digital transitions are inextricably linked to competitiveness, the modernisation of the economy and the resilience of society and act as catalysts for a future-oriented and resource-efficient economy; insists therefore, that the post-2027 MFF must continue to support and to further accelerate the twin transitions;

    36. Recalls that the Union budget is an essential contributor to achieving climate neutrality by 2050, including through support for the 2030 and 2040 targets; underlines that the transition will require a decarbonisation of the economy, in particular through the deployment of clean technologies, improved energy and transport infrastructure and more energy-efficient housing; notes that the Commission estimates additional investment needs to achieve climate neutrality by 2050 at 1.5 % of GDP per year compared to the decade 2011-2020 and that, while the Union budget alone cannot cover the gap, it must remain a vital contributor; calls, therefore, for increased directly managed support for environment and biodiversity protection and climate action building on the current LIFE programme;

    37. Underlines that industry will be central in the transition to net zero and the establishment of the Energy Union, and that support will be needed in helping some industrial sectors and their workers to adapt; stresses the importance of a just transition that must leave no one behind, requiring, inter alia, investment in regions that are heavily fossil-fuel dependent and increased support for vulnerable households, in particular through the Just Transition Mechanism and the Social Climate Fund;

    38. Points to the profound technological shift under way, with technologies such as artificial intelligence and quantum both creating opportunities, in terms of the Union’s economic potential and global leadership and improvements to citizens’ lives, and posing reliability, ethical and sovereignty challenges; stresses that the next MFF must support research into, and the development and safe application of digital technologies and help people to hone the knowledge and skills they need to work with and use them;

    Security, defence and preparedness

    39. Recalls that peace and security are the foundation for the Union’s prosperity, social model and competitiveness, and a vital pillar of the Union’s geopolitical standing; stresses that the next MFF must support a comprehensive security approach by investing significantly more in safeguarding the Union against the myriad threats it faces;

    40. Underlines that, as the Niinistö report makes clear, multiple threats are combining to heighten instability and increase the Union’s vulnerability, chief among them the fragmenting global order, the security threat posed by Russia and Belarus, growing tensions globally, hostile international actors, the globalisation of criminal networks, hybrid campaigns – which include cyberattacks, foreign information manipulation, disinformation and interference and the instrumentalisation of migration – increasingly frequent and intense extreme weather events as a result of climate change, and health threats;

    41. Points out that the Union has played a vital role in achieving lasting peace on its territory and must continue to do so by adjusting to the reality of war on its doorstep and the need to vastly boost defence infrastructure, capabilities and readiness, including through the Union budget, going far beyond the current allocation of less than 2 % of the MFF;

    42. Notes that European defence capabilities suffer from decades of under-investment and that, according to the Commission, the defence spending gap currently stands at EUR 500 billion for the next decade; underlines that the Union budget alone cannot fill the gap, but has an important role to play, in conjunction with national budgets and with a focus on clear EU added value; considers that the Union budget and lending through the EIB Group can help incentivise investment in defence; stresses that defence spending must not come at the expense of social and environmental spending, nor must it lead to a reduction in funding for long-standing Union policies that have proved their worth over time;

    43. Underlines the merits of the defence programmes and instruments put in place during the current MFF, which have enhanced joint research, production and procurement in the field of defence, providing a valuable foundation on which to build further Union policy and investment;

    44. Emphasises that, given the geopolitical situation, there is a clear need to act and to progress towards a genuine Defence Union, in coordination with NATO and in full alignment with the neutrality commitments of individual Member States; concurs, in that regard, with the Commission’s analysis that the next MFF must provide a comprehensive and robust framework in support of EU defence;

    45. Underscores the importance of a competitive and resilient European defence technological and industrial base; considers that enhanced joint EU-level investment in defence in the next MFF backed up by a clear and transparent governance structure can help to avoid duplication, generate economies of scale, and thus significant savings for Member States, reduce fragmentation and ensure the interoperability of equipment and systems; underscores the importance of technology in modern defence systems and therefore of investing in research, cyber-defence and cybersecurity and in dual-use products; points to the need to direct support towards the defence industry within the Union, thus strengthening strategic autonomy, creating quality high-skilled jobs, driving innovation and creating cross-border opportunities for EU businesses, including SMEs;

    46. Points to the importance of increasing support in the budget for military mobility, which upgrades infrastructure for dual-use military and civilian purposes, enabling the large-scale movement of military equipment and personnel at short notice and thus contributing to the Union’s defence capabilities and collective security; highlights, in that regard, the importance of financing for the trans-European transport networks to enable their adaptation for dual-use purposes;

    47. Emphasises that the Union needs to ramp up funding for preparedness across the board; is alarmed by the growing impact of natural disasters, which are often the result of climate change and are therefore likely to occur with greater frequency and intensity in the future; points out that, according to the 2024 European Climate Risk Assessment Report, cumulated economic losses from natural disasters could reach about 1.4 % of Union GDP;

    48. Underlines, therefore, that, in addition to efforts to mitigate climate change through the green transition, significant investment is required to adapt to climate change, in particular to prevent and reduce the impact of natural disasters and severe weather events; considers that support for this purpose, such as through the current Union Civil Protection Mechanism, must be significantly increased in the next MFF and made available quickly to local and regional authorities, which are often on the frontline;

    49. Emphasises that reconstruction and recovery measures after natural disasters must be based on the ‘build back better’ approach and prioritise nature-based solutions; stresses the importance of sustainable water management and security and hydric resilience as part of the Union’s overall preparedness strategy;

    50. Recalls that the COVID-19 pandemic wreaked economic and social havoc globally and that a key lesson from the experience is that there is a need to prioritise investment in prevention of, preparedness for and response to health threats, in medical research and disease prevention, in access to critical medicines, in healthcare infrastructure, in physical and mental health and in the resilience and accessibility of public health systems in the Union; recalls that strategic autonomy in health is key to ensuring the Union’s preparedness in this area;

    51. Considers that the next MFF must build on the work done in the current programming period by ensuring that the necessary investment is in place to build a genuine European Health Union that delivers for all citizens;

    52. Underlines that, with technological developments, it has become easier for malicious and opportunistic foreign actors to spread disinformation, encourage online hate speech, interfere in elections and mount cyberattacks against the Union’s interests; insists that the next MFF must invest in enhanced cybersecurity capabilities and equip the Union to counter hybrid warfare in its various guises;

    53. Stresses that a free, independent and pluralistic media is a fundamental component of Europe’s resilience, safeguarding not only the free flow of information but also a democratic mindset, critical thinking and informed decision-making; points to the importance of investment in independent and investigative journalism, fact-checking initiatives, digital and media literacy and critical thinking to safeguard against disinformation, foreign information manipulation and electoral interference as part of the European Democracy Shield initiative and therefore to guarantee democratic resilience; underscores the need for continued Union budget support for initiatives in these areas;

    54. Underscores the importance of continued funding, in the next MFF, for effective protection of the EU’s external borders; underlines the need to counter transnational criminal networks and better protect victims of trafficking networks, and to strengthen resilience and response capabilities to address hybrid attacks and the instrumentalisation of migration, by third countries or hostile non-state actors; highlights, in particular, the need for support to frontline Member States for the purposes of securing the external borders of the EU;

    55. Underlines that the EU’s resilience and preparedness are inextricably linked to those of its regional and global partners; emphasises that strengthening partners’ capacity to prevent, withstand and effectively respond to extreme weather events, health crises, hybrid campaigns, cyberattacks or armed conflict also lowers the risk of spill-over effects for Europe;

    External action and enlargement

    56. Insists that, in a context of heightened global instability, the Union must continue to engage constructively with third countries and support peace, and conflict prevention, stability, prosperity, security, human rights, the rule of law, equality, democracy and sustainable development globally, in line with its global responsibility values and international commitments;

    57. Regrets the fact that external action in the current MFF has been underfunded, leading to significant recourse to special instruments and substantial reinforcements in the mid-term revision; notes, in particular, that humanitarian aid funding has been woefully inadequate, prompting routine use of the Emergency Aid Reserve;

    58. Underlines that the US’s retreat from its post-war global role in guaranteeing peace, security and democracy, in leading on global governance in the rules-based, multilateral international order and in providing essential development and humanitarian aid to those most in need around the world will leave an enormous gap and that the Union has a responsibility and overwhelming strategic interest in helping to fill that gap; calls on the Commission to address the consequences of the US’s retreat at the latest in its proposal for the post-2027 MFF;

    59. Stresses that the next MFF must continue to tackle the most pressing global challenges, from fighting climate change, to providing relief in the event of natural disasters, preventing and addressing violent conflict and guaranteeing global security, ensuring global food security, improving healthcare and education systems, reducing poverty and inequality, promoting democracy, human rights, the rule of law and social justice and boosting competitiveness and the security of global supply chains, in full compliance with the principle of policy coherence for development; emphasises, in particular, the need for support for the Union’s Southern and Eastern Neighbourhoods;

    60. Underlines that, in particular in light of the drastic cuts to the USAID budget, the budget must uphold the Union’s role as the world’s leading provider of development aid and climate finance in line with the Union’s global obligations and commitments; recalls, in that regard, that the Union and its Member States have collectively committed to allocating 0.7 % of their GNI to official development assistance and that poverty alleviation must remain its primary objective; insists that the budget must continue to support the Union in its efforts to defend the rules-based international order, democracy, multilateralism, human rights and fundamental values;

    61. Insists that, given the unprecedented scale of humanitarian crises, mounting global challenges and uncertainty of US assistance under the current administration, humanitarian aid funding must be significantly enhanced and that its use must remain solely needs-based and respect the principles of neutrality, independence and impartiality; emphasises that the needs-based nature of humanitarian aid requires ring-fenced funding delivered through a stand-alone spending programme, distinct from other external action financing; underscores, furthermore, that effective humanitarian aid provision is contingent on predictability through a sufficient annual baseline allocation;

    62. Emphasises that humanitarian aid, by its very nature, requires substantial flexibility and response capacity; considers, therefore, that, in addition to an adequate baseline figure, humanitarian aid will require significant ring-fenced flexibility in its design to enable an effective response to the growing crises;

    63. Emphasises that, in a context in which global actors are increasingly using trade interdependence as a means of economic coercion, the Union must bolster its capacity to protect and advance its own strategic interests, develop more robust tools to counter coercion and ensure genuine reciprocity in its partnerships; stresses that such an approach requires the strategic allocation of external financing so as to support, for example, economic, security and energy partnerships that align with the Union’s values and strategic interests;

    64. Considers that enlargement represents an opportunity to strengthen the Union as a geopolitical power and that the next MFF is pivotal for preparing the Union for enlargement and the candidate countries for accession; recalls that the stability, security and democratic resilience of the candidate countries are inextricably connected to those of the EU and require sustained strategic investment, linked to reforms, to support their convergence with Union standards; underlines the important role that citizens and civil society organisations play in the process of enlargement;

    65. Points to the need for strategically targeted support for pre-accession and for growth and investment; is of the view that post-2027 pre-accession assistance should be provided in the form of both grants and loans; believes, in that context, that the future framework should allow for innovative financing mechanisms, as well as lending to candidate countries backed by the budgetary headroom (the difference between the own resources and the MFF ceilings);

    66. Stresses that financial support must be conditional on the implementation of reforms aligned with the Union acquis and policies and adherence to Union values; emphasises, in this regard, the need for a strong governance model that ensures parliamentary accountability, oversight and control and a strong, effective anti-fraud architecture;

    67. Reiterates its full support for Ukrainians in their fight for freedom and democracy and deplores the terrible suffering and impact resulting from Russia’s unprovoked and unjustifiable war of aggression; welcomes the decision to grant Ukraine and the neighbouring Republic of Moldova candidate country status and insists on the need to deploy the necessary funds to support their accession processes;

    68. Underlines that pre-accession support to Ukraine has to be distinct from and additional to financial assistance for macroeconomic stability, reconstruction and post-war recovery, where needs are far more substantial and require a concerted international effort, of which support through the Union budget should be an important part;

    69. Is convinced that the existing mandatory revision clause in the event of enlargement should be maintained in the next framework and that national envelopes should not be affected; underlines that the next MFF will also have to put in place appropriate transitional and phasing-in measures for key spending areas, such as cohesion and agriculture, based on a careful assessment of the impacts on different sectors;

    Fundamental rights, Union values and the rule of law

    70. Emphasises the importance of the Union budget and programmes like Erasmus+ and Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values in promoting and protecting democracy and the Union’s values, fostering the Union’s common cultural heritage and European integration, enhancing citizen engagement, civic education and youth participation, safeguarding and promoting fundamental rights enshrined in the Charter of Fundamental Rights and the rule of law; calls, in this regard, for increased funding for Erasmus+ in the next MFF; points to the importance of the independence of the justice system, the sound functioning of national institutions, de-oligarchisation, robust support for and, in line with article 11(2) TEU, an active dialogue with civil society, which is vital for fostering an active civic space, ensuring accountability and transparency and informing policymakers about best practices from the ground;

    71. Highlights, in that connection, that the recast of the Financial Regulation requires the Commission and the Member States, in the implementation of the budget, to ensure compliance with the Charter of Fundamental Rights and to respect the values on which the Union is founded, which are enshrined in Article 2 TEU; expects the Commission to ensure that the proposals for the next MFF, including for the spending programmes, are aligned with the Financial Regulation recast;

    72. Stresses that instability in neighbouring regions and beyond, poverty, underlying trends in economic development, demographic changes and climate change, continue to generate migration flows towards the Union, placing significant pressure on asylum and migration systems; underlines that the post-2027 MFF must support the full and swift implementation of the Union’s Asylum and Migration Pact and effective return and readmission policies, in line with fundamental rights and EU values, including the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility; underlines, moreover, that, in line with the Pact, the EU must pursue enhanced cooperation and mutually beneficial partnerships with third countries on migration, with adequate parliamentary scrutiny, and that such cooperation must abide by EU and international law;

    73. Underlines that compliance with Union values and fundamental rights is an essential pre-requisite to access EU funds; highlights the importance of strong links between respect for the rule of law and access to EU funds under the current MFF; believes that the protection of the Union’s financial interests depends on respect for the rule of law at national level; welcomes, in particular, the positive impact of the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation in protecting the Union’s financial interests in cases of systemic and persistent breaches of the rule of law; calls on the Commission and the Council to apply the regulation strictly, consistently and without undue delay wherever necessary; emphasises that decisions to suspend or reduce Union funding over breaches of the rule of law must be based on objective criteria and not be guided by other considerations, nor be the outcome of negotiations;

    74. Points to the need for a stronger link between the rule of law and the Union budget post-2027 and welcomes the Commission’s commitment to bolster links between the recommendations in the annual rule of law report and access to funds through the budget; calls on the Commission to outline, in the annual rule of law report from 2025 onwards, the extent to which identified weaknesses in rule of law regimes potentially pose a risk to the Union budget; welcomes, furthermore, the link between respect for Union values and the implementation of the budget and calls on the Commission to actively monitor Member States’ compliance with this principle in a unified manner and to take swift action in the event of non-compliance;

    75. Calls for the consolidation of a robust rule of law toolbox, building on the current conditionality provisions under the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF), the horizontal enabling conditions in the Common Provisions Regulation and the relevant provisions of the Financial Regulation and insists that the toolbox should cover the entire Union budget; underlines the need for far greater transparency and consistency with regard to the application of tools to protect the rule of law and for Parliament’s role to be strengthened in the application and scrutiny of such measures; insists, furthermore, on the need for consistency across instruments when assessing breaches of the rule of law in Member States;

    76. Recalls that the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation provides that final recipients should not be deprived of the benefits of EU funds in the event of sanctions being applied to their government; believes that, to date, this provision has not been effective and stresses the importance of applying a smart conditionality approach so that beneficiaries are not penalised because of their government’s actions; calls on the Commission, in line with its stated intention in the political guidelines, to propose specific measures to ensure that local and regional authorities, civil society and other beneficiaries can continue to benefit from Union funding in cases of breaches of the rule of law by national governments without weakening the application of the regulation and maintaining the Member State’s obligation to pay under Union law;

     A long-term budget that mainstreams the Union’s policy objectives

    77. Stresses that a long-term budget that is fully aligned with the Union’s strategic aims requires that key objectives be mainstreamed across the budget through a set of horizontal principles, building on the lessons from the current MFF and RRF;

    78. Recalls that the implementation of horizontal principles should not lead to an excessive administrative burden on beneficiaries and be in line with the principle of proportionality; calls for innovative solutions and the use of automated reporting tools, including artificial intelligence, to achieve more efficient data collection;

    79. Underlines, therefore, that the next MFF must ensure that, across the board, spending programmes pursue climate and biodiversity objectives, promote and protect rights and equal opportunities for all, including gender equality, support competitiveness and bolster the Union’s preparedness against threats;

    80. Points out that effective mainstreaming is best achieved through a toolbox of measures, primarily through policy, project and regulatory design, thorough impact assessments and solid tracking of spending and, in specific cases, spending targets based on relevant and available data; welcomes the significant improvements in performance reporting in the current MFF, which allow for much better scrutiny of the impact of EU spending and calls for this to be further developed in the next programing period;

    81. Welcomes the development of a methodology to track gender-based spending and considers that the lessons learnt, in particular as regards the collection of gender-disaggregated data, the monitoring of implementation and impact and administrative burden, should be applied in the next MFF in order to improve the methodology; calls on the Commission to explore the feasibility of gender budgeting in the next MFF; stresses, in the same vein, the need for a significant improvement in climate and biodiversity mainstreaming methodologies to move towards the measurement of impact;

    82. Regrets that the Commission has not systematically conducted thorough impact assessments, including gender impact assessments, for all legislation involving spending through the budget and insists that this change;

    83. Is pleased that the climate mainstreaming target of 30 % is projected to be exceeded in the current MFF; regrets, however, that the Union is not on track to meet the 10 % target for 2026 for biodiversity-related expenditure; insists that the targets in the IIA have nevertheless been a major factor in driving climate and biodiversity spending; calls on the Commission to adapt the spending targets contributing positively to climate and biodiversity in line with the Union policy ambitions in this regard, taking into account the investment needs for these policy ambitions;

    84. Stresses, furthermore, that the Union budget should be implemented in line with Article 33(2) of the Financial Regulation, therefore without doing significant harm[12] to the specified objectives, respecting applicable working and employment conditions and taking into account the principle of gender equality;

    85. Welcomes the Commission’s commitment to phase out all fossil fuel subsidies and environmentally harmful subsidies in the next MFF; expects the Commission to come forward with its planned roadmap in this regard as part of its proposal for the next MFF;

    A long-term budget with an effective administration at the service of Europeans

    86. Underlines the need for Union policies to be underpinned by a well-functioning administration; insists that, post-2027, sufficient financial and staff resources be allocated from the outset so that Union institutions, bodies, decentralised agencies and the European Public Prosecutor’s Office can ensure effective and efficient policy design, high-quality delivery and enforcement, provide technical assistance, continue to attract the best people from all Member States, thus ensuring geographical balance, and have leeway to adjust to changing circumstances;

    87. Regrets that the Union’s ability to implement policy effectively and protect its financial interests within the current MFF has been undermined by stretched administrative resources and a dogmatic application of a policy of stable staffing, despite increasing demands and responsibilities; points, for example, to the failure to provide sufficient staff to properly implement and enforce the Digital Services[13] and Digital Markets Acts[14], thus undercutting the legislation’s effectiveness and to the repeated redeployments from programmes to decentralised agencies to cover staffing needs; insists that staffing levels be determined by an objective needs assessment when legislation is proposed and definitively adopted, and factored into planning for administrative expenditure from the outset;

    88. Emphasises that the Commission has sought, to some degree, to circumvent its own stable staffing policy by increasing staff attached to programmes and facilities and thus not covered by the administrative spending ceiling; underscores, however, that such an approach merely masks the problem and may ultimately undermine the operational capacity of programmes; insists, therefore, that additional responsibilities require administrative expenditure and must not erode programme envelopes;

    89. Stresses that up-front investment in secure and interoperable IT infrastructure and data mining capabilities can also generate longer-term cost savings and hugely enhance policy delivery and tracking of spending;

    90. Acknowledges that, in the absence of any correction mechanism in the current MFF, high inflation has significantly driven up statutory costs, requiring extensive use of special instruments to cover the shortfall; regrets that the Council elected not to take up the Commission’s proposal to raise the ceiling for administrative expenditure in the MFF revision, thus further eroding special instruments;

    A long-term budget that is simpler and more transparent

    91. Stresses that the next MFF must be designed so as to simplify the lives of all beneficiaries by cutting unnecessary red tape; underlines that simplification will require harmonising rules and reporting requirements wherever possible, including, as relevant, ensuring consistency between the applicable rules at European, national and regional levels; underlines, in that respect, the need for a genuine, user-friendly single entry point for EU funding and a simplified application procedure designed in consultation with relevant stakeholders; points out, furthermore, that the next MFF must be implemented as close to people as possible;

    92. Calls for genuine simplification where there are overlapping objectives, diverging eligibility criteria and different rules governing horizontal provisions that should be uniform across programmes; considers that an assessment of which spending programmes should be included in the next MFF must be based on the above aspects, on the need to focus spending on clearly identified policy objectives with clear European added value and on the policy intervention logic of each programme; stresses that reducing the number of programmes is not an end in itself;

    93. Underlines that simplification cannot mean more leeway for the Commission without the necessary checks and balances and must therefore be achieved with full respect for the institutional balance provided for in the Treaties;

    94. Insists that simplification cannot come at the expense of the quality of programme design and implementation and that, therefore, a simpler budget must also be a more transparent budget, enabling better accountability, scrutiny, control of spending and reducing the risks of double funding, misuse and fraud; underlines that any reduction in programmes must be offset by a far more detailed breakdown of the budget by budget line, in contrast to some programme mergers in the current MFF, such as the Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument – Global Europe (NDICI – Global Europe), which is an example not to follow; calls, therefore, for a sufficiently detailed breakdown by budget line to enable the budgetary authority to exercise proper accountability and ensure that decision-making in the annual budgetary procedure and in the course of budget implementation is meaningful;

    95. Recalls that transparency is essential to retain citizens’ trust, and that fraud and misuse of funds are extremely detrimental to that trust; underlines, therefore, the need for Parliament to be able to control spending and assess whether discharge can be granted; insists that proper accountability requires robust auditing for all budgetary expenditure based on the application of a single audit trail; calls on the Commission to put in place harmonised and effective anti-fraud mechanisms across funding instruments for the post-2027 MFF that ensure the protection of the Union’s budget;

    96. Reiterates its long-standing position that all EU-level spending should be brought within the purview of the budgetary authority, thereby ensuring transparency, democratic control and protection of the Union’s financial interests; calls, therefore, for the full budgetisation of (partially) off-budget instruments such as the Social Climate Fund, the Innovation Fund and the Modernisation Fund, or their successors;

    A long-term budget that is more flexible and more responsive to crises and shocks

    97. Points out that, traditionally, the MFF has not been conceived with a crisis response or flexibility logic, but rather has been designed primarily to ensure medium-term investment predictability; underlines that, in a rapidly changing political, security, economic and social context, such an approach is no longer tenable; insists on sufficient in-built crisis response capacity in the next MFF;

    98. Underscores that the current MFF has been beset by a lack of flexibility and an inability to adjust to evolving spending priorities; considers that the next MFF needs to strike a better balance between investment predictability and flexibility to adjust spending focus; highlights that spending in certain areas requires greater stability than in others where flexibility is more valuable; stresses that recurrent redeployments are not a viable way to finance the Union’s priorities as they damage investments and jeopardise the delivery of agreed policy objectives;

    99. Believes that, while allocating a significant portion of funding to objectives up-front, spending programmes should retain a substantial in-built flexibility reserve, with allocation to specific policy objectives to be decided by the budgetary authority; notes that the NDICI – Global Europe’s emerging challenges and priorities cushion provides a model for such a flexibility reserve, but that the decision-making process for its mobilisation must not be replicated in the future MFF; points to the need for stronger, more effective scrutiny powers of the co-legislators over the setting of policy priorities and objectives and a detailed budgetary breakdown to ensure that the budgetary authority is equipped to make meaningful and informed decisions;

    100. Underlines that the MFF must have sufficient margins under each heading to ensure that new instruments or spending objectives agreed over the programming period can be accommodated without eroding funding for other policy and long-term strategic objectives or eating into crisis response capacity;

    101. Underlines that the possibility for budgetary transfers under the Financial Regulation already provides for flexibility to adjust to evolving spending needs in the course of budget implementation; stresses that, under the current rules, the Commission has significant freedom to transfer considerable amounts between policy areas without budgetary authority approval, which limits scrutiny and control; calls, therefore, for the rules to be changed so as to introduce a maximum amount, in addition to a maximum percentage per budget line, for transfers without approval; considers that for transfers from Union institutions other than the Commission that are subject to a possible duly justified objection by Parliament or the Council, a threshold below which they would be exempt from that procedure could be a useful measure of simplification;

    102. Recalls that the current MFF has been placed under further strain due to high levels of inflation in a context where an annual 2 % deflator is applied to 2018 prices, reducing the budget’s real-terms value and squeezing its operational and administrative capacity; considers, therefore, that the future budget should be endowed with sufficient response capacity to enable the budget to adapt to inflationary shocks;

    103. Calls for a root-and-branch reform of the existing special instruments to bolster crisis response capacity and ensure an effective and swift reaction through more rapid mobilisation; underlines that the current instruments are both inadequate in size and constrained by excessive rigidity, with several effectively ring-fenced according to crisis type; points out that enhanced crisis response capacity will ensure that cohesion policy funds are not called upon for that purpose and can therefore be used for their intended investment objectives;

    104. Considers that the post-2027 MFF should include only two special instruments – one dedicated to ensuring solidarity in the event of natural disasters (the successor to the existing European Solidarity Reserve) and one for general-purpose crisis response and for responding to any unforeseen needs and emerging priorities, including where amounts in the special instrument for natural disasters are insufficient (the successor to the Flexibility Instrument); insists that both special instruments should be adequately funded from the outset and able to carry over unspent amounts indefinitely over the MFF period; believes that all other special instruments can either be wound up or subsumed into the two special instruments or into existing programmes;

    105. Calls for the future Flexibility Instrument to be heavily front-loaded and subsequently to be fed through a number of additional sources of financing: unspent margins from previous years (as with the current Single Margin Instrument), the annual surplus from the previous year, a fines-based mechanism modelled on the existing Article 5 of the MFF Regulation, reflows from financial instruments and decommitted appropriations; underlines that the next MFF should be designed such that the future special instruments are not required to cover debt repayment;

    106. Underlines that re-use of the surplus, of reflows from financial instruments and surplus provisioning and of decommitments would require amendments to the Financial Regulation;

    107. Points out that, with sufficient up-front resources and such arrangements for re-using unused funds, the budget would have far greater response capacity without impinging on the predictability of national GNI-based contributions; insists that an MFF endowed with greater flexibility and response capacity is less likely to require a substantial mid-term revision;

    A long-term budget that is more results-focused

    108. Emphasises that, in order to maximise impact, it is imperative that spending under the next MFF be much more rigorously aligned with the Union’s strategic policy aims and better coordinated with spending at national level; underlines that, in turn, consultation with regional and local authorities is vital to facilitate access to funding and ensure that Union support meets the real needs of final recipients and delivers tangible benefits for people; underscores the importance of technical assistance to implementing authorities to help ensure timely implementation, additionality of investments and therefore maximum impact;

    109. Underlines that, in order to support effective coordination between Union and national spending, the Commission envisages a ‘new, lean steering mechanism’ designed ‘to reinforce the link between overall policy coordination and the EU budget’; insists that Parliament play a full decision-making role in any coordination or steering mechanism;

    110. Considers that the RRF, with its focus on performance and links between reforms and investments and budgetary support, has helped to drive national investments and reforms that would not otherwise have taken place;

    111. Underlines that the RRF can help to inform the delivery of Union spending under shared management; recalls, however, that the RRF was agreed in the very specific context of the COVID-19 pandemic and cannot, therefore, be replicated wholesale for future investment programmes;

    112. Points out that spending under shared management in the next MFF must involve regional and local authorities and all relevant stakeholders from design to delivery through a place-based and multilevel governance approach and in line with an improved partnership principle, ensure the cross-border European dimension of investment projects, and focus on results and impact rather than outputs by setting measurable performance indicators, ensuring availability of relevant data and feeding into programme design and adjustment;

    113. Underlines that the design of shared management spending under the next MFF must safeguard Parliament’s role as legislator, budgetary and discharge authority and in holding the executive to account, putting in place strict accountability mechanisms and guaranteeing full transparency in relation to final recipients or groups of recipients of Union spending funds through an interoperable system enabling effective tracking of cash flows and project progress;

    114. Considers that the ‘one national plan per Member State’ approach envisaged by the Commission is not in line with the principles set out above and cannot be the basis for shared management spending post-2027; recalls that, in this regard, the Union is required, under Article 175 TFEU, to provide support through instruments for agricultural, regional and social spending;

    A long-term budget that manages liabilities sustainably

    115. Recalls Parliament’s very firm opposition to subjecting the repayment of NGEU borrowing costs to a cap within an MFF heading given that these costs are subject to market conditions, influenced by external factors and thus inherently volatile, and that the repayment of borrowing costs is a non-discretionary legal obligation; stresses that introducing new own resources is also necessary to prevent future generations from bearing the burden of past debts;

    116. Deplores the fact that, under the existing architecture and despite the joint declaration by the three institutions as part of the 2020 MFF agreement whereby expenditure to cover NGEU financing costs ‘shall aim at not reducing programmes and funds’, financing for key Union programmes and resources available for special instruments, even after the MFF revision, have de facto been competing with the repayment of NGEU borrowing costs in a context of steep inflation and rising interest rates; recalls that pressure on the budget driven by NGEU borrowing costs was a key factor in cuts to flagship programmes in the MFF revision;

    117. Underlines that, to date, the Union budget has been required only to repay interest related to NGEU and that, from 2028 onwards, the budget will also have to repay the capital; underscores that, according to the Commission, the total costs for NGEU capital and interest repayments are projected to be around EUR 25-30 billion a year from 2028, equivalent to 15-20 % of payment appropriations in the 2025 budget;

    118. Acknowledges that, while NGEU borrowing costs will be more stable in the next MFF period as bonds will already have been issued, the precise repayment profile will have an impact on the level of interest and thus on the degree of volatility; insists, therefore, that all costs related to borrowing backed by the Union budget or the budgetary headroom be treated distinctly from appropriations for EU programmes within the MFF architecture;

    119. Points, in that regard, to the increasing demand for the Union budget to serve as a guarantee for the Union’s vital support through macro-financial assistance and the associated risks; underlines that, in the event of default or the withdrawal of national guarantees, the Union budget ultimately underwrites all macro-financial assistance loans and therefore bears significant and inherently unpredictable contingent liabilities, notably in relation to Ukraine;

    120. Calls, therefore, on the Commission to design a sound and durable architecture that enables sustainable management of all non-discretionary costs and liabilities, fully preserving Union programmes and the budget’s flexibility and response capacity;

    A long-term budget that is properly resourced and sustainably financed

    121. Underlines that, as described above, the budgetary needs post-2027 will be significantly higher than the amounts allocated to the 2021-2027 MFF and, in addition, will need to cover borrowing costs and debt repayment; insists, therefore, that the next MFF be endowed with significantly increased resources compared to the 2021-2027 period, moving away from the historically restrictive, self-imposed level of 1 % of GNI, which has prevented the Union from delivering on its ambitions and deprived it of the ability to respond to crises and adapt to emerging needs;

    122. Considers that all instruments and tools should be explored in order to provide the Union with those resources, in line with its priorities and identified needs; considers, in this respect, that joint borrowing through the issuance of EU bonds presents a viable option to ensure that the Union has sufficient resources to respond to acute Union-wide crises such as the ongoing crisis in the area of security and defence;

    123. Reiterates the need for sustainable and resilient revenue for the Union budget; points to the legally binding roadmap towards the introduction of new own resources in the IIA, in which Parliament, the Council and the Commission undertook to introduce sufficient new own resources to at least cover the repayment of NGEU debt; underlines that, overall, the basket of new own resources should be fair, linked to broader Union policy aims and agreed on time and with sufficient volume to meet the heightened budgetary needs;

    124. Recalls its support for the amended Commission proposal on the system of own resources; is deeply concerned by the complete absence of progress on the system of own resources in the Council; calls on the Council to adopt this proposal as a matter of urgency; and urges the Commission to spare no effort in supporting the adoption process;

    125. Calls furthermore, on the Commission to continue efforts to identify additional innovative and genuine new own resources and other revenue sources beyond those specified in the IIA; stresses that new own resources are essential not only to enable repayment of NGEU borrowing, but to ensure that the Union is equipped to cover its the higher spending needs;

    126. Calls on the Commission to design a modernised budget with a renewed spending focus, driven by the need for fairness, greater simplification, a reduced administrative burden and more transparency, including on the revenue side; underlines that existing rebates and corrections automatically expire at the end of the current MFF;

    127. Welcomes the decision, in the recast of the Financial Regulation, to treat as negative revenue any interest or other charge due to a third party relating to amounts of fines, other penalties or sanctions that are cancelled or reduced by the Court of Justice; recalls that this solution comes to an end on 31 December 2027; invites the Commission to propose a definitive solution for the next MFF that achieves the same objective of avoiding any impact on the expenditure side of the budget;

    A long-term budget grounded in close interinstitutional cooperation

    128. Underlines that Parliament intends to fully exercise its prerogatives as legislator, budgetary authority and discharge authority under the Treaties;

    129. Recalls that the requirement for close interinstitutional cooperation between the Commission, the Council and Parliament from the early design stages to the final adoption of the MFF is enshrined in the Treaties and further detailed in the IIA;

    130. Emphasises Parliament’s commitment to play its role fully throughout the process; believes that the design of the MFF should be bottom-up and based on the extensive involvement of stakeholders; underlines, furthermore, the need for a strategic dialogue among the three institutions in the run-up to the MFF proposals;

    131. Calls on the Commission to put forward practical arrangements for cooperation and genuine negotiations from the outset; points, in particular, to the importance of convening meetings of the three Presidents, as per Article 324 TFEU, wherever they can aid progress, and insists that the Commission follow up when Parliament requests such meetings; reminds the Commission of its obligation to provide information to Parliament on an equal footing with the Council as the two arms of the budgetary authority and as co-legislators on MFF-related basic acts;

    132. Recalls that the IIA specifically provides for Parliament, the Council and the Commission to ‘seek to determine specific arrangements for cooperation and dialogue’; stresses that the cooperation provisions set out in the IIA, including regular meetings between Parliament and the Council, are a bare minimum and that much more is needed to give effect to the principle in Article 312(5) TFEU of taking ‘any measure necessary to facilitate the adoption of a new MFF’; calls, therefore, on the successive Council presidencies to respect not only the letter, but also the spirit of the Treaties;

    133. Recalls that the late adoption of the MFF regulation and related legislation for the 2014-2020 and 2021-2027 periods led to significant delays, which hindered the proper implementation of EU programmes; insists, therefore, that every effort be made to ensure timely adoption of the upcoming MFF package;

    134. Expects the Commission, as part of the package of MFF proposals, to put forward a new IIA in line with the realities of the new budget, including with respect to the management of contingent liabilities; stresses that the changes to the Financial Regulation necessary for alignment with the new MFF should enter into force at the same time as the MFF Regulation;

    135. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council and the Commission.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Household living-costs price indexes: March 2025 quarter – cancelled

    Household living-costs price indexes: March 2025 quarter – cancelled

    23 April 2025

    The Household living-costs price indexes: March 2025 quarter (HLPI) has been cancelled and will not be released on 1 May 2025.  

    This is due to a range of technical data processing challenges in updating and applying the weights for the HLPIs, following the Consumers price index review: 2024.

    We are working with our customers to understand the impacts of this and to find a solution, and we will provide a further update.

    New weights from the Consumers price index review: 2024 have been successfully implemented in the selected price indexes and the CPI. However, updating and applying these to the HLPI has been much more complicated.

    Cancelling the March 2025 edition of Household living-costs price indexes does not affect the quarterly CPI. Our economic data remains reliable, fit-for-purpose, and within international best practice. 

    The HLPI is used as an input for one of the measures of child poverty statistics. A key part of our solution will be to ensure we deliver on our obligations to measure child poverty.    

    We apologise for any inconvenience this causes.  

    Ends

    For media enquiries contact: Yvette Preece, Wellington, 021 285 9191, media@stats.govt.nz

    The Government Statistician authorises all statistics and data we publish.

    If you wish to change your details or unsubscribe please email subscriptions@stats.govt.nz.

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    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Labour’s Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse candidate silent on Starmer’s cuts

    Source: Scottish National Party

    Campaigning in the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election, the SNP’s candidate Katy Loudon has called out the “deafening silence” on Labour’s broken promises by both Anas Sarwar and Labour’s by-election candidate.

    Only this week 14 Labour MSPs voted to support the latest round of Labour cuts which are expected to push 250,000 people into poverty. Not only did those Labour MSPs vote to support cuts but eight others failed to vote at all – including Anas Sarwar himself.

    So far, the Labour candidate in the Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election has not spoken out against Labour cuts which will harm countless families in the constituency.

    He’s also been silent on Labour’s record in government which includes:

    • Cutting £4.8 billion of disability payments to vulnerable households
    • Promising to cut energy bills by £300 but instead overseeing an increase of almost £300
    • Maintaining the two-child cap which is pushing 15,000 Scottish children into poverty
    • Scrapping the Winter Fuel Payment from 900,000 pensioners
    • Saving British Steel in Scunthorpe but treating Grangemouth as an afterthought

    Katy Loudon said that Anas Sarwar’s silence over the Labour Party’s broken promises proves that neither he, nor his party, can be trusted to do right by the people of Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse.

    She described how in government, Labour has maintained the awful two child cap, taken away vital payments from pensioners and overseen soaring household bills – and all within a matter of months.

    “Astonishingly, Labour MSPs are in lockstep with their London bosses – with most of their MSPs  backing the £5 billion of Labour cuts to disability support while others, like Sarwar, avoided voting altogether”, she went on to say.

    She added: “The people of Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse deserve better than a Labour candidate who will look the other way, like Anas Sarwar.

    “A fairer Scotland, free from Westminster cuts, is possible under the SNP, and I will be taking that message to doorsteps across Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Household living-costs price indexes: March 2025 quarter – cancelled

    Household living-costs price indexes: March 2025 quarter – cancelled

    23 April 2025

    The Household living-costs price indexes: March 2025 quarter (HLPI) has been cancelled and will not be released on 1 May 2025.  

    This is due to a range of technical data processing challenges in updating and applying the weights for the HLPIs, following the Consumers price index review: 2024.

    We are working with our customers to understand the impacts of this and to find a solution, and we will provide a further update.

    New weights from the Consumers price index review: 2024 have been successfully implemented in the selected price indexes and the CPI. However, updating and applying these to the HLPI has been much more complicated.

    Cancelling the March 2025 edition of Household living-costs price indexes does not affect the quarterly CPI. Our economic data remains reliable, fit-for-purpose, and within international best practice. 

    The HLPI is used as an input for one of the measures of child poverty statistics. A key part of our solution will be to ensure we deliver on our obligations to measure child poverty.    

    We apologise for any inconvenience this causes.  

    Ends

    For media enquiries contact: Yvette Preece, Wellington, 021 285 9191, media@stats.govt.nz

    The Government Statistician authorises all statistics and data we publish.

    If you wish to change your details or unsubscribe please email subscriptions@stats.govt.nz.

    Thank you for using the Stats NZ subscription service.

    Publishing team
    +64 4 931 4600
    publishing@stats.govt.nz
    www.stats.govt.nz

    More information is available on the Stats NZ website at www.stats.govt.nz

     Follow us on Twitter

     Like us on Facebook  


    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: HON. PRIME MINISTER FIAME NAOMI MATAAFA MEETS WITH TAIALA YOUTH EXCHANGE PROGRAM

    Source:

    Share this:

    [PRESS RELEASE Apia Samoa, 10th April 2025] – The Taiala Youth Exchange Program, a cultural and leadership initiative led by Brown Girl Woke and Samoan Solutions, was honored to meet with the Honorable Prime Minister Fiame Naomi Mataafa on April 10, 2025, at the Prime Minister’s Office in Apia.

    The meeting brought together Samoan diaspora youth and national leadership to discuss service, identity, and the importance of reconnecting to Fa’aSamoa.

    At 11:33 a.m., the Prime Minister was formally welcomed in Samoan by Jocelynette Leilua, Program Manager of Brown Girl Woke. The youth were introduced and acknowledged for their work and commitment to their cultural roots.

    The Prime Minister shared her reflections on leadership, shaped by the legacy of her mother and aunties—women who modeled integrity and service in governance.

    After receiving her matai title at age 20, her political career began shortly after, grounded in education, faith, and community.

    Youth Questions & Prime Minister’s Reflections

    1. Donnavyn Tuitele: Who were your role models and mentors?

    Fiame: “My mother, my aunties, and the women in my community. They didn’t call themselves mentors, but they always told me what to do. I was raised by strong women who were midwives, teachers, and community leaders.”

    2. Nerisa Tuaua: Did you feel pressure to enter politics because of your family’s legacy?

    Fiame: “No, I always had an interest in politics. But things happened faster than I expected. When my father passed away, it shifted everything. I received my matai title at 20, and my leadership path began from there.”

    3. Alexandria Saelua: How do you care for your own mental health while serving Samoa?

    Fiame: “Mental health is so important. We don’t talk about it enough here. There’s only one mental health organization in Samoa, and a small hospital unit. I try to reflect, stay close to nature, and surround myself with positive people. Rest and prayer help ground me.”

    4. Manalita Sagote: What do you consider your greatest accomplishment?

    Fiame: “Serving in the Ministry of Education and rebuilding after the cyclones. We had to redesign the curriculum to support bilingual learning—keeping Samoan language strong while teaching

    English.”

    5. Epi Aumavae: What message do you have for diaspora youth trying to reconnect to Samoa?

    Fiame: “You can’t make up identity—it has to be lived. But you can build it. If our young people are supported where they are, they’ll carry Samoa with them. If not, we need to welcome them back with open arms and strong culture.”

    6. Why Taiala Matters

    a) Maluseu Doris Tulifau, founder of Brown Girl Woke, shared:

    “Brown Girl Woke was created in Samoa as a safe space for diaspora Samoans who carry a deep desire to return—not just to reconnect, but to serve with humility.

    Coming home isn’t always easy, but it’s necessary. Taiala helps bridge that journey. It allows us to ground our experiences in Fa’aSamoa, and to give back in a way that honors both where we come from and what we’ve learned. This exchange reminds us there is always room to return, to listen, and to serve with grace.”

    b) Epi Leone Aumavae, founder of Samoan Solutions and Taiala Program Coordinator, added:

    “Taiala was created to help our youth find their identity by learning about being samoan —not just by blood, but through culture, language, and service. We come back to Samoa because this is where we’re reminded who we are. For so many diaspora youth, that connection has been broken or never fully formed. This exchange gives them a path—not just to visit, but to belong.”

    Brown Girl Woke & Samoan Solutions Leadership

    1. Maluseu Doris Tulifau – Founder, Brown Girl Woke

    2. Jocelynette Leilua – Program Manager, Brown Girl Woke

    3. Prince Lalovi – Cultural Program Assistant, Brown Girl Woke

    4. Epi Leone Aumavae – Founder, Samoan Solutions & Taiala Program Coordinator

    2025 Taiala Youth Delegation

    1. Lulani Jolee Tafilele Moors

    2. Donnavyn Iliganoa Fatumalala Tuitele

    3. Nerisa Anita Tuaua

    4. Manalita Akenese Sefulu Sagote

    5. Charmaine Susana Ah Kuoi – Sanft, Chaperone

    6. Aaliyah Puataunofo Aumavae, Media Team Lead

    7. Alexandria Laloifi Saelua, Mental Health Educator & Facilitator

    7) A Cultural Homecoming

    Prime Minister Mataafa left the youth with a reminder that identity is not fixed—it is something we choose to honor and carry.

    “E matitiva fa’afesaga’i.”

    “Even in poverty, be gracious, be generous, and stay connected to others.”

    She explained that poverty is not only material, but emotional and spiritual—and in moments of disconnection, we must still choose compassion and community.

    Taiala is more than a program. It is a cultural homecoming, a bridge between generations, and a living example of how young Samoans across the globe are returning with purpose.

    For media inquiries, partnerships, or to support the next Taiala cohort:

    Brown Girl Woke | browngirlwoke.com

    Samoan Solutions | samoansolutions.org

    ENDS.

    Photos by the Government of Samoa (Peseta Tusiga Taofiga)

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    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Fee schedule for public healthcare services gazetted to take effect on January 1 next year

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

    Fee schedule for public healthcare services gazetted to take effect on January 1 next year 
    The HHB spokesperson emphasised that the Government is implementing the healthcare system reform in a holistic manner, of which public healthcare fees and charges is an integral part. The reform will be based on five key principles:
     
    (i) Commitment will not be lessened: The Government’s commitment to public health will remain unchanged. All gains from the reform will be wholly utilised for public healthcare services; 
    (ii) Co-payment for those who can afford it and for those with mild conditions: The Government will reasonably expand and enhance the co-payment mechanism; 
    (iii) Enhancement and reduction: Protection for “poor, acute, serious, critical” patients will be enhanced, and wastage will be reduced; 
    (iv) High subsidisation: The high level of subsidy will be maintained after the reform, with the target of maintaining the 90 per cent overall public subsidisation rate; and 
    (v) Gradual and orderly progress: The objective will be achieved in a progressive and orderly manner in five years.  
    Following the announcement of the Public Healthcare Fees and Charges Reform on March 25, the HHB and the HA have been actively engaging with the Legislative Council, members of the public, and various stakeholders to explain the reform details and gather feedback on the reform direction. There is a consensus across society that Hong Kong’s current public healthcare subsidisation structure cannot cope with increasing service demands driven by demographic changes and healthcare developments. This necessitates reform of the public healthcare subsidisation structure to modify healthcare service utilisation patterns, achieve precise allocation of medical resources, reduce wastage and misuse of medical resources, and strengthen protection for those most in need.
     
    Apart from restructuring subsidisation levels for various services, the public healthcare fees and charges reform emphasises enhanced healthcare protection, including enhancing the medical fee waiver mechanism, introducing a cap on annual spending, and strengthening protection for patients with critical illnesses regarding drugs and medical devices. As such, public healthcare will be reinforced as a safety net for all, which is also becoming larger, more stable, thicker and denser, to enhance protection for “poor, acute, serious, critical” patients. It is expected that the enhanced medical fee waiving mechanism will expand eligible beneficiaries from 0.3 million to 1.4 million underprivileged individuals, while the annual spending cap will benefit 70 000 patients with serious illnesses. More patients with critical illnesses, including those from middle-income families, will receive subsidies for drugs and medical devices.
     
    The HA spokesperson said, “The HA’s next steps will focus on refining implementation measures to ensure the smooth execution of the reform, including streamlining application procedures for medical fee waivers and relaxing the eligibility criteria of means test for the Samaritan Fund safety net, and establishing information platforms to help members of the public understand and utilise the new healthcare protection measures starting next year. On April 28, the HA will launch a means test calculator on the HA website and mobile application ‘HA Go’ (See Attachment). By inputting information about household income and assets, members of the public can make a preliminary estimation of their eligibility for medical fee waiving and safety net applications under the new healthcare protection measures to be implemented next year.”
     
    The spokesperson added that the Primary Healthcare Commission (PHC Commission) will actively develop primary healthcare to complement the reform, encouraging appropriate utilisation of community primary healthcare networks. The HA will continue to increase the capacity of family medicine outpatient services, with a priority to serve underprivileged groups including low-income families and the elderly living in poverty. Through cross-district collaboration and flexible resource allocation, evening and holiday outpatient services will be increased, focusing on districts with high demand. The PHC Commission and the HA will also collaborate with private healthcare institutions to compile information about private hospitals and primary healthcare clinics providing evening and holiday services, making this information available through various channels including eHealth and at Accident and Emergency (A&E) departments to help members of the public access service options beyond A&E. Starting January 1 next year, when the new A&E fee ($400) takes effect, the HA will simultaneously regularise the special A&E refund arrangements. While waiting for consultation after triage nurses conduct triage and preliminary medical assessments, patients who choose to seek treatment at other healthcare institutions may apply for a $350 refund.
     
    The HA is also reviewing fees for non-eligible persons, private services in public hospitals, and remaining individual fee items for public healthcare services. Further announcements will be made upon completion of the review.
    Issued at HKT 18:40

    NNNN

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Campaign shines a light on capital’s unclaimed millions

    Source: Scotland – City of Edinburgh

    Edinburgh residents are being urged to check their cost-of-living support to claim everything they are entitled to.

    With 80,000 people living in poverty in Edinburgh – including close to a quarter of all children – tackling inequality and preventing poverty remains one of the biggest challenges facing the capital.

    As it’s revealed that households could be owed up to £80 million in unclaimed benefits in Edinburgh, the council has rolled out two new self-help tools to make it easier for people to check what they’re owed.

    A DIY benefits calculator, Entitled To, and a one-stop-shop for other forms of financial support, Lightning Reach, have been made available online.

    A campaign has been launched to highlight these tools, urging residents not to leave their household budgets to chance. 

    Council Leader Jane Meagher said:

    It’s a worrying time for lots of people who are struggling with rising costs and we want to make sure that every household is claiming all the benefits they are entitled to. If you go online, you’ll find our DIY benefits calculator which makes it straightforward to check what you might be owed, so that you can then apply for support.

    Our efforts to tackle poverty in Edinburgh have put almost £24 million into the pockets of those who need it most, but around £80 million in benefits remains unclaimed. It’s my hope that this campaign will help to challenge the barriers – stigma, complexity and lack of awareness – that prevent people from accessing the support they should be getting. I urge everyone to check their cost-of-living support and to get in touch for more advice or support as needed.

    Linda’s story

    Linda, 59, has been a full-time-carer for her brother since their mother passed away almost 10 years ago.

    She said:

    I worked from the age of 17 and in my late 20’s I bought my own home and a car. But in 2015, my mother suddenly became unwell. She spent six months in intensive care on a ventilator and then passed away. I very suddenly became a full time carer for my brother, who has additional support needs. I had to stop working and sell my house to go live with him and my life changed completely.

    I went from ‘having it all’ – a job, a house, holidays and savings – to having next to nothing. The stigma associated with having to ask for help and being judged for having to rely on benefits has probably been the hardest part.

    I wish I had sought help earlier than I did. I wish I had set my pride and feelings of shame aside and realised that asking for help is not a bad thing. When life events happen that turn your world upside down, there is help available. The hardest part is knowing where to look to find that help – it can be very challenging – and accepting that there is no stigma in asking.

    Progress to End Poverty in Edinburgh

    This July will mark the mid-point between the publication of the Edinburgh Poverty Commission’s final report and the city’s target to end poverty by 2030.

    Linda (as above) is a member of End Poverty Edinburgh. Speaking about this experience, she said:

    By being part of End Poverty Edinburgh, I have had the opportunity to attend and speak at various meetings and events to raise awareness of the issues which those living in poverty have to face. We work closely with the council and others to improve customer experiences when seeking advice and help. We try to promote the help that is available which a lot of people aren’t aware of. Being part of this group has given me back a feeling of self worth.

    So far, positive collaboration on a range of initiatives between the council and partners has led to:

    •          Increasing access to grants and welfare advice by 20% over the last year

    •          Helping residents to receive almost £24 million in previously unclaimed benefits

    •          Supporting 5,000 people into work or learning (a 19% increase on the previous year)

    •          Driving down bills for 900 homes thanks to new energy efficiency measures

    •          Securing savings worth £206k for tenants through Energy Advice Support (an average of £428 per household)

    •          Helping to prevent homelessness for 461 households

    •          Over 9,000 free school meal payments and nearly 8,400 clothing grant awards

    •          Supporting 95% of all pupils to reach positive destinations after school

    •          Encouraging payment of the living wage (up 80 in a year to 720 accredited employers)

    •          Agreeing Council contracts committed to paying the real Living Wage (96% of suppliers, up 14%)

    •          Introducing a new Regenerative Futures Fund, a third sector led programme bringing £15m of new investment.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Global: The UK’s social security system falls way below international human rights standards: new report

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Koldo Casla, Senior Lecturer, Essex Law School, University of Essex

    9to9studio/Shutterstock

    The right to social security is enshrined in several international agreements on human rights. But the UK’s system – even before the disability benefits cuts announced earlier this year – falls way below these standards.

    For a new report published today, Amnesty International asked my colleague Lyle Barker and me to review the evidence about the state of the UK’s social security in relation to international human rights law.

    The UK has signed and ratified a number of international agreements on human rights. One of these is the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which lays out the right to social security. An accompanying document defines the three key principles of this right as:

    • Availability A social security system established in law, administered publicly, and materially reachable by those who need it.

    • Adequacy Benefits must be suitable, both in amount and in duration, to realise essential socioeconomic rights.

    • Accessibility Everyone should be covered by the social security system, paying particular attention to disadvantaged and marginalised individuals and groups.

    The conclusion of our study for Amnesty International is crystal clear: even disregarding the cuts announced in March, the UK’s social security system does not meet these standards.

    Availability

    Our review of the literature shows a widespread underclaiming of benefits. It has been estimated that in 2024, £22.7 billion in income-related benefits went unclaimed, a £4 billion increase from the previous year.

    Gaps in official data hinder a clear understanding of why many people are missing out on the support they are entitled to. But qualitative evidence suggests this is largely due to fear, stigma, bureaucratic and digital hurdles, and eligibility cliff edges for means-tested benefits.

    In recent years, the UK government has adopted a contentious and punitive stance toward benefit recipients. Media and political rhetoric have portrayed those who claim benefits as idle or undeserving scroungers.

    This stigma harms the mental health and self-esteem of people experiencing poverty. It can result in shame and secrecy, and create barriers to people accessing support they are entitled to.

    Our research for Amnesty International concludes that UK claimants do not get enough information and support about their rights to benefits. Combined with the stigma of claiming, the UK is falling far short of making benefits “available” in line with international standards.

    Adequacy

    Since the austerity policies of the 2010s, the UK’s social security system has become significantly less adequate in supporting vulnerable people and families. The basic rate of universal credit (the main benefit for working-age people on a low income) is at 40-year low in real terms amid a cost of living crisis.

    Restrictive policies, such as the benefit cap (introduced in 2013 to set a maximum limit to the total benefits received by a household) and the two-child limit have curtailed access to essential benefits. Although inflation adjustments in the last two years provided some relief, many benefits still fail to keep up with rising living costs.

    The two-child limit is the cruellest expression of the inadequacy of the UK’s social security system. Introduced by the Conservative government in 2017, the two-child limit restricts financial support through universal credit to two children. It is likely to be the most significant single cause of child poverty in the UK, including in families where adults work but do not earn enough to make ends meet.

    When Labour returned to power, there was much speculation about whether they would reverse the two-child limit. But despite pleas from experts and people with direct experience, the government has persisted in retaining it.




    Read more:
    Our research shows the harm the two-child limit on benefits is doing. Only scrapping it can end this


    Accessibility

    Our study lays out the many barriers to accessibility in the UK’s system. For example, the bureaucratic hurdles in the assessment process, and the disproportionate impact of punitive sanctions on lone mothers and on minority ethnic claimants.

    The UK operates a benefits sanction regime, which imposes penalties on claimants who fail to meet certain conditions. These include attending jobcentre appointments or accepting job offers. In general, sanctions and the fear of sanctions erode the trust between benefit claimants and the social security system.

    Benefits sanctions are just one of the barriers to accessing social security.
    1000words/Shutterstock

    As it did in its previous review in 2016, in February the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights recommended that the UK review the use of benefit sanctions to ensure they are used proportionately and are subject to prompt and independent dispute resolution mechanisms.

    Another accessibility concern is the shift to a digital-by-default system in the 2010s. While intended to make accessing benefits more efficient, it has become an administrative barrier.

    Many people, particularly the elderly and others who are less digitally literate, struggle to navigate the benefits system. It excludes people without reliable internet access, underscoring a digital divide that prevents meaningful access to social security.

    Meeting standards

    Given the evidence, it is no surprise that earlier this year, the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights urged the UK government to assess the cumulative effects of the austerity measures introduced in the 2010s.

    In particular, the committee recommended reversing the two-child limit, the benefit cap and the five-week delay for the first universal credit payment, and increasing the budget allocated to social security. These recommendations were made before the changes announced in the spring statement.

    To live up to the internationally recognised right to social security, the UK should recognise in law, policy and practice that social security is a human right. And, that it is essential to the fulfilment of other human rights.

    Amnesty International recommends the government set up a commission with statutory powers, to produce a strategy for “wholesale reform” of the social security system. The UK must establish a minimum support level and an essentials guarantee, to ensure beneficiaries can consistently meet their basic needs. A good way to start would be abolishing the two-child limit once and for all.

    Koldo Casla and Lyle Barker wrote the study underpinning Amnesty International’s report on the state of the right to social security in the UK.

    ref. The UK’s social security system falls way below international human rights standards: new report – https://theconversation.com/the-uks-social-security-system-falls-way-below-international-human-rights-standards-new-report-254528

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI China: Xi makes important instructions on work related to civil-military mutual support

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    BEIJING, April 25 — Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, Chinese president and chairman of the Central Military Commission, recently issued important instructions on work concerning mutual support between the military and the government as well as that between the military and the people, highlighting that civil-military mutual support is a fine tradition and unique political advantage for the Party, the military and the people. On the new journey, Xi stressed the need to adhere to the guidance of the Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, uphold the Party’s overall leadership, deepen reform and innovation, improve policy mechanisms, and achieve continuous progress in promoting civil-military mutual support.

    He urged Party committees and governments at all levels to care about and support military development and reform, proactively address the concerns and resolve difficulties of officers and soldiers, and further foster a positive social atmosphere of valuing national defense, supporting the military and honoring military personnel. Xi stressed that the military should firmly establish a strong awareness of its fundamental purpose, actively support local construction and development, and take concrete actions to bring benefits and prosperity to the people. Xi called for close civil-military collaboration to consolidate and develop rock-solid unity between the military and the government and between the military and the people, so as to jointly write a new chapter of mutual love and support between the people and the military in the new era.

    The national conference on honoring model cities (counties) for civil-military mutual support was held in Beijing on April 23. Xi’s important instructions were conveyed at the conference. Li Qiang, a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and premier of the State Council, attended and addressed the conference.

    In his speech, Li said that General Secretary Xi Jinping’s important expositions and instructions on civil-military mutual support are a summary of historical experience from work done in this respect under the Party’s leadership and the fruit of theoretical innovation, providing fundamental guidance for advancing work in this regard on the new journey of the new era. He called for resolute implementation of Xi’s instructions to continuously break new ground for work in this respect.

    Li said that in recent years, through all-around efforts across the military and the civilian sectors, progress has been made in promoting civil-military mutual support, relevant laws and regulations have been optimized, and social organizations and service networks supporting the military have been improved. The military has actively taken part in implementing major strategies such as poverty alleviation, rural revitalization and the consolidation of border defense. It has also outstandingly accomplished missions including emergency response and disaster relief, evacuation of citizens from foreign countries and escorting services, maintaining stability and addressing contingencies. The present and the near future constitute a critical period for our endeavor to build a great country and stride toward national rejuvenation on all fronts through Chinese modernization. Promoting civil-military mutual support connects and unites the two sides. We should ensure that work in this regard plays an important role in pooling strength and should leverage its unique advantage of providing two-way support, thus contributing to advancing the cause of the Party and the country.

    Li emphasized that all regions and departments must strengthen their awareness of national defense and overall strategic thinking, focus on key areas of military development and reform, enhance resource allocation and coordination, deepen civil-military collaboration, and proactively serve the modernization of national defense and the armed forces. Efforts should be made to take into account the practical needs of both active-duty and retired service members, enhance the targeted support services, and address wholeheartedly the concerns of military personnel, such as education for their children, employment for their spouses, and elderly care for their parents. Li also called for solid and down-to-earth efforts in the resettlement of retired military personnel, employment and entrepreneurship support, preferential treatment, and assistance to those in need. The military should be supported to take an active part in local economic and social development by leveraging its strengths, and to play a greater role in promoting high-quality development, supporting local work and maintaining public security and social stability. In addition to deepening the reform and innovation of work related to civil-military mutual support, Li also urged efforts to boost the quality and effectiveness of such work, improve the mechanisms for organization and leadership, further foster models in this regard, consolidate and expand the social foundation, and push for the effective implementation of the CPC Central Committee’s decisions and plans on the matter.

    At the conference, a decision was read out on honoring model cities (counties) for work related to civil-military mutual support, and awards were presented to representatives of them. Representatives from both the military and civil sectors delivered speeches.

    Shi Taifeng, Li Shulei, Zhang Youxia, Wang Dongming, Wu Zhenglong and Shen Yueyue attended the meeting, which was presided over by Shen Yiqin.

    Also present were representatives of the honored model cities (counties) for civil-military mutual support, members of the National Leading Group for Civil-Military Mutual Support, officials in charge of relevant military and civil departments, and officials in charge of leading groups and offices for civil-military mutual support of provinces, autonomous regions, municipalities, and the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Social care services to 800 adults set to return to the council

    Source: City of Salford

    • Adult social care services delivered by Aspire to return to the council.
    • 10-month transition period until 31 March 2026 to enable the changes to be planned and delivered.
    • Consultation period will ensure that continuity of services remain in place for people receiving support and their families.

    Adult social care services delivered to more than 800 residents in Salford are set to return to be delivered in-house by the city council.

    The services have been delivered by community interest company Aspire for Intelligent Care and Support since 2015, with around 350 staff providing 744,000 hours of care a year for adults with care needs including learning disabilities, dementia and care for older people.

    The decision, made by Salford City Council’s cabinet on Tuesday (22 April), will include a 10-month transition period until 31 March 2026 to enable the changes to be planned and delivered in consultation with staff involved and in partnership with Aspire to ensure that continuity of services remain in place for people receiving support and their families.

    The decision follows on from a pledge in the council’s Corporate Plan 2024-2028 and values the people who work in adult social care while protecting services that support people in living independent and fulfilled lives in Salford.

    Councillor John Merry, cabinet member for adult social care and health, said: “Following our pledge to work toward in-sourcing social care and the commitment in the council’s Corporate Plan 2024-28 to protect services that support our residents in Salford, significant work has been underway to develop recommendations on how to take this forward. The cabinet decision means that adult social care services currently being delivered under contract by Aspire will come back to the council’s adult social care directorate from April 2026. We are committed to working closely with Aspire and all staff involved to successfully manage the transition period.

    “The services delivered by Aspire over the past 10 years have been an asset to the city, and we have seen a dedicated workforce provide high quality care and support to residents. We are excited about welcoming the Aspire team back into the council and learning from all the teams and their wealth of experience in terms of growing the services offered in the city.

    “While we recognise the value the council places on social care and the drive to protect and professionalise the sector, we understand that this will mean a period of change for staff involved and every support will be provided to manage the transition. The knowledge, expertise and enthusiasm of Aspire staff will be of critical importance as we move back under council control and staff views and opinions will continue to be heard through the transition phase, and will continue when the services move back to the council.”

    Lisa Dickinson, chief executive of Aspire for Intelligent Care and Support, said: “We are committed to working with the council through this transition period, while supporting our staff and ensuring that residents continue to receive the high quality of services required to meet their needs.”

    Salford City Council is committed to creating a fairer, greener, healthier and more inclusive city for all. To achieve this vision, it has set out seven interconnected priorities as the focus for our work from 2024 to 2028.

    • Good growth
    • A good home for all
    • Tackling poverty and inequality
    • Creating places where people want to live
    • A child friendly city
    • Responding to climate change
    • Healthy lives and quality of care for all.

    Find out more about our ambitions and how we intend to deliver them in our corporate plan, This is our Salford, at www.salford.gov.uk/this-is-our-salford

    The plan builds on past successes and continues to find new and innovative ways to improve residents’ lives.

    Salford continues its remarkable story of transformation with already much to celebrate as a city – more well-paid jobs, new affordable and social homes, thriving local schools, award-winning green spaces, iconic infrastructure, cleaner transport, more integrated health and care and a vibrant cultural scene.

    Share this


    Date published
    Friday 25 April 2025

    Press and media enquiries

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Global: AI policies in Africa: lessons from Ghana and Rwanda

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Thompson Gyedu Kwarkye, Postdoctoral Researcher, University College Dublin

    Artificial intelligence (AI) is increasing productivity and pushing the boundaries of what’s possible. It powers self-driving cars, social media feeds, fraud detection and medical diagnoses. Touted as a game changer, it is projected to add nearly US$15.7 trillion to the global economy by the end of the decade.

    Africa is positioned to use this technology in several sectors. In Ghana, Kenya and South Africa, AI-led digital tools in use include drones for farm management, X-ray screening for tuberculosis diagnosis, and real-time tracking systems for packages and shipments. All these are helping to fill gaps in accessibility, efficiency and decision-making.

    However, it also introduces risks. These include biased algorithms, resource and labour exploitation, and e-waste disposal. The lack of a robust regulatory framework in many parts of the continent increases these challenges, leaving vulnerable populations exposed to exploitation. Limited public awareness and infrastructure further complicate the continent’s ability to harness AI responsibly.

    What are African countries doing about it?
    To answer this, my research mapped out what Ghana and Rwanda had in place as AI policies and investigated how these policies were developed. I looked for shared principles and differences in approach to governance and implementation.

    The research shows that AI policy development is not a neutral or technical process but a profoundly political one. Power dynamics, institutional interests and competing visions of technological futures shape AI regulation.

    I conclude from my findings that AI’s potential to bring great change in Africa is undeniable. But its benefits are not automatic. Rwanda and Ghana show that effective policy-making requires balancing innovation with equity, global standards with local needs, and state oversight with public trust.

    The question is not whether Africa can harness AI, but how and on whose terms.

    How they did it

    Rwanda’s National AI Policy emerged from consultations with local and global actors. These included the Ministry of ICT and Innovation, the Rwandan Space Agency, and NGOs like the Future Society, and the GIZ FAIR Forward. The resulting policy framework is in line with Rwanda’s goals for digital transformation, economic diversification and social development. It includes international best practices such as ethical AI, data protection, and inclusive AI adoption.

    Ghana’s Ministry of Communication, Digital Technology and Innovations conducted multi-stakeholder workshops to develop a national strategy for digital transformation and innovation. Start-ups, academics, telecom companies and public-sector institutions came together and the result is Ghana’s National Artificial Intelligence Strategy 2023–2033.

    Both countries have set up or plan to set up Responsible AI offices. This aligns with global best practices for ethical AI. Rwanda focuses on local capacity building and data sovereignty. This reflects the country’s post-genocide emphasis on national control and social cohesion. Similarly, Ghana’s proposed office focuses on accountability, though its structure is still under legislative review.

    Ghana and Rwanda have adopted globally recognised ethical principles like privacy protection, bias mitigation and human rights safeguards. Rwanda’s policy reflects Unesco’s AI ethics recommendations and Ghana emphasises “trustworthy AI”.

    Both policies frame AI as a way to reach the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. Rwanda’s policy targets applications in healthcare, agriculture, poverty reduction and rural service delivery. Similarly, Ghana’s strategy highlights the potential to advance economic growth, environmental sustainability and inclusive digital transformation.

    Key policy differences

    Rwanda’s policy ties data control to national security. This is rooted in its traumatic history of identity-based violence. Ghana, by contrast, frames AI as a tool for attracting foreign investment rather than a safeguard against state fragility.

    The policies also differ in how they manage foreign influence. Rwanda has a “defensive” stance towards global tech powers; Ghana’s is “accommodative”. Rwanda works with partners that allow it to follow its own policy. Ghana, on the other hand, embraces partnerships, viewing them as the start of innovation.

    While Rwanda’s approach is targeted and problem-solving, Ghana’s strategy is expansive, aiming for large-scale modernisation and private-sector growth. Through state-led efforts, Rwanda focuses on using AI to solve immediate challenges such as rural healthcare access and food security. In contrast, Ghana looks at using AI more widely – in finance, transport, education and governance – to become a regional tech hub.

    Constraints and solutions

    The effectiveness of these AI policies is held back by broader systemic challenges. The US and China dominate in setting global standards, so local priorities get sidelined. For example, while Rwanda and Ghana advocate for ethical AI, it’s hard for them to hold multinational corporations accountable for breaches.

    Energy shortages further complicate large-scale AI adoption. Training models require reliable electricity – a scarce resource in many parts of the continent.

    To address these gaps, I propose the following:

    Investments in digital infrastructure, education and local start-ups to reduce dependency on foreign tech giants.

    African countries must shape international AI governance forums. They must ensure policies reflect continental realities, not just western or Chinese ones. This will include using collective bargaining power through the African Union to bring Africa’s development needs to the fore. It could also help with digital sovereignty issues and equitable access to AI technologies.

    Finally, AI policies must embed African ethical principles. These should include communal rights and post-colonial sensitivities.

    Thompson Gyedu Kwarkye does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. AI policies in Africa: lessons from Ghana and Rwanda – https://theconversation.com/ai-policies-in-africa-lessons-from-ghana-and-rwanda-253642

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: Pelosi Statement on the Passing of His Holiness Pope Francis

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi Representing the 12th District of California

    San Francisco – Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi issued this statement on the passing of His Holiness Pope Francis:

    “His Holiness Pope Francis personified our sacred responsibility in the Gospel of Matthew to honor the spark of divinity in the least of our brethren — championing the poor, the worker, the refugee and the immigrant.  He reminded us of our inescapable duty to those struggling to escape poverty and persecution in our communities and around the world.  Perhaps his most distinctive leadership will be his historic commitment to addressing the climate crisis.  In his ground-breaking encyclical, Laudato Si, Pope Francis writes with beauty and clarity, with moral force and fierce urgency to call on all of us to be good stewards of God’s Creation.

    “It is with immense sadness that Paul and I join our fellow Catholics and people of faith around the world in mourning the loss of Pope Francis: a beacon of charity, hope and love for all people of faith.  His Holiness rekindled the faith of Catholics worldwide, with a triumphant message of peace that has inspired a generation. 

    “Personally, the loss of Pope Francis is devastating.  It was my high honor to attend his installation on the Feast of Saint Joseph in 2013 and to be in the House chamber during his historic address to the Congress in 2015.  In San Francisco, we take special pride in Pope Francis, as he shares the namesake of our City and honors the call of our anthem, the Song of Saint Francis, to be an ‘instrument of peace.’

    “Many of us who met His Holiness know that he would always say, “Pray for me.” Now, we will pray to him and pledge to carry on his towering legacy.  May he rest in peace.”

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Beating malaria: what can be done with shrinking funds and rising threats

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Taneshka Kruger, UP ISMC: Project Manager and Coordinator, University of Pretoria

    Healthcare in Africa faces a perfect storm: high rates of infectious diseases like malaria and HIV, a rise in non-communicable diseases, and dwindling foreign aid.

    In 2021, nearly half of the sub-Saharan African countries relied on external financing for more than a third of their health expenditure. But donor fatigue and competing global priorities, such as climate change and geopolitical instability, have placed malaria control programmes under immense pressure. These funding gaps now threaten hard-won progress and ultimately malaria eradication.

    The continent’s healthcare funding crisis isn’t new. But its consequences are becoming more severe. As financial contributions shrink, Africa’s ability to respond to deadly diseases like malaria is being tested like never before.

    Malaria remains one of the world’s most pressing public health threats. According to the World Health Organization there were an estimated 263 million malaria cases and 597,000 deaths globally in 2023 – an increase of 11 million cases from the previous year.

    The WHO African region bore the brunt, with 94% of cases and 95% of deaths. It is now estimated that a child under the age of five dies roughly every 90 seconds due to malaria.

    Yet, malaria control efforts since 2000 have averted over 2 billion cases and saved nearly 13 million lives globally. Breakthroughs in diagnostics, treatment and prevention have been critical to this progress. They include insecticide-treated nets, rapid diagnostic tests, artemisinin-based combination therapies (drug combinations to prevent resistance) and malaria vaccines.

    Since 2017, the progress has been flat. If the funding gap widens, the risk is not just stagnation; it’s backsliding. Several emerging threats such as climate change and funding shortfalls could undo the gains of the early 2000s to mid-2010s.

    New challenges

    Resistance to drugs and insecticides, and strains of the malaria parasite Plasmodium falciparum that standard
    diagnostics can’t detect, have emerged as challenges. There have also been changes in mosquito behaviour, with vectors increasingly biting outdoors, making bed nets less effective.

    Climate change is shifting malaria transmission patterns. And the invasive Asian mosquito species Anopheles stephensi is spreading across Africa, particularly in urban areas.

    Add to this the persistent issue of cross-border transmission, and growing funding shortfalls and aid cuts, and it’s clear that the fight against malaria is at a critical point.

    As the world observes World Malaria Day 2025 under the theme “Malaria ends with us: reinvest, reimagine, reignite”, the call to action is urgent. Africa must lead the charge against malaria through renewed investment, bold innovation, and revitalised political will.

    Reinvest: Prevention is the most cost-effective intervention

    We – researchers, policymakers, health workers and communities – need to think smarter about funding. The economic logic of prevention is simple. It’s far cheaper to prevent malaria than to treat it. The total cost of procuring and delivering long-lasting insecticidal nets typically ranges between US$4 and US$7 each and the nets protect families for years. In contrast, treating a single case of severe malaria may cost hundreds of dollars and involve hospitalisation.

    In high-burden countries, malaria can consume up to 40% of public health spending.

    In Tanzania, for instance, malaria contributes to 30% of the country’s total disease burden. The broader economic toll – lost productivity, work and school absenteeism, and healthcare costs – is staggering. Prevention through long-lasting insecticidal nets, chemoprevention and health education isn’t only humane; it’s fiscally responsible.

    Reimagine: New tools, local solutions

    We cannot fight tomorrow’s malaria with yesterday’s tools. Resistance, climate-driven shifts in transmission, and urbanisation are changing malaria’s patterns.

    This is why re-imagining our approach is urgent.

    African countries must scale up innovations like the RTS,S/AS01 vaccine and next-generation mosquito nets. But more importantly, they must build their own capacity to develop, test and produce these tools.

    This requires investing in research and development, regional regulatory harmonisation, and local manufacturing.

    There is also a need to build leadership capacity within malaria control programmes to manage this adaptive disease with agility and evidence-based decision-making.

    Reignite: Community and collaboration matters

    Reigniting the malaria fight means shifting power to those on the frontlines. Community health workers remain one of Africa’s greatest untapped resources. Already delivering malaria testing, treatment and health education in remote areas, they can also be trained to manage other health challenges.

    Integrating malaria prevention into broader community health services makes sense. It builds resilience, reduces duplication, and ensures continuity even when external funding fluctuates.

    Every malaria intervention delivered by a trusted, local health worker is a step towards community ownership of health.

    Strengthened collaboration between partners, governments, cross-border nations, and local communities is also needed.

    The cost of inaction is unaffordable

    Africa’s malaria challenge is part of a deeper health systems crisis. By 2030, the continent will require an additional US$371 billion annually to deliver basic primary healthcare – about US$58 per person.

    For malaria in 2023 alone, US$8.3 billion was required to meet global control and elimination targets, yet only US$4 billion was mobilised. This gap has grown consistently, increasing from US$2.6 billion in 2019 to US$4.3 billion in 2023.

    The shortfall has led to major gaps in the coverage of essential malaria interventions.

    The solution does not lie in simply spending more, but in spending smarter by focusing on prevention, building local innovation, and strengthening primary healthcare systems.

    The responsibility is collective. African governments must invest boldly and reform policies to prioritise prevention.

    Global partners must support without dominating. And communities must be empowered to take ownership of their health.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Beating malaria: what can be done with shrinking funds and rising threats – https://theconversation.com/beating-malaria-what-can-be-done-with-shrinking-funds-and-rising-threats-255126

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Joint Statement by Saudi Finance Minister, IMF Managing Director, and World Bank Group President on Syria

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    April 24, 2025

    Washington, DC: Mohammed AlJadaan, Finance Minister of Saudi Arabia; Kristalina Georgieva, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF); and Ajay Banga, President of the World Bank Group (WBG) issued the following statement:

    “On the sidelines of the 2025WBG/IMF Spring Meetings in Washington, we co-hosted a high-level roundtable for Syria, bringing together the Syrian authorities, finance ministers and key stakeholders from multilateral and regional financial institutions, as well as economic and development partners.

    “Building on earlier discussions –including at the Paris Conference on Syria (February 13), the Al Ula roundtable on February 16 (See Press Release), and Brussels IX conference (March 17)— this event provided a platform for the Syrian authorities to present their ongoing efforts to stabilize and rebuild their country, reduce poverty, and achieve long-term economic development.

    “There was broad recognition of the urgent challenges facing the Syrian economy and a collective commitment to support the authorities’ efforts for recovery and development. Priority will be given to efforts to meet the critical needs of the Syrian people, institutional rebuilding, capacity development, policy reforms, and the development of a national economic recovery strategy. The IMF and WBG were called upon to play a key role in providing support in line with their mandates and reflecting shareholders’ support, in close coordination with multilateral and bilateral partners.

    “We welcome the efforts to help Syria reintegrate with the international community and unlock access to resources, to support the authorities’ policy efforts, address early recovery and reconstruction needs, and promote private sector development and job creation. We also support the Syrian authorities’ efforts to strengthen governance and increase transparency as they build effective institutions that deliver for the people of Syria.

    “We extend our gratitude to all participants for their valuable contributions and commitment to support efforts by the Syrian authorities to rebuild Syria and improve the lives of the Syrian people. We look forward to reconvening, by the Annual Meetings of the IMF and WBG in October 2025, to monitor the progress achieved and harmonize global efforts in advancing Syria’s economic-recovery and prosperity.”

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Wafa Amr

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/04/24/pr25120-syria-joint-statement-by-saudi-finance-minister-imf-md-wbg-president

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Sir Michael Marmot visits Liverpool to officially award Marmot City status  

    Source: City of Liverpool

    Liverpool City Council has officially been awarded Marmot City status, a national recognition of the city’s commitment to reducing health inequalities and improving wellbeing for every resident.

    The status was formally awarded by Professor Sir Michael Marmot, a leading figure in health equity, during a visit to the city on 23 April.

    Sir Michael visited Liverpool to highlight the city’s efforts to address the root causes of poor health including poverty, poor housing, low-paid and unstable employment, and unequal access to education.

    These wider issues have a significant impact on how long people live and how healthy they are throughout their lives.

    The city’s Marmot City ambitions are also informed by the findings of The State of Health in the City: Liverpool 2040 a landmark report that highlighted Liverpool’s deep-rooted health inequalities and showcased the innovative work already underway to address them.

    Currently, people in Liverpool are living shorter lives and spending more time in poor health compared to the national average.

    In some areas, life expectancy is up to 15 years lower, and residents may experience up to 18 more years of ill health than those in more affluent neighbourhoods.

    To respond to these challenges, Liverpool has developed a coordinated approach through the Fairer, Healthier Liverpool (FHL) Partnership a collaboration between the City Council, NHS, voluntary and community organisations, and other key partners.

    Together working to:

    • Take action across the Marmot Eight Principles
    • Strengthen local partnerships
    • Involve communities in shaping solutions
    • Take early action to prevent poor health
    • Embed fairness and health into all policies and services

    Examples of the work already underway include the development of Liverpool’s ‘Health in All Policies’ approach, which ensures health is embedded into decisions around planning, housing, and regeneration.

    Additionally, the Healthy Boost Project, supports local families by providing fruit and vegetable vouchers helping to improve diets, access to healthy food, mental health, and overall wellbeing

    For more information and further examples of the work taking place, visit the dedicated website: www.fairerhealthierliverpool.org

    Councillor Harry Doyle, Cabinet Member for Culture, Health and Wellbeing said:   

    “Being recognised as a Marmot City reinforces our determination to build a Liverpool where every resident can thrive. 

    “It places health and equity at the centre of our future, ensuring that the next generation of children and young people grow up in a city where wellbeing is prioritised, and prevention is embedded into everything we do. 

    Professor Matt Ashton Director of Public Health said: 

    “This recognition is a proud moment as becoming a Marmot City confirms our commitment to health equity not just in policy, but in people’s everyday lives. 

     “We are expanding our focus to cover all eight Marmot principles, embedding community voices at the heart of decision-making, and driving change that is led by evidence and grounded in the lived experiences of our residents.”  

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI USA: Reps. Frankel, Meeks, Reproductive Freedom Caucus Leaders Demand Reinstatement of Global Family Planning Programs in Letter to Secretary Rubio

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congresswoman Lois Frankel (FL-21)

    Washington, DC – Today, Representatives Lois Frankel (FL-22), Ranking Member of the National Security, Department of State, and Related Programs Appropriations Subcommittee; Gregory Meeks (NY-05), Ranking Member of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs; Diana DeGette (CO-01) and Ayanna Pressley (MA-07), Co-Chairs of the Reproductive Freedom Caucus (RFC); and Grace Meng (NY-06), Chair of the RFC International Women’s Rights Task Force sent a letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio condemning the Trump Administration’s actions to terminate all international family planning programs.

    The Trump Administration’s decision to terminate all international family planning programs represents a reckless and dangerous assault on reproductive health care access worldwide. These programs have long been a cornerstone of U.S. global health efforts—providing life-saving care, supporting maternal and child health, and empowering individuals with the tools to make informed reproductive choices. For decades, U.S.-funded international family planning initiatives have helped expand access to contraceptives, HIV prevention, safe childbirth, and reproductive health services across dozens of countries.

    “We write to express alarm at the reckless reported cancellation of international family planning and reproductive health programs, which in Fiscal Year 2024 alone were estimated to save the lives of 34,000 women and girls, prevent 5.2 million unsafe abortions, and serve 47.6 million women and couples around the world with modern contraceptive care… The consequences of halting these programs are not hypothetical,” the Members said. “What is the Administration’s assessment of how many women and girls will be impacted by the cancellation of family planning and reproductive health programs?”

    The Members also expressed their outrage that the decision to eliminate these programs jeopardizes the health and futures of millions in low- and middle-income countries, while undermining global public health progress and U.S. diplomatic credibility.

    “For more than six decades, the United States has led the world in supporting voluntary international family planning and reproductive health programs… These efforts are proven to reduce unintended pregnancies, prevent maternal and child deaths, promote women’s empowerment and the ability to safely and freely grow their families, and lift families out of poverty,” the Members continued. “They also advance U.S. national interests and make our nation safer, stronger, and more prosperous by contributing to global health, stability, and economic growth.”

    For full text of the letter, click here.

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Reps. Davis, DelBene, and Sánchez Champion Bill to Reduce the Cost of Child Care for Working Families through Tax Credits

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Danny K Davis (7th District of Illinois)

    In contrast to GOP effort to slash child care funding, this bill increases the maximum child care credit from $1,200 to $4,000 for one child or from $2,100 to $8,000 for two or more children.

     

    Washington, D.C.- April 24, 2025, Representatives Danny K. Davis (D-IL), Suzan DelBene (D-WA), and Linda Sánchez (D-CA) introduced the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit Enhancement Act to permanently expand the child care tax credit to raise the maximum credit from $1,050 to $4,000 for 1 child and from $2,100 to $8,000 for 2 or more children.  This bill is led by Senators Tina Smith (D-MN), Ron Wyden (D-OR), and Patty Murray (D-WA) in the Senate.

    The Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit (CDCTC) is the only tax credit that helps working parents offset the rising cost of child care.  In 2021, Democrats successfully enhanced both the CDCTC and the Child Tax Credit because both credits are essential to support parents’ ability to provide for their families.  While 100% of the CDCTC reimburses parents for actual child care costs paid to work, parents mostly use the Child Tax Credit to defray other significant costs of caring for a child, such as food, rent, and clothing. 

    Unfortunately, as currently structured, the CDCTC fails to meet the needs of tens of millions of working families. Very few families receive meaningful benefit from the credit due to the extremely low phase-out level of $15,000, the low expense limits, the non-refundable nature, and the loss of benefit due to inflation.  For example, the Tax Policy Center estimates that only 13% of families with children claimed the CDCTC in 2022.  The Child Care and Dependent Credit Enhancement Act will increase the maximum credit amount to $4,000 per child up to $8,000 for two or more children, expand eligibility to low-income families, make the credit available to married couples who file separately due to high student loan debt, and retain the credit’s value over time by indexing it to inflation.  Compared to 2019, low-income working parents quadrupled their credit received in 2021. 

    High-quality, affordable child care is essential to the economic well-being of families, businesses, and our country. Yet, child care places a major financial burden on American families. The price of child care can range from $5,357 to $17,171 per year depending on location and type of care.  Astoundingly, the cost of center-based care for two children is more than the average mortgage in 41 states and more than the average annual rent in all 50 states plus DC.  Households under the poverty line spend nearly one third of their income on child care, and increases in median child care prices are connected to lower maternal employment rates. Further, the child care crisis hits families of color disproportionately hard. For a single parent who has never been married who is Black, Hawaiian/Pacific Islander, or American Indian/Alaska Native, child care can cost 36%, 41%, or 49% of the median income, respectively, compared to only 31% for single White parents.  Further, Latino and American Indian and Alaska Native parents disproportionately live in child care deserts.

    “High-quality, affordable child care is essential to the economic well-being of families, businesses, and our country,” said Rep. Davis.  “I am proud to lead the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit Enhancement Act that would restore the 2021 credit so that families can receive up to $4,000 for child care for one child or up to $8,000 for two or more children, much better than the almost $600 that the typical family receives currently.  This bill would strengthen the financial well-being of families and grow our economy.  It is critical that Congress acts now to help working families.”

    “Access to affordable child care is one of the biggest barriers families face. Enhancing the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit will give parents the relief they need by supporting both families and care providers,” said DelBene. “This bill is a commonsense step toward making child care more accessible and affordable for every family.” 

    “Working parents shouldn’t have to choose between earning a paycheck and caring for their kids,” said Sánchez. “Expanding the child care tax credit will make child care more affordable and accessible, so parents can focus on their work knowing their kids are being cared for.”

    The bill is endorsed by state and national child and worker advocates, including:  Center for Law and Social Policy; Child Care Aware of America; Early Care and Education Consortium; First Five Years Fund; First Focus Campaign for Children; MomsRising; National Association for the Education of Young Children; National Women’s Law Center Action Fund; Save the Children; Start Early; Society for Human Resource Management (SHRM); and ZERO TO THREE.

    Example Statements from Supporting Organizations

    “Often conflated with the child tax credit, the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit is one of the only tax incentives that helps working families with their child care expenses.  As the cost of care increases, many families must contend with whether their current job pays enough to justify their child care expenses,” said Radha Mohan, Executive Director, Early Care & Education Consortium.  “For families where one parent must leave the workforce because they cannot afford the cost of care, this often hurts the family from an economic standpoint in the long run.  The CDCTC Enhancement Act helps ensure that families do not have to make this choice by providing a credit to offset the cost of care.  When paired with programs such as the Child Care and Development Block Grant, this bill will ensure that many families will have reduced their child care costs by over 50%.”

    “As almost any working family with young children will tell you, the cost of child care is a major source of financial stress, putting immense pressure on already tight budgets,” First Five Years Fund Executive Director Sarah Rittling. “The Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit Enhancement Act would make essential updates to the CDCTC to ensure more parents are able to keep more of what they earn to offset the high cost of care. We are grateful to Reps. Danny Davis, Suzan DelBene, and Linda Sanchez for their leadership and commitment to supporting families with young children.” 

    “For families with young children, the cost of childcare is often unaffordable and impacts their economic opportunity—the cornerstone of child and family well-being. The Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit (CDCTC) Enhancement Act of 2025 is an important effort to update the CDCTC to ensure that more families can offset their child care costs. We are grateful to Rep. Danny Davis and his longstanding efforts to support children and families in his district and across the country, and also extend that appreciation to Reps. Suzan DelBene and Linda Sanchez.” Diana Rauner, President, Start Early

    “Affordable child care isn’t a luxury—it’s the backbone of our economy,” said Yelena Tsilker, Senior Government Relations and Advocacy Director at ZERO TO THREE, a national nonprofit that focuses on the healthy development of babies and toddlers. “Parents of infants now face child care bills that top $16,000 a year—higher than in-state college tuition in many states. The Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit Enhancement Act tackles that crisis head-on by making the CDCTC fully refundable and increasing the maximum credit, so families of every income can choose the high-quality care their babies need. This relief will keep parents in the workforce and help millions of children thrive. We applaud Representatives Davis, DelBene, and Sánchez for championing legislation that hard-working families have long awaited.” 

    The text of the bill is available HERE; a summary of the bill is available HERE.

    ###

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: The first 100 days of a growing global health and humanitarian emergency News Apr 24, 2025

    Source: Doctors Without Borders –

    Three months since the Trump administration first suspended all international assistance pending review, the US has terminated much of its funding for global health and humanitarian programs, dismantled the federal government architecture for oversight of these activities, and fired many of the key staff responsible for implementation. 

    Patients around the world are scrambling to understand how they can continue treatment, medical providers are struggling to maintain essential services, and aid groups are sounding the alarm about exploding needs in countries with existing emergencies.

    US assistance has been a lifeline for millions of people–while yanking this support will lead to more preventable deaths and untold suffering around the world. We can’t accept this dangerous new normal. 

    Avril Benoît, CEO of MSF USA

    “These sudden cuts by the Trump administration are a human-made disaster for the millions of people struggling to survive amid wars, disease outbreaks, and other emergencies,” said Avril Benoît, CEO of Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) in the United States. “We are an emergency response organization, but we have never seen anything like this massive disruption to global health and humanitarian programs. The risks are catastrophic, especially since people who rely on foreign assistance are already among the most vulnerable in the world.”

    “It all started three weeks ago, when I took [my son] to a doctor in the village and he gave him medicine to stop the diarrhea, yet his condition didn’t improve,” says Rawda, whose son Mohammed was finally referred to a field hospital for treatment. | Yemen 2024 © Mario Fawaz/MSF

    People are already feeling the consequences of US aid cuts

    The US has long been the leading supporter of global health and humanitarian programs, responsible for around 40 percent of all related funding. These US investments have helped improve the health and well-being of communities around the globe—and totaled less than 1 percent of the annual federal budget.

    Abruptly ending this huge proportion of support is already having devastating consequences for people who rely on aid, including those at risk of malnutrition and infectious diseases, and those who are trapped in humanitarian crises around the world. These major cuts to US funding and staffing are part of a broader policy agenda that has far-reaching impacts for people whose access to care is already limited by persecution and discrimination, such as refugees and migrants, civilians caught in conflict, LGBTQI+ people, and anyone who can become pregnant.

    We can’t accept this dangerous new normal. We urge the administration and Congress to maintain commitments to support critical global health and humanitarian aid.

    Avril Benoît, CEO of MSF USA

    The status of even the much-reduced number of remaining US-funded programs is highly uncertain. The administration now plans to extend the initial 90-day review period for foreign aid, which was due to conclude on April 20, by an additional 30 days, according to an internal email from the State Department obtained by the media.

    MSF does not accept US government funding, so we are not directly affected by these sweeping changes to international assistance as most other aid organizations are. We remain committed to providing medical care and humanitarian support in more than 70 countries across the world. However, no organization can do this work alone. We work closely with other health and humanitarian organizations to deliver vital services, and many of our activities involve programs that have been disrupted due to funding cuts. It will be much more difficult and costly to provide care when so many ministries of health have been affected globally and there are fewer community partners overall. We will also be facing fewer places to refer patients for specialized services, as well as shortages and stockouts due to hamstrung supply chains.

    Six-month-old Sohaib, who suffers from malnutrition and chickenpox, and his mother traveled four hours from their village to Herat Regional Hospital for care. | Afghanistan 2024 © Mahab Azizi

    Amid ongoing chaos and confusion, our teams are already witnessing some of the life-threatening consequences of the administration’s actions to date. Most recently, the US administration canceled nearly all humanitarian assistance programs in Yemen and Afghanistan, two countries facing some of the most severe humanitarian needs in the world. After years of conflict and compounding crises, an estimated 19.5 million people in Yemen—over half the population—are dependent on aid. The decision to punish civilian populations caught in these two conflicts undermines the principles of humanitarian assistance. 

    Across the world, MSF teams have witnessed US-funded organizations reducing or canceling other vital activities–including vaccination campaigns, protection and care for people caught in areas of conflict, sexual and reproductive health services, the provision of clean water, and adequate sanitation services.

    “It’s shocking to see the US abandon its leadership role in advancing global health and humanitarian efforts,” Benoît said. “US assistance has been a lifeline for millions of people–while yanking this support will lead to more preventable deaths and untold suffering around the world. We can’t accept this dangerous new normal. We urge the administration and Congress to maintain commitments to support critical global health and humanitarian aid.”

    An MSF team member disinfects people entering and exiting MSF’s cholera treatment center with chlorinated water, reducing the risk of spreading cholera through contaminated soil. | South Sudan 2024 © Paula Casado Aguirregabiria

    Snapshot: How US aid cuts are impacting people worldwide

    Malnutrition

    US funding cuts are severely impacting people in areas of Somalia affected by chronic drought, food insecurity, and displacement due to conflict. In the Baidoa and Mudug regions, the scaling down of operations by aid organizations—driven by US funding cuts and a broader lack of humanitarian aid—is making a shortage of health services and nutrition programs even more critical. For example, the closure of maternal and child health clinics and a therapeutic feeding center in Baidoa cut off monthly care to hundreds of malnourished children. MSF nutrition programs in Baidoa have reported an increase in severe acute malnutrition admissions since the funding cuts. The MSF-supported Bay Regional Hospital has received patients traveling as far as 120 miles for care due to facility closures elsewhere.

    HIV

    Cuts to PEPFAR and USAID have led to suspensions and closures of HIV programs in countries including South Africa, Uganda, and Zimbabwe—threatening the lives of people receiving antiretroviral (ARV) therapy. South Africa’s pioneering Treatment Action Campaign—which helped transform the country’s response to HIV/AIDS—has had to drastically reduce its community-led monitoring system that helps ensure that people stay on treatment. The monitoring is now only happening at a small scale at clinics. 

    In MSF’s program in San Pedro Sula, Honduras, there has been a 70 percent increase in pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) tablet distribution from January to March compared to the previous quarter, as well as an increase of 30 percent in consultations for health services, including for HIV—highlighting the growing demand as USAID funding cuts reduce access to other HIV prevention services.

    Inside the pediatric ward at MSF’s cholera treatment center in Assosa. | South Sudan 2024 © Paula Casado Aguirregabiria

    Outbreaks

    In the border regions across South Sudan and Ethiopia, MSF teams are responding to a rampant cholera outbreak amid escalating violence—while other organizations have scaled down their presence. According to our teams, a number of organizations, including Save the Children, have suspended mobile clinic activities in South Sudan’s Akobo County due to US aid cuts. Save the Children reported earlier this month that at least five children and three adults with cholera died while making the long, hot trek to seek treatment in this part of South Sudan. With the withdrawal of these organizations, local health authorities are now facing significant limitations in their ability to respond effectively to the outbreak. MSF has warned that the disruption of mobile services, combined with the reduced capacity of other actors to support oral vaccination campaigns, increases the risk of preventable deaths and the continued spread of this highly infectious disease.

    MSF Japan General Director Shinjiro Murata speaks with a Rohingya family with the help of a medical interpreter after an MSF health promotion session for Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar. | Bangladesh 2022 © Elizabeth Costa/MSF

    Sexual and reproductive health care

    MSF teams in more than 20 countries have reported concerns with disrupted or suspended sexual and reproductive health (SRH) programs, which MSF relies on for referrals for medical emergencies, supplies, and technical partnerships. These include contexts with already high levels of maternal and infant mortality. In Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh—home to one of the world’s largest refugee camps—MSF teams report that other implementers are not able to provide SRH supplies, like emergency birth kits and contraceptives. Referrals for medical emergencies, like post-abortion care, have also been disrupted, increasing urgent needs for SRH care in the region.

    Migration

    Essential protection services—including shelters for women and children, legal aid, and support for survivors of violence—have been shuttered or severely reduced as needs increase due to changes in US immigration policy. For patients and MSF teams in areas like Danlí, San Pedro Sula, Tapachula, and Mexico City, referral networks have all but disappeared. This has left many migrants without safe places to sleep, access to food, or legal and psychosocial support.

    Access to clean water

    In the initial weeks following the aid freeze, our teams saw several organizations stop the distribution of drinking water for displaced people in conflict-affected areas, including in Sudan’s Darfur region, Ethiopia’s Tigray region, and Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince. 

    In response to the crisis in Port-au-Prince, in March, MSF stepped in to run a water distribution system via tanker trucks to provide for more than 13,000 people living in four camps for communities displaced by violent clashes between armed groups and police. This was in addition to our regular activities focused on providing medical care for victims of violence. Ensuring access to clean drinking water is essential for health and preventing the spread of waterborne diseases like cholera.

    André Keli and Stallone Deke, MSF logistician and driver in Kisangani, ensure the final packaging of vaccines before they are loaded for shipment to Bondo, Bas-Uélé. | DR Congo 2021 © Pacom Bagula/MSF

    Vaccination

    The reported decision by the US to cut funding to Gavi, The Vaccine Alliance, could have disastrous consequences for children across the globe. The organization estimated that the loss of US support is projected to deny approximately 75 million children routine vaccinations in the next five years, with more than 1.2 million children potentially dying as a result. Worldwide, more than half of the vaccines MSF uses come from local ministries of health and are procured through Gavi. We could see the impacts in places like the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where MSF vaccinates more children than anywhere else in the world. In 2023 alone, MSF vaccinated more than 2 million people in DRC against diseases like measles and cholera.

    Narges Naderi, an MSF pharmacist, reviews a child patient’s prescription in the pediatric pharmacy at Mazar-i-Sharif Regional Hospital. | Afghanistan 2024 © Tasal Allahyar

    Mental health

    In Ethiopia’s Kule refugee camp, where MSF teams run a health center for more than 50,000 South Sudanese refugees, a US-funded organization abruptly halted mental health and social services for survivors of sexual violence and withdrew their staff. MSF teams provide other medical care but cannot currently cover the mental health and social services these patients need.

    Non-communicable diseases

    In Zimbabwe, US funding cuts have forced a local provider to stop its community outreach activities to identify women to be screened for cervical cancer. Cervical cancer is the leading cause of cancer-related death in Zimbabwe, even though it is preventable. Many women and girls—especially in rural areas—cannot afford or do not have access to diagnosis and treatment, which makes outreach, screening, and prevention activities vital.

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI Global: Hyper-individualistic and focused on worth, the manosphere is a product of neoliberalism

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sophie Lively, PhD Candidate in Human Geography, Newcastle University

    Marina April/Shutterstock

    Netflix’s hit drama, Adolescence, has reignited debates about the impact of the manosphere and violence against women.

    Many of the responses focus on trying to change the behaviour of boys and young men: encouraging them to find better role models, or to learn from the media about the harms of toxic influencers.

    But the problem is a wider one. The manosphere is a range of interconnected online misogynistic communities.

    My ongoing PhD research is analysing masculinity, class and nationalism and exploring how these narratives appear in the everyday lives of men. I argue that responding to the harm that stems from these online communities requires an understanding of the manosphere as a product of a global, neoliberal, capitalist system built on inequality and division.

    Neoliberalism can be described as “capitalism on steroids”. It’s a hyper-individualistic and market-driven ideology that fosters a culture of competition.

    Neoliberalism encourages us to see ourselves as isolated individuals, responsible for our own success or failure. Among many other things research has shown that one of its outcomes is a profound loneliness. This is something that the manosphere exploits.

    Role models are important, but the disconnect felt by so many today won’t be fixed by better role models within the same system. For example, black feminist thought, which recognises the way racism and sexism intersect and can offer extensive structural critiques, shows us that efforts to end violence against women must take place alongside work to change wider systems. So to start preventing violence we must first deal with root causes, such as poverty and inequality.

    Measuring people by ‘value’

    The manosphere picks up on messages around failing. Alongside hate-filled and misogynistic content, shame-based narratives from the manosphere suggest that boys and men are losers, weak and lazy if they aren’t “succeeding”. This is deeply damaging to all who find themselves drawn to such messages.

    The concept of self-worth regularly appears in the manosphere, but it’s largely in relation to wealth or productivity: hustle harder, rise and grind, make money. These ideas don’t just exist in these online spaces. Similar language – self-investment, output, productivity, personal growth, efficiency – has become part of our everyday way of talking about ourselves and others.

    The wellness industry promises us we can “glow up”. Self-help books and hustle culture encourage us to be better and produce more. Lifestyle influencers demonstrate how to turn our everyday existence into a marketable product.

    This way of thinking turns people into products. It’s not about who you are – it’s about what you produce. Today’s far-right (of which the manosphere is part) capitalises on these ideas and the obsession with economic value.

    There are versions of this aimed at women and girls, such as “cleanfluencers”, who reframe housework not only as a consumable personal brand but also as glamorous and fun.

    But the hustle culture messaging central to the manosphere is particularly distinct in its hypermasculine messaging centred on “self-improvement” which advocates working harder and longer while being ruthless and dominant.

    A focus on domination and individual success encourages young boys and men to see their self-worth tied up in that and that alone. This message extends beyond the manosphere and is part of the very system with which we all exist.

    Resisting the system

    Those captivated by manosphere narratives are victims as well as perpetrators. This doesn’t excuse their actions, or mean they shouldn’t be held accountable. How we care for each other within a capitalist society isn’t easy or straightforward.

    Too often, though, discussion focuses solely on punitive responses, such as advocating for longer prison sentences. If we only focus on punishment, we miss the bigger picture. We need to find more inclusive ways of talking about, and responding to, harm – while rethinking what it means to truly care for each other.

    Abolitionist movements strive to create systems which improve people’s health and safety and build a future without prisons. They seek to build responses to harm that are founded on education and community accountability – where communities take responsibility for identifying issues they need to address.

    Abolitionist approaches advocate for expanding support networks and investing in resources deemed appropriate by survivors. Proposals like this work towards preventing violence. Their community focus means they address the isolating effects of neoliberalism at the same time.

    We also can’t convince ourselves that once the likes of Andrew Tate and others involved in the manosphere disappear, women and girls will no longer suffer such extreme levels of misogyny and violence at the hands of boys and men.

    This is because we exist within a system built on inequality and violence. It’s a system which rewards competition over cooperation, greed over care and one which is harmful to us all.

    Sophie Lively receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council as part of Northern Ireland and North East Doctoral Training Partnership.

    ref. Hyper-individualistic and focused on worth, the manosphere is a product of neoliberalism – https://theconversation.com/hyper-individualistic-and-focused-on-worth-the-manosphere-is-a-product-of-neoliberalism-254339

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Press Briefing Transcript: Managing Director’s Global Policy Agenda, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    April 24, 2025

    Speaker: Kristalina Georgieva, Managing Director, IMF

    Moderator: Julie Kozack, Director, Communications Department, IMF

    Ms. Kozack: Good morning, everyone. Welcome to this IMF press briefing. I am Julie Kozack, Director of the Communications Department. Thank you so very much for joining us this morning and, as usual, we are going to begin with some opening remarks from our Managing Director, Kristalina Georgieva, after which we will turn to your questions. Without further ado, Kristalina, over to you.

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you, Julie. And a very warm welcome to all the journalists who got up early to be with us on this beautiful Thursday morning, and also to those who are online. Great to have you with us.

    As you saw earlier this week in our latest World Economic Outlook, we have significantly downgraded our projections for global growth. Major trade policy shifts have spiked uncertainty off the charts, accompanied by tighter financial conditions and higher market volatility. Simply put, the world economy is facing a new and major test, and it faces it with policy buffers depleted by the shocks of recent years. That puts countries in a difficult position. It also creates urgency for action to strengthen the economies for a world of rapid change.

    Today, I want to zoom in on how countries can actually do it. This is the main question we are getting from our members in every single meeting I have had this week. In my Global Policy Agenda, let me, for the audience, remind you that it is a very nicely crafted document. In parentheses this year we have very informative charts, and I hope you will look into those as well. In it, we focus on both the immediate challenges and our medium-term directions. I emphasize three overarching priorities. First and most urgent, for countries to work constructively to resolve trade tensions as swiftly as possible, preserving openness and removing uncertainty. A trade policy settlement among the main players is essential, and we are urging them to do it swiftly because uncertainty is very costly. I cannot stress this strongly enough.

    Without certainty, businesses do not invest, households prefer to save rather than to spend, and this further weakens prospects for already weakened growth.

    Countries also need to address the imbalances that fuel many of the tensions we see. Among major economies, some countries like China need to act to boost private consumption and embrace a shift to services. Others, like the United States, need to reduce fiscal deficits. And in Europe, it is time to complete the Single Market, Banking Union, Capital Markets Union, removing internal barriers to intra-EU trade. Get it done. All countries should seize this moment to lower their trade barriers, both tariff and nontariff.

    The second overarching priority, countries must act to safeguard economic and financial stability. The best way to do that is to get their own house in order. On fiscal policy, most countries need to rebuild buffers and ensure debt sustainability, although some may see shocks that warrant temporary and targeted fiscal support.

    We urge countries to define credible adjustment paths, gradual in most cases, protecting key investments, maximizing spending efficiency, and making space for longer term needs.

    Tradeoffs will be tough for all, but they will be toughest for low-income countries, which face both tight financial conditions and global growth slowdown and falling aid flows. To help ease the tradeoffs there, domestic resource mobilization must be part of the mix. We cannot have countries with a tax to GDP below 15 percent where it is difficult to sustain the functioning of the state. For central banks, the times when countries marched in lockstep is over. Different countries will face different conditions. Inflation pressures in some countries are easing. In others, pressures are yet to abate.

    What is our advice? Watch the data, watch inflation expectations. Central banks will need to strike a delicate balance between supporting growth and containing inflation. To do so, they must not only adjust policy interest rates but also rely on credibility to anchor expectations. Central bank independence is critical for credibility, protect it.

    Open economies, including many emerging markets, are exposed to the trade shocks and tighter financial conditions. They must preserve exchange rate flexibility as a shock absorber.

    In the event of unwarranted currency market volatility, these countries can find policy guidance in the IMF’s integrated policy framework.

    My third and final overarching priority, double down on growth oriented reforms to lift productivity. Even before the latest shock, we were living in a low growth, high debt world, sounding the alarm on weak medium-term growth for quite some time. You heard me saying that many times. Now is the time for long needed but often delayed reforms that can create a good business environment, put entrepreneurship in the front seat, reform labor markets, create conditions for innovation and in a world of rapid technological advancements, give countries a chance to catch the benefits of these advancements for their people.

    The IMF, of course, as always, will be there for our members. We are focusing on what we do best, helping them secure economic and financial stability, resolve or, even better, prevent balance of payments problems, and put in place strong policies and institutions to underpin vibrant economies.

    We will help countries with surveillance, with diagnostics, with policy advice and, when necessary, by providing financial support.

    As part of crisis resolution, we must ensure that the Global Financial Safety Net is strong. We will look for ways to further strengthen our collaboration with regional financing arrangements, and with [major] swap-providing central banks. When we have a cohesive, effective, and efficient Global Financial Safety Net, this will deliver confidence to our members in this more shock prone world.

    We will continue to foster cooperative policy solutions for promoting a healthy rebalancing of the world economy to help countries address debt vulnerabilities. Here, I want to acknowledge the important work of the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable. This week, we agreed to publish a playbook that provides guidance for predictable and faster debt restructuring processes. And I was very pleased to see [the] support of all traditional, nontraditional creditors, private sector, and debtor countries to have that predictability.

    Finally, we will reiterate the need for continued cooperation in a multipolar world. The shared objective for all must be a better balanced and more resilient world economy.

    Before I wrap it up, I want to recognize Secretary Bessent’s remarks yesterday in which he laid out the U.S. administration’s vision for the Bretton Woods Institutions. The United States is our largest shareholder. And even more, the United States is the home of my colleagues and me. So, of course, we greatly value the voice of the United States. I very much appreciate Secretary Bessent’s reiteration of the U.S.’s commitment to the Fund and its role. He raised a number of issues and priorities for the institution that I look forward to discussing with the U.S. authorities and the membership as a whole. We will have opportunities to do so here, and we will also have opportunities to continue with our Executive Board as we carry out important policy reviews–the Comprehensive Surveillance Review, it will set our surveillance priorities for the next five years, and the Review of Program Design and Conditionality, which will carefully consider how our lending can best help countries address the low growth challenge and durably resolve balance of payments weaknesses. So, we have a way to go, and we are laser focused on it.

    Are there cyclists in this room, people who bike, bikers? As bikers would pay, ‘pedalare,’ step on the pedal. With that, I am very happy to take your questions.

    Ms. Kozack: Thank you very much, Kristalina. We will now turn to your questions. I see you have hands up already. Very good. Please just give your name and outlet when called on. I am going to start right here, woman right in the front row here.

    Questioner: Thanks very much for the opportunity to ask you—to put a question to you. You mentioned Secretary Bessent’s remarks yesterday. He accused the IMF and the World Bank of mission creep and specifically the IMF on mission creep in areas such as climate change, gender policies and also social issues. Do you think there is a role in the future for the IMF in areas such as climate, gender, and social issues?       

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you for your question. So, what do we do here? We concentrate on macroeconomic and financial stability for growth and employment. We have 191 members. They face different challenges. They face different types of risks to their balance of payment. And what we do is to analyze what these risks and what the Fund in our mandate and what we do on the fiscal side, on the monetary policy side, on the financial sector side, what can we do to help them be more resilient to shocks. So, when we have, for example, Caribbean countries that are wiped out by extreme weather events regularly, naturally they are very concerned about that, and they say how can we be more resilient to these shocks? Again, we focus on balance of payment. What are the risks and what can be done to protect the balance of payments in these countries.

    I want to say that I actually agree with the Secretary on one thing. It is a very complicated world, a world of massive challenges of all kinds. We are a small institution. We are 4,000 people. Not very well-known, but a very fiscally disciplined institution. Our budget today in real terms is what it was 20 years ago. So, yes, we have to focus. And that is exactly why we engage with the membership, so we can make best use of the staff of the Fund. I really like to run a tight ship. Yes.

    Ms. Kozack: I can attest to that. Let us go here, the gentleman in the third row, blue shirt.

    Questioner: Just to follow-up on Claire’s question. Does Secretary Bessent’s prescriptions here for the Fund, will it cause you to sort of rethink some of the lending programs like the RSF and the RST? And then secondly, a lot of economists in the private sector have sort of a more pessimistic view, especially when you look at sort of the prospects for U.S. recession. You are not predicting that. Some of the Ministers here that we have been interviewing feel that the Fund is being too conservative. Can you just sort of explain the differences between yourselves and the private sector?

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you very much. Actually, in the paper that I just flagged to you, we have a slide that shows Fund lending. You need a magnifying glass to see the share of the Resilience and Sustainability Trust in this lending. It is really small, but as I was explaining in the answer to the previous question, for countries that are highly vulnerable to extreme weather events, having policy advice strictly on the macro side, there is a bit of confusion. People think that we have climate experts. We do not. That is not our job. Our job is to say, OK, if you are Dominica and a hurricane can wipe out the equivalent of 200 percent of your GDP, what are reasonable policies to put in place, or to be more specific, because we have a program with Barbados, if you are Barbados natural disasters are highly damaging to your economy, what are the policy measures you can put in place. In the case of Barbados, we came up with creating an additional buffer for them that would actually prevent a balance of payments shock from derailing the economic development of the country. So, of course, we are a membership institution. What our members decide, this is what we do. We periodically review all of our instruments. At this point, we have the function of the Fund on balance of payments support defined with a number of instruments being deployed.

    To your second question, I am going to do this illustration. My glass, when you look at it, it is more than 60 percent full. This is where we are. This is what it is. How can I call it empty? I cannot. When we look at the data, what we see is that for the United States, recession risks have increased now to 37 percent, but we are not yet—we do not see either in the labor market or indicators for the functioning of the economy such a dramatic block of economic activities that would drag growth in the United States all the way to below zero.

    So, as you remember, I mean, this is something that people may not appreciate enough. Our earlier projections for a very vibrant U.S. economy were for 2.7 percent growth for this year. We have downgraded the United States—actually this is the largest of our downgrades—by 0.9 percent, to 1.8 percent for this year. But we see enough that carries the United States forward. And, of course, we recognize that there is work underway to resolve trade disputes and reduce uncertainty. I want to reiterate my message. Uncertainty is really bad for business, so the sooner this cloud that is hanging over our heads is lifted, the better for prospects for growth.

    For the world economy, as you know we are—you saw it in the WEO, we are also projecting an increase in recession risk from 17 to 30 percent. But again—and by the way, there we talk about growth falling below 2 percent, not below zero, so there is a lot that is carrying the world economy—actually the real economy is functioning in a way that we are seeing no predominant risk. Is there risk? Yes. But it is in our, we used to say, downside scenario and not in what is our—the scenario we anchor our projections.

    This being said—and I am sorry I am dwelling on that. It is a very important question. I get it from delegations when we talk about our projections a lot. This being said, countries can—they are not passive observers. They can act. And one thing that is amazing in these meetings is how much that sense of urgency to act is penetrating our membership. And I do hope that Ministers will go back and say, OK, tough reform, I have postponed it, postpone no more.

    Ms. Kozack: We are going to this side of the room. I am going to go all the way to the end. There is a woman in the third row at the end in a brown suit.

    Questioner: My question is many emerging markets, particularly in Asia, are feeling the pinch of escalating trade tensions and global uncertainties. So, from the IMF’s perspective, how has China and ASEAN countries been affected so far and is there any policy recommendations in the near term that are available from the IMF to navigate these countries through this thank you.

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you for your question. Indeed, Asia is a continent that is quite significantly impacted because economies that rely a lot on exports, when tariffs are announced, feel the pinch more. When we look at China, we have downgraded growth projections for China from 4.6 to 4 percent. We would have downgraded it much more—we actually would have had not .06 but 1.3 percent downgrade if it was not for the policy accommodation that China is already putting in place. It helps. And that is the first piece of advice. If you have policy space, now is a good time to use it. With regard to China, we are emphasizing four points. First, rebalance your economy towards domestic consumption more.

    Second, to help with this, bring to an end the turmoil in the property sector. And, of course, add social protection for people so they do not feel compelled to save rather than spend.

    Third, lift up services, a warm embrace from healthcare to education to basically the service sector, vis-à-vis the goods consumption. And four—and the fourth is very important. Get the government to pull back from too much intervention in the economy. Let the private sector function to its full capacity.

    We are currently working on a paper, and that is in consultation, collaboration with the Chinese authorities, to document in details what are the ways in which the government may be supporting businesses and by doing so shifting the competitive position of these businesses. And this will be one of our contributions to China.

    I am particularly concerned about ASEAN. Why? Because ASEAN, very open economies. They find themselves in a very tough spot with announced tariffs quite significant across the board in ASEAN countries.

    ASEAN has done really well to build resilience over the last years. Their growth has been quite sound. They have prudently brought inflation down. They have disciplined fiscal policy. It helps. This is our number one advice to ASEAN. You have some policy space in monetary policy, in fiscal policy. Carefully and prudently use it, of course, being mindful that if you deplete it entirely and there is another shock, that would be a problem.

    We have been working with ASEAN on their external sector, especially forex. We have integrated the policy framework. It allows good thinking around how to apply the exchange rate flexibility, how to look at this from the perspective of sudden exogenous shocks. I am very pleased to see that ASEAN is doing something that other regions are doing, strengthening economic cooperation, policy coordination, and intra-ASEAN trade. Currently the ASEAN countries trade only 21 percent among themselves. Well, they sure can go up.

    And I think that we will see not only in ASEAN, we will see it in other places, Gulf Cooperation Council, Central Asia, the African continent with the Continental Free Trade Agreement, more being done to compensate, if global trade is going down, then regional trade can be a compensator and actually inject growth energy.

    I want to finish by saying that ASEAN has been remarkably prudent over the last years to build resilience. And that puts them in a good position to have the reputation to deploy their policy space if needed.

    Ms. Kozack: OK. I am going to stay on this side of the room. I will go to the gentleman in the second row with the red tie.

    Questioner: You said these present tensions could disproportionately impact low-income countries, and I am glad you mentioned the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement because my question is on Africa. You met with the Nigerian delegation earlier this week. What is the strategy or your advice for the African continent? As you have noted in the past, Africa is not a country. It is a continent. Egypt cut rates for the first time in five years seven days ago. Prior to that, Ghana hiked its interest rate for the first time in almost three years. In these tough times, what is your advice for the continent?

    Ms. Georgieva: Well, we have seen over the last years the African continent having some of the fastest growing economies, but we also have seen low-income countries primarily, and among them fragile conflict affected countries, falling further behind. And now this is a shock for the continent. The direct impact of tariffs on most of Africa, not on all of Africa, but on most of Africa is relatively small, but the indirect impact is quite significant. Slowing global growth means that all other things equal, they will see a downgrade. And actually, we have downgraded growth prospects for the continent.

    For the oil producers like Nigeria, falling oil prices creates additional pressure on their budgets. On the other hand, for the oil importers, this is a breath of fresh air. In other words, as you indicated in your question, different countries face different challenges. If I were to come with some basic recommendations that apply to Africa, I would say—and actually they apply to Nigeria, they apply to Egypt, they apply to Ghana, they apply to Coté d’Ivoire. First, continue on a path of strengthening your fundamentals. There is still a lot that can be done on the fiscal side to have strength. As I was talking about ASEAN, to have buffers for a moment of shock. And do not use any excuses, oh, it is difficult, we cannot really go for more tax because, yes, you can. There is a lot that can be done to broaden the tax base and a lot that can be done to reduce tax evasion and tax avoidance.

    Using technology as some countries are doing to chase the tax dollar when there is the foundation for that is a very good thing to do.

    Second, on the monetary policy side, we know more as I said in the opening—we are no more in a place when you can look at the book of the Central Bank Governor of the neighboring country and say, oh, they are doing this, I will do the same, because you have to really assess domestic resource mobilization, what is your inflationary pressures and do the right thing for your country.

    But above all, make it so that the image of the whole continent changes because now everybody suffers from wrongdoing, from corruption or from conflict in one country. It throws a shadow on the rest of the continent.

    Finally, like with ASEAN, deepen interregional trade and cooperation. Remove the obstacles to it. Sometimes there are infrastructure obstacles. The World Bank is working on reducing that infrastructure obstacle to growth and trade.

    Africa has so much to offer the world. Obviously, they have the minerals, the natural disasters, and the young population. I think a more unified, more collaborative continent can go a long, long way to [becoming] an economic powerhouse.

    Ms. Kozack: I will go to this side of the room. I am going to have the woman in the red jacket, third row.

    Questioner: Ms. Georgieva, you have been very complementary of the economic reform that the Argentinian government is implementing. You have said that Argentina is an example of a country that has made great strides through structural reforms and fiscal discipline. I would like to ask you about the challenges that now the new program is facing right now, and above all what are the risks that Argentina can face in these times of global uncertainty? Thank you.

    Ms. Georgieva: Argentina has demonstrated that this time it is different. This time there is decisiveness to put the economy on a soundtrack from high deficit to surplus, from double-digit inflation to inflation that in February dipped under 3 percent, from poverty over 50 percent to now around 37 percent. Still very high but going down. The state is stepping out from where it does not belong to allow more dynamism in the private sector. Actually, if you are interested, today we will have the global debate, and Federico is going to be one of the speakers to talk about smart regulation, how you make the economy more vibrant by not being an obstacle to private initiative.

    We saw that when the program was announced, the immediate impact on markets was positive because, among other things, you ask about risks. One risk for Argentina would be if it is alone in this macroeconomic stabilization, now the country is not alone. We are there. The World Bank is there. The InterAmerican Bank is stepping up. What are the risks? And I am sorry, and there is a very important opportunity for Argentina in a world hungry for what Argentina produces, both in agriculture and in minerals, mining, gas, lithium. What are the risks?

    First, external. A worsening global environment of all other things equal, it would impact Argentina negatively. Domestic resource mobilization, the country is going to go to elections, as you know, in October. And it is very important that they do not derail the will for change. So far, we do not see that. We do not see that risk materializing, but I would urge Argentina, stay the course.

    Ms. Kozack: All right. Let us go right here in the front, end of the first row.

    Questioner: Managing Director, we had a lot of news this week, for example, mixed signals on tariffs on China, commentary on the position of the Fed Chair, and of course now the U.S. support of the IMF. How would you sum up the mood of the meetings of your members this week, please? 

    Ms. Georgieva: The membership is anxious because we were just about to step on a road to more stability after multiple shocks. We were projecting 3.3 percent growth. And actually, we were worried that this is not strong enough. And here we are, growth prospects weakened. The membership is also recognizing—and I hear it time and again—that it is very important to have a rules based global economy in which there is predictability of planning for action, both for governments and for the private sector. I actually hear a lot of support from the membership for the Fund because we have actually, the same way Argentina earned the Fund to support it, we have earned the support of the members by being there for them.

    Where the expectations are for the outcome of the meetings is to get more consistency in how all countries are going to go about pursuing their interests, which is legitimate. Of course, every country has to think about its own people but doing it so in a way that enlarges the global pie. It does not shrink it.

    Ms. Kozack: We have time for one last question. I am going to go over here.

    Ms. Georgieva: I am sorry. What I would say is the worry I hear more often is actually not even the tariffs. It is uncertainty. Let us have clarity. And that is why we are—with my apologies to the audience—so repetitive to say we need to bring uncertainty down.

    Ms. Kozack: We have time for one last question, the woman in the burgundy suit.

    Questioner:  I wanted to ask you about the MENA region. How concerned are you with all of this turmoil around the dollar and its effect on the MENA region, especially that many countries there are exporters of intermediate goods that go into major industries and many of them are exporters of energy and what is happening to the dollar is definitely of effect. And you have mentioned uncertainty many times today in this press conference. So, this uncertainty, how will it affect the countries in our region that are trying to get out of a lot of geopolitical uncertainty with the help of the IMF and special programs, such as Egypt? So, will this make the IMF revisit some of those programs amid all of this turmoil?

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you very much. The MENA region actually got quite a downgrade. It is still doing better this year than last year, but we were projecting that growth would go to 4 percent and now we downgraded it to 2.6. A little bit like Africa, most of the impact is indirect. While countries in the MENA region, of course, trade with the United States, but most of them do not have very high exposure. And where it bites is slowing down of the global economy. And MENA has many oil exporters. The price of oil is going down.

    The dollar has historically, it goes up, it goes down. It is not a new thing. So, if you have an oil exporter and you get your revenues in dollars, when the dollar weakens, that creates a bit of a problem for your fiscal position. But if you are an oil exporter, this is a gift because then you can deal more easily with the challenges you face.

    My take for the MENA region is a very diverse region, like the African continent. You have the Gulf Cooperation Council. I have a lot of praise to offer because they have been pursuing reforms and diversification of the economies. Most countries have done really well. So now they see oil growth down, but non-oil economies are still doing quite well.

    We have the more kind of middle-income countries that are faced with difficulties impacted by regional conflicts like Jordan, like Egypt. And there we have been engaged, we have been providing support, as you know. We have countries like Morocco that have done really well to get their house in order, to have sound fiscal monetary policy and the only country in the region that is eligible for Flexible Credit Line from the IMF. And then we have countries like Sudan or Syria that are severely impacted by conflicts.

    I was very pleased that the attention of our membership, despite difficulties at home, across-the-board on low-income countries and conflict affected states, has sharpened. There is a recognition that what happens there impacts the rest of the world.

    We had a Syria meeting during the week of the meetings. The first time in more than 20 years, the Central Bank Governor and the Minister of Finance from Syria are here at the meetings. Our intention is to first and foremost help them rebuild institutions so they can plug themselves in the world economy.

    You are asking me whether we are revisiting program assumptions. Of course, we will be carefully watching what is happening. Then I had a meeting with the Prime Minister of Jordan. We are not talking about amending the program for Jordan right now, but we are talking about the importance of the Fund as an anchor of stability and how we can exercise this role.

    Ms. Kozack: Thank you very much, Managing Director, and thank you very much to all of our journalists who have joined us today. I am bringing this press conference to an end. As always, the transcript will be made available on our website, and I want to wish all of you a very wonderful rest of your day. Thank you very much.

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you very much. Have a good rest of your day.

    IMF Communications Department
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    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Spring Meetings 2025 Press Briefing Transcript: Intergovernmental Group of Twenty-Four (G24)

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    April 24, 2025

    SPEAKERS:

    Chair: Pablo Quirno, Secretary of Finance, Ministry of Economy of Argentina

    First Vice‑Chair:  Olawale Edun, Federal Minister of Finance of Nigeria

    Second Vice‑Chair: Jameel Ahmad, Governor, State Bank of Pakistan

    Director: Iyabo Masha, G‑24 Secretariat

    MODERATOR:

    Pavis Devahasadin, Communications Officer, IMF

    Mr. Devahasadin: Good morning, ladies and gentlemen. My name is Pavis Devahasadin, Communication Officer from the IMF’s Communication Department. I would like to welcome everyone here in this room and our online audience to the press conference on the Intergovernmental Group of 24 on International Monetary Affairs and Development or G‑24.

    Before we begin, I would like to remind you that we have simultaneous translation in English, French and Spanish. It is my honor to introduce the distinguished panel at this table, the Chair of the Ministry of the G‑24 at the center is Mr. Pablo Quirno, Secretary of Finance of Argentina. To his right is Mr. Vice Chair, Mr. Olawale Edun, Nigeria’s Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy. To the left of Mr. Chair is Second‑Vice Chair Mr. Jameel Ahmad, Governor of the State Bank of Pakistan. Of course, at the other end of the table is Director of G‑24 Secretariat Ms. Iyabo Masha. Without further ado, may I invite Mr. Quirno to give some remarks. Mr. Chair, the floor is yours.

    Mr. Quirno (Argentina): Thank you, Pavis. Dear members of the press, I would like to extend a warm welcome to each and every one of you as we gather for this press conference. You have at your disposal our comprehensive communiqué and press release encapsulating the discussions held today. Allow me to briefly highlight the key takeaways.

    We are witnessing a major transition in how the global economy works and processes of change such as these always involve intervals of great volatility and uncertainty. Our communiqué reflects that the recent economic developments have driven uncertainty to elevated levels. In this context, emerging market and developing economies face additional challenges stemming from both external conditions and domestic factors.

    On the external front, many EMDEs continue to face elevated public debt levels and rising debt servicing burdens. The prevailing environment of still tight global financial conditions is exacerbating these challenges, constraining fiscal space, and forcing difficult tradeoffs between repaying creditors and investing in critical areas for productivity, growth and development. These also represent a risk to macroeconomic stability, as debt maturities and rising debt service payments hinder fiscal consolidation plans, which are necessary to tackle domestic imbalances, maintain price stability, and foster a stable macroeconomic environment for investment and growth.

    On the domestic front, weak fiscal fundamentals are at the core of macroeconomic instability, while many of us face longstanding structural policy challenges that hold back productivity and competitiveness.

    The building up of external and fiscal imbalances amid public spending pressures that exceed revenues and with constrained access to international financial markets further erodes macroeconomic stability.

    Furthermore, domestic environments perceived as unsafe for investment dominated by overly complex legislation and inefficient and burdensome tax systems add to macroeconomic instability to further discourage much‑needed private capital inflows.

    As stated in the communiqué, domestic policymaking is the first line of defense. The best way to enhance short‑term domestic responsiveness, as well as medium‑term growth capacity is through solid macroeconomic frameworks combined with clear rules that foster a predictable environment for private investment.

    Pivoting to our fiscal consolidation to set debt on a sustainable path and rebuild buffers while advancing with productivity‑enhancing‑market reoriented structural reforms must remain priorities for the domestic policymaking. Whereas doing so while maintaining social cohesion and protecting the most vulnerable can be challenging, it can be achieved with careful policy calibration.

    But as these measures may take some time to deliver, mobilizing sufficient international support is also crucial to help countries meet their financing needs while they navigate the waters towards a healthier economy. The Bretton Woods Institutions remain crucial, necessitating decisive actions to fortify the Global Financial Safety Net and broaden development finance. The IMF’s role as a centerpiece of the Global Financial Safety Net is vital in addressing multilateral challenges and supporting vulnerable countries. We appreciate the IMF’s recent reforms to better support EMDEs, such as the recent review of the charges and surcharges policies.

    However, countries with limited access to affordable short‑term and crisis‑related liquidity continue to face vulnerabilities. It is essential to address liquidity pressures and strengthen crisis prevention and response capabilities, including enhancing existing financial safety nets. Surveillance and internal and external stability should be intensified, including on spillover effects from systematically important countries. The World Bank has made progress in implementing the Evolution Program, but further progress is required in operationalizing key aspects of the framework of financial incentives and reducing IBRD loan pricing. Faster implementation of the remaining G‑20 Independent Experts Groups Recommendations on MDB reforms is needed, including mitigating currency risks through local currency lending and domestic capital market reforms, de‑risking private‑sector investment, and increasing capital within the WBG and across the MDB system.

    Swift progress on the 2025 shareholding review is necessary to address misalignments, strengthen voice and representation, enhance IBRD legitimacy, and ensure equitable voting power.

    In sum, the path to sharp growth and a steady growing economy is multifaceted. We must do our part and commit to strengthen fiscal and monetary frameworks, build robust institutions, and embrace structural reforms that promote competitiveness, productivity gains, and job creation, but at the same time we need global financial institutions that recognize domestic efforts and are willing and well‑prepared to step up for these countries. Thank you, and with these remarks, I am now ready to entertain your questions.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you, Mr. Chair. Before we begin the Q&A section, I kindly ask that all questions remain within the scope of the G‑24’s mandate and responsibilities. Other questions outside of its purview, of course, should be raised during the regional press conferences that are going to be taking place in the coming days. And please kindly identify yourself, your organization, your news outlet, and specify to whom your questions would like to be addressing. With that, any questions? Yes, sir.

    QUESTION: Good morning to everybody. Mr. Quirno, you just said that the Bretton Woods Institutions are crucial. Does any of you feel that their role, their functioning is endangered currently? Thank you for answering this question.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you.

    Mr. Quirno: I think globally we are facing a period of volatility and uncertainty. As such, the Bretton Woods Institutions are crucial in providing the safety net and the channels of communication that remain open among the different countries that participate in those institutions. And I think the role is very, very important. And we do not see them—I mean, we are always rebalancing their role and their task, and it is something that is a process that we do constantly. At the end of the day, the role is vital. It is very important, and we do not see them at risk as you put it.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Minister Edun.

    Mr. Edun (Nigeria): Thank you. I agree with the Chair that there is nothing that we have heard that says that the Bretton Woods Institutions stands ready to do anything other than on the one hand, provide safety net. On the other hand, continue to provide development finance. If anything, this time of heightened global uncertainty, what we have heard from them is that they stand ready and are very much willing and capable to help countries to navigate this particular time and to continue to encourage good policymaking, to encourage resilience, building of resilience, building of buffers and effectively staying the course for those who are actually on a path that will take them further along the road to growth development and reduction of poverty.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Governor Ahmad or Ms. Masha, would you like to add anything?

    Mr. Ahmad: No, it is OK. I think we fully agree with the views expressed by the Chair and the Vice. I think the increased uncertainty and the prevailing situation, it has become much more important for the Bretton Woods Institutions to continue to play their role and particularly as the financial safety net providers and also as the development partners. I think they have a role which will continue to be there, and they will be contributing in the performance of the road previously—that they have been doing previously, so I fully agree.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Ms. Masha?

    Ms. Masha (G-24 Secretariat): Yes. We believe that the organizations are very useful, and the usefulness is very much appreciated, and so we do not have any uncertainty about their continued relevance. And we do hope that whatever actions countries are taking, the advanced economies are taking, they will factor into their decision the very good usefulness of these organizations. Thank you.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Going back to the floor. Any question? Right here, lady with the glasses.

    QUESTION: My question is for Mr. Jameel Ahmad. What steps is the State Bank of Pakistan taking? Is it engaging with other central banks to mitigate risks, particularly in the G‑24 framework? Thank you.

    Mr. Ahmad: I think as initially said that if there is any specific questions pertaining to the State Bank, we can discuss that during the separate conferences, which we have, but for the time being, since we are in the G-24 platform, we are coordinating with other central banks, and we discussed all these issues during the yesterday’s Deputies Meeting as well as today’s meeting also of the G-24. These are the issues faced by the G-24 members and have been thoroughly discussed and the stance has been agreed upon. This is what is contained in the communiqué which is being issued today.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Going back to the floor, maybe in the midsection I saw some hands. I will start with you in the black. Thank you. We are going to make our way back. Yes.

    QUESTION: So, I have a couple questions for everyone here. First of all, how concerned are your members from the fallout from tariffs and what are they trying to do to try to mitigate the impacts? Also, are you planning to work more closely with each other, for instance, increasing trade with each other? And lastly, specifically, are you planning on working more closely with China, for instance?

    Mr. Devahasadin: Just to add to that, I got an advanced question Sri Lanka. In the light of reciprocal tariff currently in place, what strategy is the G‑24 considering as a working group to alleviate the pressure on emerging economies? So that is related to your question as well. Mr. Chair.

    Mr. Quirno: Thank you. Thank you for the questions. I think that it is important to understand that the G‑24 is a very diverse group of countries, and everyone, each of us has its own peculiarities, strengths, and weaknesses in the midst of the current trade situation. So, what I would say is that the fallout of this uncertainty that we are facing creates more volatility. And as emerging market countries and developing countries, what you face is a situation in which, in addition to the trade tensions, you have a situation on the capital markets and the capital flows, things that are based on the uncertainty. What happens is flows are expecting a solution. As one of the members said today, we can deal with good news. We can deal with bad news. We need to know what to do under uncertainty. You know, as we are going through this process of trade negotiations globally and as definitions are set, then we will know how to react. In the meantime, as we said in the communiqué and as we said in my opening remarks, the first line of defense, the thing that is within our country’s contro, is around the domestic agenda. We need to bring resilience into our own economies in such a way that we have a fiscal path that is credible, that we have sound monetary policies as well that back that fiscal consolidation program, because at the end of the day that is what investors are looking at.

    Investors are looking at the different countries’ situation and see how they can cope with this level of uncertainties. We have faced different levels, different crises in the past — globally, the pandemic being the last one. And we have, as a collective number of countries, been able to achieve a level of resilience that is very good. I mean, that resilience is being tested once again. That is why we also need to work in conjunction among the different countries, not only G‑24 but in a global context to address the situation. But I think the homework also needs to be consolidated at home in order to then continue moving forward. And as such, we are also obviously fostering our trade relationships among the different countries. We are doing it among the G‑24, among G‑20, so there are various areas of cooperation and consolidation there as well.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Any perspective from Ms. Masha in terms of coordination, collaboration across nations?

    Ms. Masha: Well, I think the Chair has pointed out some of those issues regarding macroeconomic stability, that is when these shocks manifest, there’s need for fiscal policies, sound monetary policies. But more along that line, it also provides opportunities for countries to pivot towards a different development pathway. Maybe going into sectors that are going to satisfy domestic demand will make them less prone to external shocks and diversifying their markets, the different markets, so they can better cope with the future tariff or trade policies. Thank you.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Going back to the floor, I see hands right there all the way in the back, the lady in beige. We will come back to the front.

    QUESTION: Thank you for taking our questions. A question for everyone, sort of piggybacking off of my colleague’s question on tariffs. How does the G‑24 weigh the inflationary risks versus risks of recession from the current tariff environment? And then one for the Argentina Secretary, you spoke about debt maturities and rising debt payments, more than 4 billion in debt many coming due for Argentina in July right after an ambitious reserve target accumulation from the IMF. How does Argentina plan to confront those payments and is there a target that it is looking back to return to capital markets? Thank you.

    Mr. Quirno: In terms of the first question related to inflationary pressures and related to the trade situation, we had this morning the World Economic Outlook conference in which we had details on that perspective, but I think also it is very early to tell on how this is going to at the end of the day be moving forward. We are not in the business—at least I am not in the business of projecting inflation in my own country. It is very difficult to try to project inflationary pressures on a global basis, but I think it is—as I said before, we are living in uncertain times. We expect that trade negotiations that are currently underway reach a good point that is satisfactory to everyone involved, and that will normalize trade flows from that perspective onwards. In terms of Argentina—I mean, despite the fact that it is a common theme throughout the G‑24—what we are trying to do in Argentina for the last 15 months is basically gain our credibility back. And as such, we have elected a very conservative and unorthodox approach to the problems that Argentina had. And one of the problems that Argentina had was on the fiscal front. And we have done a tremendous fiscal consolidation. We put our house in order, on the monetary front as well. And that track record is one that will put us in a path to regaining market access eventually.

    Having said that, from my perspective, as the CFO of the country, what I can say is that we work at it very conservatively. I am not assuming that Argentina will be able to re‑access markets at a given time. But we have certainty that the maturities are coming due. That is why we have worked in the past in showing our willingness to pay. We have honored all our commitments. We have now a new IMF program, which has started to work very well, as expected. And in addition to that, because of that conservative, look, we have already accumulated reserves. The Treasury has bought a significant amount of dollars that it has at the central bank to honor those obligations. So, we do not expect to—we cannot speculate about when Argentina will be able to re‑access international markets. When those will happen, when that situation happens, we will address it. But in the meantime, we still work as if we have no access, and we have to pay down our obligations as we did in this last 15 months.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you, I see three remaining hands. I will come back to the front with the lady in the brown jacket first and then I go to that side of the room. I see two hands. Please keep your questions short. We have limited time. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Hi. My question is regarding—we have seen the U.S. called back on some of the financings that it gives to developing economies, so in terms of financing the sustainable development goals, as well as climate action, could you talk about some of the challenges there?

    Mr. Devahasadin: Are your questions related to climate so we can collect them both? Anyone on climate here.

    Mr. Quirno: We face several challenges and as such, for that, many countries rely on the World Bank and the IMF, to basically be able to develop tools to finance that development, finance climate action, to finance infrastructure, and as such, we are at a period in which you have to—countries have to balance that in turn with their own macroeconomic situation in that respect. We need to—we have many of our countries in the G‑24 have significant natural resources that need to be developed. Those are the ones that are part of the transition energy, for example. And those are situations in which you cannot access private financing. The role of development financing in terms of climate, in terms of energy transition, et cetera, is very important. But those are challenges that are on the table that we need to address, and we are addressing together as a group and as an individual country as well.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Go back to the floor. Gentleman back here and we can go all the way back to you, sir.

    QUESTION: Thank you. Two questions. You brought back fiscal discipline to Argentina, but can you quantify the harmful effects on the lives of the citizens? That is what want to talk about, the strikes, the protests, the fact that people do not have money in their pockets. Secondly, you also talked about building resilience, how do we build resilience where most of the countries in the G‑24 have one similar problem, a lot of visionless leadership, definitely, and a lot of poverty. Our arms are already tied behind our hands economically. How do you expect us to build resilience?  We are just led to the slaughter slap.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Can I go all the way back to the back, the gentleman in the back, please?

    QUESTION: Thank you for taking my question. I wanted to touch on debt restructuring. In October you called on the reform of the Common Framework, and I am curious to know more about what sort of reform moves you have seen since then and also what types of reforms the G‑24 would like to see to the Common Framework. Thank you.

    Mr. Quirno: To the first question, I hate to make reference to Argentina, but the question was directly addressed to that situation. Argentina was facing a very dire situation—55 percent poverty rate before this administration took office. We have worked very, very strongly to do a couple of things that basically went straight to address that situation by having done our fiscal consolidation. We basically reduced 5 percentage points of GDP deficit in a month, something that has not been done probably anywhere else in the world so far. But we did it because we knew that we had no alternative. And at the end of the day, what happened is that the myth is that by doing such an adjustment, you would enter into a deep recession. Argentina rebounded out of its recession that was two and a half years long two months after that fiscal consolidation.

    Since then, real wages have increased for 10 months straight. Poverty levels have been reduced from 54 percent to 38 percent in about a year. And economic activity has increased 6 percent December 2024 from December 2023 when we took over. It can be done. That is the message. You know, there is preoccupations before, during such a big adjustment as we did, but it pays out. It takes the political will to do it. Everyone knows what needs to be done on the fiscal and monetary fronts. The books have been written about it. What happens is you need the political willingness to attack the problem because that may hurt politicians when they make those decisions. We have a very strong leadership in President Milei — the one that has said we need to go in this. What he has said is we need to take care of the most vulnerable. We doubled in real terms, while being able to achieve our financial surplus. We were able to double in real terms the assistance to the most vulnerable. And that is something that basically shows the amount of corruption and intermediation that was on the social plans that the national government was spending on. So now those funds have been redirected. It is funny that we doubled the expenditures in real terms, but the amount that people received more than tripled. We spent 100, and we are now spending 200 in real terms. People got 60. They received 60, and then they are receiving 200. That is a big—very big realization from the most vulnerable population that they have been robbed for years. Because by maintaining fiscal consolidation, by maintaining a financial surplus, we were still able to double the assistance to the most vulnerable.

    Mr. Devahasadin: We go to Ms. Masha on debt restructuring because you spoke about it last time.

    Ms. Masha: Debt restructuring?

    Mr. Devahasadin: The Common Framework. Yes, the progress on that.

    Ms. Masha: I want to add a little to what the Chair said in response to the question before I go to the Common Framework.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Yes.

    Ms. Masha: That is just to say that the G‑24 member countries, we have some of the largest economies in the world as members of G‑24, and the good thing is that the growth, the size of their economy, most of them over the past two or three decades, China, India and Brazil. So that takes a lot of vision. That takes a lot of implementations of the right policies. So, it is not quite a visionless leadership, but they have had to take policies that enable the countries to achieve what they have been able to achieve over such a short period of time.

    On the Common Framework — where we are on the Common Framework is that some countries have used it. Some have found it beneficial. The only complaint—well, some of the complaints we have heard about is that the process takes a very long time. And during that long time, they are not able to access the market, or they have to take some difficult decisions when they do not know how it is going to play out. And we also made that position known. The second, the other issue is we need more participation of the private market, maybe of also multilateral development banks, and also to have some precise idea of how it will play out. Some middle‑income countries have been asked to be a part of it. That is not really in discussion now, but all in all, countries have benefited from it, but there could be more benefit. Thank you.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Mr. Chair, you would like to add anything?

    Mr. Quirno (Argentina): No.

    Mr. Devahasadin: We are out of time. Unfortunately, Minister Edun had another obligation. If you have any follow‑up question, send it to press@G24.org. That was in the advisory, how to contact the G‑24. The communiqué should have been posted on IMF.org and the transcript of this press conference will be made available later. Thank you very much for joining this press conference and have a good rest of your day. Thank you.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Pavis Devahasadin

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Spring Meetings 2025 Press Briefing Transcript: Intergovernmental Group of Twenty-Four (G24)

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    April 24, 2025

    SPEAKERS:

    Chair: Pablo Quirno, Secretary of Finance, Ministry of Economy of Argentina

    First Vice‑Chair:  Olawale Edun, Federal Minister of Finance of Nigeria

    Second Vice‑Chair: Jameel Ahmad, Governor, State Bank of Pakistan

    Director: Iyabo Masha, G‑24 Secretariat

    MODERATOR:

    Pavis Devahasadin, Communications Officer, IMF

    Mr. Devahasadin: Good morning, ladies and gentlemen. My name is Pavis Devahasadin, Communication Officer from the IMF’s Communication Department. I would like to welcome everyone here in this room and our online audience to the press conference on the Intergovernmental Group of 24 on International Monetary Affairs and Development or G‑24.

    Before we begin, I would like to remind you that we have simultaneous translation in English, French and Spanish. It is my honor to introduce the distinguished panel at this table, the Chair of the Ministry of the G‑24 at the center is Mr. Pablo Quirno, Secretary of Finance of Argentina. To his right is Mr. Vice Chair, Mr. Olawale Edun, Nigeria’s Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy. To the left of Mr. Chair is Second‑Vice Chair Mr. Jameel Ahmad, Governor of the State Bank of Pakistan. Of course, at the other end of the table is Director of G‑24 Secretariat Ms. Iyabo Masha. Without further ado, may I invite Mr. Quirno to give some remarks. Mr. Chair, the floor is yours.

    Mr. Quirno (Argentina): Thank you, Pavis. Dear members of the press, I would like to extend a warm welcome to each and every one of you as we gather for this press conference. You have at your disposal our comprehensive communiqué and press release encapsulating the discussions held today. Allow me to briefly highlight the key takeaways.

    We are witnessing a major transition in how the global economy works and processes of change such as these always involve intervals of great volatility and uncertainty. Our communiqué reflects that the recent economic developments have driven uncertainty to elevated levels. In this context, emerging market and developing economies face additional challenges stemming from both external conditions and domestic factors.

    On the external front, many EMDEs continue to face elevated public debt levels and rising debt servicing burdens. The prevailing environment of still tight global financial conditions is exacerbating these challenges, constraining fiscal space, and forcing difficult tradeoffs between repaying creditors and investing in critical areas for productivity, growth and development. These also represent a risk to macroeconomic stability, as debt maturities and rising debt service payments hinder fiscal consolidation plans, which are necessary to tackle domestic imbalances, maintain price stability, and foster a stable macroeconomic environment for investment and growth.

    On the domestic front, weak fiscal fundamentals are at the core of macroeconomic instability, while many of us face longstanding structural policy challenges that hold back productivity and competitiveness.

    The building up of external and fiscal imbalances amid public spending pressures that exceed revenues and with constrained access to international financial markets further erodes macroeconomic stability.

    Furthermore, domestic environments perceived as unsafe for investment dominated by overly complex legislation and inefficient and burdensome tax systems add to macroeconomic instability to further discourage much‑needed private capital inflows.

    As stated in the communiqué, domestic policymaking is the first line of defense. The best way to enhance short‑term domestic responsiveness, as well as medium‑term growth capacity is through solid macroeconomic frameworks combined with clear rules that foster a predictable environment for private investment.

    Pivoting to our fiscal consolidation to set debt on a sustainable path and rebuild buffers while advancing with productivity‑enhancing‑market reoriented structural reforms must remain priorities for the domestic policymaking. Whereas doing so while maintaining social cohesion and protecting the most vulnerable can be challenging, it can be achieved with careful policy calibration.

    But as these measures may take some time to deliver, mobilizing sufficient international support is also crucial to help countries meet their financing needs while they navigate the waters towards a healthier economy. The Bretton Woods Institutions remain crucial, necessitating decisive actions to fortify the Global Financial Safety Net and broaden development finance. The IMF’s role as a centerpiece of the Global Financial Safety Net is vital in addressing multilateral challenges and supporting vulnerable countries. We appreciate the IMF’s recent reforms to better support EMDEs, such as the recent review of the charges and surcharges policies.

    However, countries with limited access to affordable short‑term and crisis‑related liquidity continue to face vulnerabilities. It is essential to address liquidity pressures and strengthen crisis prevention and response capabilities, including enhancing existing financial safety nets. Surveillance and internal and external stability should be intensified, including on spillover effects from systematically important countries. The World Bank has made progress in implementing the Evolution Program, but further progress is required in operationalizing key aspects of the framework of financial incentives and reducing IBRD loan pricing. Faster implementation of the remaining G‑20 Independent Experts Groups Recommendations on MDB reforms is needed, including mitigating currency risks through local currency lending and domestic capital market reforms, de‑risking private‑sector investment, and increasing capital within the WBG and across the MDB system.

    Swift progress on the 2025 shareholding review is necessary to address misalignments, strengthen voice and representation, enhance IBRD legitimacy, and ensure equitable voting power.

    In sum, the path to sharp growth and a steady growing economy is multifaceted. We must do our part and commit to strengthen fiscal and monetary frameworks, build robust institutions, and embrace structural reforms that promote competitiveness, productivity gains, and job creation, but at the same time we need global financial institutions that recognize domestic efforts and are willing and well‑prepared to step up for these countries. Thank you, and with these remarks, I am now ready to entertain your questions.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you, Mr. Chair. Before we begin the Q&A section, I kindly ask that all questions remain within the scope of the G‑24’s mandate and responsibilities. Other questions outside of its purview, of course, should be raised during the regional press conferences that are going to be taking place in the coming days. And please kindly identify yourself, your organization, your news outlet, and specify to whom your questions would like to be addressing. With that, any questions? Yes, sir.

    QUESTION: Good morning to everybody. Mr. Quirno, you just said that the Bretton Woods Institutions are crucial. Does any of you feel that their role, their functioning is endangered currently? Thank you for answering this question.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you.

    Mr. Quirno: I think globally we are facing a period of volatility and uncertainty. As such, the Bretton Woods Institutions are crucial in providing the safety net and the channels of communication that remain open among the different countries that participate in those institutions. And I think the role is very, very important. And we do not see them—I mean, we are always rebalancing their role and their task, and it is something that is a process that we do constantly. At the end of the day, the role is vital. It is very important, and we do not see them at risk as you put it.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Minister Edun.

    Mr. Edun (Nigeria): Thank you. I agree with the Chair that there is nothing that we have heard that says that the Bretton Woods Institutions stands ready to do anything other than on the one hand, provide safety net. On the other hand, continue to provide development finance. If anything, this time of heightened global uncertainty, what we have heard from them is that they stand ready and are very much willing and capable to help countries to navigate this particular time and to continue to encourage good policymaking, to encourage resilience, building of resilience, building of buffers and effectively staying the course for those who are actually on a path that will take them further along the road to growth development and reduction of poverty.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Governor Ahmad or Ms. Masha, would you like to add anything?

    Mr. Ahmad: No, it is OK. I think we fully agree with the views expressed by the Chair and the Vice. I think the increased uncertainty and the prevailing situation, it has become much more important for the Bretton Woods Institutions to continue to play their role and particularly as the financial safety net providers and also as the development partners. I think they have a role which will continue to be there, and they will be contributing in the performance of the road previously—that they have been doing previously, so I fully agree.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Ms. Masha?

    Ms. Masha (G-24 Secretariat): Yes. We believe that the organizations are very useful, and the usefulness is very much appreciated, and so we do not have any uncertainty about their continued relevance. And we do hope that whatever actions countries are taking, the advanced economies are taking, they will factor into their decision the very good usefulness of these organizations. Thank you.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Going back to the floor. Any question? Right here, lady with the glasses.

    QUESTION: My question is for Mr. Jameel Ahmad. What steps is the State Bank of Pakistan taking? Is it engaging with other central banks to mitigate risks, particularly in the G‑24 framework? Thank you.

    Mr. Ahmad: I think as initially said that if there is any specific questions pertaining to the State Bank, we can discuss that during the separate conferences, which we have, but for the time being, since we are in the G-24 platform, we are coordinating with other central banks, and we discussed all these issues during the yesterday’s Deputies Meeting as well as today’s meeting also of the G-24. These are the issues faced by the G-24 members and have been thoroughly discussed and the stance has been agreed upon. This is what is contained in the communiqué which is being issued today.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Going back to the floor, maybe in the midsection I saw some hands. I will start with you in the black. Thank you. We are going to make our way back. Yes.

    QUESTION: So, I have a couple questions for everyone here. First of all, how concerned are your members from the fallout from tariffs and what are they trying to do to try to mitigate the impacts? Also, are you planning to work more closely with each other, for instance, increasing trade with each other? And lastly, specifically, are you planning on working more closely with China, for instance?

    Mr. Devahasadin: Just to add to that, I got an advanced question Sri Lanka. In the light of reciprocal tariff currently in place, what strategy is the G‑24 considering as a working group to alleviate the pressure on emerging economies? So that is related to your question as well. Mr. Chair.

    Mr. Quirno: Thank you. Thank you for the questions. I think that it is important to understand that the G‑24 is a very diverse group of countries, and everyone, each of us has its own peculiarities, strengths, and weaknesses in the midst of the current trade situation. So, what I would say is that the fallout of this uncertainty that we are facing creates more volatility. And as emerging market countries and developing countries, what you face is a situation in which, in addition to the trade tensions, you have a situation on the capital markets and the capital flows, things that are based on the uncertainty. What happens is flows are expecting a solution. As one of the members said today, we can deal with good news. We can deal with bad news. We need to know what to do under uncertainty. You know, as we are going through this process of trade negotiations globally and as definitions are set, then we will know how to react. In the meantime, as we said in the communiqué and as we said in my opening remarks, the first line of defense, the thing that is within our country’s contro, is around the domestic agenda. We need to bring resilience into our own economies in such a way that we have a fiscal path that is credible, that we have sound monetary policies as well that back that fiscal consolidation program, because at the end of the day that is what investors are looking at.

    Investors are looking at the different countries’ situation and see how they can cope with this level of uncertainties. We have faced different levels, different crises in the past — globally, the pandemic being the last one. And we have, as a collective number of countries, been able to achieve a level of resilience that is very good. I mean, that resilience is being tested once again. That is why we also need to work in conjunction among the different countries, not only G‑24 but in a global context to address the situation. But I think the homework also needs to be consolidated at home in order to then continue moving forward. And as such, we are also obviously fostering our trade relationships among the different countries. We are doing it among the G‑24, among G‑20, so there are various areas of cooperation and consolidation there as well.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Any perspective from Ms. Masha in terms of coordination, collaboration across nations?

    Ms. Masha: Well, I think the Chair has pointed out some of those issues regarding macroeconomic stability, that is when these shocks manifest, there’s need for fiscal policies, sound monetary policies. But more along that line, it also provides opportunities for countries to pivot towards a different development pathway. Maybe going into sectors that are going to satisfy domestic demand will make them less prone to external shocks and diversifying their markets, the different markets, so they can better cope with the future tariff or trade policies. Thank you.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Going back to the floor, I see hands right there all the way in the back, the lady in beige. We will come back to the front.

    QUESTION: Thank you for taking our questions. A question for everyone, sort of piggybacking off of my colleague’s question on tariffs. How does the G‑24 weigh the inflationary risks versus risks of recession from the current tariff environment? And then one for the Argentina Secretary, you spoke about debt maturities and rising debt payments, more than 4 billion in debt many coming due for Argentina in July right after an ambitious reserve target accumulation from the IMF. How does Argentina plan to confront those payments and is there a target that it is looking back to return to capital markets? Thank you.

    Mr. Quirno: In terms of the first question related to inflationary pressures and related to the trade situation, we had this morning the World Economic Outlook conference in which we had details on that perspective, but I think also it is very early to tell on how this is going to at the end of the day be moving forward. We are not in the business—at least I am not in the business of projecting inflation in my own country. It is very difficult to try to project inflationary pressures on a global basis, but I think it is—as I said before, we are living in uncertain times. We expect that trade negotiations that are currently underway reach a good point that is satisfactory to everyone involved, and that will normalize trade flows from that perspective onwards. In terms of Argentina—I mean, despite the fact that it is a common theme throughout the G‑24—what we are trying to do in Argentina for the last 15 months is basically gain our credibility back. And as such, we have elected a very conservative and unorthodox approach to the problems that Argentina had. And one of the problems that Argentina had was on the fiscal front. And we have done a tremendous fiscal consolidation. We put our house in order, on the monetary front as well. And that track record is one that will put us in a path to regaining market access eventually.

    Having said that, from my perspective, as the CFO of the country, what I can say is that we work at it very conservatively. I am not assuming that Argentina will be able to re‑access markets at a given time. But we have certainty that the maturities are coming due. That is why we have worked in the past in showing our willingness to pay. We have honored all our commitments. We have now a new IMF program, which has started to work very well, as expected. And in addition to that, because of that conservative, look, we have already accumulated reserves. The Treasury has bought a significant amount of dollars that it has at the central bank to honor those obligations. So, we do not expect to—we cannot speculate about when Argentina will be able to re‑access international markets. When those will happen, when that situation happens, we will address it. But in the meantime, we still work as if we have no access, and we have to pay down our obligations as we did in this last 15 months.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you, I see three remaining hands. I will come back to the front with the lady in the brown jacket first and then I go to that side of the room. I see two hands. Please keep your questions short. We have limited time. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Hi. My question is regarding—we have seen the U.S. called back on some of the financings that it gives to developing economies, so in terms of financing the sustainable development goals, as well as climate action, could you talk about some of the challenges there?

    Mr. Devahasadin: Are your questions related to climate so we can collect them both? Anyone on climate here.

    Mr. Quirno: We face several challenges and as such, for that, many countries rely on the World Bank and the IMF, to basically be able to develop tools to finance that development, finance climate action, to finance infrastructure, and as such, we are at a period in which you have to—countries have to balance that in turn with their own macroeconomic situation in that respect. We need to—we have many of our countries in the G‑24 have significant natural resources that need to be developed. Those are the ones that are part of the transition energy, for example. And those are situations in which you cannot access private financing. The role of development financing in terms of climate, in terms of energy transition, et cetera, is very important. But those are challenges that are on the table that we need to address, and we are addressing together as a group and as an individual country as well.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Go back to the floor. Gentleman back here and we can go all the way back to you, sir.

    QUESTION: Thank you. Two questions. You brought back fiscal discipline to Argentina, but can you quantify the harmful effects on the lives of the citizens? That is what want to talk about, the strikes, the protests, the fact that people do not have money in their pockets. Secondly, you also talked about building resilience, how do we build resilience where most of the countries in the G‑24 have one similar problem, a lot of visionless leadership, definitely, and a lot of poverty. Our arms are already tied behind our hands economically. How do you expect us to build resilience?  We are just led to the slaughter slap.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Thank you. Can I go all the way back to the back, the gentleman in the back, please?

    QUESTION: Thank you for taking my question. I wanted to touch on debt restructuring. In October you called on the reform of the Common Framework, and I am curious to know more about what sort of reform moves you have seen since then and also what types of reforms the G‑24 would like to see to the Common Framework. Thank you.

    Mr. Quirno: To the first question, I hate to make reference to Argentina, but the question was directly addressed to that situation. Argentina was facing a very dire situation—55 percent poverty rate before this administration took office. We have worked very, very strongly to do a couple of things that basically went straight to address that situation by having done our fiscal consolidation. We basically reduced 5 percentage points of GDP deficit in a month, something that has not been done probably anywhere else in the world so far. But we did it because we knew that we had no alternative. And at the end of the day, what happened is that the myth is that by doing such an adjustment, you would enter into a deep recession. Argentina rebounded out of its recession that was two and a half years long two months after that fiscal consolidation.

    Since then, real wages have increased for 10 months straight. Poverty levels have been reduced from 54 percent to 38 percent in about a year. And economic activity has increased 6 percent December 2024 from December 2023 when we took over. It can be done. That is the message. You know, there is preoccupations before, during such a big adjustment as we did, but it pays out. It takes the political will to do it. Everyone knows what needs to be done on the fiscal and monetary fronts. The books have been written about it. What happens is you need the political willingness to attack the problem because that may hurt politicians when they make those decisions. We have a very strong leadership in President Milei — the one that has said we need to go in this. What he has said is we need to take care of the most vulnerable. We doubled in real terms, while being able to achieve our financial surplus. We were able to double in real terms the assistance to the most vulnerable. And that is something that basically shows the amount of corruption and intermediation that was on the social plans that the national government was spending on. So now those funds have been redirected. It is funny that we doubled the expenditures in real terms, but the amount that people received more than tripled. We spent 100, and we are now spending 200 in real terms. People got 60. They received 60, and then they are receiving 200. That is a big—very big realization from the most vulnerable population that they have been robbed for years. Because by maintaining fiscal consolidation, by maintaining a financial surplus, we were still able to double the assistance to the most vulnerable.

    Mr. Devahasadin: We go to Ms. Masha on debt restructuring because you spoke about it last time.

    Ms. Masha: Debt restructuring?

    Mr. Devahasadin: The Common Framework. Yes, the progress on that.

    Ms. Masha: I want to add a little to what the Chair said in response to the question before I go to the Common Framework.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Yes.

    Ms. Masha: That is just to say that the G‑24 member countries, we have some of the largest economies in the world as members of G‑24, and the good thing is that the growth, the size of their economy, most of them over the past two or three decades, China, India and Brazil. So that takes a lot of vision. That takes a lot of implementations of the right policies. So, it is not quite a visionless leadership, but they have had to take policies that enable the countries to achieve what they have been able to achieve over such a short period of time.

    On the Common Framework — where we are on the Common Framework is that some countries have used it. Some have found it beneficial. The only complaint—well, some of the complaints we have heard about is that the process takes a very long time. And during that long time, they are not able to access the market, or they have to take some difficult decisions when they do not know how it is going to play out. And we also made that position known. The second, the other issue is we need more participation of the private market, maybe of also multilateral development banks, and also to have some precise idea of how it will play out. Some middle‑income countries have been asked to be a part of it. That is not really in discussion now, but all in all, countries have benefited from it, but there could be more benefit. Thank you.

    Mr. Devahasadin: Mr. Chair, you would like to add anything?

    Mr. Quirno (Argentina): No.

    Mr. Devahasadin: We are out of time. Unfortunately, Minister Edun had another obligation. If you have any follow‑up question, send it to press@G24.org. That was in the advisory, how to contact the G‑24. The communiqué should have been posted on IMF.org and the transcript of this press conference will be made available later. Thank you very much for joining this press conference and have a good rest of your day. Thank you.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Pavis Devahasadin

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/04/24/tr-04242025-g24-press-briefing

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Spring Meetings 2025 Press Briefing Transcript: The Managing Director’s Press Briefing on the Global Policy Agenda

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    April 24, 2025

    Speaker: Kristalina Georgieva, Managing Director, IMF

    Moderator: Julie Kozack, Director, Communications Department, IMF

    Ms. Kozack: Good morning, everyone. Welcome to this IMF press briefing. I am Julie Kozack, Director of the Communications Department. Thank you so very much for joining us this morning and, as usual, we are going to begin with some opening remarks from our Managing Director, Kristalina Georgieva, after which we will turn to your questions. Without further ado, Kristalina, over to you.

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you, Julie. And a very warm welcome to all the journalists who got up early to be with us on this beautiful Thursday morning, and also to those who are online. Great to have you with us.

    As you saw earlier this week in our latest World Economic Outlook, we have significantly downgraded our projections for global growth. Major trade policy shifts have spiked uncertainty off the charts, accompanied by tighter financial conditions and higher market volatility. Simply put, the world economy is facing a new and major test, and it faces it with policy buffers depleted by the shocks of recent years. That puts countries in a difficult position. It also creates urgency for action to strengthen the economies for a world of rapid change.

    Today, I want to zoom in on how countries can actually do it. This is the main question we are getting from our members in every single meeting I have had this week. In my Global Policy Agenda, let me, for the audience, remind you that it is a very nicely crafted document. In parentheses this year we have very informative charts, and I hope you will look into those as well. In it, we focus on both the immediate challenges and our medium-term directions. I emphasize three overarching priorities. First and most urgent, for countries to work constructively to resolve trade tensions as swiftly as possible, preserving openness and removing uncertainty. A trade policy settlement among the main players is essential, and we are urging them to do it swiftly because uncertainty is very costly. I cannot stress this strongly enough.

    Without certainty, businesses do not invest, households prefer to save rather than to spend, and this further weakens prospects for already weakened growth.

    Countries also need to address the imbalances that fuel many of the tensions we see. Among major economies, some countries like China need to act to boost private consumption and embrace a shift to services. Others, like the United States, need to reduce fiscal deficits. And in Europe, it is time to complete the Single Market, Banking Union, Capital Markets Union, removing internal barriers to intra-EU trade. Get it done. All countries should seize this moment to lower their trade barriers, both tariff and nontariff.

    The second overarching priority, countries must act to safeguard economic and financial stability. The best way to do that is to get their own house in order. On fiscal policy, most countries need to rebuild buffers and ensure debt sustainability, although some may see shocks that warrant temporary and targeted fiscal support.

    We urge countries to define credible adjustment paths, gradual in most cases, protecting key investments, maximizing spending efficiency, and making space for longer term needs.

    Tradeoffs will be tough for all, but they will be toughest for low-income countries, which face both tight financial conditions and global growth slowdown and falling aid flows. To help ease the tradeoffs there, domestic resource mobilization must be part of the mix. We cannot have countries with a tax to GDP below 15 percent where it is difficult to sustain the functioning of the state. For central banks, the times when countries marched in lockstep is over. Different countries will face different conditions. Inflation pressures in some countries are easing. In others, pressures are yet to abate.

    What is our advice? Watch the data, watch inflation expectations. Central banks will need to strike a delicate balance between supporting growth and containing inflation. To do so, they must not only adjust policy interest rates but also rely on credibility to anchor expectations. Central bank independence is critical for credibility, protect it.

    Open economies, including many emerging markets, are exposed to the trade shocks and tighter financial conditions. They must preserve exchange rate flexibility as a shock absorber.

    In the event of unwarranted currency market volatility, these countries can find policy guidance in the IMF’s integrated policy framework.

    My third and final overarching priority, double down on growth oriented reforms to lift productivity. Even before the latest shock, we were living in a low growth, high debt world, sounding the alarm on weak medium-term growth for quite some time. You heard me saying that many times. Now is the time for long needed but often delayed reforms that can create a good business environment, put entrepreneurship in the front seat, reform labor markets, create conditions for innovation and in a world of rapid technological advancements, give countries a chance to catch the benefits of these advancements for their people.

    The IMF, of course, as always, will be there for our members. We are focusing on what we do best, helping them secure economic and financial stability, resolve or, even better, prevent balance of payments problems, and put in place strong policies and institutions to underpin vibrant economies.

    We will help countries with surveillance, with diagnostics, with policy advice and, when necessary, by providing financial support.

    As part of crisis resolution, we must ensure that the Global Financial Safety Net is strong. We will look for ways to further strengthen our collaboration with regional financing arrangements, and with [major] swap-providing central banks. When we have a cohesive, effective, and efficient Global Financial Safety Net, this will deliver confidence to our members in this more shock prone world.

    We will continue to foster cooperative policy solutions for promoting a healthy rebalancing of the world economy to help countries address debt vulnerabilities. Here, I want to acknowledge the important work of the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable. This week, we agreed to publish a playbook that provides guidance for predictable and faster debt restructuring processes. And I was very pleased to see [the] support of all traditional, nontraditional creditors, private sector, and debtor countries to have that predictability.

    Finally, we will reiterate the need for continued cooperation in a multipolar world. The shared objective for all must be a better balanced and more resilient world economy.

    Before I wrap it up, I want to recognize Secretary Bessent’s remarks yesterday in which he laid out the U.S. administration’s vision for the Bretton Woods Institutions. The United States is our largest shareholder. And even more, the United States is the home of my colleagues and me. So, of course, we greatly value the voice of the United States. I very much appreciate Secretary Bessent’s reiteration of the U.S.’s commitment to the Fund and its role. He raised a number of issues and priorities for the institution that I look forward to discussing with the U.S. authorities and the membership as a whole. We will have opportunities to do so here, and we will also have opportunities to continue with our Executive Board as we carry out important policy reviews–the Comprehensive Surveillance Review, it will set our surveillance priorities for the next five years, and the Review of Program Design and Conditionality, which will carefully consider how our lending can best help countries address the low growth challenge and durably resolve balance of payments weaknesses. So, we have a way to go, and we are laser focused on it.

    Are there cyclists in this room, people who bike, bikers? As bikers would pay, ‘pedalare,’ step on the pedal. With that, I am very happy to take your questions.

    Ms. Kozack: Thank you very much, Kristalina. We will now turn to your questions. I see you have hands up already. Very good. Please just give your name and outlet when called on. I am going to start right here, woman right in the front row here.

    Questioner: Thanks very much for the opportunity to ask you—to put a question to you. You mentioned Secretary Bessent’s remarks yesterday. He accused the IMF and the World Bank of mission creep and specifically the IMF on mission creep in areas such as climate change, gender policies and also social issues. Do you think there is a role in the future for the IMF in areas such as climate, gender, and social issues?       

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you for your question. So, what do we do here? We concentrate on macroeconomic and financial stability for growth and employment. We have 191 members. They face different challenges. They face different types of risks to their balance of payment. And what we do is to analyze what these risks and what the Fund in our mandate and what we do on the fiscal side, on the monetary policy side, on the financial sector side, what can we do to help them be more resilient to shocks. So, when we have, for example, Caribbean countries that are wiped out by extreme weather events regularly, naturally they are very concerned about that, and they say how can we be more resilient to these shocks? Again, we focus on balance of payment. What are the risks and what can be done to protect the balance of payments in these countries.

    I want to say that I actually agree with the Secretary on one thing. It is a very complicated world, a world of massive challenges of all kinds. We are a small institution. We are 4,000 people. Not very well-known, but a very fiscally disciplined institution. Our budget today in real terms is what it was 20 years ago. So, yes, we have to focus. And that is exactly why we engage with the membership, so we can make best use of the staff of the Fund. I really like to run a tight ship. Yes.

    Ms. Kozack: I can attest to that. Let us go here, the gentleman in the third row, blue shirt.

    Questioner: Just to follow-up on Claire’s question. Does Secretary Bessent’s prescriptions here for the Fund, will it cause you to sort of rethink some of the lending programs like the RSF and the RST? And then secondly, a lot of economists in the private sector have sort of a more pessimistic view, especially when you look at sort of the prospects for U.S. recession. You are not predicting that. Some of the Ministers here that we have been interviewing feel that the Fund is being too conservative. Can you just sort of explain the differences between yourselves and the private sector?

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you very much. Actually, in the paper that I just flagged to you, we have a slide that shows Fund lending. You need a magnifying glass to see the share of the Resilience and Sustainability Trust in this lending. It is really small, but as I was explaining in the answer to the previous question, for countries that are highly vulnerable to extreme weather events, having policy advice strictly on the macro side, there is a bit of confusion. People think that we have climate experts. We do not. That is not our job. Our job is to say, OK, if you are Dominica and a hurricane can wipe out the equivalent of 200 percent of your GDP, what are reasonable policies to put in place, or to be more specific, because we have a program with Barbados, if you are Barbados natural disasters are highly damaging to your economy, what are the policy measures you can put in place. In the case of Barbados, we came up with creating an additional buffer for them that would actually prevent a balance of payments shock from derailing the economic development of the country. So, of course, we are a membership institution. What our members decide, this is what we do. We periodically review all of our instruments. At this point, we have the function of the Fund on balance of payments support defined with a number of instruments being deployed.

    To your second question, I am going to do this illustration. My glass, when you look at it, it is more than 60 percent full. This is where we are. This is what it is. How can I call it empty? I cannot. When we look at the data, what we see is that for the United States, recession risks have increased now to 37 percent, but we are not yet—we do not see either in the labor market or indicators for the functioning of the economy such a dramatic block of economic activities that would drag growth in the United States all the way to below zero.

    So, as you remember, I mean, this is something that people may not appreciate enough. Our earlier projections for a very vibrant U.S. economy were for 2.7 percent growth for this year. We have downgraded the United States—actually this is the largest of our downgrades—by 0.9 percent, to 1.8 percent for this year. But we see enough that carries the United States forward. And, of course, we recognize that there is work underway to resolve trade disputes and reduce uncertainty. I want to reiterate my message. Uncertainty is really bad for business, so the sooner this cloud that is hanging over our heads is lifted, the better for prospects for growth.

    For the world economy, as you know we are—you saw it in the WEO, we are also projecting an increase in recession risk from 17 to 30 percent. But again—and by the way, there we talk about growth falling below 2 percent, not below zero, so there is a lot that is carrying the world economy—actually the real economy is functioning in a way that we are seeing no predominant risk. Is there risk? Yes. But it is in our, we used to say, downside scenario and not in what is our—the scenario we anchor our projections.

    This being said—and I am sorry I am dwelling on that. It is a very important question. I get it from delegations when we talk about our projections a lot. This being said, countries can—they are not passive observers. They can act. And one thing that is amazing in these meetings is how much that sense of urgency to act is penetrating our membership. And I do hope that Ministers will go back and say, OK, tough reform, I have postponed it, postpone no more.

    Ms. Kozack: We are going to this side of the room. I am going to go all the way to the end. There is a woman in the third row at the end in a brown suit.

    Questioner: My question is many emerging markets, particularly in Asia, are feeling the pinch of escalating trade tensions and global uncertainties. So, from the IMF’s perspective, how has China and ASEAN countries been affected so far and is there any policy recommendations in the near term that are available from the IMF to navigate these countries through this thank you.

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you for your question. Indeed, Asia is a continent that is quite significantly impacted because economies that rely a lot on exports, when tariffs are announced, feel the pinch more. When we look at China, we have downgraded growth projections for China from 4.6 to 4 percent. We would have downgraded it much more—we actually would have had not .06 but 1.3 percent downgrade if it was not for the policy accommodation that China is already putting in place. It helps. And that is the first piece of advice. If you have policy space, now is a good time to use it. With regard to China, we are emphasizing four points. First, rebalance your economy towards domestic consumption more.

    Second, to help with this, bring to an end the turmoil in the property sector. And, of course, add social protection for people so they do not feel compelled to save rather than spend.

    Third, lift up services, a warm embrace from healthcare to education to basically the service sector, vis-à-vis the goods consumption. And four—and the fourth is very important. Get the government to pull back from too much intervention in the economy. Let the private sector function to its full capacity.

    We are currently working on a paper, and that is in consultation, collaboration with the Chinese authorities, to document in details what are the ways in which the government may be supporting businesses and by doing so shifting the competitive position of these businesses. And this will be one of our contributions to China.

    I am particularly concerned about ASEAN. Why? Because ASEAN, very open economies. They find themselves in a very tough spot with announced tariffs quite significant across the board in ASEAN countries.

    ASEAN has done really well to build resilience over the last years. Their growth has been quite sound. They have prudently brought inflation down. They have disciplined fiscal policy. It helps. This is our number one advice to ASEAN. You have some policy space in monetary policy, in fiscal policy. Carefully and prudently use it, of course, being mindful that if you deplete it entirely and there is another shock, that would be a problem.

    We have been working with ASEAN on their external sector, especially forex. We have integrated the policy framework. It allows good thinking around how to apply the exchange rate flexibility, how to look at this from the perspective of sudden exogenous shocks. I am very pleased to see that ASEAN is doing something that other regions are doing, strengthening economic cooperation, policy coordination, and intra-ASEAN trade. Currently the ASEAN countries trade only 21 percent among themselves. Well, they sure can go up.

    And I think that we will see not only in ASEAN, we will see it in other places, Gulf Cooperation Council, Central Asia, the African continent with the Continental Free Trade Agreement, more being done to compensate, if global trade is going down, then regional trade can be a compensator and actually inject growth energy.

    I want to finish by saying that ASEAN has been remarkably prudent over the last years to build resilience. And that puts them in a good position to have the reputation to deploy their policy space if needed.

    Ms. Kozack: OK. I am going to stay on this side of the room. I will go to the gentleman in the second row with the red tie.

    Questioner: You said these present tensions could disproportionately impact low-income countries, and I am glad you mentioned the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement because my question is on Africa. You met with the Nigerian delegation earlier this week. What is the strategy or your advice for the African continent? As you have noted in the past, Africa is not a country. It is a continent. Egypt cut rates for the first time in five years seven days ago. Prior to that, Ghana hiked its interest rate for the first time in almost three years. In these tough times, what is your advice for the continent?

    Ms. Georgieva: Well, we have seen over the last years the African continent having some of the fastest growing economies, but we also have seen low-income countries primarily, and among them fragile conflict affected countries, falling further behind. And now this is a shock for the continent. The direct impact of tariffs on most of Africa, not on all of Africa, but on most of Africa is relatively small, but the indirect impact is quite significant. Slowing global growth means that all other things equal, they will see a downgrade. And actually, we have downgraded growth prospects for the continent.

    For the oil producers like Nigeria, falling oil prices creates additional pressure on their budgets. On the other hand, for the oil importers, this is a breath of fresh air. In other words, as you indicated in your question, different countries face different challenges. If I were to come with some basic recommendations that apply to Africa, I would say—and actually they apply to Nigeria, they apply to Egypt, they apply to Ghana, they apply to Coté d’Ivoire. First, continue on a path of strengthening your fundamentals. There is still a lot that can be done on the fiscal side to have strength. As I was talking about ASEAN, to have buffers for a moment of shock. And do not use any excuses, oh, it is difficult, we cannot really go for more tax because, yes, you can. There is a lot that can be done to broaden the tax base and a lot that can be done to reduce tax evasion and tax avoidance.

    Using technology as some countries are doing to chase the tax dollar when there is the foundation for that is a very good thing to do.

    Second, on the monetary policy side, we know more as I said in the opening—we are no more in a place when you can look at the book of the Central Bank Governor of the neighboring country and say, oh, they are doing this, I will do the same, because you have to really assess domestic resource mobilization, what is your inflationary pressures and do the right thing for your country.

    But above all, make it so that the image of the whole continent changes because now everybody suffers from wrongdoing, from corruption or from conflict in one country. It throws a shadow on the rest of the continent.

    Finally, like with ASEAN, deepen interregional trade and cooperation. Remove the obstacles to it. Sometimes there are infrastructure obstacles. The World Bank is working on reducing that infrastructure obstacle to growth and trade.

    Africa has so much to offer the world. Obviously, they have the minerals, the natural disasters, and the young population. I think a more unified, more collaborative continent can go a long, long way to [becoming] an economic powerhouse.

    Ms. Kozack: I will go to this side of the room. I am going to have the woman in the red jacket, third row.

    Questioner: Ms. Georgieva, you have been very complementary of the economic reform that the Argentinian government is implementing. You have said that Argentina is an example of a country that has made great strides through structural reforms and fiscal discipline. I would like to ask you about the challenges that now the new program is facing right now, and above all what are the risks that Argentina can face in these times of global uncertainty? Thank you.

    Ms. Georgieva: Argentina has demonstrated that this time it is different. This time there is decisiveness to put the economy on a soundtrack from high deficit to surplus, from double-digit inflation to inflation that in February dipped under 3 percent, from poverty over 50 percent to now around 37 percent. Still very high but going down. The state is stepping out from where it does not belong to allow more dynamism in the private sector. Actually, if you are interested, today we will have the global debate, and Federico is going to be one of the speakers to talk about smart regulation, how you make the economy more vibrant by not being an obstacle to private initiative.

    We saw that when the program was announced, the immediate impact on markets was positive because, among other things, you ask about risks. One risk for Argentina would be if it is alone in this macroeconomic stabilization, now the country is not alone. We are there. The World Bank is there. The InterAmerican Bank is stepping up. What are the risks? And I am sorry, and there is a very important opportunity for Argentina in a world hungry for what Argentina produces, both in agriculture and in minerals, mining, gas, lithium. What are the risks?

    First, external. A worsening global environment of all other things equal, it would impact Argentina negatively. Domestic resource mobilization, the country is going to go to elections, as you know, in October. And it is very important that they do not derail the will for change. So far, we do not see that. We do not see that risk materializing, but I would urge Argentina, stay the course.

    Ms. Kozack: All right. Let us go right here in the front, end of the first row.

    Questioner: Managing Director, we had a lot of news this week, for example, mixed signals on tariffs on China, commentary on the position of the Fed Chair, and of course now the U.S. support of the IMF. How would you sum up the mood of the meetings of your members this week, please? 

    Ms. Georgieva: The membership is anxious because we were just about to step on a road to more stability after multiple shocks. We were projecting 3.3 percent growth. And actually, we were worried that this is not strong enough. And here we are, growth prospects weakened. The membership is also recognizing—and I hear it time and again—that it is very important to have a rules based global economy in which there is predictability of planning for action, both for governments and for the private sector. I actually hear a lot of support from the membership for the Fund because we have actually, the same way Argentina earned the Fund to support it, we have earned the support of the members by being there for them.

    Where the expectations are for the outcome of the meetings is to get more consistency in how all countries are going to go about pursuing their interests, which is legitimate. Of course, every country has to think about its own people but doing it so in a way that enlarges the global pie. It does not shrink it.

    Ms. Kozack: We have time for one last question. I am going to go over here.

    Ms. Georgieva: I am sorry. What I would say is the worry I hear more often is actually not even the tariffs. It is uncertainty. Let us have clarity. And that is why we are—with my apologies to the audience—so repetitive to say we need to bring uncertainty down.

    Ms. Kozack: We have time for one last question, the woman in the burgundy suit.

    Questioner:  I wanted to ask you about the MENA region. How concerned are you with all of this turmoil around the dollar and its effect on the MENA region, especially that many countries there are exporters of intermediate goods that go into major industries and many of them are exporters of energy and what is happening to the dollar is definitely of effect. And you have mentioned uncertainty many times today in this press conference. So, this uncertainty, how will it affect the countries in our region that are trying to get out of a lot of geopolitical uncertainty with the help of the IMF and special programs, such as Egypt? So, will this make the IMF revisit some of those programs amid all of this turmoil?

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you very much. The MENA region actually got quite a downgrade. It is still doing better this year than last year, but we were projecting that growth would go to 4 percent and now we downgraded it to 2.6. A little bit like Africa, most of the impact is indirect. While countries in the MENA region, of course, trade with the United States, but most of them do not have very high exposure. And where it bites is slowing down of the global economy. And MENA has many oil exporters. The price of oil is going down.

    The dollar has historically, it goes up, it goes down. It is not a new thing. So, if you have an oil exporter and you get your revenues in dollars, when the dollar weakens, that creates a bit of a problem for your fiscal position. But if you are an oil exporter, this is a gift because then you can deal more easily with the challenges you face.

    My take for the MENA region is a very diverse region, like the African continent. You have the Gulf Cooperation Council. I have a lot of praise to offer because they have been pursuing reforms and diversification of the economies. Most countries have done really well. So now they see oil growth down, but non-oil economies are still doing quite well.

    We have the more kind of middle-income countries that are faced with difficulties impacted by regional conflicts like Jordan, like Egypt. And there we have been engaged, we have been providing support, as you know. We have countries like Morocco that have done really well to get their house in order, to have sound fiscal monetary policy and the only country in the region that is eligible for Flexible Credit Line from the IMF. And then we have countries like Sudan or Syria that are severely impacted by conflicts.

    I was very pleased that the attention of our membership, despite difficulties at home, across-the-board on low-income countries and conflict affected states, has sharpened. There is a recognition that what happens there impacts the rest of the world.

    We had a Syria meeting during the week of the meetings. The first time in more than 20 years, the Central Bank Governor and the Minister of Finance from Syria are here at the meetings. Our intention is to first and foremost help them rebuild institutions so they can plug themselves in the world economy.

    You are asking me whether we are revisiting program assumptions. Of course, we will be carefully watching what is happening. Then I had a meeting with the Prime Minister of Jordan. We are not talking about amending the program for Jordan right now, but we are talking about the importance of the Fund as an anchor of stability and how we can exercise this role.

    Ms. Kozack: Thank you very much, Managing Director, and thank you very much to all of our journalists who have joined us today. I am bringing this press conference to an end. As always, the transcript will be made available on our website, and I want to wish all of you a very wonderful rest of your day. Thank you very much.

    Ms. Georgieva: Thank you very much. Have a good rest of your day.

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    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/04/24/tr-042425-managing-directors-press-briefing-on-gpa

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