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Category: Education

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: First ARU Peterborough undergrads set to graduate

    Source: Anglia Ruskin University

    Peterborough’s historic cathedral is the venue for ARU Peterborough’s graduation ceremony on 11 July

    The first cohort of ARU Peterborough students to join the city’s new university in 2022 are preparing to celebrate their graduation this week, with many having already secured skilled jobs in the local area.

    Peterborough Cathedral will host this year’s graduation ceremony for ARU Peterborough students at 2pm on Friday, 11 July.

    Students who have studied undergraduate degrees, degree apprenticeships, postgraduate courses and professional development qualifications will cross the cathedral stage to mark the formal completion of their studies.

    “Congratulations to all our graduates on their success. This graduation ceremony marks a historic milestone for ARU Peterborough. It is a celebration of the achievements of our first cohort of students and reflects our mission to create opportunities, drive social mobility, and deliver high level skills tailored to local and national needs.

    “This graduation also signals the beginning of an exciting new chapter for our university and community, as we expand our academic offer with a range of new courses available to start this September.”

    Principal of ARU Peterborough, Professor Ross Renton

    The first graduation is a landmark moment for the city, which until the opening of ARU Peterborough, was known as a higher education “cold spot”. The university has provided opportunities for many students to develop their skills – opportunities they might not have had otherwise.

    James Johnson, 26, is to start work after graduation at local firm ParkAir as an Embedded Software Engineer. The Applied Computer Science graduate from Yaxley said: “It’s unlikely I would’ve attended university if it wasn’t for ARU Peterborough. I was 24 when I enrolled and going further afield wasn’t an option.

    “Finding a local job straight after graduation means a lot. At the start, I was a little uncertain if university was right for me. This proves going to ARU Peterborough was the right thing to do.”

    Faaizah Hussain, who lives in Peterborough and has studied for a BSc (Hons) degree in Accounting and Finance at ARU Peterborough, will give the Vote of Thanks speech at the graduation ceremony on 11 July.

    Faaizah, who has now enrolled on a Postgraduate Certificate in Education to become a teacher, said: “I had already secured an apprenticeship and hadn’t planned on going to university until I found out about ARU Peterborough. I wasn’t keen on moving away or commuting long distances, and I didn’t realise there was a university here until my mum came across an advert and told me about it.

    “Studying at ARU Peterborough has far exceeded my expectations. The one-to-one support has helped shape both my confidence and my character. University turned out to be so much more than I imagined – there wasn’t just academic guidance, there was genuine care from the tutors.

    “Throughout my time here, I’ve taken on so many different roles. I co-founded a student society, was elected as a student governor, became a course representative, and worked as a student ambassador, which I absolutely loved. ARU Peterborough really gives you the platform to grow and get involved in ways that make a lasting impact on not just your own student experience, but the university’s future as a whole.”

    Kazim Raffiq-Fazal, from Peterborough, has been a student ambassador during his computer science degree course and has just started a job at a Cambridgeshire software development company.

    Kazim, 20, said: “I did my A-levels here in Peterborough and I knew university would be the next step for me. I went to a few open days at other institutions but I knew I wanted to study close to where I was living. I went to an open day at ARU Peterborough, met some of the lecturers and saw what the course contained, and it was everything I was looking for.

    “I don’t think I would have had the same experience if I had gone to university elsewhere. Studying close to home has allowed me to spend less time commuting and I have been able to take part in more study and activities.

    “In my second year I did an internship at a software company and that led to an offer to work for them after I graduated.”

    ARU Peterborough is a partnership between Anglia Ruskin University, Peterborough City Council and the Cambridgeshire and Peterborough Combined Authority.

    “Huge congratulations to the first ever graduates of ARU Peterborough. This is both a personal achievement for each student and a landmark moment for our city. 

    “ARU Peterborough is transforming lives, tackling the higher education cold spot we faced, and building a pipeline of talent that meets the needs of local businesses. It’s helping people gain the skills and confidence to succeed and thrive in our local economy. 

    “This day is another example of what can be achieved through ambition and partnership between the City Council, ARU and the Combined Authority. And it marks just the beginning of ARU Peterborough’s growing role in the city’s regeneration and success.” 

    Paul Bristow, Mayor of Cambridgeshire and Peterborough

    “Firstly, a huge congratulations to all those who will be graduating on 11 July.

    “When the concept of ARU Peterborough was created, its vision was to teach skills businesses in Peterborough are calling out for – andfor these to be skills needed for careers of the future.

    “These are the very first set of graduates who will be leaving ‘job ready’. It will help ensure we retain our brightest and most hard working students, delivering confident and capable employees to our businesses and helping our city to flourish for years to come.”

    Councillor Nick Thulbourn, cabinet member for growth and regeneration at Peterborough City Council

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI USA: Louisiana teacher elected to NEA Executive Committee

    Source: US National Education Union

    PORTLAND, Ore.—A dedicated Louisiana educator has been elected to the executive committee of the National Education Association, the nation’s largest labor union. Dr. Tia T. Mills was chosen by thousands of fellow educators at the NEA’s Representative Assembly. 

    Mills—a special education teacher from Baton Rouge and the current president of the Louisiana Association of Educators—brings nearly two decades of experience, a bold commitment to social justice, and a proven history of mobilizing public support for public schools. She will now contribute her invaluable expertise and inexhaustible energy to NEA’s mission to ensure every student has access to a quality public education, regardless of their ZIP codes. Her leadership comes at a time when communities nationwide are gathering to confront rising challenges and unprecedented opportunities for our public schools.

    “Dr. Tia Mills has been an inspirational leader in Louisiana, and I am confident she will bring that same commitment to NEA’s national efforts advocating for equity and racial and social justice in public education,” said NEA President Becky Pringle. “She leads with passion and purpose and understands what it means to build power from the ground up. Tia’s voice will be an extraordinary asset to the Executive Committee as we continue to work for the public schools all our students deserve and the respect all educators have earned.”

    A strong and tireless advocate for students and their educators, Mills has received numerous accolades, including the NAACP’s Benjamin Hooks Keeper of the Flame Award, the NEA Foundation’s Horace Mann Award, and recognition as one of Southern University’s 40 Under 40. Her leadership extends beyond the classroom, serving on the board of Teachers Retirement System of Louisiana, the U.S. Advisory Commission on Civil Rights for Louisiana, and the Louisiana Legislative Black Caucus Foundation. Mills’ courageous advocacy will be a driving force as NEA continues its pursuit of equity, excellence, and a flourishing democracy in classrooms and on campuses nationwide.

    “It’s been such a joy to be gathered with my union siblings from across the country,” said Mills. “I saw a room filled with people with passion and dedication for our association. I’m so eager to bring their voices and their values with me into my service on the Executive Committee.”

    Nearly 7,000 educators are in Portland, Oregon, for the 168th Annual Meeting and 104th RA, the organization’s top decision-making body, which sets Association policy for the coming year. Delegates will complete an agenda, which includes adopting a budget, a legislative agenda for the next year, electing executive committee members, and addressing new business items.

    For more information on NEA’s Annual Meeting and Representative Assembly, go to www.nea.org/ra

    Keep up with the conversation on social media at #NEARA

    Follow us on Bluesky at https://bsky.app/profile/neapresident.bsky.social and https://bsky.app/profile/neatoday.bsky.social  

    # # #

    The National Education Association is the nation’s largest professional employee organization, representing more than 3 million elementary and secondary teachers, higher education faculty, education support professionals, school administrators, retired educators, students preparing to become teachers, healthcare workers, and public employees. Learn more at www.nea.org.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI USA: High school science teacher and union activist from Illinois elected to NEA Executive Committee

    Source: US National Education Union

    PORTLAND, Ore.—A dedicated Illinois teacher and lifelong union activist will serve on the executive committee of the National Education Association, the nation’s largest labor union. Bill Farmer, a high school science teacher from Evanston, Illinois, was elected by his union siblings at NEA’s Representative Assembly to serve on the organization’s influential and highest governing body. 

    As a classroom teacher for more than two decades, Farmer has dedicated his life’s work to organizing and advocating for students, public schools, and union members. As president of his local, he helped deliver big wins for educators—including lower health care costs and securing 12 weeks of paid parental leave—while keeping membership above 98% after the Supreme Court struck down agency fees.

    “Bill Farmer leads with his union values. His sharp organizing instincts and a deep commitment to public education have brought transformative change to his students, fellow educators, and his community,” said NEA President Becky Pringle. “As public schools face even more challenges, NEA members are mobilizing and speaking up because unions are made for moments like these. Bill’s deep organizing experience and unwavering commitment to racial and social justice will help power our movement forward and protect the rights of every educator and student.”

    Farmer led the Illinois Education Association’s efforts to overhaul legislative priorities with a focus on racial and social justice and helped design a more equitable dues structure based on income. Nationally, he has served on NEA’s Budget Committee, the Charter School Task Force and Safe, Just and Equitable Schools Task Force, and chaired the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (SOGI) Committee.

    “I believe in the collective power of educators to transform lives. It’s time to ignite our potential energy—and turn it into real change for our students and our union,” said Farmer. “I look forward to the opportunity to help support our members to organize for power back in their local communities to advocate for our students, strengthen our public schools, and uplift our professions. Our students deserve classrooms that embrace the value of diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility so we can create a society where everyone can thrive.”

    Nearly 7,000 educators are in Portland, Oregon, for the 168th Annual Meeting and 104th RA, the organization’s top decision-making body, which sets Association policy for the coming year. Delegates will complete an agenda, which includes adopting a budget, electing executive committee members, and addressing new business items.

    For more information on NEA’s Annual Meeting and Representative Assembly, go to www.nea.org/ra

    Keep up with the conversation on social media at #NEARA

    Follow us on Bluesky at https://bsky.app/profile/neapresident.bsky.social and https://bsky.app/profile/neatoday.bsky.social  

    # # #

    The National Education Association is the nation’s largest professional employee organization, representing more than 3 million elementary and secondary teachers, higher education faculty, education support professionals, school administrators, retired educators, students preparing to become teachers, healthcare workers, and public employees. Learn more at www.nea.org.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI USA: CNN: Pressure builds on Kennedy’s vaccine panel ahead of first meeting

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Massachusetts – Elizabeth Warren

    June 24, 2025

    Ahead of the first meeting of newly appointed vaccine advisers to the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, lawmakers are sharing fresh concerns about the panel’s membership and last-minute actions that could see Covid-19 and influenza vaccines thrown into question.

    Sen. Elizabeth Warren, a Massachusetts Democrat, sent a letter Tuesday to US Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., exclusively obtained by CNN, about the agency’s abrupt dismissal of all 17 members of the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices and the appointment of eight new members two days later.

    Her letter came hours after Sen. Bill Cassidy, the top Republican on the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, called for officials to postpone the vaccine meeting amid concerns it could further erode Americans’ confidence in vaccine safety.

    …

    Read the full story here.

    By:  Sarah Owermohle, Meg Tirrell
    Source: CNN

    MIL OSI USA News –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Lilo & Stitch: With love, a bereaved child feels safe enough to grieve and grow

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Elena Merenda, Associate Head of Early Childhood Studies, University of Guelph-Humber

    Lilo’s story offers a meaningful glimpse into how grief shows up in children through their emotions and actions. (Disney)

    This story contains spoilers about Lilo & Stitch.

    At first glance, Disney’s Lilo & Stitch, set in Hawaii, seems like a playful, heartwarming film about an alien’s misadventures and a young girl’s search for connection and friendship. But there’s a deeper story — one about childhood grief in the life of the main character, Lilo, and how she navigates the loss of her parents.

    Lilo’s story offers a meaningful glimpse into how grief shows up in children through their emotions and actions.

    Grief in childhood is often misunderstood and overlooked. A common misconception is that children don’t grieve because they’re too young to understand loss. But just because children don’t express grief the way adults do, it doesn’t mean they aren’t grieving.

    As an early child educator who teaches families and post-secondary students about children’s grief, I often say this: anyone who is capable of loving is capable of grieving — and children are deeply capable of love.

    Children express grief through behaviours

    Lilo’s grief is never directly named in the film, but it’s everywhere — she lashes out, isolates herself and clings tightly to Stitch. These behaviours mirror how many children express grief through actions rather than words.

    Research from the National Child Traumatic Stress Network notes that young children often grieve through behaviour — aggression, regression, somatic complaints or withdrawal. This is tied to their stage of cognitive development.

    As the theory of cognitive development by renowned psychologist Jean Piaget outlines, children aged two to seven think concretely and egocentrically, making abstract concepts like death hard to understand.

    In one scene, Lilo insists on feeding a sandwich to her pet fish Pudge, believing he controls the weather — an imaginative ritual that helps her feel a sense of control in a world that feels uncertain and unstable. In multiple scenes she refuses to listen to her sister Nani, reflecting how grief often shows up through routines, symbolic actions or emotional withdrawal.

    Grief can make children feel ‘different’

    The Canadian Alliance for Children’s Grief estimates that one in 14 children in Canada will lose a parent or sibling before age 18. Yet despite how common it is, childhood grief is often overlooked — especially in schools, where emotional pain may go unnoticed.

    Feeling ‘different’ may go unnoticed in schools.
    (Disney)

    In Lilo & Stitch, we see this reality through Lilo. She knows she doesn’t fit in and asks her sister why no one likes her. Her classmates tease her for being “weird” and emotionally reactive. In one scene, she tries to share a handmade bracelet during dance class, only to be mocked and excluded. The moment may seem small but it reveals a deeper truth: grief can make children feel isolated, overwhelmed and fundamentally different from their peers.

    Research confirms this. Studies in the Journal of School Psychology show that bereaved children often describe themselves as “not normal” or “different,” especially when their peers haven’t experienced a similar loss. Without safe, validating spaces to process their grief, these feelings can lead to loneliness, behavioural struggles and low self-esteem.

    Grief grows with us

    Grief in childhood isn’t a single moment — it evolves and deepens over time. As children grow, so does their understanding of what they’ve lost. They often revisit their grief at new developmental stages, carrying it in different ways.

    Lilo & Stitch reflects this beautifully. Lilo doesn’t talk much about her parents’ death, but we see her grief in the routines she clings to — like listening to Elvis or sharing old family photos. These aren’t just quirks; they’re ways she keeps her parents close.

    This reflects what grief researchers call the continuing bonds theory, which emphasizes that maintaining emotional connections to the deceased can support healthy adaptation. Grief isn’t something children “get over.” It’s something they learn to carry — with support, connection and love.

    Healing doesn’t mean Lilo returns to who she was before her parents’ deaths. Her grief remains, but she begins to rebuild her world with Stitch, Nani and her new ‘ohana (family).

    They don’t replace what was lost, but they become a space where grief and love can coexist.

    One of the film’s most memorable lines captures this truth:

    “This is my family. I found it, all on my own. It’s little and broken but still good. Yeah… still good.”

    Connection is the path to healing

    Just as grief is rooted in love, healing is rooted in connection.

    Lilo’s healing comes from presence. Despite the chaos he brings, Stitch stays. Nani, overwhelmed and unsure, keeps showing up.

    Their love and steady, unconditional presence allow Lilo to begin feeling safe enough to grieve and grow.

    ‘Lilo & Stitch’ trailer.

    This reflects what attachment research tells us: strong, secure relationships are among the most powerful protective factors for children navigating loss. When a child feels emotionally safe with a caregiver, they’re better able to regulate emotions, build resilience and integrate the pain of loss into their development. In bereavement, the presence of a stable, responsive adult can determine whether a child’s grief becomes traumatic — or transformative.

    In Lilo & Stitch, connection becomes both the container for Lilo’s grief and the bridge to her healing. The film gently reminds us: love may be the reason we grieve, but it’s also the most powerful way through it.

    How caregivers can support a grieving child

    1. Maintain routine and consistency.

    In times of grief, structure helps children feel safe. Predictable routines — like mealtimes, bedtime rituals and daily rhythms — offer a sense of stability when everything else feels uncertain

    2. Normalize and validate emotions.

    Help your child name what they’re feeling and let them know it’s OK. Say things like, “It’s OK to feel that way,” or “Whatever you feel is welcome here.” Validation helps reduce shame and gives children permission to process their grief openly.

    3. Answer questions honestly.

    Children need truthful, age-appropriate information about what has happened. Avoid euphemisms like “went to sleep” or “passed away,” which can cause confusion. Instead, use clear, simple language: “Their body stopped working and they died.” Honesty builds trust and supports children’s cognitive and emotional development as they process the permanence of death.

    4. Seek support.

    Grief can feel overwhelming — for children and their parents or caregivers. Reach out to school counsellors, grief therapists or local support groups, because support can reduce isolation, support expression and improve coping in grieving families.

    Elena Merenda does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Lilo & Stitch: With love, a bereaved child feels safe enough to grieve and grow – https://theconversation.com/lilo-and-stitch-with-love-a-bereaved-child-feels-safe-enough-to-grieve-and-grow-259873

    MIL OSI Analysis –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Why are we so obsessed with bringing back the woolly mammoth?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Rebecca Woods, Associate Professor, Institute for the History & Philosophy of Science & Technology, University of Toronto

    A photograph of a steppe mammoth on display at the Australian Museum in Sydney. (Unsplash/April Pethybridge), CC BY

    In just the last several months, de-extinction — bringing back extinct species by recreating them or organisms that resemble them — has moved closer from science fiction to science fact. Colossal Biosciences — an American for-profit de-extinction startup headed by geneticists George Church and Beth Shapiro — announced two major achievements almost back-to-back.

    In the first, scientists spliced part of the woolly mammoth’s genome into mice to create “woolly mice,” incredibly cute pom-pom like rodents sporting coats that express the genes of long-extinct woolly mammoths.

    Reuters reports on the woolly mice developed by Colossal Biosciences.

    Just a few weeks later, Colossal announced an even bigger achievement, claiming to have brought back the dire wolf, a contemporary of the woolly mammoth who, like their Ice Age proboscidean co-travellers, last roamed the Earth roughly 10,000 years ago.



    Read more:
    Colossal Bioscience’s attempt to de-extinct the dire wolf is a dangerously deceptive publicity stunt

    Mammoth popularity

    Woolly mammoths are at the forefront of these controversial de-extinction efforts. Despite a deep bench of more recently extinct species — the dodo, the moa, passenger pigeons, the bucardo, quagga, thylacine, aurochs and a whole host of others — readily available to take centre stage in de-extinction efforts, woolly mammoths figure prominently in de-extinction stories, both scientific and popular.

    Woolly mammoths featured prominently in the imagery of Revive & Restore, a “genetic rescue” conglomerate of scientists and futurists headed by tech-guru Steward Brand; in 2021, Colossal “established ownership” over woolly mammoth revival. Colossal’s own logo visualizes CRISP-R, the gene-splicing technology that facilitates de-extinction, and the signature spiralled tusks of Mammuthus primigenius.

    In popular culture, woolly mammoths have been a source of fascination for the last several centuries. Thomas Jefferson famously held out hope that live mammoths would be found beyond the frontier of American colonialism in the late-1700s, while early excavations of American mastodons were major events in the early 1800s. American painter Charles Willson Peale captured the first such excavation in oils, and later capitalized on that mastadon’s skeleton in his Philadelphia museum.

    More recently, Manny the mammoth featured in the ongoing Ice Age animated film franchise, first launched in 2002.

    Climate icons

    At the same time, woolly mammoths have also become an emblem of the contemporary climate crisis. During the recent wave of defacing famous artwork in order to draw attention to the climate crisis, environmental activists painted the (fortunately artificial) tusks of the Royal B.C. Museum’s woolly mammoth model bright pink.

    In a 2023 publicity stunt, the Australian cultured-meat startup, Vow, unveiled a mammoth meatball produced out of the woolly mammoth’s genome with sheep DNA as filler. Not for sale, the mammoth meatball was scorched before an audience at the Dutch science museum, Nemo.

    The stunt was intended to call attention, again, to the plight of the Earth’s climate, the unsustainability of industrialized food systems and the potential for lab-grown meat to square this particular circle.

    Model animals

    For a creature that no human being has ever seen live and in the flesh, woolly mammoths certainly get a lot of media exposure. How did this long-extinct species become the emblem of contemporary extinction and de-extinction?

    People have been interacting with the remains of woolly mammoths for hundreds of years. Dig a hole deep enough almost anywhere in the northern hemisphere, and you are apt to come across the bones or maybe the tusks of extinct mammoths or mastodons.

    In early modern Europe, mammoth fossils were famously interpreted as the bones of unicorns and giants before being recognized as belonging to elephant-like creatures around 1700. Only around 1800 were mammoths recognized as a distinct and extinct species of proboscidea.

    Elsewhere in Arctic regions, especially Siberia, Indigenous Peoples were familiar with mammoth remains preserved by permafrost. As rivers and their tributaries surged during annual thaws, whole carcasses of mammoths (and woolly rhinos) were sometimes exposed.

    Local peoples who came across these remains, apparently recently dead but belonging to creatures they never saw walking the Earth’s surface, surmised that they were great burrowing rodent-like animals that tunnelled through the ground and perished if they accidentally came into contact with atmosphere.



    Read more:
    Ancient DNA suggests woolly mammoths roamed the Earth more recently than previously thought

    Around the Arctic, including in Alaska, permafrost prevented the fossilization of mammoth tusks as well as bodies, and this ice ivory was — and remains — an important element of Arctic economies, carved locally and exchanged into historically regional, and now global, markets.

    Continued relevance

    Despite their association with the distant past, woolly mammoths have long resonated with modern human cultures as their fossilized or preserved body parts entered economic practices and knowledge systems alike. But as the extinction of once numerous species like the passenger pigeon, the American bison and African elephant began to loom over the late 19th century, woolly mammoths took on new meanings in the context of modern extinction and emergent understandings of human evolution.

    A mural by by paleoartist Charles R. Knight depicting wooly mammoths, displayed at the American Museum of Natural History.
    (United States Geological Survey)

    Revolutions in geology, archeology, paleontology and related disciplines were changing long-held assumptions about the origin of humankind.

    Narratives of the rise of “man the hunter” arose in natural history institutions such as the American Museum of Natural History and the Field Museum in Chicago. These origin stories were explicitly connected to the presumed extinction of woolly mammoths and their evolutionary relatives, the mastodons.

    These led to some of the most powerful expressions of mammoths in visual form, like the frescoes and paintings produced by renowned paleoartist Charles R. Knight.

    At the same time, cave paintings in France, Spain and elsewhere came to light in the early 20th century. For example, the 40,000-year-old frescoes at Rouffignac, France clearly depicting woolly mammoths were interpreted as further evidence of this deep and powerful historical connection.

    It is this connection — the association of the rise of modern humankind with the decline and extinction of the woolly mammoth — that feeds today’s continued fascination. Notions of human complicity in extinction stories have long been embedded in modern scientific understandings of woolly mammoths. It is no accident that woolly mammoths are so central to de-extinction projects and climate activism alike.

    Rebecca Woods received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    – ref. Why are we so obsessed with bringing back the woolly mammoth? – https://theconversation.com/why-are-we-so-obsessed-with-bringing-back-the-woolly-mammoth-253432

    MIL OSI Analysis –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Landmark strategy to improve early years and family services

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    Landmark strategy to improve early years and family services

    Parents across the country to benefit from new plan to drive up the quality and accessibility of early years education and boost children’s life chances

    Early Education Minister, Stephen Morgan

    Hundreds of thousands of families in every corner of England will soon feel the benefits of a rebuilt early childhood support service that will give every child the chance to succeed, and every parent somewhere to turn for advice and support.

    The Best Start in Life strategy will see a fundamental step change in how the government drives up quality in early education, ensures places are available in every community, and restores crumbling family services for the next generation – as the government places £1.5bn of cash behind the reforms.

    Having a trained early years teacher can lead to better long-term life chances for children, with research showing settings with graduate staff score more highly on all quality measures.

    However, only one in ten nurseries have an early years teacher now, meaning action to restore fairness is needed after years of neglect.

    That’s why through a new incentive scheme, the government will fund tax-free payment of £4,500 to attract the very best talent and keep 3,000 more early years teachers in nurseries serving the 20 most disadvantaged communities in the country.

    The approach taken is just one first step toward raising standards in the most disadvantaged areas and ensuring every community has a fair chance to succeed – a crucial mission to drive real national renewal.

    The strategy will set out measures the government is considering to raise the quality and availability of places, strengthening partnerships between nurseries and schools to get children ready to enter reception.

    From next April Ofsted will inspect all new early years providers within 18 months of opening and move towards inspecting all providers at least once every four years, compared to the current six-year cycle.

    That’s why we are restoring crucial family services by delivering up to 1,000 Best Start Family Hubs across every local authority in England and scaling up the very best of early years education and care to get tens of thousands more children starting school ready to learn. 

    Education Secretary Bridget Phillipson said: 

    My driving mission is to make sure every child has the chance to succeed no matter their background – and this new strategy will help give our youngest children the very best start in life.

    The best way of reducing inequalities is by tackling them early: that’s why we’re joining up family support services through our Best Start Family Hubs, driving up quality in our early years system and strengthening support for children as they enter primary school.

    These aren’t luxuries. They are the essentials, and that is what this government will deliver as we fulfil our Plan for Change.

    The strategy sets out a number of other levers to raise the status and skills of educators – including through consulting on a new professional register for the early years, working with the sector to establish a career framework, and funding early learning interventions in English and maths.

    Today’s plan follows the announcement of a number of measures to support families, such as urgent action rolling out 30 hours government-funded childcare this September, thousands of places in school-based nurseries, and a record uplift of almost 50% to early years disadvantage funding.

    But the government wants to go further to make parenting easier. The strategy commits to designing and delivering a simpler system to make it easier for families to access early education and childcare, looking widely at the current support provided by different parts of government and taking account of the ongoing review of parental leave and pay. 

    The government will also look at how social investment – where positive outcomes for society are prioritised over profit – could be leveraged to create more quality childcare places in the communities where they are needed most.

    Sarah Ronan, Director, Early Education and Childcare Coalition said:

    Today marks a turning point in how we value early education. This strategy sets out a long-overdue vision for change and a new beginning for a system that has been under pressure for too long. 

    We welcome the Government’s commitment to work with families and the sector, and the focus on raising the status of the workforce. 

    Change won’t happen overnight but it starts today with a shared mission to give every child the best start in life.

    There will be new funding for partnerships between schools and local nurseries to strengthen transitions into school and break down barriers from day one, and every local authority will work with government to agree statutory targets to improve school readiness in their area.

    The strategy follows a record investment confirmed for early years entitlements next year, increasing to over £9 billion, with £400 million set aside over the next three years to improve quality in early years settings and reception classes and drive better outcomes for children.

    DfE media enquiries

    Central newsdesk – for journalists 020 7783 8300

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    Updates to this page

    Published 7 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Africa: West Africa terror: why attacks on military bases are rising – and four ways to respond

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Olayinka Ajala, Associate professor in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett University

    More than 40 Malian soldiers were killed and one of the country’s military bases was taken over in early June 2025 in a major attack by an al-Qaeda linked group, Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM), on the town of Boulikessi.

    The same group launched an attack on the historic city of Timbuktu. The Malian army claimed it repelled the Timbuktu attack and killed 14 terrorists.

    Terrorist groups have attacked Boulikessi in large numbers before. In October 2019, 25 Malian soldiers were killed. The target was a G5 Sahel force military camp.

    Timbuktu has been in the sights of terrorist groups since 2012. JNIM laid siege to the city for several months in 2023. Timbuktu has a major airport and a key military base.

    In neighbouring Burkina Faso, there have been running battles in recent months between the military and terrorist groups. About 40% of the country is under the control of groups linked to al-Qaeda and Islamic State. Military bases in the country have also been targeted.

    Mali and Burkina Faso are under military rule. Insecurity, especially increasing terrorist attacks, were key reasons the military juntas gave for seizing power in both countries.

    I have been researching terrorism and the formation of insurgent groups in west Africa and the Sahel for over a decade. What I am observing is that the terrorist groups are becoming more daring and constantly changing tactics, with increased attacks on military camps across the region.

    Military camps are attacked to lower the morale of the soldiers and steal ammunition. It also sends a message to locals that military forces are incapable of protecting civilians.

    I believe there are four main reasons for an increase in large scale attacks on military bases in the region:

    • the loss of the US drone base in Niger, which has made surveillance difficult

    • an increase in human rights abuses carried out in the name of counter terrorism

    • a lack of a coordinated approach to counter terrorism

    • constant changes of tactics by the terrorists.

    Identifying and addressing these issues are important to counter the trend.

    Why are the attacks increasing?

    First is the loss of the US drone base in Agadez, Republic of Niger, in 2024 after the military seized power in the country.

    I was initially sceptical when the drone base was commissioned in 2019. But it has in fact acted as a deterrent to terrorist groups.

    Terrorist organisations operating in the Sahel knew they were being watched by drones operating from the base. They were aware surveillance information was shared with member states. The loss of the base has reduced reconnaissance and surveillance activities in the region.

    Second, an increase in human rights abuse in the fight against terrorism in the region is dividing communities and increasing recruitment into terrorist groups. A report by Human Rights Watch in May 2025 accused the Burkina Faso military and allied militias of killing more than 130 civilians during counter-terrorism operations.

    The report argued that members of the Fulani ethnic group were targeted in the operations because they were perceived to have relationships with terrorist groups. Terrorist groups are known to use such incidents to win the hearts and minds of local populations.

    Third, the lack of a coordinated approach to counter terrorism in the region is reversing the gains made in the last decade. Major developments have included the dissolving of the G5 Sahel. This grouping was created in 2014 to enhance security coordination between members. The members were Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Mali, Chad and Niger. The organisation launched joint counter-terrorism missions across member states but was dissolved in December 2023 after Niger and Burkina Faso withdrew.

    The weakening of the Multinational Joint Task Force due to the military coup in Niger and the countries’ strategic repositioning is undermining counter-terrorism initiatives. Task force members were Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Nigeria and Benin.

    The mandate of the task force is to combat Boko Haram and other terrorist groups operating around the Lake Chad basin. After its establishment in 2015 the task force achieved significant progress. In January 2025, Niger suspended its membership, putting the fight against terrorism in the region in jeopardy.

    Fourth, terrorist groups in the region are becoming more sophisticated in their approach. In April 2025, JNIM terrorists were suspected of launching a suicide drone attack on Togolese military positions.

    For its part, the military in the Sahelian countries are struggling to adapt to the terrorists’ new tactics. In the last few years, there has been a proliferation of drones in Africa by states and non-state actors.

    Halting the trend

    To combat the increasing attacks by terrorist groups, especially large-scale attacks on military positions, four immediate steps are necessary.

    First, nation states need to invest in surveillance capabilities. The loss of the drone base in Niger means Sahelian states must urgently find new ways of gathering and sharing intelligence. The topography of the region, which is mainly flat, with scattered vegetation, is an advantage as reconnaissance drones can easily detect suspicious movements, terrorist camps and travel routes.

    There is also a need to regulate the use of drones in the region to prevent use by non-state actors.

    In addition, countries fighting terrorism must find a way to improve the relationship between the military (and allied militias) and people affected by terrorism. My latest publication on the issue shows that vigilante groups engaged by the military forces are sometimes complicit in human rights abuse.

    Training on human rights is essential for military forces and allied militias.

    Terrorism funding avenues must be identified and blocked. Large scale terrorist attacks involve planning, training and resources. Funding from illegal mining, trafficking and kidnapping must be identified and eradicated. This will also include intelligence sharing between nation states.

    Finally, the Sahelian countries must find a mechanism to work with the Economic Community of West African States.

    As the numbers and intensity of terrorist activities are increasing across the Sahel, immediate action is necessary to combat this trend.

    – West Africa terror: why attacks on military bases are rising – and four ways to respond
    – https://theconversation.com/west-africa-terror-why-attacks-on-military-bases-are-rising-and-four-ways-to-respond-258622

    MIL OSI Africa –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Alcohol and colonialism: the curious story of the Bulawayo beer gardens

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Maurice Hutton, Research Associate, School of Environment, Education and Development, University of Manchester

    Kontuthu Ziyathunqa – Smoke Rising – was what they used to call Bulawayo when the city was the industrial powerhouse of Zimbabwe. Now, many of its factories lie dormant or derelict. The daily torrent of workers flowing eastward at dawn, and back out to the high-density western suburbs at dusk, has diminished to a trickle.

    But there is an intriguing industrial-era institution that lives on in most of the older western suburbs (formerly called townships). It is the municipal beer hall or beer garden, built in the colonial days for the racially segregated African worker communities. There are dozens of these halls and garden complexes, still serving customers and emitting muffled sounds of merriment to this day.

    Read more: Mbare Art Space: a colonial beer hall in Zimbabwe has become a vibrant arts centre

    Like other urban areas in Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe), Bulawayo was informally segregated from its inception, and more formally segregated after the second world war. Under British rule (1893-1965) and then independent white minority rule (1965-1980), municipal drinking amenities were built in the townships to maintain control of African drinking and sociality. At the same time, they raised much-needed revenue for township welfare and recreational services.

    Read more: Zimbabwe’s economy crashed – so how do citizens still cling to myths of urban and economic success?

    I researched the history of these beer halls and gardens as part of my PhD project on the development of the segregated African townships in late colonial Bulawayo. As my historical account shows, they played a key role in the contested township development process.

    From beer halls to beer gardens

    Bulawayo’s oldest and most famous beer hall, MaKhumalo, also known as Big Bhawa, was built more than a century ago. It still stands at the heart of the historic Makokoba neighbourhood. It’s enormous, but austere, and in the early days it was oppressively managed. Drinkers would describe feeling like prisoners there.

    The more picturesque beer gardens began to emerge in the 1950s, reflecting the developmental idealism of Hugh Ashton. The Lesotho-born anthropologist was educated at the Universities of Oxford, London and Cape Town, and took up the new directorship of African administration in Bulawayo in 1949.

    Beer gardens emerged in the 1950s. Bulawayo Housing and Amenities Department

    He was tuned into new anthropological ideas about social change, as well as developmental ideas spreading through postwar colonial administrations – about “stabilising” and “detribalising” African workers to create a more passive and productive urban working class. He saw a reformed municipal beer system as a key tool for achieving these goals.

    Ashton wanted to make the beer system more legitimate and the venues more community-building. He proposed constructing beer garden complexes with trees, rocks, games facilities, food stalls and events like “traditional dancing”. So the atmosphere would be convivial and respectable, but also controllable, enticing all classes and boosting profits to fund better social services. As we shall see, this strategy was full of contradictions…

    Industrial beer brewing

    A colonial beer advert. Masiyepambili

    MaKhumalo, MaMkhwananzi, MaNdlovu, MaSilela. These beer garden names, emblazoned on the beer dispensaries that stick up above the ramparts of each garden complex, referenced the role that women traditionally played in beer brewing in southern Africa. This helped authenticate the council’s “home brew”.

    But the reality was that the beer was now produced in a massive industrial brewery managed by a Polish man. It was piped down from steel tanks at the tops of the dispensary buildings into the plastic mugs of thirsty punters at small bar windows below. (It was also sold in plastic calabashes and cardboard cartons.)

    Masiyepambili

    And the beer garden bureaucracy, which offered a rare opportunity for African men to attain higher-grade public sector jobs, became increasingly complex and strictly audited.

    As the townships rapidly expanded, with beer gardens dotted about them, sales of the council’s “traditional” beer – the quality of which Ashton and his staff obsessed over – went up and up.

    Extensive beer advertising in the council’s free magazine mixed symbols of tradition (beer as food) with symbols of modern middle-classness.

    Beer monopoly system

    The system’s success relied on the Bulawayo council having a monopoly on the sale of so-called “native beer”. This traditional brew is typically made by malting, mashing, boiling and then fermenting sorghum, millet or maize grains. Racialised Rhodesian liquor laws restricted African access to “European” beers, wines and spirits.

    So, the beer hall or garden was the only public venue where Africans could legally drink (apart from a tiny elite, for whom a few exclusive “cocktail lounges” were built). The council cracked down harshly on “liquor offences” like home brewing.

    This beer monopoly system was quite prevalent in southern and eastern Africa, though rarely at the scale to which it grew in Bulawayo. Nearly everywhere, the system caused resentment among African townspeople, and so it became politically charged.

    Beer delivery lorry at Esiqonweni. Maurice Hutton

    In several colonies, beer halls became sites of protest, or were boycotted (most famously in South Africa). And they usually faced stiff competition from illicit drinking dens known as shebeens.

    In Bulawayo, the more the city council “improved” its beer system after the Second World War, the more contradictory the system became. It actively encouraged mass consumption of “traditional” beer, so that funds could be raised for “modern” health, housing and welfare services in the townships. Ashton himself was painfully aware of the contradictions.

    In his guest introduction to a 1974 ethnographic monograph on Bulawayo’s beer gardens, he wrote:

    The ambivalence of my position is obvious. How can one maintain a healthy community and a healthy profit at one and the same time? I can almost hear the critical reader questioning my morality and even my sanity. And why not? I have often done so myself.

    Many citizen groups – both African and European – questioned the system too. They called it illogical, if not immoral; even some government ministers said it had gone too far. And when some beer gardens were constructed close to European residential areas, to cater for African domestic workers, many Europeans reacted with fear and fury.

    As Zimbabweans’ struggle for independence took off in the 1960s, African residents increasingly associated the beer halls and gardens with state neglect, repression, or pacification. They periodically boycotted or vandalised them. Nevertheless, with few alternative options, attendance rates remained high: MaKhumalo recorded 50,000 visitors on one Sunday in 1970.

    After independence

    After Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980, the township beer gardens remained in municipal hands. They continued to be popular, even though racial desegregation had finally given township residents access to other social spaces across the city.

    The colonial-era municipal beers continued to be produced, with Ngwebu (“The Royal Brew”) becoming a patriotic beverage for the Ndebele – the city’s majority ethnic group.

    Beer dispensary valves at Umhambi. Maurice Hutton

    But with the deindustrialisation of Bulawayo since the late 1990s, tens of thousands of blue collar workers have moved to greener pastures, mostly South Africa. The old drinking rhythm of the city’s workforce has changed, and for the young, the beer gardens hold little allure. Increasingly, they have been leased out to private individuals to run.

    Read more: Beer, politics and identity – the chequered history behind Namibian brewing success

    Nevertheless, there is always a daily trickle of regulars to the beer gardens, where mugs and calabashes are passed around among friends or burial society members. Some punters play darts or pool. And there are always some who sit alone, ruminating – perhaps in the company of ghosts from the past.

    The beer gardens of Bulawayo embody the moral and practical contradictions of late colonial development – and the ways in which such systems and infrastructures may live on, but change meaning, in the post-colony.

    – Alcohol and colonialism: the curious story of the Bulawayo beer gardens
    – https://theconversation.com/alcohol-and-colonialism-the-curious-story-of-the-bulawayo-beer-gardens-256511

    MIL OSI Africa –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: West Africa terror: why attacks on military bases are rising – and four ways to respond

    Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Olayinka Ajala, Associate professor in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett University

    More than 40 Malian soldiers were killed and one of the country’s military bases was taken over in early June 2025 in a major attack by an al-Qaeda linked group, Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM), on the town of Boulikessi.

    The same group launched an attack on the historic city of Timbuktu. The Malian army claimed it repelled the Timbuktu attack and killed 14 terrorists.

    Terrorist groups have attacked Boulikessi in large numbers before. In October 2019, 25 Malian soldiers were killed. The target was a G5 Sahel force military camp.

    Timbuktu has been in the sights of terrorist groups since 2012. JNIM laid siege to the city for several months in 2023. Timbuktu has a major airport and a key military base.

    In neighbouring Burkina Faso, there have been running battles in recent months between the military and terrorist groups. About 40% of the country is under the control of groups linked to al-Qaeda and Islamic State. Military bases in the country have also been targeted.

    Mali and Burkina Faso are under military rule. Insecurity, especially increasing terrorist attacks, were key reasons the military juntas gave for seizing power in both countries.

    I have been researching terrorism and the formation of insurgent groups in west Africa and the Sahel for over a decade. What I am observing is that the terrorist groups are becoming more daring and constantly changing tactics, with increased attacks on military camps across the region.

    Military camps are attacked to lower the morale of the soldiers and steal ammunition. It also sends a message to locals that military forces are incapable of protecting civilians.

    I believe there are four main reasons for an increase in large scale attacks on military bases in the region:

    • the loss of the US drone base in Niger, which has made surveillance difficult

    • an increase in human rights abuses carried out in the name of counter terrorism

    • a lack of a coordinated approach to counter terrorism

    • constant changes of tactics by the terrorists.

    Identifying and addressing these issues are important to counter the trend.

    Why are the attacks increasing?

    First is the loss of the US drone base in Agadez, Republic of Niger, in 2024 after the military seized power in the country.

    I was initially sceptical when the drone base was commissioned in 2019. But it has in fact acted as a deterrent to terrorist groups.

    Terrorist organisations operating in the Sahel knew they were being watched by drones operating from the base. They were aware surveillance information was shared with member states. The loss of the base has reduced reconnaissance and surveillance activities in the region.

    Second, an increase in human rights abuse in the fight against terrorism in the region is dividing communities and increasing recruitment into terrorist groups. A report by Human Rights Watch in May 2025 accused the Burkina Faso military and allied militias of killing more than 130 civilians during counter-terrorism operations.

    The report argued that members of the Fulani ethnic group were targeted in the operations because they were perceived to have relationships with terrorist groups. Terrorist groups are known to use such incidents to win the hearts and minds of local populations.

    Third, the lack of a coordinated approach to counter terrorism in the region is reversing the gains made in the last decade. Major developments have included the dissolving of the G5 Sahel. This grouping was created in 2014 to enhance security coordination between members. The members were Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Mali, Chad and Niger. The organisation launched joint counter-terrorism missions across member states but was dissolved in December 2023 after Niger and Burkina Faso withdrew.

    The weakening of the Multinational Joint Task Force due to the military coup in Niger and the countries’ strategic repositioning is undermining counter-terrorism initiatives. Task force members were Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Nigeria and Benin.

    The mandate of the task force is to combat Boko Haram and other terrorist groups operating around the Lake Chad basin. After its establishment in 2015 the task force achieved significant progress. In January 2025, Niger suspended its membership, putting the fight against terrorism in the region in jeopardy.

    Fourth, terrorist groups in the region are becoming more sophisticated in their approach. In April 2025, JNIM terrorists were suspected of launching a suicide drone attack on Togolese military positions.

    For its part, the military in the Sahelian countries are struggling to adapt to the terrorists’ new tactics. In the last few years, there has been a proliferation of drones in Africa by states and non-state actors.

    Halting the trend

    To combat the increasing attacks by terrorist groups, especially large-scale attacks on military positions, four immediate steps are necessary.

    First, nation states need to invest in surveillance capabilities. The loss of the drone base in Niger means Sahelian states must urgently find new ways of gathering and sharing intelligence. The topography of the region, which is mainly flat, with scattered vegetation, is an advantage as reconnaissance drones can easily detect suspicious movements, terrorist camps and travel routes.

    There is also a need to regulate the use of drones in the region to prevent use by non-state actors.

    In addition, countries fighting terrorism must find a way to improve the relationship between the military (and allied militias) and people affected by terrorism. My latest publication on the issue shows that vigilante groups engaged by the military forces are sometimes complicit in human rights abuse.

    Training on human rights is essential for military forces and allied militias.

    Terrorism funding avenues must be identified and blocked. Large scale terrorist attacks involve planning, training and resources. Funding from illegal mining, trafficking and kidnapping must be identified and eradicated. This will also include intelligence sharing between nation states.

    Finally, the Sahelian countries must find a mechanism to work with the Economic Community of West African States.

    As the numbers and intensity of terrorist activities are increasing across the Sahel, immediate action is necessary to combat this trend.

    Olayinka Ajala does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. West Africa terror: why attacks on military bases are rising – and four ways to respond – https://theconversation.com/west-africa-terror-why-attacks-on-military-bases-are-rising-and-four-ways-to-respond-258622

    MIL OSI –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Alcohol and colonialism: the curious story of the Bulawayo beer gardens

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Maurice Hutton, Research Associate, School of Environment, Education and Development, University of Manchester

    Kontuthu Ziyathunqa – Smoke Rising – was what they used to call Bulawayo when the city was the industrial powerhouse of Zimbabwe. Now, many of its factories lie dormant or derelict. The daily torrent of workers flowing eastward at dawn, and back out to the high-density western suburbs at dusk, has diminished to a trickle.

    But there is an intriguing industrial-era institution that lives on in most of the older western suburbs (formerly called townships). It is the municipal beer hall or beer garden, built in the colonial days for the racially segregated African worker communities. There are dozens of these halls and garden complexes, still serving customers and emitting muffled sounds of merriment to this day.



    Read more:
    Mbare Art Space: a colonial beer hall in Zimbabwe has become a vibrant arts centre

    Like other urban areas in Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe), Bulawayo was informally segregated from its inception, and more formally segregated after the second world war. Under British rule (1893-1965) and then independent white minority rule (1965-1980), municipal drinking amenities were built in the townships to maintain control of African drinking and sociality. At the same time, they raised much-needed revenue for township welfare and recreational services.



    Read more:
    Zimbabwe’s economy crashed – so how do citizens still cling to myths of urban and economic success?

    I researched the history of these beer halls and gardens as part of my PhD project on the development of the segregated African townships in late colonial Bulawayo. As my historical account shows, they played a key role in the contested township development process.

    From beer halls to beer gardens

    Bulawayo’s oldest and most famous beer hall, MaKhumalo, also known as Big Bhawa, was built more than a century ago. It still stands at the heart of the historic Makokoba neighbourhood. It’s enormous, but austere, and in the early days it was oppressively managed. Drinkers would describe feeling like prisoners there.

    The more picturesque beer gardens began to emerge in the 1950s, reflecting the developmental idealism of Hugh Ashton. The Lesotho-born anthropologist was educated at the Universities of Oxford, London and Cape Town, and took up the new directorship of African administration in Bulawayo in 1949.

    He was tuned into new anthropological ideas about social change, as well as developmental ideas spreading through postwar colonial administrations – about “stabilising” and “detribalising” African workers to create a more passive and productive urban working class. He saw a reformed municipal beer system as a key tool for achieving these goals.

    Ashton wanted to make the beer system more legitimate and the venues more community-building. He proposed constructing beer garden complexes with trees, rocks, games facilities, food stalls and events like “traditional dancing”. So the atmosphere would be convivial and respectable, but also controllable, enticing all classes and boosting profits to fund better social services. As we shall see, this strategy was full of contradictions…

    Industrial beer brewing

    MaKhumalo, MaMkhwananzi, MaNdlovu, MaSilela. These beer garden names, emblazoned on the beer dispensaries that stick up above the ramparts of each garden complex, referenced the role that women traditionally played in beer brewing in southern Africa. This helped authenticate the council’s “home brew”.

    But the reality was that the beer was now produced in a massive industrial brewery managed by a Polish man. It was piped down from steel tanks at the tops of the dispensary buildings into the plastic mugs of thirsty punters at small bar windows below. (It was also sold in plastic calabashes and cardboard cartons.)

    And the beer garden bureaucracy, which offered a rare opportunity for African men to attain higher-grade public sector jobs, became increasingly complex and strictly audited.

    As the townships rapidly expanded, with beer gardens dotted about them, sales of the council’s “traditional” beer – the quality of which Ashton and his staff obsessed over – went up and up.

    Extensive beer advertising in the council’s free magazine mixed symbols of tradition (beer as food) with symbols of modern middle-classness.

    Beer monopoly system

    The system’s success relied on the Bulawayo council having a monopoly on the sale of so-called “native beer”. This traditional brew is typically made by malting, mashing, boiling and then fermenting sorghum, millet or maize grains. Racialised Rhodesian liquor laws restricted African access to “European” beers, wines and spirits.

    So, the beer hall or garden was the only public venue where Africans could legally drink (apart from a tiny elite, for whom a few exclusive “cocktail lounges” were built). The council cracked down harshly on “liquor offences” like home brewing.

    This beer monopoly system was quite prevalent in southern and eastern Africa, though rarely at the scale to which it grew in Bulawayo. Nearly everywhere, the system caused resentment among African townspeople, and so it became politically charged.

    In several colonies, beer halls became sites of protest, or were boycotted (most famously in South Africa). And they usually faced stiff competition from illicit drinking dens known as shebeens.

    In Bulawayo, the more the city council “improved” its beer system after the Second World War, the more contradictory the system became. It actively encouraged mass consumption of “traditional” beer, so that funds could be raised for “modern” health, housing and welfare services in the townships. Ashton himself was painfully aware of the contradictions.

    In his guest introduction to a 1974 ethnographic monograph on Bulawayo’s beer gardens, he wrote:

    The ambivalence of my position is obvious. How can one maintain a healthy community and a healthy profit at one and the same time? I can almost hear the critical reader questioning my morality and even my sanity. And why not? I have often done so myself.

    Many citizen groups – both African and European – questioned the system too. They called it illogical, if not immoral; even some government ministers said it had gone too far. And when some beer gardens were constructed close to European residential areas, to cater for African domestic workers, many Europeans reacted with fear and fury.

    As Zimbabweans’ struggle for independence took off in the 1960s, African residents increasingly associated the beer halls and gardens with state neglect, repression, or pacification. They periodically boycotted or vandalised them. Nevertheless, with few alternative options, attendance rates remained high: MaKhumalo recorded 50,000 visitors on one Sunday in 1970.

    After independence

    After Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980, the township beer gardens remained in municipal hands. They continued to be popular, even though racial desegregation had finally given township residents access to other social spaces across the city.

    The colonial-era municipal beers continued to be produced, with Ngwebu (“The Royal Brew”) becoming a patriotic beverage for the Ndebele – the city’s majority ethnic group.

    But with the deindustrialisation of Bulawayo since the late 1990s, tens of thousands of blue collar workers have moved to greener pastures, mostly South Africa. The old drinking rhythm of the city’s workforce has changed, and for the young, the beer gardens hold little allure. Increasingly, they have been leased out to private individuals to run.



    Read more:
    Beer, politics and identity – the chequered history behind Namibian brewing success

    Nevertheless, there is always a daily trickle of regulars to the beer gardens, where mugs and calabashes are passed around among friends or burial society members. Some punters play darts or pool. And there are always some who sit alone, ruminating – perhaps in the company of ghosts from the past.

    The beer gardens of Bulawayo embody the moral and practical contradictions of late colonial development – and the ways in which such systems and infrastructures may live on, but change meaning, in the post-colony.

    Maurice Hutton received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the University of Edinburgh’s College of Humanities and Social Sciences to conduct the research on which this article is based.

    – ref. Alcohol and colonialism: the curious story of the Bulawayo beer gardens – https://theconversation.com/alcohol-and-colonialism-the-curious-story-of-the-bulawayo-beer-gardens-256511

    MIL OSI –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Admissions Campaign 2025: Entrance Exams for Bachelor’s and Specialist Degrees at HSE

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: State University “Higher School of Economics” –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    The site may not display correctly in older browser versions. For optimal site experience, we recommend using a modern browser.

    We use cookies to improve the HSE website and make it more convenient to use. More detailed information about the use of cookies can be foundHere, our rules for processing personal data are –Here. By continuing to use the site, you confirm that you have been informed of the use of cookies by the HSE website and agree with our rules for processing personal data. You can disable cookies in your browser settings.

    ABC ABC ABC A A A A A

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    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Admissions Campaign 2025: Entrance Exams for Bachelor’s and Specialist Degrees at HSE

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: State University “Higher School of Economics” –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    The site may not display correctly in older browser versions. For optimal site experience, we recommend using a modern browser.

    We use cookies to improve the HSE website and make it more convenient to use. More detailed information about the use of cookies can be foundHere, our rules for processing personal data are –Here. By continuing to use the site, you confirm that you have been informed of the use of cookies by the HSE website and agree with our rules for processing personal data. You can disable cookies in your browser settings.

    ABC ABC ABC A A A A A

    Regular version of the site

    Date

    July 7

    Headings

    The article mentions

    Persons

    You may also be interested in:

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI: NanoGraf Names Thomas Redd as Chief Executive Officer

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    CHICAGO, July 07, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — NanoGraf, the largest silicon oxide anode material producer in the United States, today announced Thomas Redd as Chief Executive Officer. Dr. Francis Wang, who has led the company since 2015, will remain at NanoGraf as a technical advisor.

    Redd’s appointment marks NanoGraf’s transition from R&D-driven growth to full commercial execution. He will direct the company’s expansion into new civilian markets, deepen existing defense partnerships, and oversee the ramp-up to large-scale domestic production at NanoGraf’s Chicago manufacturing facilities.

    “NanoGraf combines three attributes that make scaling compelling: a defensible technology platform, an execution-tested team, and clear market momentum,” said Redd. “With a fraction of the capital raised by some peers, Francis and the team have already validated next-generation battery performance in the toughest field conditions. The task now is to manufacture at scale and meet demand.”

    Redd brings more than 25 years of leadership in clean technology, advanced manufacturing, and resource-recovery businesses. As CEO of Continuus Materials, he commercialized a process that converts mixed plastic and fiber waste into composite roof-board products. 

    “Building and leading this team of accomplished and committed researchers and operators as CEO has been the great honor of my career,” said Wang. “We’ve made great progress getting next-gen battery technology into the hands that need it, and I’m excited to support Tom as he takes the reins. With the NanoGraf Board, I looked long and hard for the right person to lead NanoGraf in this new era of commercialization and manufacturing, and we found Tom to be the perfect fit. I’m proud of how far NanoGraf has come since I joined in 2015, and I am even more excited about where we’re going next.”

    Redd joins NanoGraf following a number of recent milestones for the company. Since 2024, NanoGraf:

    Wang, who joined as CEO in 2015, led the company through a period of intense technical advancement, commercialization, and recognition.

    About Thomas Redd

    Thomas Redd is NanoGraf’s newly appointed CEO. A seasoned executive with expertise in clean technology and advanced manufacturing, Redd previously served as CEO of Continuus Materials, where he led the scaled production of recycled plastic and fiber into composite roof cover boards. Prior, he held CEO roles in clean tech where he led commercialization and fundraising efforts. Redd holds engineering degrees from the University of Virginia and Utah State University and an MBA from the Foster School of Business at the University of Washington.

    About NanoGraf

    NanoGraf is the largest silicon oxide anode material producer in the United States. Its patented silicon anode technology, Onyx™, improves energy density by 30% compared to synthetic graphite at cost parity on a per energy basis. NanoGraf’s silicon anode technology is in use by the military and is drop-in ready for use in any lithium-ion battery, across consumer, industrial, and defense applications. NanoGraf is a spinout of Northwestern University and Argonne National Laboratory. For more information, visit nanograf.com. To request samples of Onyx, contact Tim Porcelli, NanoGraf’s VP of Business Development.

    Media Contact:
    Rache Morrison, rachel@propllr.com

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/90e7bba4-f3f9-4e8b-9db9-b5185bfbf431

    The MIL Network –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Thailand’s judiciary is flexing its muscles, but away from PM’s plight, dozens of activists are at the mercy of capricious courts

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Tyrell Haberkorn, Professor of Southeast Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin-Madison

    Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is swarmed by members of the media after a cabinet meeting at Government House on July 1, 2025. Anusak Laowilas/NurPhoto via Getty Images

    Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is currently feeling the sharp end of the country’s powerful judiciary.

    On July 2, 2025, Thailand’s Constitutional Court suspended Paetongtarn from office as a result of a leaked phone conversation in which she was heard disparaging Thailand’s military and showing deference to former the prime minister of Cambodia, Hun Sen, despite an ongoing border dispute between the two countries. Initially set for 14 days, many onlookers believe the court’s suspension is likely to become permanent.

    Meanwhile, far from the prime minister’s office is Arnon Nampa, another Thai national whose future is at the mercy of the Thai judiciary – in this case, the Criminal Court.

    Arnon, a lawyer and internationally recognized human rights defender, is one of 32 political prisoners imprisoned over “lèse majesté,” or insulting the Thai monarchy. He is currently serving a sentence of nearly 30 years for a speech questioning the monarchy during pro-democracy protests in 2020. Unless he is both acquitted in his remaining cases and his current convictions are overturned on appeal, Arnon will likely spend the rest of his life in prison.

    The plights of Paetongtarn and Arnon may seem distant. But as a historian of Thai politics, I see the cases as connected by a judiciary using the law and its power to diminish the prospects for democracy in Thailand and constrain the ability of its citizens to participate freely in society.

    Familiar troubles

    The Shinawatra family is no stranger to the reach of both the Thai military and the country’s courts.

    Paetongtarn is the third of her family to be prime minister – and could become the third to be ousted. Her father, Thaksin Shinawatra, was removed in a 2006 military coup. Her aunt, Yingluck Shinawatra, was ousted prior to the May 22, 2014, coup. In common with past coups, the juntas who fomented them were shielded from the law, with none facing prosecution.

    For now, it is unclear whether Paetongtarn’s suspension is the precursor to another coup, the dissolution of parliament and new elections, or a reshuffle of the cabinet. But what is clear is that the Constitutional Court’s intervention is one of several in which the nine appointed judges are playing a critical role in the future of Thai democracy.

    Protecting the monarchy

    The root of the judiciary’s power can be found in the way the modern Thai nation was set up nearly 100 years ago.

    On June 24, 1932, Thailand transitioned from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy. Since then, the country has experienced 13 coups, as the country has shifted from democracy to dictatorship and back again.

    But throughout, the monarchy has remained a constant presence – protected by Article 112 of the Criminal Code, which defines the crime and penalty of lese majesté: “Whoever defames, insults, or threatens the king, queen, heir-apparent or regent shall be subject to three-to-fifteen years imprisonment.”

    The law is widely feared among dissidents in Thailand both because it is interpreted broadly to include any speech or action that is not laudatory and innocent verdicts are rare.

    Although Article 112 has been law since 1957, it was rarely used until after the 2006 coup.

    Since then, cases have risen steadily and reached record levels following a youth-led movement for democracy in 2020. At least 281 people have been, or are currently being, prosecuted for alleged violation of Article 112, according to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights.

    Challenging the status quo

    The 2020 youth-led movement for democracy was sparked by the Constitutional Court’s dissolution of the progressive Future Forward Party at the beginning of that year, the disappearance of a Thai dissident in exile in Cambodia, and economic problems caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.

    In protests in Bangkok and in provinces across the country, they called for a new election, a new constitution and an end to state repression of dissent.

    Pro-democracy activist leader Arnon Nampa speaks to protesters.
    Peerapon Boonyakiat/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

    On Aug. 3, 2020, Nampa added another demand: The monarchy must be openly discussed and questioned.

    Without addressing such a key, unquestionable institution in the nation, Arnon argued, the struggle for democracy would inevitably fail.

    This message resonated with many Thai citizens, and despite the fearsome Article 112, protests grew throughout the last months of 2020.

    Students at Thammasat University, the center of student protest since the 1950s, expanded Arnon’s call into a 10-point set of demands for reform of the monarchy.

    Making it clear that they did not aim to abolish the monarchy, the students’ proposal aimed to clarify the monarchy’s economic, political and military role and make it truly constitutional.

    As the protests began to seem unstoppable, with tens of thousands joining, the police began cracking down on demonstrations. Many were arrested for violating anti-COVID-19 measures and other minor laws. By late November 2020, however, Article 112 charges began to be brought against Arnon and other protest leaders for their peaceful speech.

    In September 2023, Arnon was convicted in his first case, and he has been behind bars since. He is joined by other political prisoners, whose numbers grow weekly as their cases move through the judicial process.

    Capricious courts

    Unlike Arnon, Paetongtarn Shinawatra is not facing prison.

    But the Constitutional Court’s decision to suspend her from her position as prime minister because of a leaked recording of an indiscreet telephone conversation is, to many legal minds, a capricious response that has the effect of short-circuiting the democratic process.

    So too, I believe, does bringing the weight of the law against Arnon and other political prisoners in Thailand who remain behind bars as the current political turmoil plays out.

    Tyrell Haberkorn does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Thailand’s judiciary is flexing its muscles, but away from PM’s plight, dozens of activists are at the mercy of capricious courts – https://theconversation.com/thailands-judiciary-is-flexing-its-muscles-but-away-from-pms-plight-dozens-of-activists-are-at-the-mercy-of-capricious-courts-260408

    MIL OSI –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Nations are increasingly ‘playing the field’ when it comes to US and China – a new book explains explains why ‘active nonalignment’ is on the march

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jorge Heine, Outgoing Interim Director of the Frederick S. Pardee Center for the Study of the Longer-Range Future, Boston University

    Brazil President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, center, flanked by India Prime Minister Narendra Modi, left, and South Africa President Cyril Ramaphosa, speaks at the summit of Group of 20 leading economies in Rio de Janeiro on Nov. 19, 2024. Mauro Pimentel/AFP via Getty Images

    In 2020, as Latin American countries were contending with the triple challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic, a global economic shock and U.S. policy under the first Trump administration, Jorge Heine, research professor at Boston University and a former Chilean ambassador, in association with two colleagues, Carlos Fortin and Carlos Ominami, put forward the notion of “active nonalignment.”


    Polity Books

    Five years on, the foreign policy approach is more relevant than ever, with trends including the rise of the Global South and the fragmentation of the global order, encouraging countries around the world to reassess their relationships with both the United States and China.

    It led Heine, along with Fortin and Ominami, to follow up on their original arguments in a new book, “The Non-Aligned World,” published in June 2025.

    The Conversation spoke with Heine on what is behind the push toward active nonalignment, and where it may lead.

    For those not familiar, what is active nonalignment?

    Active nonalignment is a foreign policy approach in which countries put their own interests front and center and refuse to take sides in the great power rivalry between the U.S. and China.

    It takes its cue from the Non-Aligned Movement of the 1950s and 1960s but updates it to the realities of the 21st century. Today’s rising Global South is very different from the “Third World” that made up the Non-Aligned Movement. Countries like India, Turkey, Brazil and Indonesia have greater economic heft and wherewithal. They thus have more options than in the past.

    They can pick and choose policies in accordance with what is in their national interests. And because there is competition between Washington and Beijing to win over such countries’ hearts and minds, those looking to promote a nonaligned agenda have greater leverage.

    Traditional international relations literature suggests that in relations between nations, you can either “balance,” meaning take a strong position against another power, or “bandwagon” – that is, go along with the wishes of that power. The notion was that weaker states couldn’t balance against the Great Powers because they don’t have the military power to do so, so they had to bandwagon.

    What we are saying is that there is an intermediate approach: hedging. Countries can hedge their bets or equivocate by playing one power off the other. So, on some issues you side with the U.S., and others you side with China.

    Thus, the grand strategy of active nonalignment is “playing the field,” or in other words, searching for opportunities among what is available in the international environment. This means being constantly on the lookout for potential advantages and available resources – in short, being active, rather than passive or reactive.

    So active nonalignment is not so much a movement as it is a doctrine.

    Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba, right, and Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser attend the first Conference of Non-Aligned Countries in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, in September 1961.
    Keystone/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

    It’s been five years since you first came up with the idea of active nonalignment. Why did you think it was time to revisit it now?

    The notion of active nonalignment came up during the first Trump administration and in the context of a Latin America hit by the triple-whammy of U.S. pressure, a pandemic and the ensuing recession – which in Latin America translated into the biggest economic downturn in 120 years, a 6.6% drop of regional gross domestic product in 2020.

    ANA was intended as a guide for Latin American countries to navigate those difficult moments, and it led us to the publication of a symposium volume with contributions by six former Latin American foreign ministers in November 2021, in which we elaborated on the concept.

    Three months later, with the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the reaction to it by many countries in Asia and Africa, nonalignment was back with a vengeance.

    Countries like India, Pakistan, South Africa and Indonesia, among others, took positions that were at odds with the West on Ukraine. Many of them, though not all, condemned Russian aggression but also wanted no part in the West’s sanctions on Moscow. These sanctions were seen as unwarranted and as an expression of Western double standards – no sanctions were applied on the U.S. for invading Iraq, of course.

    And then there were the Hamas attacks on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, and the resulting war in the Gaza Strip. Countries across the Global South strongly condemned the Hamas attacks, but the West’s response to the subsequent deaths of tens of thousands of Palestinians brought home the notion of double standards when it came to international human rights.

    Why weren’t Palestinians deserving of the same compassion as Ukrainians? For many in the Global South, that question hit very hard – the idea that “human rights are limited to Europeans and people who looked like them did not go down well.”

    Thus, South Africa brought a case against Israel in the International Court of Justice alleging genocide, and Brazil spearheaded ceasefire efforts at the United Nations.

    A third development is the expansion of the BRICS bloc of economies from its original five members – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – to 10 members. Although China and Russia are not members of the Global South, those other founding members are, and the BRICS group has promoted key issues on the Global South’s agenda. The addition of countries such as Egypt and Ethiopia has meant that BRICS has increasingly taken on the guise of the Global South forum. Brazil President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a leading proponent of BRICS, is keen on advancing this Global South agenda.

    All three of these developments have made active nonalignment more relevant than ever before.

    How are China and the US responding to active nonalignment – or are they?

    I’ll give you two examples: Angola and Argentina.

    In Angola, the African country that has received most Chinese cooperation to the tune of US$45 billion, you now have the U.S. financing what is known as the Lobito Corridor – a railway line that stretches from the eastern border of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to Angola’s Atlantic coast.

    Ten years ago, the notion that the U.S. would be financing railway projects in southern Africa would have been considered unfathomable. Yet it has happened. Why? Because China has built significant railway lines in countries such as Kenya and Ethiopia, and the U.S. realized that it was being left behind.

    For the longest time, the U.S. would condemn such Chinese-financed infrastructure projects via the “Belt and Road Initiative” as nothing but “debt-trap diplomacy” designed to saddle developing nations with “white elephants” nobody needed. But a couple of years ago, that tune changed: The U.S. and Europe realized that there is a big infrastructure deficit in Asia, Africa and Latin America that China was stepping in to reduce – and the West was nowhere to be seen in this critical area.

    In short, the West changed it approach – and countries like Angola are now able to play the U.S. off against China for its own national interests.

    Then take Argentina. In 2023, Javier Milei was elected president on a strong anti-China platform. He said his government would have nothing to do with Beijing. But just two years later, Milei announced in an Economist interview that he is a great admirer of Beijing.

    Why? Because Argentina has a very significant foreign debt, and Milei knew that a continued anti-China stance would mean a credit line from Beijing would likely not be renewed. The Argentinian president was under pressure from the International Monetary Fund and Washington to let the credit line with China lapse, but Milei refused to do so and managed to hold his own, playing both sides against the middle.

    Milei is a populist conservative; Brazil’s Lula a leftist. So is active nonalignment immune to ideological differences?

    Absolutely. When people ask me what the difference is between traditional nonalignment and active nonalignment, one of the most obvious things is that the latter is nonideological – it can be used by people of the right, left and center. It is a guide to action, a compass to navigate the waters of a highly troubled world, and can be used by governments of very different ideological hues.

    Brazil President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Argentina President Javier Milei at the 66th Summit of leaders of the Mercosur trading bloc in Buenos Aires on July 3, 2025.
    Luis Robayo/AFP via Getty Images

    The book talks a lot about the fragmentation of the rules-based order. Where do you see this heading?

    There is little doubt that the liberal international order that framed world politics from 1945 to 2016 has come to an end. Some of its bedrock principles, like multilateralism, free trade and respect for international law and existing international treaties, have been severely undermined.

    We are now in a transitional stage. The notion of the West as a geopolitical entity, as we knew it, has ceased to exist. We now have the extraordinary situation where illiberal forces in Hungary, Germany and Poland, among other places, are being supported by those in power in both Washington and Moscow.

    And this decline of the West has not come about because of any economic issue – the U.S. still represents around 25% of global GDP, much as it did in 1970 – but because of the breakdown of the trans-Atlantic alliance.

    So we are moving toward a very different type of world order – and one in which the Global South has the opportunity to have much more of a role, especially if it deploys active nonalignment.

    How have events since Trump’s inauguration played into your argument?

    The notion of active nonalignment was triggered by the first Trump administration’s pressure on Latin American countries. I would argue that the measures undertaken in Trump’s second administration – the tariffs imposed on 90 countries around the world; the U.S. leaving the Paris climate agreement, the World Health Organization and the U.N. Human Rights Council; and other “America First” policies – have only underscored the validity of active nonalignment as a foreign policy approach.

    The pressures on countries across the Global South are very strong, and there is a temptation to give in to Trump and align with U.S. Yet, all indications are that simply giving in to Trump’s demands isn’t a recipe for success. Those countries that have gone down the route of giving in to Trump’s demands only see more demands after that. Countries need a different approach – and that can be found in active nonalignment.

    Jorge Heine does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Nations are increasingly ‘playing the field’ when it comes to US and China – a new book explains explains why ‘active nonalignment’ is on the march – https://theconversation.com/nations-are-increasingly-playing-the-field-when-it-comes-to-us-and-china-a-new-book-explains-explains-why-active-nonalignment-is-on-the-march-260234

    MIL OSI –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Partners across Derby unite to create a safer, more vibrant city centre

    Source: City of Derby

    A safer, more welcoming and vibrant night-time experience in Derby is being made possible thanks to a powerful partnership between local businesses, organisations, and community leaders. Their collective efforts are helping shape a city centre where people feel confident to visit, explore and enjoy Derby City; especially after dark.

    This work has recently earned Derby the prestigious Purple Flag accreditation, a national recognition awarded by the Association of Town and City Management (ATCM) to places that meet high standards for managing the evening and night-time economy.

    Organisations including Marketing Derby, Derby’s Business Improvement Districts (BIDs), the University of Derby, Derbion, Derbyshire Police, Vaillant, and Derby Museums have all played a vital role in improving safety, accessibility, and cultural appeal in the city after hours.

    From student safety initiatives led by the University of Derby, to late-night shopping and events at Derbion, to visible policing and coordinated city centre management by the BIDs, the efforts are wide-ranging and deeply collaborative. Companies like Vaillant are also engaging with community initiatives, reinforcing the importance of a collective approach to civic responsibility. This collaborative work not only supports Derby’s night-time economy, but also builds a stronger, more inclusive city one where everyone can feel proud to take part in its growth.

    Councillor Nadine Peatfield, Cabinet Member for City-Centre, Regeneration, Strategy, Policy and leader of Derby City Council, said:

    The Purple Flag is a powerful symbol of what we can achieve when our city works together. From the police and universities to businesses, venues and volunteers, everyone has a part to play in making Derby safer, more welcoming and more vibrant after dark. This isn’t just about awards — it’s about people in Derby. It’s about making sure everyone, from students to families to visitors, feels proud and confident to enjoy our city centre.

    We’re committed to building on this success, working with partners now and into the future to keep improving Derby’s evening experience for all; this includes the new appointment of a City Centre Manager”

    You can learn more about the Purple Flag award on the ATCM website.

    There is plenty going on in Derby, learn more about what’s on by visiting the Derby LIVE webpage. You can learn more about Derby Nightlife on the Visit Derby webpage.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Let’s talk about Russia: Polytechnic’s study guides for Mariupol students

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    From September 1, students of the Priazovsky State Technical University (PSTU) will begin studying the key course “Fundamentals of Russian Statehood” using the unique practical manual “Let’s Talk About Russia”. It was developed by employees of the Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University.

    In recent years, the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation has been actively working to reform the humanitarian block of disciplines in the country’s universities. One of the main innovations of the 2023-2024 academic year was the introduction of a patriotic-focused academic subject, “Fundamentals of Russian Statehood”. The need to develop the discipline was especially emphasized by Russian President V.V. Putin at a meeting of the State Council “On the implementation of youth policy in modern conditions”. The head of state pointed out the critical importance of this step in the context of escalating information confrontation, noting the increased vulnerability of the younger generation to targeted attacks from outside. The task has been set to give young people reliable guidelines and reliable knowledge through a fundamental academic course on the “History of Russia” and “Fundamentals of Russian Statehood”.

    In response to the appeal of the teachers of the Priazovsky State Technical University to the Vice-Rector for Educational Activities of SPbPU Lyudmila Pankova, an additional print run of the textbook “Let’s Talk About Russia” was promptly printed and sent to Mariupol. The presentation ceremony took place at the A. A. Zhdanov Memorial House-Museum in Mariupol – a branch of the State Memorial Museum of the Defense and Siege of Leningrad.

    The practical manual was prepared by a team of authors — teachers of the Higher School of Social Sciences of the Humanitarian Institute. The main feature of the publication is its innovative structure, which allows for an organic combination of theoretical training in the course “Fundamentals of Russian Statehood” with various analytical, project and creative tasks.

    By studying the fundamental principles of statehood, value and ideological attitudes of a citizen of the Russian Federation, students will not only learn the information, but also comprehend it through dialogues, discussions, project work and the completion of creative tasks.

    For example, when studying the topic “Diversity of Russian Regions”, students are offered tasks in the form of fillwords and anagrams. The game approach turns the acquisition of material into a fascinating search, developing attentiveness and analytical thinking. Working on the topic “Victories and Trials of Russia”, students create a virtual art gallery of works dedicated to the trials or victories of Russia. Reflecting on the traditional values of Russian society, students analyze how values and moral ideals are reflected in language, works of art, and are fixed in the form of quotes, images, and characters. The children select quotes and suitable images from works of literature and popular culture that most vividly demonstrate the manifestation of a specific value. It is the synthesis of theory and interactive tasks that allows us to form a meaningful personal attitude to the principles and values of Russian statehood, making the learning process as productive and engaging as possible.

    At the present time, the Higher School of Social Sciences of the Humanitarian Institute is completing work on a collective monograph, “Russia’s Civilization Path,” within the framework of a single educational and methodological complex on “Fundamentals of Russian Statehood.” The monograph will become an additional resource for integration processes aimed at forming the socio-cultural sovereignty of our country.

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Road Safety Visits Latin America to launch UN Global Road Safety Campaign  

    Source: United Nations Economic Commission for Europe

    The United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Road Safety, Jean Todt, will visit Mexico, Guatemala, Panama, Colombia and Brazil (23-27 June), to launch the UN global campaign #MakeASafetyStatement, in partnership with JCDecaux. During his visit, he will meet with key government officials, representatives of the international community, private and public sector leaders, and representatives of civil society to promote road safety initiatives and advocate for enhanced measures. 

    This mission aligns with the Global Plan for the Decade of Action for Road Safety 2021-2030, which aims to halve road fatalities by 2030. It follows the adoption of a new UN resolution on road safety at the 4th Global Ministerial Conference on Road Safety in Marrakech, Morocco, earlier this year (18-19February). 

    A Silent Pandemic

    Road traffic crashes claimed more than 145,000 lives across the Americas in 2021, according to the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), representing 12% of global road fatalities that year. Road crashes remain the leading cause of death for children and young people aged 5 to 29 years old globally imposing a significant social and economic burden. According to the World Bank, the cost of road crashes represents between 3% and 6% of GDP in the region.   

    Across the Americas, deaths on the road have registered a 9.37% drop in the decade to 2021. The region’s progress is above the 5% global drop in deaths in the period but is nowhere near fast enough to meet the global goal of halving road deaths by 2030.  

    Latin America is one of the most urbanized regions in the world, making road safety a crucial component of city development strategies. This underscores the urgent need to rethink mobility and invest in road safety. 

    Solutions exist 

    The good news is that solutions exist. Strengthening law enforcement, investing in education and public transport, enhancing road infrastructure and vehicle safety, developing bicycle lanes and pedestrian pathways — especially around schools —and improving post-crash care are all part of a safe and efficient mobility system. Additionally, mobilizing political leadership is crucial to increase funding and action.  

    A 2019 report commissioned by Bloomberg Philanthropies revealed that more than 25,000 lives could be saved and over 170,000 serious injuries prevented by 2030 if United Nations (UN) vehicle safety regulations were applied by four key countries in the region—Argentina, Chile, Mexico and Brazil. 

    “Every year we lose 1.19 million lives on the world’s roads, this is equivalent to the entire population of cities like Monterrey (Mexico), Guatemala or Campinas (Brazil). This is madness, because we know how to stop this carnage. With this campaign we call for urgent action to ensure safe roads for all, everywhere on the continent,” said Jean Todt, UN Special Envoy for Road Safety.   

    Jean-Charles Decaux, Co-CEO of JCDecaux said: “At JCDecaux, we are committed to improving the quality of life for people wherever they live, work and travel, offering innovative, sustainable street furniture and services that meet cities and citizens’ expectations. This is the core of our mission and that is why we are proud to partner with the United Nations and Jean Todt, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Road Safety, to display this road safety campaign across our global media network. Following its successful rollout in over 50 countries since September 2023, the campaign’s launch in Latin America marks a key milestone, amplifying local road safety efforts and reinforcing public awareness. With our powerful and service-driven media, we are able to relay these vital prevention messages in high-impact locations, promote safe behaviour, and engage all our stakeholders around this major cause. The campaign’s positive tone, supported by international celebrities, helps inspire a new vision for public space: one that is safer, more inclusive, and more harmonious for all.” 

    #MakeASafetyStatement campaign  

    The global #MakeASafetyStatement campaign aims to promote road safety and create secure, inclusive, and sustainable streets worldwide. 

    Celebrities fronting the campaign in Latin America include football icon Ousmane Dembélé, F1 driver Charles Leclerc, tennis legend Novak Djokovic, singer and musician Kylie Minogue, motorcycle racer Marc Marquez, supermodel Naomi Campbell, and actors Patrick Dempsey and Michael Fassbender.  

    Thanks to the support of the International Olympic Committee, Latin American 2024 Olympic champions such as Juan-Manuel Celaya (Mexico, silver medal, diving), Adriana Ruano (Guatemala, gold medal, shooting women’s trap), Atheyna Bylon (Panama, silver medal, boxing), Angel Barajas (Colombia, silver medal, gymnastics), Rebecca Andrade (Brazil, gold medal, artistic gymnastics) have joined the initiative. 

    National focus 

    Mexico 

    In Mexico, 15 to 16,000 people die each year in road accidents.  This puts the fatality rate at 12.4 per 100,000 inhabitants, below the average for the Americas, and for countries such as the USA, Colombia or Brazil, but above Chile or Argentina.  The economic cost of road accidents is estimated at approximately 1.4% of GDP. 

    One third of all road deaths in Mexico are among pedestrians and motorcyclists, so protecting these vulnerable road users should be an urgent priority. It should be noted, however, that road crash statistics are very incomplete. 

    The National Law of Mobility and Road Safety of 2022 called for the adoption of the life-saving ‘safe systems’ approach that makes safety priority in all road-related policies and planning and is laid out in the Global Plan for the Decade of Action for Road Safety. An exemplary amendment to Mexico’s constitution underpinned the law, making ‘mobility under the conditions of safety, accessibility, efficiency, sustainability, quality, inclusion and equality,’ a universal right for all Mexicans.  

    Although the law mandated the use of certified helmets at the federal level, most Mexican states have not yet legislated mandatory use, resulting in low compliance rates. 

    Guatemala 

    Road crashes remain a significant public health issue in Guatemala, with some 2,352 deaths registered in 2024 on the country’s roads. This brings the death rate at 12.6 per 100,000 population, as per WHO estimates.  

    Motorcycles are involved in half of the crashes and riders represent some 60% of the victims.  Road crashes happen predominantly in urban areas and among vulnerable road users. 

    In the recent period, Guatemala has made some progress in addressing road safety, both through institutional strengthening and the improvement of monitoring systems, legislative response, and intersectoral coordination. 

    Guatemala is currently a party to only 1 of the 7 core UN Road Safety legals instruments and legislation on pedestrian protection and child restraint systems remains fragmented. Helmet use is mandatory, but technical standards are not fully aligned with international best practices (e.g., UN-certified helmet standards ECE 22.05). Enforcement also remains a key challenge.  

    Guatemala currently participates in a project of the UN Road Safety Fund (UN RSF) Safe School Zones, which supports infrastructure improvements and awareness campaigns to protect children around schools. 

    Panama 

    Panama achieved a 45% reduction in road fatalities between 2016 and 2021, from 440 to 243 deaths. Its rate of 7.3 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants is the fourth lowest on the continent.  

    However, it records a very high level of people with serious injuries after a crash, with about 21 cases per death.   

    Panama is currently implementing 2 projects under the UN Road Safety Fund: Safe School Zones, aimed at reducing child fatalities near schools, and Strengthening Road Safety Legislation, aiming at aligning national laws with global best practices. Two legislative improvements are currently under discussion, on pedestrian protection and child restraints. 

    Colombia 

    Some 8,146 people died on Colombia’s in 2022, a 24% increase compared to the average from 2017 to 2019, driven by the rise in the number of motorcycles (+ over 100%)  and cars (+58%) registered between 2010 and 2022Motorcyclists represented 60% of the victims, and pedestrians 21%. The death rate is at 16 per 100,000 population (WHO), for an economic toll estimated at some 3% of GDP. 

    In recent years, through ANSV (Agencia Nacional de Seguridad Vial), the government has worked with cities such as Bogotá, Medellín, and Cali to implement urban safety plans, including developing public transport (express buses and cable cars); upgrading pedestrian infrastructure; developing safer intersections and introducing speed control zones. 

    The new Road Safety strategy (2022-2031) adopted in 2022 officially adopted the Safe System approach. 

    Colombia implements three projects financed by the UNRS, focusing on: institutional strengthening and better crash data systems; Safe and Sustainable Urban Mobility Planning; and an Awareness Campaign for Road Safety and Behavior Change addressing National media and school-based outreach initiatives. 

    Brazil 

    In Brazil, the mortality rate is 15.7 per 100,000 inhabitants.  Pedestrians, cyclists, and motorcyclists—compose around 61% of all crash fatalities. The notable rise in motorcycle-related deaths observed over recent years calls for accrued efforts to enforce the use of proper helmets – aligned with UN regulations (e.g., ECE-22.05). 

    Road safety remains a key challenges with the economic toll of road crashes estimated at some 5% of GDP.  This is one powerful reason to rethink mobility and invest in road safety. 

    The adoption of the National Road Safety Plan (2019–2028) , aiming for a 50% reduction in fatalities by 2028, marks a strong direction, and laws exist on helmet usage, child restraints, speed, drink & drug driving, mobile phone ban, etc. However, enforcement gaps remain—especially in speed and seatbelt compliance among rear passengers.   

    Mandatory inspections of vehicles exist, but several modern safety requirements (ABS, Electronic Stability Control, pedestrian protection, etc.) have not yet been made mandatory.   

    The UN RSF Project Improving Crash Prevention on Federal Highways in Brazil develops an interoperable system for road data collection and analysis, enabling effective countermeasures. 

    Photo credit: JCDecaux

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Social media can support or undermine democracy – it comes down to how it’s designed

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Lisa Schirch, Professor of the Practice of Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame

    A protester calls out Facebook for facilitating the spread of disinformation. AP Photo/Jeff Chiu

    Every design choice that social media platforms make nudges users toward certain actions, values and emotional states.

    It is a design choice to offer a news feed that combines verified news sources with conspiracy blogs – interspersed with photos of a family picnic – with no distinction between these very different types of information. It is a design choice to use algorithms that find the most emotional or outrageous content to show users, hoping it keeps them online. And it is a design choice to send bright red notifications, keeping people in a state of expectation for the next photo or juicy piece of gossip.

    Platform design is a silent pilot steering human behavior.

    Social media platforms are bringing massive changes to how people get their news and how they communicate and behave. For example, the “endless scroll” is a design feature that aims to keep users scrolling and never reaching the bottom of a page where they might decide to pause.

    I’m a political scientist who researches aspects of technology that support democracy and social cohesion, and I’ve observed how the design of social media platforms affects them.

    Democracy is in crisis globally, and technology is playing a role. Most large platforms optimize their designs for profit, not community or democracy. Increasingly, Big Tech is siding with autocrats, and the platforms’ designs help keep society under control.

    There are alternatives, however. Some companies design online platforms to defend democratic values.

    Optimized for profit

    A handful of tech billionaires dominate the global information ecosystem. Without public accountability or oversight, they determine what news shows up on your feed and what data they collect and share.

    Social media companies say they are in the business of connecting people, but they make most of their money as data brokers and advertising firms. Time spent on platforms translates to profit. The more time you spend online, the more ads you see and the more data they can collect from you.

    This ad-based business model demands designs that encourage endless scrolling, social comparison and emotional engagement. Platforms routinely claim they merely reflect user behavior, yet internal documents and whistleblower accounts have shown that toxic content often gets a boost because it captures people’s attention.

    Tech companies design platforms based on extensive psychological research. Examples include flashing notifications that make your phone jump and squeak, colorful rewards when others like your posts, and algorithms that push out the most emotional content to stimulate your most base emotions of anger, shame or glee.

    How social media algorithms work, explained.

    Optimizing designs for user engagement undermines mental health and society. Social media sites favor hype and scandal over factual accuracy, and public manipulation over designing for safety, privacy and user agency. The resulting prevalence of polarizing false and deceptive information is corrosive to democracy.

    Many analysts identified these problems nearly a decade ago. But now there is a new threat: Some tech executives are looking to capture political power to advance a new era of techno-autocracy.

    Optimized for political power

    A techno-autocracy is a political system where an authoritarian government uses technology to control its population. Techno-autocrats spread disinformation and propaganda, using fear tactics to demonize others and distract from corruption. They leverage massive amounts of data, artificial intelligence and surveillance to censor opponents.

    For example, China uses technology to monitor and surveil its population with public cameras. Chinese platforms like WeChat and Weibo automatically scan, block or delete messages and posts for sensitive words like “freedom of speech.” Russia promotes domestic platforms like VK that are closely monitored and partly owned by state-linked entities that use it to promote political propaganda.

    Over a decade ago, tech billionaires like Elon Musk and Peter Thiel, and now Vice President JD Vance, began aligning with far-right political philosophers like Curtis Yarvin. They argue that democracy impedes innovation, favoring concentrated decision-making in corporate-controlled mini-states governed through surveillance. Embracing this philosophy of techno-autocracy, they moved from funding and designing the internet to reshaping government.

    Techno-autocrats weaponize social media platforms as part of their plan to dismantle democratic institutions.

    The political capture of both X and Meta also have consequences for global security. At Meta, Mark Zuckerberg removed barriers to right-wing propaganda and openly endorsed President Donald Trump’s agenda. Musk changed X’s algorithm to highlight right-wing content, including Russian propaganda.

    Designing tech for democracy

    Recognizing the power that platform design has on society, some companies are designing new civic participation platforms that support rather than undermine society’s access to verified information and places for public deliberation. These platforms offer design features that big tech companies could adopt for improving democratic engagement that can help counter techno-autocracy.

    In 2014, a group of technologists founded Pol.is, an open-source technology for hosting public deliberation that leverages data science. Pol.is enables participants to propose and vote on policy ideas using what they call “computational democracy.” The Pol.is design avoids personal attacks by having no “reply” button. It offers no flashy newsfeed, and it uses algorithms that identify areas of agreement and disagreement to help people make sense of a diversity of opinions. A prompt question asks for people to offer ideas and vote up or down on other ideas. People participate anonymously, helping to keep the focus on the issues and not the people.

    The civic participation platform Pol.is helps large numbers of people share their views without distractions or personal attacks.

    Taiwan used the Pol.is platform to enable mass civic engagement in the 2014 democracy movement. The U.K. government’s Collective Intelligence Lab used the platform to generate public discussion and generate new policy proposals on climate and health care policies. In Finland, a public foundation called Sitra uses Pol.is in its “What do you think, Finland?” public dialogues.

    Barcelona, Spain, designed a new participatory democracy platform called Decidim in 2017. Now used throughout Spain and Europe, Decidim enables citizens to collaboratively propose, debate and decide on public policies and budgets through transparent digital processes.

    Nobel Peace Laureate Maria Ressa founded Rappler Communities in 2023, a social network in the Philippines that combines journalism, community and technology. It aims to restore trust in institutions by providing safe spaces for exchanging ideas and connecting with neighbors, journalists and civil society groups. Rappler Communities offers the public data privacy and portability, meaning you can take your information – like photos, contacts or messages – from one app or platform and transfer it to another. These design features are not available on the major social media platforms.

    Rappler Communities is a social network in the Philippines that combines journalism, community and technology.
    Screenshot of Rappler Communities

    Tech designed for improving public dialogue is possible – and can even work in the middle of a war zone. In 2024, the Alliance for Middle East Peace began using Remesh.ai, an AI-based platform, to find areas of common ground between Israelis and Palestinians in order to advance the idea of a public peace process and identify elements of a ceasefire agreement.

    Platform designs are a form of social engineering to achieve some sort of goal – because they shape how people behave, think and interact – often invisibly. Designing more and better platforms to support democracy can be an antidote to the wave of global autocracy that is increasingly bolstered by tech platforms that tighten public control.

    Lisa Schirch receives funding from the Ford Foundation. I know the founder of Pol.is and Remesh platforms, mentioned in this article, as well as Maria Ressa of Rappler Communities.

    I will not benefit in any way from describing their work.

    – ref. Social media can support or undermine democracy – it comes down to how it’s designed – https://theconversation.com/social-media-can-support-or-undermine-democracy-it-comes-down-to-how-its-designed-257103

    MIL OSI Analysis –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Turbulent research landscape imperils US brain gain − and ultimately American prosperity

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Marc Zimmer, Professor of Chemistry, Connecticut College

    International students have been a big part of American STEM. Rick Friedman/AFP via Getty Images

    Despite representing only 4% of the world’s population, the United States accounts for over half of science Nobel Prizes awarded since 2000, hosts seven of The Times Higher Education Top 10 science universities, and incubates firms such as Alphabet (Google), Meta and Pfizer that turn federally funded discoveries into billion-dollar markets.

    The domestic STEM talent pool alone cannot sustain this research output. The U.S. is reliant on a steady and strong influx of foreign scientists – a brain gain. In 2021, foreign-born people constituted 43% of doctorate-level scientists and engineers in the U.S. They make up a significant share of America’s elite researchers: Since 2000, 37 of the 104 U.S. Nobel laureates in the hard sciences, more than a third, were born outside the country.

    China, the U.S.’s largest competitor in science, technology, engineering and math endeavors, has a population that is 4.1 times larger than that of the U.S. and so has a larger pool of homegrown talent. Each year, three times as many Chinese citizens (77,000) are awarded STEM Ph.D.s as American citizens (23,000).

    To remain preeminent, the U.S. will need to keep attracting exceptional foreign graduate students, budding entrepreneurs and established scientific leaders.

    Funding and visa policies could flip gain to drain

    This scientific brain gain is being threatened by the Trump administration, which is using federal research funding, scholarships and fellowships as leverage against universities, freezing billions of dollars in grants and contracts to force compliance with its ideological agenda. Its ad hoc approach has been described by higher education leaders as “unprecedented and deeply disturbing,” and a Reagan-appointed judge ruled that 400 National Institutes of Health grants be reinstated because their terminations were “bereft of reasoning, virtually in their entirety.”

    Experts caution that these moves not only risk immediate harm to scientific progress and academic freedom but also erode the public’s trust in science and education, with long-term implications for the nation’s prosperity and security.

    Citing national security concerns, the White House has also targeted visas for Harvard University’s international students and instructed embassies worldwide to halt visa interviews for all international students, citing national security and alleged institutional misconduct. Against a backdrop of court injunctions and legal appeals, the government continues its heightened “national-security” vetting, so thousands of international scholars remain in limbo.

    These measures, combined with travel bans, intensified scrutiny and revocations of existing visas, have disrupted research collaborations and threaten the nation’s continued status as a global leader in science and innovation.

    What US misses with fewer foreign scientists

    The U.S. research brain gain starts with the 281,000 foreign STEM graduate students and 38,000 foreign STEM postdoctoral scholars who annually come to the U.S. I am one of them. After earning my bachelor’s and master’s degrees in South Africa, I left in 1986 to avoid the apartheid‑era military service, completed my chemistry doctorate and postdoc in the U.S., and joined the United States’ brain gain. It’s an opportunity today’s visa climate might have denied me.

    Some other countries are eager to scoop up STEM talent that is unwelcome or unfunded in the U.S.
    Clement Mahoudeau/AFP via Getty Images

    Incentives for the best and brightest foreign science students to come to the U.S. are diminishing at the same time its competitors are increasing their efforts to attract the strongest STEM researchers. For instance, the University of Hong Kong is courting stranded Harvard students with dedicated scholarships, housing and credit-transfer help. A French university program, Safe Place for Science, drew so many American job applicants that it had to shut the portal early. And a Portuguese institute reports a tenfold surge in inquiries from U.S.-based junior faculty.

    Immigrants import new ways of thinking to their research labs. They come from other cultures and have learned their science in different educational systems, which place different emphases on rote learning, historical understanding and interdisciplinary research. They often bring an alternative perspective that a homogeneous scientific community cannot match.

    Immigrants also help move discoveries from the lab to the marketplace. Foreign-born inventors file patents at a higher per‑capita rate than their domestic peers and are 80% more likely to launch a company. Such firms create roughly 50% more jobs than enterprises founded by native-born entrepreneurs and pay wages that are, on average, one percentage point higher.

    The economic stakes are high. Growth models suggest that scientific advances now account for a majority of productivity gains in high‑income countries.

    L. Rafael Reif, the former president of MIT, called international talent the “oxygen” of U.S. innovation; restricting visas chokes that supply. Ongoing cuts and uncertainties in federal funding and visa policy now jeopardize America’s scientific leadership and with it the nation’s long‑term economic growth.

    Marc Zimmer received funding from NIH and NSF.

    – ref. Turbulent research landscape imperils US brain gain − and ultimately American prosperity – https://theconversation.com/turbulent-research-landscape-imperils-us-brain-gain-and-ultimately-american-prosperity-258537

    MIL OSI Analysis –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Russia: HSE at VK Fest: Immersion into the World of Technology, Design, and Space

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: State University “Higher School of Economics” –

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    MIL OSI Russia News –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI USA: War-Torn Central America in the 1980s Comes to Life in New Historical Memoir

    Source: US State of Connecticut

    Some six decades ago, when Scott Wallace’s parents gifted him a Polaroid Swinger camera and leather-bound diary as a child, the seeds of journalism were planted.

    No one knew back then that Wallace, now an associate professor in the UConn journalism department, would go on to become an award-winning writer, television producer, and photojournalist who’s reported from places including the front lines of war-torn Central America, jungles of South America, and post-Soviet Russia.

    Similarly, no one could have foreseen the foreign policy decisions made by the U.S. during the Vietnam War, from around the same time Wallace opened that gift of a camera and journal, would have an influence on some of today’s most divisive issues.

    That’s the thread woven through Wallace’s new historical memoir, “Central America in the Crosshairs of War: On the Road from Vietnam to Iraq,” which has won Gold in the Foreward INDIES Awards in the category of political and social sciences, along with a Gold IPPY from the Independent Book Publishers Association as best history book (oversized/coffee table).

    He maintains the U.S. government’s decisions, denials, and deceit during Vietnam inevitably led to disasters in Iraq and Afghanistan many decades later, coming through the conflicts, civil wars, and revolutions in Central America in the 1980s.

    “Our country would be less polarized,” he says of what would have happened if the U.S. behaved differently in places like El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala during those years.

    “We would be dealing with a diminished immigration crisis if we had encouraged democracy in Central America and redirected the resources that we gave them for training armies and waging war,” he says. “If we instead used those same resources to build up their economies, there would have been far fewer reasons for them to leave. They’d still be there. We seriously contributed to the tearing apart of the social fabric there, and I think a lot of the people who’ve come here in the last 40 years never would have left their homes.”

    Wallace sat with UConn Today recently to talk about how he got started as a journalist, his unique perspective as a firsthand witness to war, and his advice to others who want to report from the front lines.

    Why have you decided to share your story now?

     
    I was in the middle of a project in Brazil involving the struggles of Indigenous peoples in the Amazon and their efforts to defend their territories and the rainforest from predatory logging and other forms of what passes for development down there. Then, the pandemic hit, and I realized I had to move in another direction if I was to work on a monograph during that time. Even after the pandemic passed, it was near-impossible to gain entry to Indigenous communities. Even into 2021 and 2022, it was still too difficult to get into the territories where I’d been conducting my research. Part of the reason I chose the Central America project was to pivot away from Brazil, at least until it was possible to return to those sensitive Indigenous territories. Secondly, there was a lot I’d been wanting to say for a long time about my experiences as a young journalist in Central America and the abiding relevance of so many issues that have come to the fore today, including immigration and the crisis at the border. Very few people understand how much the issue of immigration from Central America has been driven by our policies from 40 years ago, when we were actively involved in supporting and fueling the military conflicts that were going on down there. It drove a lot of the immigration into the U.S. and made the conditions in those countries so difficult that people left en masse. It’s a story of unintended consequences. The third impetus for the project was the very rich trove of images I’d taken while covering those conflicts, most of which had not previously been published, along with detailed notes and compelling stories that have withstood the test of time. Those experiences formed the foundation of my career and what I’ve ended up doing as a journalist over the last 40 years.

    What’s one of your ‘I-can’t-believe-I did-that’ experiences from the front lines?

    We managed to get ourselves into this rural area of El Salvador in the rebel stronghold of Chalatenango Department, where there had been allegations of a massacre perpetrated by the army that the United States was arming and supporting. We managed to bluff our way past a series of roadblocks, got into rebel-controlled territory, and then got permission from the guerrillas to undertake a journey on foot down into the scene of this atrocity.  After most of the day walking, we came upon a dilapidated footbridge stretching across this yawning chasm with a rushing river beneath us. The bridge was such a wreck that, out in the middle, the boards were sagging vertically to the surface of the water, and the wires on one side were basically useless. You had to pick your way across, hand over hand, with your feet on the tops of the boards. The water below was rushing at such a furious speed that the rebels advised us not to look down as we crossed because the rush of the water would make us dizzy, and we’d lose our balance and fall. Had we known what we were getting into, I’m not sure we would have gone there. But by then, we were already so far into the journey there was no going back. When we got to the scene, a horrific stench came from a good way off. It looked like a scene from a plane crash, with clothing and belongings strewn across the brush and hanging from the trees and bodies lying on the ground. It was horrific. I did my best to piece together what had happened from interviews with survivors and what we could see on the ground.

    Something like that must stick with you.

     
    I think you develop a little bit of a thick skin, and you just have to move through it. You’re there to find out what happened, and your own personal feelings are kind of secondary.

    Sandinista Popular Army soldiers forcibly remove peasants to create a free-fire zone to battle Contra rebels in El Ventarrón, Nicaragua, in 1985. (Photo courtesy of Scott Wallace)

    How did you get your start as a journalist?

     
    I was thirsty for adventure and for finding out about the bigger world. I took a year off from college as an undergraduate, and, with advice from some students who were a little older than me and who had done something similar, I lined up a volunteer position in the Peruvian jungle. I went first to Mexico, studied intensive Spanish for the summer, then traveled overland through Central America, down the spine of the Andes, and out into the jungle, where I worked as a literacy instructor in an Indigenous community. During that year I discovered something new about myself. I didn’t know Spanish at all before I left, and through the process of having to put myself out there, I kind of developed a new persona as I interacted with Latin Americans and mastered the language and the culture. I loved the music, the people, and the literature. I returned to college after that, doubled up on Spanish classes, and learned how to write it and read it. I also became fascinated with what was going on in Latin America in the news. I was already a few years out of college when it dawned on me that maybe I could make a career as a journalist covering events in Latin America, since I loved writing, taking pictures, and travel. I decided to go back to school to get a master’s in journalism with the objective of going to Central America when I graduated. By this time, the early 1980s, Central America was in turmoil. The Sandinistas had taken power in Nicaragua, a civil war had erupted in El Salvador, and the Reagan Administration vowed to ‘draw the line’ against what it perceived to be communist aggression in Central America. The region was a tinderbox that seemed poised to become a new Vietnam. I knew that no news organization would send a new graduate straight into a big story. I would have to go as a freelancer, so I decided to learn as many skills as I could, because as a freelancer I knew I would have to have as many skills as possible to earn a living: write news stories, take photographs for my stories, sell my photographs to other news outlets. I also got a tip that doing radio for one of the networks was a really good way to establish yourself and bring in a steady stream of work. Just as I was about to graduate, one of my professors, who had previously been a CBS Radio correspondent, introduced me to network executives when they came to campus, and one thing led to another. They didn’t have anyone in El Salvador at that time, so I was able to land a gig as their freelance ‘stringer’ there.

    What would your advice be for a journalism student or working journalist who’s hungry to do this kind of work today?

     
    It takes a certain kind of person. You have to be passionate about the world, curious about the way the world works. You need to be an avid reader of literature as well as nonfiction, be up on current events, and follow the news closely. In all the writing classes that I teach, I require my students to accompany their stories with images, because everyone should know how to take decent pictures and how to do solid interviews. They should learn how to shoot video and record audio. Of course, now you must have a social media presence and put your stuff out there. It’s also very important to make contacts. Ply your professors or the people you meet, go to places where you’re going to meet the professionals you admire. Follow them on Instagram. See who’s excelling at the kind of work you’re interested in and reach out to them. You also should build a portfolio of writing, images, and multimedia. Persistence and patience are also important.

    Compared to historians and others who’ve studied Central America and the conflicts there, do you think you have a unique perspective seeing it all firsthand?

     
    It’s definitely a unique perspective, but sometimes I’m a little bit daunted by the intellectual capabilities and rigor of my colleagues in other departments at the University. I think my strength lies in bringing personal experiences and storytelling acumen to the narrative. In June, I was asked to do a presentation at a seminar of academics on genocide and its relationship to ‘ecocide’ – the criminal destruction of the environment – based on my work covering Indigenous struggles in jungles of the Amazon. I was pleasantly surprised by the positive reception to my presentation, in which I showed my photographs and told stories of people whose lives are impacted and threatened by deforestation, land grabbing, and the violent destruction of habitats and biodiversity. It was a way of bringing abstract concepts down to ground level. I’m not the only one who does that. All my colleagues in the journalism department similarly bring that kind of ground-truthing and storytelling to the subjects they report on.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI USA: Scene Summer: UConn Film Student Documenting Underground Music in Connecticut

    Source: US State of Connecticut

    Their names are as iconic as some of the musicians that graced their stages.

    CBGB in New York.

    The Troubadour in Los Angeles and Whisky a Go Go in West Hollywood.

    The 40 Watt Club in Georgia.

    Toad’s Place in New Haven.

    They’re the places where careers were launched and artists made names for themselves – bands like The Ramones and The Doors; Guns N’ Roses and R.E.M.; singers like Patti Smith and Joni Mitchell and Neil Diamond; and musicians like Frank Zappa and Michael Nesmith.

    But for each iconic venue, there have been hundreds more – smaller, lesser known, underground places packed to the gills on show nights.

    And for each legendary name, there have been thousands more – bands trying to make it big, songwriters looking to write a hit, or artists just looking to share their music with a welcoming audience that will resonate with them.

    Evan Elmore ’27 (SFA) is working on a documentary project about Connecticut’s underground music scene, with support from an Office of Undergraduate Education IDEA Grant. (Contributed photo)

    You don’t have to look to the cities to find those venues and artists either – they’re in areas both urban and rural, and right here in Connecticut as well – some advertised and others hidden from plain sight, but there for the audiences who know where to find them.

    And sometimes in those audiences, and other times behind the scenes, you might find Evan Elmore ’27 (SFA), who grew up in West Hartford and started seeking out those underground venues and those independent artists – often with a camera in hand – when he was 18 years old.

    “About two years ago, I started going to local shows, because some of my friends make music and they perform sometimes,” says Elmore. “They knew someone who hosts shows, so they get to perform, and I just saw what a cool community the local music scene has.”

    Elmore isn’t a musician, but he is an artist – his medium is film, with a little photography thrown in as well. Which is why he started going with his musician friends to their shows.

    “I was kind of backstage, since I was photographing and taking video for my friends, but it was super cool to see how it was all run,” he says. “It was just five bucks to get in, and it was an artist that I didn’t really know, but it was cool to be a part of that and see that, even though it’s on a small scale, kind of in the middle of nowhere, it was still run and still had the same energy as a big concert.”

    That energy has kept Elmore going back to shows in an underground music scene that’s active and alive in Connecticut, he says, at places like Howard’s Bookstore in Torrington, which hosts open mics every Wednesday and regularly produces shows with local rappers and hardcore bands.

    And at Cheery Street Station, a stomping ground for punk and metal bands in Wallingford.

    And at The Dog Pound, a relatively new and inclusive basement venue in Storrs that hosts local bands of all kinds.

    What all three venues and the people who frequent them have in common, Elmore notes, is the same sense of community.

    “I think a lot of people would be surprised how supportive and respectful people are at these shows,” he says. “No matter where you’re coming from, and no matter if it’s bands of different fan bases or genres, everyone’s really supportive. All the bands support each other, and all the crowds are respectful, and everyone just wants to have a good time.”

    It’s the scene’s energy and sense of community that Elmore is hoping to capture and share through a documentary project he’s working on this summer, supported by an IDEA Grant from the UConn Office of Undergraduate Research.

    The IDEA Grant program awards funding up to $6,000 per undergraduate student to support student-designed and student-led projects, including creative endeavors, community service initiatives, entrepreneurial ventures, and research projects and other original and innovative projects. The program is available to undergraduate students of all majors at all UConn campuses.

    Elmore learned about the opportunity for IDEA Grant funding for an original project through the UConn Student Daily Digest as a first-year student, and decided to apply during his sophomore year.

    “I was like, I should take this opportunity and make a documentary, because that’s been done a lot of time before that with the IDEA Grant, and I enjoy documentaries, and I think they’re very doable by yourself,” says Elmore, who watches a lot of documentaries himself. “And also, just on a small scale, even with not a lot of gear or experience, you can really make something that’s impactful.”

    And impact is what he’s going for, as he’s spent the first part of the summer filming at the those three venues in order to share the essence of the local music community; the feel of the venues; the histories they hold within their walls; and the stories of some of the rappers, solo artists, and indie bands who play there.

    For Elmore – who started making YouTube videos when he was 15, which sparked his interest in pursuing film – this IDEA Grant documentary project is a step toward his ultimate goal, which is to start his own business that would partner with music artists and work alongside them to produce visual content.

    “All types of visual content, like graphics, photos – to go on tour with artists and take photos and videos for them,” he says. “Being part of any sort of process of artistic process with music would be super cool.”

    The growing film concentration at UConn, part of the School of Fine Arts Bachelor of Fine Arts program offered through the Department of Digital Media and Design, is helping Elmore work toward that goal as he hones his skills as a young filmmaker.

    During the semesters in Storrs, he also works for the Neag School of Education as a student photographer and multimedia producer and as the advertising director for UCTV, the University’s student television station.

    Evan Elmore ’27 (SFA), a film concentration student in the School of Fine Arts Digital Media and Design program, shoots video on scene. (Contributed photo)

    “It’s pretty good to just get out there, and use gear, and work with other students on ideas and projects, and just make mistakes,” he says. “That’s the best way to learn. Just doing it.”

    He faces a busy summer, though: he spent much of May and June filming, and plans to dedicate most of his time in July and August to editing, as he pushes through an ambitious timeline for his one-man, self-produced, first feature-length documentary production.

    He hopes to advertise, market, and screen his film at UConn Storrs, and at some of the featured music venues, this fall.

    Elmore says that anyone – whether they’re familiar with Connecticut’s underground music scene or brand new to it – would find most of the state’s local venues a welcome place.

    But if you’re brand new, where should you start?

    One place would be by checking out his documentary screening during the fall semester in Storrs.

    But another would be with a Ruby Leftstep show, he recommends.

    “They’re very popular in the local scene,” he says of the three-man, New Hartford-based indie band. “A lot of people know them, and they have a real fan base that knows all their lyrics.

    “And that’s another part of the documentary,” he continues. “Getting a kind of behind-the-scenes look at these bands, their backgrounds, how they make music, how they record it, how they perform, how the band members interact with each other and their fans. That’s a big part of it.”

    MIL OSI USA News –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI: Yuba City’s Tutoring Program by Fullmind Drives Sustained Student Growth

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    YUBA CITY, Calif., July 07, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Yuba City Unified School District announced end-of-year results from its tutoring partnership with Fullmind, showing students identified as needing additional support consistently outperformed their non-tutored peers across nearly 200 participants.

    The program expanded from 24 to 194 students while maintaining effectiveness. English Language Arts participants achieved 16 points of growth compared to 10.63 points among non-participants, a 50% advantage. Mathematics participants gained 8 points versus 7.93 points for non-participants.

    “When students identified as at-risk of underperformance outperform the general population, we know we’ve found an approach that truly accelerates learning,” said Dr. Nicholas Richter, the program lead.

    Exceptional Individual Results

    Twelve ELA students gained 50 or more points between mid-year and end-of-year assessments, with one student achieving over 100 points of growth in a single semester. Students completed 93,349 minutes of tutoring with a 71% attendance rate.

    Scale Without Compromise

    The eightfold expansion maintained program quality and student engagement. ELA participants averaged 9 hours each while math students averaged 7 hours, aligning with research on effective tutoring dosage.

    2025 Expansion Plans

    Based on strong results, the district plans to expand ELA participation to 250-plus students and expand math tutoring to over 100 students. The program will extend beyond lowest-performing students to include those just below grade level.

    “We’ve proven this model works at scale,” said Nicholas Richter. “Now we’re expanding access to reach even more students who can benefit from this intensive support.”

    The partnership represents a commitment to evidence-based interventions that address achievement gaps through high-quality tutoring services, using continuous monitoring to maintain effectiveness as it scales.

    About Yuba City Unified School District

    Yuba City Unified School District serves over 11,000 students across 17 schools in Yuba City, California, committed to providing equitable, high-quality education for college, career, and life success.

    Contact:

    • RE: Yuba City Unified School District
    • Hayley Spira-Bauer
    • Chief Operating Officer / Chief Academic Officer
    • hayley@fullmindlearning.com

    The MIL Network –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI: Yuba City’s Tutoring Program by Fullmind Drives Sustained Student Growth

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    YUBA CITY, Calif., July 07, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Yuba City Unified School District announced end-of-year results from its tutoring partnership with Fullmind, showing students identified as needing additional support consistently outperformed their non-tutored peers across nearly 200 participants.

    The program expanded from 24 to 194 students while maintaining effectiveness. English Language Arts participants achieved 16 points of growth compared to 10.63 points among non-participants, a 50% advantage. Mathematics participants gained 8 points versus 7.93 points for non-participants.

    “When students identified as at-risk of underperformance outperform the general population, we know we’ve found an approach that truly accelerates learning,” said Dr. Nicholas Richter, the program lead.

    Exceptional Individual Results

    Twelve ELA students gained 50 or more points between mid-year and end-of-year assessments, with one student achieving over 100 points of growth in a single semester. Students completed 93,349 minutes of tutoring with a 71% attendance rate.

    Scale Without Compromise

    The eightfold expansion maintained program quality and student engagement. ELA participants averaged 9 hours each while math students averaged 7 hours, aligning with research on effective tutoring dosage.

    2025 Expansion Plans

    Based on strong results, the district plans to expand ELA participation to 250-plus students and expand math tutoring to over 100 students. The program will extend beyond lowest-performing students to include those just below grade level.

    “We’ve proven this model works at scale,” said Nicholas Richter. “Now we’re expanding access to reach even more students who can benefit from this intensive support.”

    The partnership represents a commitment to evidence-based interventions that address achievement gaps through high-quality tutoring services, using continuous monitoring to maintain effectiveness as it scales.

    About Yuba City Unified School District

    Yuba City Unified School District serves over 11,000 students across 17 schools in Yuba City, California, committed to providing equitable, high-quality education for college, career, and life success.

    Contact:

    • RE: Yuba City Unified School District
    • Hayley Spira-Bauer
    • Chief Operating Officer / Chief Academic Officer
    • hayley@fullmindlearning.com

    The MIL Network –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI: Electude, the leader in automotive and truck e-learning, announces partnership with Elite Tuned School

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    BRAINTREE, Mass., July 07, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Electude North America is pleased to announce it has formed a partnership with Elite Tuned School to distribute its Elite Tuned Performance courses via the Electude LMS.

    Elite Tuned School is proud to bring three cutting-edge tuning and calibration courses to Electude’s platform, providing a progressive path to introduce students to modern engine calibration and diagnostics using HP Tuners:

    • Diagnostics & Calibration Essentials – A foundational course introducing students to engine control systems, diagnostics, sensor functions, and entry-level calibration strategies.
    • High Performance I: Naturally Aspirated Tuning – Focused on building performance calibrations for NA platforms, this course covers airflow modeling, fueling, spark control, and base file development.
    • High Performance II: Boosted Performance Calibration – Designed for advanced students, this course explores forced induction tuning strategies, including MAP scaling, injector setup, spark adjustments, dyno operation, and real-world base file builds.

    These courses are designed to fit into high school and post-secondary automotive programs, offering real-world tuning knowledge in an engaging, structured format.

    Mike Carnahan, Co-Founder, Elite Tuned School, said: “Partnering with Electude allows us to put powerful, real-world calibration training directly into classrooms across the country. The goal has always been to make tuning education more accessible and practical—and this collaboration brings that vision to life for the next generation of automotive professionals.” Darrell Christopher, Regional Director for Electude North America, said “A number of our customers teach automotive hi-performance courses and partnering with the team at Elite Tuned School was a natural for us. In addition, our Electude Classroom e-learning course is the perfect companion to get hi-performance students the tools they need for success!”

    Elite Tuned School Elite Tuned Performance courses are available to educational institutions through the United States now. These courses require are a separate purchase in addition to any other Electude e-learning courses a school or college may be using. Your Electude business development manager can get you started!

    About Electude: Electude has been a global innovation leader in automotive technology education for over 30 years. Electude is in use today globally by over 900,000 students and over 50,000 instructors in 70 nations, translated into 35 languages. Using an integrative, highly interactive gamified learning method, Electude has revolutionized the automotive education industry by empowering vocational students to learn effectively and give instructors custom time-saving tools. Electude North America provides a localized version of Electude to customers in the United States, Canada and the Caribbean. Visit www.electude.com for more information.

    About Elite Tuned School:

    Elite Tuned School is a leader in high-performance automotive education, offering a unique, real-world approach to engine calibration using the latest software and strategies. Built by professional tuners, Elite Tuned delivers hands-on, industry-relevant instruction for aspiring professionals and enthusiasts alike. With a focus on diagnostics, base file creation, forced induction strategies, and dyno integration, Elite Tuned empowers students to calibrate with confidence and understanding. Questions? Reach us at: Electude@EliteTuned.com.

    The MIL Network –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Misinformation lends itself to social contagion – here’s how to recognize and combat it

    Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Shaon Lahiri, Assistant Professor of Public Health, College of Charleston

    Misinformation on social media has the potential to manipulate millions of people. Pict Rider/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    In 2019, a rare and shocking event in the Malaysian peninsula town of Ketereh grabbed international headlines. Nearly 40 girls age 12 to 18 from a religious school had been screaming inconsolably, claiming to have seen a “face of pure evil,” complete with images of blood and gore.

    Experts believe that the girls suffered what is known as a mass psychogenic illness, a psychological condition that results in physical symptoms and spreads socially – much like a virus.

    I’m a social and behavioral scientist within the field of public health. I study the ways in which individual behavior is influenced by prevailing social norms and social network processes, across a wide range of behaviors and contexts. Part of my work involves figuring out how to combat the spread of harmful content that can shape our behavior for the worse, such as misinformation.

    Mass psychogenic illness is not misinformation, but it gives researchers like me some idea about how misinformation spreads. Social connections establish pathways of influence that can facilitate the spread of germs, mental illness and even behaviors. We can be profoundly influenced by others within our social networks, for better or for worse.

    The spreading of social norms

    Researchers in my field think of social norms as perceptions of how common and how approved a specific behavior is within a specific network of people who matter to us.

    These perceptions may not always reflect reality, such as when people overestimate or underestimate how common their viewpoint is within a group. But they can influence our behavior nonetheless. For many, perception is reality.

    Social norms and related behaviors can spread through social networks like a virus can, but with one crucial caveat. Viruses often require just one contact with a potential host to spread, whereas behaviors often require multiple contacts to spread. This phenomenon, known as complex contagion, highlights how socially learned behaviors take time to embed.

    Watch the people in this video and see how you react.

    Fiction spreads faster than fact

    Consider a familiar scenario: the return of baggy jeans to the fashion zeitgeist.

    For many millennials like me, you may react to a friend engaging in this resurrected trend by cringing and lightly teasing them. Yet, after seeing them don those denim parachutes on multiple occasions, a brazen thought may emerge: “Hmm, maybe they don’t look that bad. I could probably pull those off.” That’s complex contagion at work.

    This dynamic is even more evident on social media. One of my former students expressed this succinctly. She was looking at an Instagram post about Astro Boy Boots – red, oversize boots based on those worn by a 1952 Japanese cartoon character. Her initial skepticism quickly faded upon reading the comments. As she put it, “I thought they were ugly at first, but after reading the comments, I guess they’re kind of fire.”

    Moving from innocuous examples, consider the spread of misinformation on social media. Misinformation is false information that is spread unintentionally, while disinformation is false information that is intentionally disseminated to deceive or do serious harm.

    Research shows that both misinformation and disinformation spread faster and farther than truth online. This means that before people can muster the resources to debunk the false information that has seeped into their social networks, they may have already lost the race. Complex contagion may have taken hold, in a malicious way, and begun spreading falsehood throughout the network at a rapid pace.

    People spread false information for various reasons, such as to advance their personal agenda or narrative, which can lead to echo chambers that filter out accurate information contrary to one’s own views. Even when people do not intend to spread false information online, doing so tends to happen because of a lack of attention paid to accuracy or lower levels of digital media literacy.

    Inoculation against social contagion

    So how much can people do about this?

    One way to combat harmful contagion is to draw on an idea first used in the 1960s called pre-bunking. The idea is to train people to practice skills to spot and resist misinformation and disinformation on a smaller scale before they’re exposed to the real thing.

    The idea is akin to vaccines that build immunity through exposure to a weakened form of the disease-causing germ. The idea is for someone to be exposed to a limited amount of false information, say through the pre-bunking with Google quiz. They then learn to spot common manipulation tactics used in false information and learn how to resist their influence with evidence-based strategies to counter the falsehoods. This could also be done using a trained facilitator within classrooms, workplaces or other groups, including virtual communities.

    Then, the idea is to gradually repeat the process with larger doses of false information and further counterarguments. By role-playing and practicing the counterarguments, this resistance skills training provides a sort of psychological innoculation against misinformation and disinformation, at least temporarily.

    Importantly, this approach is intended for someone who has not yet been exposed to false information – hence, pre-bunking rather than debunking. If we want to engage with someone who firmly believes in their stance, particularly when it runs contrary to our own, behavioral scientists recommend leading with empathy and nonjudgmentally exchanging narratives.

    Debunking is difficult work, however, and even strong debunking messages can result in the persistence of misinformation. You may not change the other person’s mind, but you may be able to engage in a civil discussion and avoid pushing them further away from your position.

    Spreading facts, not fiction

    When everyday people apply this with their friends and loved ones, they can train people to recognize the telltale signs of false information. This might be recognizing what’s known as a false dichotomy – for instance, “either you support this bill or you HATE our country.”

    Another signal of false information is the common tactic of scapegoating: “Oil industry faces collapse due to rise in electric car ownership.” And another is the slippery slope of logical fallacy. An example is “legalization of marijuana will lead to everyone using heroin.”

    All of these are examples of common tactics that spread misinformation and come from a Practical Guide to Pre-Bunking Misinformation, created by a collaborative team from the University of Cambridge, BBC Media Action and Jigsaw, an interdisciplinary think tank within Google.

    This approach is not only effective in combating misinformation and disinformation, but also in delaying or preventing the onset of harmful behaviors. My own research suggests that pre-bunking can be used effectively to delay the initiation of tobacco use among adolescents. But it only works with regular “booster shots” of training, or the effect fades away in a matter of months or less.

    Many researchers like me who study these social contagion dynamics don’t yet know the best way to keep these “booster shots” going in people’s lives. But there are recent studies showing that it can be done. A promising line of research also suggests that a group-based approach can be effective in maintaining the pre-bunking effects to achieve psychological herd immunity. Personally, I would bet my money on group-based approaches where you, your friends or your family can mutually reinforce each other’s capacity to resist harmful social norms entering your network.

    Simply put, if multiple members of your social network have strong resistance skills, then your group has a better chance of resisting the incursion of harmful norms and behaviors into your network than if it’s just you resisting alone. Other people matter.

    In the end, whether we’re empowering people to resist the insidious creep of online falsehoods or equipping adolescents to stand firm against peer pressure to smoke or use other substances, the research is clear: Resistance skills training can provide an essential weapon for safeguarding ourselves and young people from harmful behaviors.

    Shaon Lahiri does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Misinformation lends itself to social contagion – here’s how to recognize and combat it – https://theconversation.com/misinformation-lends-itself-to-social-contagion-heres-how-to-recognize-and-combat-it-254298

    MIL OSI –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: From Seattle to Atlanta, new social housing programs seek to make homes permanently affordable for a range of incomes

    Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Susanne Schindler, Research Fellow at the Joint Center for Housing Studies, Harvard Kennedy School

    Activists in Seattle gather signatures to put a social housing initiative on the ballot. In early 2025, voters passed the measure, which implements a payroll tax on high incomes to fund the program. House Our Neighbors, CC BY-SA

    Seattle astounded housing advocates around the country in February 2025, when roughly two-thirds of voters approved a ballot initiative proposing a new 5% payroll tax on salaries in excess of US$1 million.

    The expected revenue – estimated to amount to $52 million dollars annually – would go toward funding a public development authority named Seattle Social Housing, which would then build and maintain permanently affordable homes.

    The city has experienced record high rents and home prices over the past two decades, attributed in part to the high incomes and relatively low taxes paid by tech firms like Amazon. Prior attempts to make these companies do their part to keep the city affordable have had mixed results.

    So despite nationwide, bipartisan skepticism of government and tax increases, Seattle’s voters showed that in light of a severe affordability crisis, a new role for the public sector and a new, dedicated fiscal revenue stream for housing were not only necessary, but possible.

    As a trained architect and urban historian, I study how capitalist societies have embraced – or rejected – housing that’s permanently shielded from market forces and what that means for architecture and urban design.

    To me, Seattle’s social housing initiative shows that the country’s traditional, “either-or” housing model – of unregulated, market-rate housing versus tightly regulated, income-restricted affordable housing – has reached its limits.

    Social housing promises a different path forward.

    The rise of the ‘two-tiered’ system

    After World War I, amid a similarly dire housing crisis, journalist Catherine Bauer traveled to Europe and learned about the continent’s social housing programs.

    She publicized her findings in the 1934 book “Modern Housing,” in which she advocated for housing that would be permanently shielded from the private real estate market. High-quality design was central to her argument. (The book was reissued in 2020, reflecting a renewed hunger for her ideas.)

    Early New Deal programs supported “limited-dividend,” or nonprofit, housing sponsored by civic organizations such as labor unions. The Carl Mackley Houses in Philadelphia exemplified this approach: The government provided low-interest loans to the American Federation of Full-Fashioned Hosiery Workers, which then constructed housing for its workers with rents set at affordable rates. The complex was built with community rooms and a swimming pool for its residents.

    Financed by $1.2 million in federal funds, the Carl Mackley Houses, completed in 1935, provided homes for union workers.
    Alfred Kastner papers, Collection No. 7350, Box 45, Record 12, American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming

    However, the 1937 U.S. Housing Act omitted this form of middle-income housing. Instead, the federal government chose to support public rental housing for low-income Americans and private homeownership, with little in between.

    Historian Gail Radford has aptly termed this a “two-tiered system,” and it was problematic from the start.

    Funding for public housing in the U.S. – as well as for its successor, private-sector-built affordable housing – has always been capped in ways that fall far short of demand, with access to the homes largely restricted to households with the lowest incomes. Private-sector-built affordable housing depends on dangling tax credits for private investors, and rent restrictions can expire.

    While the U.S. promoted this two-tiered system, cities like Vienna pursued a different path.

    In Austria’s culturally vibrant capital, today half of all dwellings are permanently removed from the private market. Roughly 80% of households qualify to live in them. The buildings take a range of forms, are located in all neighborhoods, and are built and operated as rental or cooperative housing either by the city or by nonprofit developers.

    Rents do not rise and fall according to household income, but are instead set to cover capital and operation expenses. These are kept low thanks to long-term, low-interest loans. These loans are funded through a nationwide 1% payroll tax, split evenly between employers and employees. Renters also make a down payment, priced in relation to the size and age of the apartment, which keeps monthly rents down. To guarantee access to low-cost land, the municipality has pursued an active land acquisition policy since the 1980s.

    Vienna’s Pilotengasse Housing Estate, a social housing development featuring low-rise buildings with abundant greenery, was completed in 1992 and serves a range of income groups.
    Viennaslide/Construction Photography/Avalon/Getty Images

    Housing shielded from the private market

    The inequities created by the two-tiered system – along with the absence of viable options for moderate- and middle-income households – are what social housing advocates in the U.S. are trying to address today.

    In 2018, the think tank People’s Policy Project published what was likely the first 21st-century report advocating for social housing in the U.S., citing Vienna as a model.

    Across the U.S., social housing is being used to describe a range of programs, from limited equity cooperatives and community land trusts to public housing.

    They all share a few underlying principles, however.

    First and foremost, social housing calls for permanently shielding homes from the private real estate market, often referred to as “permanent affordability.” This usually means public investment in housing and public ownership of it. Second, unlike the ways in which public housing has traditionally operated in the U.S., most social housing programs aim to serve households across a broader range of incomes. The goal is to create housing that is both financially sustainable and appealing to broad swaths of the electorate. Third, social housing aspires to give residents more control over the governance of their homes.

    Social housing doesn’t all look the same. But thoughtful design is key to its success. It’s built to be owned and operated in the long-term, not for short-term financial gain. Construction quality matters, and developers realize it needs to be appealing to a range of tenants with different needs.

    Early successes

    In recent years, there have been significant wins for the social housing movement at the state and local levels.

    In 2023, Atlanta created a new quasi-public entity to co-develop mixed-income housing on city-owned land. In 2024, Rhode Island voters and the Massachusetts legislature funded pilot projects to test public investment in social housing. And 2025 has seen the the passage of Chicago’s Green Social Housing ordinance.

    Many of these programs were directly inspired by affordable housing initiatives in Montgomery County, Maryland.

    Since 2021, the county’s housing authority has used a $100 million housing fund to invest in new mixed-income developments. Through these investments, the county retains co-ownership and has been able to bring down the cost of development enough to offer 30% of homes at significantly below market rents, in perpetuity. If Vienna is the global paragon for social housing, Montgomery County has become its domestic counterpart.

    In Seattle, social housing will mean homes delivered and permanently owned by Seattle Social Housing, which is funded through the payroll tax on high incomes. The initiative envisions developments featuring a range of apartment sizes to meet the needs of different family sizes, built to high energy-efficiency standards. Homes will be available to households earning up to 120% of area median income, with residents paying no more than 30% of their income on rent. In Seattle, that means that a single-person household making up to $120,000 will qualify.

    Members of the New York City Council hold a rally with housing activists to promote social housing legislation in March 2023.
    William Alatriste/NYC Council Media Unit, CC BY-SA

    Ongoing debates

    Despite these successes, many Americans remain skeptical of social housing.

    Sign up for a webinar on the topic, and you’ll hear participants question the term itself. Isn’t it far too “socialist” to be broadly adopted in the U.S.? And isn’t this just “old wine in new bottles”?

    Join a housing task force, and established nonprofits will be the ones to push back, arguing that they already know how to build and manage housing, and that all they need is money.

    Some housing activists also question whether using scarce public dollars to pay for mixed-income housing will yet again shortchange those who most need governmental assistance – namely, the poor. Others point to the need to provide more ways to build intergenerational wealth, especially for racial minorities, who have historically faced barriers to homeownership.

    Urban planner Jonathan Tarleton has highlighted another important issue: the danger of social housing reverting over time to private ownership, as has been the case with some cooperatives in New York City. Tarleton stresses the need for “social maintenance” – the importance of telling and retelling the story of whom social housing is meant to serve.

    These debates raise important questions. Social housing may be a confusing term and an aspirational concept. But it is here to stay: It has galvanized organizers and policymakers around a new approach to the design, development and maintenance of housing.

    Social housing keeps prices down through long-term public investment, ensuring that future generations will still benefit. Developers can design and provide homes that respond to how people want to live. And in an increasingly polarized country, social housing will allow people of various backgrounds, incomes and ideological persuasions to live together again, rather than apart.

    Whether it’s the kind found in Seattle, in Maryland or somewhere in between, I believe social housing is needed more than ever before to address the country’s twin problems of affordability and a lack of political imagination.

    This article is part of a series centered on envisioning ways to deal with the housing crisis.

    Susanne Schindler receives funding from Harvard’s Joint Center for Housing Studies.

    – ref. From Seattle to Atlanta, new social housing programs seek to make homes permanently affordable for a range of incomes – https://theconversation.com/from-seattle-to-atlanta-new-social-housing-programs-seek-to-make-homes-permanently-affordable-for-a-range-of-incomes-255097

    MIL OSI –

    July 8, 2025

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: What schools can learn from skate culture

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sander Hölsgens, Assistant Professor, Leiden Institute of Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology, Leiden University

    Dean Drobot/Shutterstock

    At a school in Malmö, Sweden, skateboarding is on the curriculum. John Dahlquist, vice principal of Bryggeriets High School, teaches skate classes and brings lessons from skateboarding into other subjects. By encouraging teenagers to have fun together through skating and beyond, he notices that they want to attend school. Writing in a recent book I co-edited on skateboarding and teaching, Dahlquist notes that he even sees students longing to be back in the classroom after the weekend.

    Skateboarding is creative, requiring ingenuity in adapting to new environments. It’s collaborative and social: skaters cheer each other on when they try to learn something new, acknowledging that everyone operates at a different level and faces a distinct challenge.

    When skateboarding is done well, individual growth takes place among a community of care and mutual support. And it requires a willingness to fail. There’s no way to master a trick without trying and failing, over and over again.

    My colleagues and I have researched the value of a skateboarding philosophy in schools, and how teachers can bring it into their classrooms.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Take Dahlquist’s teaching in Malmö. He notes that interweaving skate classes with other subjects has multiple noteworthy effects. The physical activity of skateboarding improves levels of concentration. Some students even say that they’d never been successful in any other learning environment. Elsewhere, they’d be unable to focus on the task at hand.

    What’s more, a skateboarding mindset – being prepared to learn difficult tricks in unfamiliar settings – equipped students with the capacity to master other kinds of new skills.

    Able to fail

    The process of overcoming the anxiety to fail is crucial. Skaters cannot be afraid to fall if they want to learn new tricks. The motivation to learn through repeated efforts helps skaters in other areas of life, too. Skaters at Bryggeriet aren’t worried as much about failing grades, precisely because they see it as an opportunity to learn and move forward.

    As Dahlquist says, “At the end of my classes, I usually have to throw my students out of the classroom. A lot of them beg for three more tries: ‘I’ve got this, just give me three more tries. I promise I will learn.‘”

    This mindset decreases grades as education’s cornerstone and, by extension, enhances students’ mental health. My colleague Esther Sayers, who conducted fieldwork at Bryggeriets, found another effect. Teachers help students to develop the skills to get motivated, to reach a point of feeling inspired – or what skaters call “stoke”.

    Skateboarding fosters a non-competitive learning culture.
    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A

    Bryggeriets High School isn’t the only place where skateboarding is helping teach people how to learn. Reaching beyond its historical status as a self-regulated street culture, skateboarding now plays an important role in building engaged learning communities across the globe. Berlin-based skate organisation Skateistan hosts skate classes, gives young people access to education and offers funds for young and upcoming community leaders.

    Concrete Jungle Foundation co-builds skateparks with young people in Peru, Morocco and Jamaica, in order to exchange knowledge and drive local ownership and apprenticeship. Similarly, the New York-based Harold Hunter Foundation runs skate workshops that also provide mentoring and career guidance.

    Colleagues Arianna Gil and Jessica Forsyth have studied working class black and Latin American skate crews, run by genderdiverse community organisers. They found that skate crews such as Brujas and Gang Corp mobilise skaters according to the “for us, by us” spirit.

    Challenging institutional models of authority, these skate crews develop services based on the hopes and aspirations of their communities – ranging from teach-ins to recreational programmes. This includes a talk on the history and meaning of hoodies, and modules on the power of storytelling and the danger of propaganda. The crux, here, is to learn about stuff you encounter in your daily lives.

    Skaters who experience poverty and oppression create their own ecosystem for learning from one another, from being out of an educational system that is organised in a top-down way. This means creating a grassroots school model where skate crews choose what and how they want to learn. Rather than grades and degrees, education here is structured around the process of learning from your peers – with the idea of passing on this knowledge in the near future.

    The effects of this approach are threefold. First, it centers mentorship and apprenticeship, resulting in intergenerational knowledge exchange. Second, skateboarding’s DIY spirit can help overcome access barriers. By embracing grassroots teaching practices and formats, education can be tailored to the specific needs and desires of a community, rather than following standardised learning objectives.

    Third, rather than focusing on memorising facts or learning for grades, this new ecosystem is structured around problem-based learning. Presented with worldly problems such as human rights violations and hostile architecture, skaters learn not just how to analyse their surroundings, but also how to cope with and engage oppressive societal structures.

    As formal education faces incremental budget cuts and deepened governmental influence, skateboarding shows us new ways to organise our learning spaces. Schools and teachers can engage their students by integrating aspects of a learning culture that decentres evaluations and assessments and celebrates attempts, rather than just successes.

    Sander Hölsgens received a ‘starting grant’ from OCW, The Netherlands. He is affiliated with Pushing Boarders, a platform tracing the social impact of skateboarding worldwide.

    – ref. What schools can learn from skate culture – https://theconversation.com/what-schools-can-learn-from-skate-culture-255239

    MIL OSI –

    July 8, 2025
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