In the second episode of Apple TV’s The Studio (2025–) – a sharp satirical take on contemporary Hollywood – newly-appointed studio head Matt Remick (Seth Rogen) visits the set of one of his company’s film productions.
He finds the crew anxiously attempting to pull off an extremely audacious and technically demanding shot known as a “oner”, or “long take”. Chaos ensues.
But despite the difficulties associated with it, the long take has a long history and continues to be a promising creative choice in contemporary film and television.
High stakes on the set
The long take is a shot which captures a scene in a single, unbroken take.
It’s a risky endeavour. While most film and TV production is constructed through the use of coverage – different shots edited together – the long take can’t hide behind the editing process. Every minute detail needs to be perfectly planned, executed and captured.
As a result, the oner is often associated with big, ostentatious, showstopping set pieces that exemplify technical and directorial prowess. Think of the “Copacabana” sequence from Goodfellas (1990), or the opening scene of Children of Men (2006).
Yet the practice also has its detractors. Film critic A.A. Dowd’s recent article for The Ringer says that “to the unimpressed, oners often come across as an act of glorified self-glorification”.
This dichotomy is also highlighted in The Studio, when one executive complains long takes are just directors showing off. Rogen’s character counters the oner is, in fact, “the ultimate cinematic achievement”.
A theory of the long take
The long take has existed in nearly every stage of film history – from silent films to sound, from Asian films to European, and from art-house to mainstream.
The greatest advocate of the long take was arguably French film theorist André Bazin. In his piece The Evolution of Film Language, Bazin argued cinema’s greatest asset was its ability to capture reality – and the long take was central to his understanding of how film achieved that.
For Bazin, editing “did not show us the event, but alluded to it”. To illustrate his point, he examines a scene from Robert Flaherty’s controversial silent documentary Nanook of the North (1922), in which a hunter patiently waits for his prey.
The passage of time could have been suggested by editing but, as Bazin notes, Flaherty “confines himself to showing the actual waiting period”. If the act of editing creates a synthetic manipulation of space and time, then the long take does the opposite – bringing us closer to a true representation of reality. For Bazin, the length “is the very substance of the image”.
The tradition of the long take – of showing “reality” – is perhaps most upheld in the world of art-house cinema. Directors such as Chantal Akerman, Béla Tarr, Hou Hsiao-Hsien and Tsai Ming-liang have used the long take to “de-dramatise” narrative, creating a deliberately slow pace to prompt audiences to contemplate aspects of existence traditional narratives usually ignore.
Mainstream cinema also uses the long take to show “reality”, albeit in a different manner. Here, the long take has often been used as a mark of authenticity for the amazing feats of practical performers, whether this is the wild stunts or camera trickery of Buster Keaton, the balletic graces of Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers or this white-knuckled fight scene from The Protector (2005), starring Thai martial artist Tony Jaa.
However, our strong association between the oner and a distinct directorial vision likely began with Citizen Kane (1941). In this film, screen reality itself is manipulated, as director Orson Welles and cinematographer Gregg Toland liberated the camera to move as if it was its own player in the drama.
In the below example, the camera starts outside, before reversing backwards through a window and two different rooms. The actors are constantly repositioning themselves around the camera for dramatic impetus, rather than for reality.
Bazin would refer to this as “shooting in depth”. Subsequent auteurs also embraced this technique, including William Wyler, Max Ophüls, Stanley Kubrick and Steven Spielberg.
Many viewed it as a chance to up the ante from Welles, something the director did himself with the remarkable opening sequence of his 1958 film Touch of Evil.
The future of the long take
There are far too many oners for me to list here, and they seem to only be increasing. It’s now common to see entire films seemingly shot in one take, such as Russian Ark (2002), Birdman (2014), 1917 (2019) and Boiling Point (2021), to name a few.
Technological advancements have made the long take more achievable. Camera stabilisers enable greater freedom of movement, while digital camera tech allows us to record for longer durations.
Furthermore, digital compositing has made it easier to fake the long take, such as in Birdman and 1917. Both of these films use multiple long takes that are strategically edited to look like a single shot. Impossible-to-see cuts may be hidden in dark moments, or through fast whip pans.
Prestige television has also lifted the oner practice, with examples from shows such as Mr. Robot (2015-19), True Detective (2014–), The Bear (2022-), Severance (2022) and, of course, The Studio.
But perhaps the most remarkable recent example comes from Netflix’s Adolescence (2025), a show in which four separate standalone episodes are all shot in a single long take.
In the age of TikTok and shortening attention spans, it should strike us as positive to see a resurgence of the long take as a creative choice in so much contemporary film and TV.
Kristian Ramsden receives funding, in the form of a research stipend, from The University of Adelaide.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ehsan Noroozinejad, Senior Researcher and Sustainable Future Lead, Urban Transformations Research Centre, Western Sydney University
At the same time, climate change is getting worse. Last year was Australia’s second‑hottest on record. Global warming is leading to more frequent and severe bushfires, floods and heatwaves.
These two crises feed each other. Energy-hungry homes strain the grid on hot days, and urban sprawl locks residents into in long car commutes. And dangerous, climate-driven disasters damage homes and push insurance bills higher.
It makes policy sense to deal with both crises in tandem. So what are Labor, the Coalition and the Greens offering on both climate action and housing, and are they fixing both problems together?
A returned Labor government would also allow first home buyers to use a 5% deposit to purchase a property. And it would invest in modern construction methods to speed up the building process and make housing more affordable.
The verdict: Labor’s plan represents progress on both climate and housing policy, but the two are moving on separate tracks.
Buildings account for almost a quarter of Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions. But Labor has not made any assurances that the promised new homes will have minimal climate impact.
Labor’s commitment to new construction methods is welcome. Modern solutions such as prefabricated housing can substantially reduce emissions.
However, the spending represents only a tiny proportion of Labor’s $33 billion housing plans.
A Dutton-led government would also freeze building standard improvements for a decade, because it claims some improvements make homes more expensive.
On climate change, it would review Labor’s 43% emissions-reduction target, expand gas production and build small modular nuclear reactors at seven former coal sites.
The verdict: The Coalition’s housing and climate policies are not integrated. And while freezing changes to the national building code might lower the upfront costs of buying a home, it may prevent the introduction of more stringent energy-efficiency standards. This would both contribute to the climate problem and lock in higher power bills.
The party says its housing plans slash energy bills and emissions, because more homes would be energy-efficient and powered by clean energy.
The verdict: The Greens offer the most integrated climate-housing policy vision. But its plan may not be feasible. It would require massive public expenditure, significant tax reform, and logistical capabilities beyond current government capacity.
An integrated fix matters
Neither Labor, the Coalition nor the Greens has proposed a truly integrated, feasible policy framework to tackle the issues of housing and climate together.
Resilient, net-zero homes are not a luxury. They are a necessary tool for reaching Australia’s emissions-reduction goals.
And government policy to tackle both housing and climate change should extend beyond new homes. None of the three parties offers a clear timetable to retrofit millions of draughty houses or protect low-income households from heat, flood and bushfire, or has proposed binding national policies to stop new homes being built on flood plains.
Whichever party forms the next government, it must ensure housing and climate policies truly pull in the same direction.
Dr. Ehsan Noroozinejad has received funding from both national and international organisations to support research addressing housing and climate crises. His most recent funding on integrated housing and climate policy comes from the James Martin Institute for Public Policy (soon to be the Australian Public Policy Institute).
Around the world, more and more electric vehicles are hitting the road. Last year, more than 17 million battery-electric and hybrid vehicles were sold. Early forecasts suggest this year’s figure might reach 20 million. Nearly 20% of all cars sold today are electric.
But as more motorists go electric, it creates a new challenge – what to do with the giant batteries when they reach the end of their lives. That’s 12 to 15 years on average, though real-world data suggests it may be up to 40% longer. The average EV battery weighs about 450 kilograms.
By 2030, around 30,000 tonnes of EV batteries are expected to need disposal or recycling in Australia. By 2040, the figure is projected to be 360,000 tonnes and 1.6 million tonnes by 2050.
Is this a problem? Not necessarily. When a battery reaches the end of its life in a vehicle, it’s still got plenty of juice. Together, they could power smaller vehicles, houses or, when daisy-chained, even whole towns.
For this to work, though, we need better information. How healthy are these batteries? What are they made of? Have they ever been in an accident? At present, answers to these questions are hard to come by. That has to change.
Gauging the health and reliability of a used EV battery is harder than it should be. Fahroni/Shutterstock
Huge potential, challenging reality
Old EV batteries have huge potential. But it’s not going to be easy to realise this.
That’s because it’s hard to get accurate data on battery performance, how fast it’s degrading and the battery’s current state of health – how much capacity it has now versus how much it had when new.
Unfortunately, vehicle manufacturers often make it difficult to get access to this crucial information. And once a battery pack is removed, we can’t get access to its specific data.
This comes with real risks. If a battery has a fault or has been severely degraded, it could catch fire when opened or if used for an unsuitable role. Without data, recyclers are flying blind.
Reusing EV batteries will only be economically viable if there’s sufficient confidence in estimates of remaining capacity and performance.
Without solid data, investors and companies may hesitate to engage in the repurposing market due to the financial risks involved.
Extracting minerals from a battery
EV batteries are full of critical minerals such as nickel, cobalt, lithium and manganese. Nearly everything in an EV battery can be recycled – up to 95%.
Here, too, it’s not as easy as it should be. Manufacturers design batteries focusing on performance and safety with recyclability often an afterthought.
Battery packs are often sealed shut for safety, making it difficult to disassemble their thousands of individual cells. Dismantling these type of EV batteries is extremely labour-intensive and time-consuming. Some will have to be crushed and the minerals extracted afterwards.
EV batteries have widely differing chemistries, such as lithium iron phosphate and nickel manganese cobalt. But this vital information is often not included on the label.
EV batteries require significant quantities of critical minerals. Pictured: lithium salt evaporation ponds in Argentina. Freedom_wanted/Shutterstock
Better ways of assessing battery health
Used EV batteries fall into three groups based on their state of health:
High (80% or more of original capacity): These batteries can be refurbished for reuse in similar applications, such as electric cars, mopeds, bicycles and golf carts. Some can be resized to suit smaller vehicles.
Medium (60-80%): These batteries can be repurposed for entirely different applications, such as stationary power storage or uninterruptible power supplies.
Low (below 60%): These batteries undergo shredding and refining processes to recover valuable minerals which can be used to make new batteries.
Researchers have recently succeeded in estimating the health of used EV batteries even without access to the battery’s data. But access to usage and performance data would still give better estimates.
What’s at stake?
An EV battery is a remarkable thing. But they rely on long supply chains and contain critical minerals, and their manufacture can cause pollution and carbon emissions.
Ideally, an EV battery would be exhausted before we recycle it. Repurposing these batteries will help reduce how many new batteries are needed.
If old batteries are stockpiled or improperly discarded, it leads to fire risk and potential contamination of soil and water.
Right now, it’s hard for companies and individuals to access each battery’s performance data. This means it’s much harder and more expensive to assess its health and remaining useful life. As a result, more batteries are being discarded or sent for recycling too early.
Recycling EV batteries is a well-defined process. But it’s energy-intensive and requires significant chemical treatments.
What needs to change?
At present, many battery manufacturers are wary of sharing battery performance data, due to concerns over intellectual property and other legal issues. This will have to change if society is to get the fullest use out of these complex energy storage devices. But these changes are unlikely to come from industry.
In 2021, California introduced laws requiring manufacturers to give recyclers access to data and battery state of health. Likewise, the European Union will require all EV batteries to come with a digital passport from January 2027, giving access to data on the battery’s health, chemistry and records of potentially harmful events such as accidents or charging at extreme temperatures.
Australia should follow suit – before we have a mountain of EV batteries and no way to reuse them.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
E-cigarettes or vapes were originally designed to deliver nicotine in a smokeless form. But in recent years, vapes have been used to deliver other psychoactive substances, including cannabis concentrates and oils.
Cannabis vapes, also sometimes known as THC vape pens, appear to have increased in popularity in Australia over the past few years. Among those Australians who had recently used cannabis, the proportion who reported ever vaping cannabis increased from 7% in 2019 to at least 25% in 2022–23.
The practice appears to be gaining popularity among young people, who are reportedly using devices called “penjamins” to vape cannabis oil. These are sleek, concealable vapes disguised as everyday objects such as lip balms, earphone cases or car keys.
On social media platforms such as TikTok, users are sharing tips and tricks for how to carry and use penjamins undetected.
So what’s in cannabis vapes, and should we be worried about young people using them?
Are cannabis vapes legal in Australia?
While medicinal cannabis is legal for some users with a prescription, recreational cannabis use remains illegal under federal law.
In Australia, recent vaping reforms have made it illegal to sell disposable vapes such as penjamins.
Cannabis vaping is often perceived to be less harmful than smoking cannabis as it does not involve combustion of the cannabis, which may reduce some respiratory symptoms. But that doesn’t mean it’s without risk.
Most forms of cannabis can be vaped, including cannabis flower and cannabis oil. The difference is, cannabis oil typically contains much higher concentrations of delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) compared to cannabis flower.
THC is the ingredient responsible for the “high” people feel when they use cannabis. THC works by interacting with brain receptors that influence our mood, memory, coordination and perception.
The strength of these effects depends on how much THC is consumed. Vaping can produce a more intense high and greater cognitive impairment compared to smoking cannabis, as less THC is lost through combustion.
Our research in the United States and Canada found many people who vape cannabis are moving away from traditional cannabis flowers and increasingly preferring highly potent products, such as oils and concentrates.
Cannabis oil typically contains much higher concentrations of THC compared to cannabis flower. Nuva Frames/Shutterstock
Prolonged consumption of products with high THC levels can increase the risk of cannabis use disorder and psychosis.
Young people are particularly vulnerable to the risks of high THC exposure, as their brains are still developing well into their mid-20s. Those without previous experience using cannabis may even be more susceptible to the adverse effects of vaping cannabis.
Our study found those who vape and smoke cannabis reported more severe mental health symptoms, compared to those who only smoke cannabis.
Cannabis vaping can also affect the lungs. Findings from large population-based surveys suggest respiratory symptoms such as bronchitis and wheezing are common among those who vape cannabis.
Cannabis vapes don’t just contain cannabis
The risks associated with cannabis vapes do not just come from THC, but also from the types of solvents and additives used. Solvents are the chemicals used to extract THC from the cannabis plant and produce a concentrated oil for vaping.
While some can be safe when properly processed, others, such as vitamin E acetate, have been linked to serious lung injuries, including E-cigarette or Vaping Use-Associated Lung Injury (EVALI).
This condition hospitalised more than 2,500 people and caused nearly 70 deaths in the US between late 2019 and early 2020. Common symptoms of EVALI include chest pain, cough, abdominal pain, vomiting and fever.
This raises concerns about product safety, particularly when it comes to unregulated cannabis oils that are not subjected to any quality control. This may be the case with penjamins.
There’s no simple answer to this question. Both nicotine and cannabis vapes come with different health risks, and comparing them depends on what you are measuring – addiction, short-term harms or long-term health effects.
Nicotine vapes can be an effective way of helping people quit smoking. However, these vapes still contain addictive nicotine and other chemicals that may lead to lung injuries. The long-term health effects of inhaling these substances are still being studied.
Cannabis vapes can be used to deliver highly potent doses of THC, and pose particular risk to brain development and mental health in young people. Regular cannabis use is also linked to lower IQ and poorer educational outcomes in young people.
In unregulated markets, both these products may contain undisclosed chemicals, contaminants, or even substances not related to nicotine or cannabis at all.
The “worse” option depends on the context, but for non-smokers and young people without any medical conditions, the safest choice is to avoid
both.
Jack Chung receives research scholarship funding from the University of Queensland. He has not received any funding from the alcohol, cannabis, pharmaceutical, tobacco or vaping industries.
Carmen Lim receives funding from the National Medical Health Research Council (2024–2028). She has not received any funding from the alcohol, cannabis, pharmaceutical, tobacco or vaping industries.
Wayne Hall does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Barring a rogue result, this Saturday Anthony Albanese will achieve what no major party leader has done since John Howard’s prime-ministerial era – win consecutive elections. Admittedly, in those two decades he is only the second of the six prime ministers (the other is Scott Morrison), who has been permitted by his party to contest successive elections. The other four – Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard, Tony Abbott and Malcolm Turnbull – were cut off at the knees by their colleagues before having the chance to seek re-election.
For a prime minister who has spent much of the past three years derided as a plodder, uninspiring and weak, this is no small feat. If longevity in office is the principal measure of the success of prime ministers, then Albanese will soon have claim to be the best of the post-Howard group. Before election day, he will leapfrog Turnbull’s tenure and if, as the polls suggest, he is returned to government on May 3, he will shortly thereafter exceed Gillard’s incumbency with a whole three years ahead to build on his reign.
Of course, duration of office is not the only benchmark of prime-ministerial achievement – more important is how power is exercised, the legacy that is left behind. Arguably, the productive Gillard still outranks Albanese in this respect, highlighted by her government’s establishment of the National Disability Insurance Scheme. This is widely regarded as the most transformative social reform since the advent of universal health care. On the other hand, if he is granted a second term by voters, Albanese will be in a position to build on his policy edifice and produce his own signature reform, something he still lacks.
A leader for the times?
When sitting down to write this essay about Albanese, I looked back at two of the questions I raised about him shortly before and after his May 2022 election. The first was whether he was capable of switching “to a more dynamic galvanising mode of leadership or will the circumspection that has defined him in opposition shackle him in government?”
The second question was whether voters would stick by the dogged and gentler type of leadership Albanese promised. Or if, in an environment of pent-up dissatisfaction with the order of things, they would lose patience with him and instead hanker for a “strong” leader: one who conquered and divided, and offered black and white solutions to the complex challenges of the early 21st century.
As recently as early March, the answer to both of these questions seemed a definite no. For some 18 months, the opinion polls had signalled the electorate was profoundly underwhelmed by Albanese and his Labor government.
Despite a busy legislative program, the incremental methods of his prime ministership had proved incompatible with the public’s disenchantment with business-as-usual practices. Precious little Labor had done had registered with voters.
By way of contrast, the Liberal opposition leader, Peter Dutton, gave the impression of being in tune with the disgruntled milieu. Not that the public had warmed to him: a common focus group reaction was he was “nasty”.
Yet Dutton had the hallmarks of a quintessential “strong” leader. He was a political hard man, a trader in fear and division. He projected decisiveness. Where Albanese was prone to looking wishy-washy, Dutton was a man to get things done.
As Niccolò Machiavelli recognised in his notorious, and mostly misunderstood, treatise on statecraft, The Prince, the fate of political leaders is significantly determined by “fortuna”. These are the forces largely beyond a prince’s control.
Fortuna has undoubtedly intervened in Albanese’s favour over the past couple of months. This began with Cyclone Alfred giving him a steal on Dutton. Manning the deck during the cyclone’s painstakingly slow landfall on the east coast of the Australia, Albanese had the advantage of a prime ministerial bearing. His government’s response to Alfred also enabled him to exercise two of his emotional calling cards: empathy and compassion.
Additionally, the cyclone was a timely demonstration of the increased frequency of extreme weather events in a climate change affected environment. This is a phenomenon the prime minister could credibly speak to. Whereas the opposition leader, at the head of a Coalition in which climate change denialism still runs deep, has dissembled about a connection by protesting he is not a scientist.
Alfred also compelled the delay of the election to a time more propitious for Labor. The April campaign has been heavily shadowed by the spectre of US President Donald Trump’s wilful and reckless disturbance of geopolitics and the international economy. Unquestionably, Albanese would have been better placed to capitalise on Washington’s caprice and the undiscriminating damage it is visiting on purported allies like Australia had his government opted for a less orthodox America-dependent defence and security posture.
Yet Trump’s second presidency is principally a liability for Dutton. This is not because he is a Trump ventriloquist. Dutton’s right-wing populist stance on issues such as immigration and climate change and his hostility to identity politics are indigenous to Australia rather than imported from America. He is exploiting themes unleashed in the Liberal Party by Howard, which have been rendered more aggressive by Howard’s successors, first Abbott and now Dutton.
My hunch has always been the opposition leader was misreading the national psyche. Australians are more optimistic, forward-looking and generous-hearted than he was banking on. They are less scared and less paranoid. Women and young voters especially loomed as a formidable barrier to his prime-ministerial ambitions. But the parallels between his locally originated brand of reactionary populism and Trumpism are sufficient to have made his tilt for power still more difficult.
Bloodless, perhaps, but methodical and scandal-free
Albanese’s political renaissance since March, however, is not solely a product of happenstance. Nor is it only due to Dutton’s unravelling: his quest for office has also been damaged by the Coalition’s flimsy policy development and his stumbles on the hustings.
The opinion polls currently indicate Labor’s primary and two-party preferred votes are hovering around the same level as at the 2022 election. If this translates into Saturday’s result, it would represent the first time a novice government has not shed support in modern Australian political history on its initial return to the polls. Gough Whitlam, Malcolm Fraser, Bob Hawke, Howard and so on all went backwards.
It is true Albanese is starting from a low base because of his slender victory in 2022. Still, should Labor hold its ground, this will surely owe something to an acceptance by the electorate, even if grudging, that Albanese deserves a second term. In other words, this could not merely be considered a victory by default, but also a degree of positive endorsement of his prime ministership.
On the cusp of his 2013 election win, Abbott pledged a return to “grown-up” government. After three years of destructive leadership conflict between Rudd and Gillard, he assured voters the “adults” would be back in charge. Over the course of the next nine years of Coalition rule, Abbott’s promise went woefully unfulfilled. It was a period blighted by further leadership civil war and policy indolence. By way of contrast, Albanese’s government has been united, orderly, industrious and scandal-free.
With the exceptions of the Gillard and Turnbull administrations, the other post-Howard governments have been notable for departing from conventional cabinet practices, an unhealthy level of leadership centralisation, a domineering Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and a tendency to run roughshod over the bureaucracy. The evidence from Albanese’s first term is he has learned from, and chiefly avoided, these follies.
An admirer of the governance practices of Hawke and Howard, the latter whom he closely observed over the despatch box between 1996 and 2007, Albanese does not “sweat the small stuff”. He avoids micromanaging his government, as Rudd was notoriously guilty of.
Detractors attribute this to a dearth of policy curiosity and a want of drive. But, whatever its explanation, the effect has been to give a competent ministerial team, many of them battle-scarred veterans of the tumultuous Rudd-Gillard years, leeway in their portfolios rather than choking their autonomy. The prime minister reaches down only when things “go awry” and, in those circumstances, he intervenes “forcefully” to “assume control”.
His PMO, headed since 2022 by Tim Gartrell, has been largely stable and has resisted the excessive command and control methods of many of its predecessors. After a decade of cutbacks under the Coalition and the degrading of its policy function through widespread outsourcing to giant consulting firms, the public service has been replenished and its policy input encouraged and respected.
Albanese has maintained a tight group of ministerial confidants around him, including the talented economics portfolio duo of Jim Chalmers and Katy Gallagher, as well as Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles and Mark Butler, Penny Wong and Tony Burke.
The continuity in membership of this “kitchen cabinet” suggests a prime minister gifted in collaboration and relationship management.
The downside to the ‘lone wolf’
The story is not all blue skies. As originally identified by the political correspondent, Katharine Murphy, now a media director in Albanese’s office, his early life as the only child of a single mother and invalid pensioner planted in him a powerful streak of self-sufficiency. This “lone wolf” element can see him lapse into relying too much and too stubbornly on his own judgement.
After a lifetime in the game, he is convinced he possesses uncommon political instincts. Yet his radar is sometimes astray. Examples include little things such as attending the wedding of shock jock Kyle Sandilands, as well as bigger miscalculations, such as purchasing an expensive beachfront property during a housing affordability crisis.
Few, if any, prime ministers avoid the urge for captain’s calls. Indeed, on occasions, going out on a solitary limb is essential for leaders. But Albanese has left ministers high and dry with some of his unilateral interventions, including blindsiding and humiliating environment minister and one-time leadership rival, Tanya Plibersek, by vetoing legislation to establish a national environment protection authority.
Albanese routinely cites a laundry list of achievements from the past three years. Against a backdrop of significant international turbulence, Labor’s handling of the economy has been mostly deft: inflation has been reduced, employment has grown, interest rates are finally on a downward trajectory and real wages have increased.
Analysis indicates it is households from low socioeconomic areas that have benefited most from the government’s tax and welfare changes. In short, redistributive action we expect from a Labor government.
The government has thrown its weight behind pay increases for poorly renumerated and predominantly female workforces in aged care and childcare. Childcare support has been extended and cheaper medicines delivered.
Labor has also introduced free TAFE and trimmed the debts of university students. In addition, the government has presided over amendments to industrial relations laws to improve protections for vulnerable workers in the gig economy.
Notwithstanding criticisms of its approval of new fossil fuel projects, Labor has pursued a concerted strategy to curb carbon emissions, encouraging a major increase in renewable energy supply and implementing complementary measures such as the vehicle efficiency standards scheme.
On the other hand, there have been glaring gaps in the Albanese government’s record. These include:
the stalling on banning gambling advertising, despite this being widely desired by the Australian public
the failure to lift many of the most disadvantaged members of the community out of poverty through a meaningful increase in JobSeeker and related income support payments, despite this being repeatedly recommended by the Labor appointed Economic Inclusion Advisory Committee
the inadequate due diligence applied to the Morrison government’s AUKUS agreement, an oversight all the more imprudent given the inconstancy of Trump’s America
the doleful silence on the Uluru Statement of the Heart agenda since the defeat of the Indigenous Voice to Parliament referendum. This leaves Albanese at risk of joining several of his predecessors, including Malcolm Fraser and Hawke, who later identified the lack of progress on First Nations affairs as the greatest regret of their prime ministerships.
The government’s reputation for stolidity has been exacerbated by Albanese’s deficiencies. In retrospect, he booby-trapped his own prime-ministership by crouching too low at the 2022 election. The Australian people wanted desperately to be rid of Morrison, affording Labor scope for a more expansive manifesto. The absence of audacity in the party’s program undoubtedly contributed to the public’s tepid embrace of the incoming government. Labor’s primary vote was at a century low.
In turn, because Albanese was intent on not exceeding his narrow mandate, he was hamstrung in office. He had to be needled by colleagues to finally walk away at the beginning of 2024 from the campaign promise not to amend Morrison’s stage three tax cuts despite their regressive nature – a change of stance the public welcomed.
His pedestrian communication skills, while congruent with his everyman persona, have had a dulling effect on his government. As Gillard did to her cost, he seems to operate on the premise his government will be known by its deeds rather than words or gestures of emotional freight. He is devoid of memorable or moving phrasing. Where Keating had the Redfern address, Rudd the Stolen Generation apology and Gillard, after repetitive provocation, the misogyny speech, it is hard to imagine Albanese delivering anything commensurately stirring or enduring.
The lament that governments lack an overarching narrative is commonplace in contemporary politics. But Albanese has showed little proclivity for weaving a compelling tale for his government, to joining the dots between its actions, or projecting what lies ahead on the horizon.
In that absence, each measure has been at risk of disappearing into the ether through the warp-speed media cycle. And he has been conspicuously tongue-tied on interpreting Australia’s national identity, a theme fruitfully mined by his most accomplished predecessors. At a moment when the distinctiveness of Australia’s democracy has come into sharp relief, this is a missed opportunity.
Some Labor insiders are confident that, in a second term, Albanese will pursue a more adventurous program. Change to an outmoded tax regime, which is particularly fuelling generational inequality, is widely considered the holy grail of reform.
One reason why the centre is holding better in Australia relative to other comparable democracies can be traced back to the modernising reforms executed in the final decades of the 20th century by the governments of Hawke and Keating, and the early Howard government. Crucially, under the former intrepid Labor duo, major social stabilisers were also introduced, such as Medicare and compulsory superannuation.
Though not without their own destabilising effects, these policy innovations helped insulate Australia from the deadly combination of drastic austerity, severe erosion of living standards and gross inequalities experienced in a number of other countries. These are the conditions on which aggressive right-wing populism has dined. The rub is, however, that the reforms of late last century are running out of puff, and patching the policy edifice built in those years is also exhausting its utility. We are on borrowed time.
If he is returned to the prime ministership on Saturday, there is an imperative for Albanese to spread his wings, to go beyond doggedly nudging the country along. Yet the danger is he will interpret election success as proof of his self-narrative that he has always been underestimated. As confirmation of his rare power of political intuition. As evidence he need not deviate from his first term formula of what he characterises as “considered, measured government”.
Albanese is a well-intentioned prime minister of evidently decent values. An individual of good character at the helm of nations matters, as anyone who studies leadership comes to recognise. What we can confidently say of him is that as prime minister, he has fulfilled the injunction of the Greek physician and philosopher, Hippocrates: “first, do no harm”.
In an era in which the potential of mad and bad rulers to wreak havoc is painfully on display, doing no harm is actually quite a mighty thing. To have a prime minister, who believes, as Albanese said during one of the campaign leader debates, that “kindness isn’t weakness” is, indeed, comforting as we witness shrivel-hearted strong men menance the globe.
Albanese has been a proficient as well as a lucky general. But we are right to yearn for more. A second term will test whether he can make the transition from a solid to a weather-making prime minister. We will also discover, should that step be beyond him, if he has the self-knowledge and grace of spirit, to pass the office on.
In the past, Paul Strangio received funding from the Australian Research Council
In searching for the “real” Peter Dutton, it is possible to end up frustrated because you have looked too hard.
Politically, Dutton is not complicated. There is a consistent line in his beliefs through his career. Perhaps the shortest cut to understanding the Liberal leader is to go back to his maiden speech, delivered in February 2002.
The former Queensland policeman canvassed “unacceptable crime rates”, the “silent majority”, the “aspirational voters”, how the “politically correct” had a “disproportionate say in political debate”, the “grossly inadequate sentences” dispensed by the courts, and the centrality of national security. The way the last was handled was “perhaps the most significant challenge our society faces today,” the novice MP told the House of Representatives.
“National security” would be a foundational pillar of Dutton’s career, as well as his political security blanket.
Dutton had been a member of the Liberal Party since about age 18 and hoped “to use my experience both in small business and in law enforcement to provide perhaps a more practical view on some of the issues and problems” of the day.
The 32-year-old Dutton, who’d recently been in the building business with his father, following his nine years in the police force, arrived in parliament on a high, as something of a dragon-slayer in his Brisbane seat of Dickson. He had defeated Labor’s Cheryl Kernot, former leader of the Australian Democrats who had jumped ship in a spectacular defection in October 1997.
Dutton came from Brisbane’s outer suburbia, just as the Liberals were reorienting their focus towards this constituency, the so-called “Howard battlers”.
The eager newcomer was soon noted by the prime minister who, after the 2004 election, appointed him to the junior ministry. One Liberal insider from the time says that when campaigning in Dickson, John Howard saw Dutton “was very good at establishing himself in a marginal seat”. (Years later, when a redistribution turned Dickson into a notional Labor seat for the 2010 election, Dutton tried to do a runner to the safe seat of McPherson. But he failed to win preselection; in the event he held Dickson with a hefty swing. This election Dickson is on 1.7%.)
Dutton brought to his first ministry, workforce participation, the view he had expressed in his maiden speech: “We are seeing an alarming number of households where up to three generations – in many cases by choice – have never worked in their lives, and a society where in many cases rights are demanded but no responsibility is taken.”
By 2006 he had been promoted by Howard to assistant treasurer, a job that gave the ambitious Dutton a chance to work closely with Treasurer Peter Costello. Nick Minchin was finance minister then. He paints a picture of Dutton as a sort of guard dog protecting the revenue. In the cabinet expenditure review committee, “Peter was particularly helpful and supportive of Costello and my fending off the demands of spending ministers”.
The one-time police officer was “strong and resolute in questioning ministers”. Minchin was impressed; the junior minister was “obviously going places”.
From defensive to offensive
After the Liberals went into opposition, Dutton “shadowed” health, becoming health minister in Tony Abbott’s government after the 2013 election.
His legacy from the health portfolio dogs him in this campaign. He presided over the government’s failed attempt in the 2014 budget to put a co-payment on bulk-billed services. A poll conducted by Australian Doctor magazine voted him the worst health minister in memory.
A former senior public servant who observed him at the time presents a more positive picture, saying it was a very difficult time and Dutton was well across the complexity of the portfolio. On the notorious co-payment, Abbott says it was not Dutton’s idea: “It was absolutely 150% my idea”.
When in December 2014 Abbott moved him to immigration and border protection, Dutton was both in his comfort zone and on the escalator. Looking back, Abbott says Dutton was “a better match” for that portfolio. “In health the Coalition tends to play a defensive game. In border protection it plays an offensive game.”
Partnered by empire-building bureaucrat Mike Pezzullo, Dutton agitated for the creation of a mega security department (a push that earlier originated with Scott Morrison when he was in immigration). Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull felt the need to accommodate Dutton – then one of his conservative backers – with the creation of the home affairs super department, which was controversial and divided ministers. Someone who observed him closely in that portfolio says Dutton was always clear what he wanted, but didn’t get too deeply involved in the processes of policy.
Dutton, however, had another goal, and the turmoil surrounding Turnbull’s leadership seemed to offer the opportunity to shoot for the top. It was a false hope. Tactically outsmarted by Turnbull, Dutton lost the first face-off between the two in August 2018. The second bout, later the same week, provided not victory but a pathway to the prime ministership for Scott Morrison.
It wasn’t all downside for Dutton: during the Morrison government he became defence minister. The post suited a China hawk when the bilateral relationship was in a deep trough.
Early on, he met with one-time Labor defence minister (and later Labor leader) Kim Beazley. Beazley recalls: “He wanted to talk to me about what being defence minister was like”. They spoke about submarines: Beazley suggested Australia should cancel its then-existing contract for French conventional submarines and get a new contract for their nuclear subs (this was before AUKUS).
“He knew a fair bit,” Beazley says. “So he was looking to think a way through the huge problems we confronted.” Dutton was “aware we were slipping into an era of constant danger. He had all the attitude you would want of a contemporary defence minister” (although, Beazley adds, the Morrison government had “a propensity for unfunded defence annoucements”).
Leadership and control
By the time the Liberals went into opposition, Dutton was the only leadership candidate standing. His long-term rival Josh Frydenberg had lost his seat – a bonus for Dutton, who hasn’t had to look over his shoulder in the past three years, but a big loss for a party deprived of choice. The Liberals’ moderate wing had been decimated with the rise of the “teals”.
Many immediately declared Dutton unelectable, a view that would soften over time, then return again, to an extent, close to the election.
As opposition leader, Dutton’s laser-like focus was on keeping the party together, avoiding the backbiting and schisms that often follow a serious loss. Colleagues found him approachable and willing to listen. A backbencher says: “He was always very respectful of people in the party room. He will make himself available if people want to talk.”
Yet how much was he willing to hear? The same backbencher says, “I don’t think there was a lot of consultation in the development of policy – it was a bit of a black box. The emphasis has been on unity and discipline.”
Russell Broadbent, a moderate Liberal who defected to the crossbench in 2023 when he lost preselection for his seat of Monash (which he is recontesting an an independent) says, “I’ve never had a cup of tea or a meal with [Dutton]. I wasn’t in his group – I was on the wrong side of the party somewhere.” He says their only conversation was when Dutton told him his preselection was under threat. Broadbent said he knew his opponents had the numbers: Dutton asked whether he’d go to the crossbench. “I said, ‘probably’”.
Anthony Albanese gave his opponent a big political break, when the Voice, opposed by the Coalition, crashed spectacularly in October 2023. The prime minister had invested heavily in a doomed and faulty campaign that misread the mood of Australians, just when many people were being dragged down by the cost of living.
It took Albanese well over a year to recover his stride. Indeed, he did not do so fully until early 2025, when a pre-campaign burst of announcements put the government in a strong position. Dutton’s miscalculation was to believe that when he had Albanese down, his opponent would be out for the count.
Dutton gambled by holding back key policies until the campaign and making the opposition a relatively small target. The big exception was the nuclear pitch, released fairly early and driven in part by the need to keep the Nationals, a number of whom were restive about the Coalition commitment to the 2050 net zero emissions target, in the tent. Saturday’s result will be the ultimate test of the “hold back” tactic.
As the election neared, there was increasing criticism in Coalition ranks of the handling of the campaign, which has been shambolic at times. One example was the delay in producing modelling for a signature policy – the proposal for a gas reservation scheme. That pales beside the fiasco of the (aborted) plan to force Canberra public servants back into the office.
The bold defence policy, to take spending to 3% of GDP within a decade, was not only released after pre-polling had started, but came without detail.
On strategy and tactics, Dutton is controlling, wanting to keep things tight, in his own hands or those of a small group. Perhaps it is the policeman’s mindset. Certainly it has worked to the disadvantage of his campaign, which has appeared under-cooked on large and small things. Among the latter, Dutton’s office insisted on doing his transcripts, rather than having them done by the campaign HQ. Predictably, they were overwhelmed and the transcripts ran late.
Dutton seemed to be working on the assumption he was in a similar situation to Abbott in 2013, when Labor was gone for all money. But this election people needed to be convinced the alternative was robust and, late in the day, many swinging voters remained sceptical about that. Dutton is a strong negative campaigner, who hasn’t put much work into strengthening his weaker skill set to be a “positive” voice as well.
Going into the campaign’s final days, Labor held the edge in the polls. But the Liberals maintained that in key marginals, the story was rather different.
There is a degree of mismatch between the private Dutton and the public figure. Often those who meet or know him remark that one-to-one or in small groups he is personable. Yet his public demeanour is frequently awkward and somewhat aloof. This leaves him open to caricature, and raises the question of why he has been so unsuccessful in projecting more of his private self into his public image.
The latest Newspoll, published Sunday night, had Dutton’s approval rating at minus 24, compared to Anthony Albanese’s minus 9. A just-released Morgan poll on trust in leaders found Dutton had the highest net distrust score (when people were asked in an open-ended question to nominate whom they trusted and distrusted). It’s a long-term thing: he was third in the 2022 list.
The gender problem that dogs the Liberals
One of Dutton’s problems has been the women’s vote. The Poll Bludger’s William Bowe says looking at the polls, “Dutton wasn’t doing too badly [with women] in the first half of the term, but a gap opened up in 2024 and substantially widened in 2025”. Sunday’s Newspoll found 66% of female voters had “little or no confidence” the Coalition was ready to govern, compared to 58% of male voters.
Retiring Liberal senator Linda Reynolds, who preceded Dutton in the defence portfolio, has worked on gender issues in the Liberal Party for 15 years. She believes this is “a party problem, not specifically a Peter Dutton problem”. She says the Liberals’ failure to embrace and deal with gender issues “leaves the leader of the day vulnerable”.
Kos Samaras, from Redbrige political consultancy, agrees. “It’s a brand issue, rather than him personally. He’s just the leader of [the brand].” Scott Morrison made the brand problem a lot worse. “It’s gone back to a normal [Liberal] problem, be it still bad.”
There are differences between constituencies, but there is a “very significant problem with professional women”, Samaras says, which highlights the Liberals’ challenge with the “teal” seats.
Dutton is classic right-wing on law and order, defence policy, nationalism, anti-wokeness, and much more. But he can be pragmatic when the politics demands.
He was personally opposed to marriage equality, but was behind the postal survey that enabled the Turnbull government to achieve it, so removing the issue from the agenda. And the China hawk has recently softened his line on that country, in part to facilitate a pitch for the votes of Chinese-Australians, alienated by the Morrison government.
In this campaign, Dutton has been painted by his opponents as “Trump-lite”. Confronted with this in the third leaders’ debate, he was unable to provide an answer. Initially expecting the election of Trump would be potentially helpful for the opposition, he failed to appreciate the dangers for him, which only increased as the new president became more arbitrary and unpredictable.
The opposition leader’s anti-public service attitude might be a milder version of Trump’s stand but it is also a Queenslander’s view of Canberra, as well as typical of what the Liberals roll out before elections. But his appointment of Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price as shadow minister for government efficiency was blatantly and foolishly Trumpian.
Dutton is not nimble or nuanced. He is also prone to going off half-cocked, which can lead to missteps (as when he wrongly said the Indonesian president had announced a Russian request to base planes in Papua). Earlier examples are easy to find. In his autobiography A Bigger Picture, Turnbull wrote of him that he would do interviews with right-wing shock jock in which he would “echo their extreme views […] He always apologised for going too far, and I generally gave him the benefit of the doubt”.
Dutton talks little about Liberal Party history, or political philosophy. Is he ideological? Abbott says he is ideological in the way Howard was. “He has strong instincts, he has convictions but they are more instinctual than ideological.”
Dutton at every opportunity points to Howard as his lodestar. Howard also came from a small business family, didn’t have much time for the public service, and had the quality of political doggedness. Regardless of some similarities, however, it is a very long stretch to see Dutton walking in Howard’s shoes.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Major parties used to easily dismiss the rare politician who stood alone in parliament. These MPs could be written off as isolated idealists, and the press could condescend to them as noble, naïve and unlikely to succeed.
In November 1930, when independent country MP Harold Glowrey chose to sit on the crossbench of the Victorian parliament while his few peers joined the new United Country Party, the local newspapers emphasised that he could not “become a cabinet minister” or “have a say” in making policy from the sidelines. (As if he wasn’t aware.) Australia was a place where, according to the scribes at The Ouyen Mail, “very few constituencies were prepared to elect independent men”.
Things are rather different now. Lifelong loyalty to a single party has become a rarer thing among voters, with the Australian Election Study showing fewer than four in ten voters give their first preference vote to the same party at each election. It was more than seven in ten back in 1967.
Voters have gravitated towards alternatives to the two major parties. A new interactive data tool from the ABC shows just how much more competitive federal elections have become. Australians are now world leaders in sending independents to represent them in state and federal parliaments.
And who could call the independents of the recent past naïve? Independent MPs held the balance of power in New South Wales in the early 1990s, and in Victoria later that decade. Both parliaments saw substantive reforms and improved parliamentary processes.
A strong track record
At the federal level, a lineage of independents such as Ted Mack, Peter Andren, Zali Steggall, Cathy McGowan and her successor in Indi Helen Haines have all found new ways to give voice to their community in parliament. Voters, especially in rural electorates and formerly “safe” seats, have been attracted to candidates who promise to “do politics differently”, as McGowan so often puts it.
There are dozens of candidates making that promise at this election. At least 129 candidates are listed on House of Representatives ballot papers as independent or unaffiliated candidates in 88 seats. That’s almost twice as many independent candidates than in the 2013 election for the lower house. Around 35 of these are community independent candidates. A further 28 people are running as independents or ungrouped candidates in Senate races.
So who are the independent candidates, and what role might they play after May 3?
Who are the independent candidates?
For a start, around a third of all independent candidates for House of Representatives seats are women. Among the “community independent” candidates (commonly referred to as “teals”), it’s closer to four out of five.
This is entirely in keeping with the role daring women have played as the strongest custodians of non-party politics in Australia over the past 120-odd years.
Most of the women on ballot papers this year are professionals and public figures. Nicolette Boele, candidate for Bradfield, NSW, is a former consultant and clean energy financier who came close to unseating cabinet minister Paul Fletcher in 2022. In the seat of Calare, also in NSW, candidate Kate Hook describes herself as “a professional working mum” and “small farmer” with an interest in regional development and renewable energy. Caz Heise, candidate for Cowper (NSW) is a healthcare expert who carved a sizeable chunk out of the National Party vote in 2022. Independent candidate for Groom (Queensland) Suzie Holt is a social worker by training who finished second at the last election. Berowra’s Tina Brown is a local magazine publisher with deep roots in Sydney’s Hills District.
Who are the dozens on men putting themselves forward? Many are former mayors and councillors running for parliament while the opportunity presents itself. There are a small but noteworthy coterie of men running on a specifically Muslim platform, some of whom are running with the support of the Muslim Votes Matter organisation.
Of the few “teal” men, the most competitive by far is Alex Dyson, a third-time candidate in the western Victorian seat of Wannon, currently held by Dan Tehan, shadow minister for immigration and citizenship.
A former Triple-J presenter and comedian with a “side-hustle” as an Uber driver, Dyson will hope to benefit from his positioning at the top of the ballot paper for Wannon.
Crossbench contenders
Most of the women who swept into parliament in 2022 are campaigning to retain their seats. Dai Le in Fowler, Sophie Scamps in Mackellar, Allegra Spender in Wentworth, Zoe Daniel in Goldstein, Monique Ryan in Kooyong and Kate Chaney in Curtin all fit that category. Kylea Tink, who won the division of North Sydney in 2022, was inadvertently knocked out of the race by the Australian Electoral Commission, which abolished her seat last year.
Andrew Gee, Russell Broadbent and Ian Goodenough are all incumbent MPs running as independents in seats where they were previously elected as Coalition candidates. Tasmania’s Andrew Wilkie, a long-serving independent with first-hand experience of a federal hung parliament, is seeking his sixth successive victory.
Bob Katter and the Centre Alliance’s Rebekah Sharkie also seeking re-election to the lower house, while in the Senate, crossbenchers such as David Pocock and Jacqui Lambie are all looking to retain their places. So is Coalition defector Gerard Rennick, who quit the Liberal National Party in Queensland over a preselection loss.
Rennick’s is perhaps the tallest order of that bunch, but none of them can take anything for granted. Even Katter, with his half-century of parliamentary experience and huge local popularity, is almost 80 and is facing a large field of younger challengers, all of whom will appear above him on the ballot paper.
Campaign blues?
Plenty of people have been watching national opinion polls during this campaign. But the polls are not terribly insightful for seat-by-seat contests involving large numbers of independent contenders. Even experienced pollsters are saying it has “never been harder to get pre-election polling right”.
Months out from the election, polls conducted on behalf of Climate 200 were showing possible wins for Heise in Cowper and Boele in Bradfield. Both could win. Heise has reportedly amassed a formidable team of 3,500 volunteers in support of her grassroots campaign.
But the pressure and scrutiny of an election campaign can quickly put frontrunners under pressure. This is certainly true of Boele, whose campaign momentum stalled with a surprising scandal involving an inappropriate comment in a hair salon, as well as distancing herself from allegedly antisemitic posts on her social media posts in 2022, saying a former volunteer was responsible for them.
Multi-cornered contests between defector MPs, the major parties and community independents will also make for interesting viewing on election night. Broadbent and Goodenough both seemed quietly confident about their prospects when asked by the Australian Financial Review last week. The same cannot be said for Calare’s Andrew Gee, who began the election with a “Facebook fail” and has since endured a stressful few weeks of bitter campaigning.
When it comes to winning back the seats that independents won last time, Liberal feelings range from bullishness to bluster. Daniel faces a well-resourced campaign from her predecessor Tim Wilson in Goldstein and nothing is being spared in the contest against Chaney in Curtin.
In Kooyong, Ryan’s campaign has been hampered by the occasional error, such as her husband’s removal of an opponent’s corflutes and an awkward exchange with Sky News reporter Laura Jayes. In an election dominated by the housing affordability crisis, voters are less likely to remember these moments than the revelations that Ryan’s Liberal opponent, Amelia Hamer, a self-identified renter, happens to own two investment properties.
The biggest drama has been in the affluent Sydney seat of Wentworth, where Spender has weathered attacks about her political donations disclosures and approach to tackling antisemitism.
An anonymous person circulated 47,000 leaflets through the electorate criticising Spender’s “weakness” on antisemitism, flagrantly breaching electoral laws that require campaign material to be authorised. The Australian Electoral Commission has identified the culprit (said to have “acted alone”), but has been less forthcoming about whether it intends to litigate the issue after the election.
Making minority work
It seems premature to start talking, as some pollsters have, about a Labor majority after May 3. It remains entirely possible crossbenchers may hold the balance of power, and in doing so, exert significant influence on the next government.
In the third leaders’ debate, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, normally pragmatic, refused to countenance sharing power with other parties or MPs. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton made the surprising admission he would willingly make agreements with independent MPs in order to win.
He certainly wasn’t thinking of the “teals”, whom he so often berates as “Greens in disguise”. But there are others with whom he could easily work. Katter, Spender and Le are among Dutton’s preferred negotiating partners. Sharkie has already declared that in a hung parliament scenario, she would call Dutton first.
There is no rulebook for making a hung parliament work. In the past, new political configurations and coalitions have been born from hung parliaments, including the forerunners of the Liberal-National coalition.
Agreements can be limited to assurances of support on budget bills and confidence motions, or more expansive undertakings including policy commitments and institutional reform. In the event of a parliamentary impasse, crossbenchers can withdraw their support and allow a new minority government to be formed. The Australia Institute’s Frank Yuan recently pointed out seven changes of government have been triggered by the withdrawal of crossbench support. Indeed, during the second world war, two independent MPs effectively changed the government mid-term.
Much depends on the relationships forged at the start of a hung parliament. In his memoir, former New England MP Tony Windsor recounts the seventeen days of negotiations that followed the 2010 election. One of the factors that led him, along with follow independent Rob Oakeshott, to support the Labor Party was the “professionalism” and “respect” its leaders showed them. Former Coalition leader Tony Abbott, by way of contrast, gave Windsor the impression he was unlikely to endure minority government long enough to honour any of his commitments.
An especially aspirational crossbencher may even take on the role of Speaker. Wilkie and Sharkie have been recently touted as contenders for the role in a hung parliament scenario.
Reform hangs in the balance
Independents MPs would be likely to bring particular policy priorities to any minority government negotiation. Given the heated contests in independent electorates, truth in political advertising laws would probably be high on the agenda. Steggall has previously promoted reforms to Stop the Lies, but when the Albanese government chose not to progress its own version of this reform, independents signalled it would be high on their priority list in a hung parliament.
Crossbenchers – in both houses – might also treat recent changes to Australia’s electoral laws as a bargaining chip. Those changes, agreed between Labor and the Coalition in secret, promised to get big money out of politics by imposing donation and spending caps on everyone but with special caveats for major parties. Haines has declared these are “in her sights” if a hung parliament arises.
The menu of reform options gets wider from there. Spender has called for labour market and tax reforms that may not be palatable to all of her peers.
In the Senate (where “every day is minority government”), Pocock has outlined his firm demands for greater royalties from resources rents and reforms to negative gearing and capital gains tax concessions. Energy and climate policy, as well as support for rural Australia, would likely figure in a larger negotiation.
The crossbenchers would be hard-pressed to agree on everything, but there is strength and wisdom in numbers. Albanese and Dutton are both very experienced parliamentarians. Crossbenchers would likely need to put their heads together to exert maximum leverage.
If there is a hung parliament after May 3, history shows us it can be put to good use. The 43rd parliament, in which the Gillard government was in minority, was one of the most productive in recent history. It passed 561 bills including landmark measures such as the Clean Energy Future package and its centrepiece, a carbon price. It also passed needs-based funding for Australian schools, the National Disability Insurance Scheme and plenty more.
That seems a decent enough model for the next parliament to emulate. After all, as Harold Glowrey seemed to appreciate nearly a century ago, not everyone needs to be a cabinet minister to play their part in shaping the future.
Joshua Black is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at The Australia Institute.
The year is 1972. The Whitlam Labor government has just been swept into power and major changes to Australia’s immigration system are underway. Many people remember this time for the formal end of the racist White Australia Policy.
A lesser-known legacy of this period was the introduction of Australia’s first immigration amnesty. This amnesty, implemented later in 1974 with bilateral support, provided humane pathways to permanency or citizenship for undocumented people in Australia.
In other words, people living without lawful immigration status could “legalise” their status without risk of punishment or deportation.
More immigration amnesties were promised during later election campaigns and then implemented in 1976 and 1980.
These amnesties occurred under successive Labor and Liberal federal governments, and each enjoyed enthusiastic bipartisan support.
So, how did these amnesties work – and could they happen again?
Started by Whitlam
Australia’s first amnesty was announced in January 1974, as part of the Whitlam government’s official policy of multiculturalism.
Its purpose was to grant permanency to people who had been living in Australia “illegally” and at risk of labour exploitation.
The amnesty was open for five months, from late January until the end of June 1974.
The main eligibility criteria was that the person:
had to have been living in Australia for three years or more and
be of “good character”.
This program had only a modest uptake. However, it set the path for more successful initiatives in the future.
Continued by Fraser
During the 1975 election campaign, then caretaker Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser promised another amnesty if his government won the election.
He committed to “do everything we can” to allow undocumented people
to stay here and make Australia their permanent home.
After the election, Fraser’s Liberal government implemented a broad amnesty for “overstayed visitors” in January 1976.
Departmental figures show 8,614 people sought legal status in the amnesty period.
The vast majority (63%) lived in New South Wales. The main nationalities of these applicants were:
Greek (1,283 applicants)
UK (911 applicants)
Indonesian (748 applicants)
Chinese (643 applicants).
Australia’s third broad immigration amnesty came in 1980, again as a result of a bipartisan election promise.
Immigration Minister Ian Macphee announced a six-month Regularisation of Status Program. It aimed, he said, to deal “humanely with the problem of illegal immigration” while also seeking to curb such unauthorised migration in the future.
Not a trick
Many migrants worried these amnesties were a government “trick” to facilitate deportations.
In an attempt to reassure the public, Prime Minister Fraser insisted in 1980 that the program was
not a trap to lure people into the open so that they can be seized, jailed and deported.
By the end of the amnesty period in December 1980, it was reported that more than 11,000 applications had been received. This covered more than 14,000 people.
What made the past amnesties successful?
Our research looked at what motivated the amnesties and how they worked.
We found several key factors that drove success, including the need for:
simple and inclusive criteria for eligibility
a clear application process
a careful campaign for promotion, to build trust with migrant communities, and
durable outcomes that offer of clear pathways to citizenship.
The 1980 amnesty program involved an effective campaign to publicise successful cases.
A 21-year-old Greek waitress working in her aunt’s Goulburn restaurant was widely publicised as the first person to be granted immigration amnesty status in July 1980. A Uruguayan refugee was profiled as the 1,000th.
The Department of Immigration also translated amnesty information into 48 languages, publicised in non-English language press and radio.
Of the three amnesties, the 1974 one was the least successful, due to:
stringent eligibility criteria
limited media publicity, and
no official outreach strategy to build trust with migrant communities.
Precarious lives
Recent calls for an immigration amnesty has focused on two groups in Australia:
undocumented people, including migrant workers and international students, and
refugee applicants whose status has lapsed, or who cannot access permanent residency.
The Department of Home Affairs estimates more than 70,000 people live in Australia today without immigration status.
Undocumented workers are highly vulnerable to exploitation and deportation.
Yet, these workers often fulfil crucial labour market shortages. Many have been living in Australia for years or even decades.
Asylum seekers and refugees on temporary or no visas cannot return “home” for fear of persecution. They risk lapsing into irregular status with no rights or entitlements.
Lessons from past amnesties
Amnesties are a humane and cost-effective response to unauthorised migration.
Australia currently spends millions, if not billions of dollars, on the detention and deportation of people without visas.
In the lead up to both the 1976 and 1980 amnesties, successive governments acknowledged such a “detection and deportation” approach would be unnecessarily costly. It would require “increased resources in manpower”.
An amnesty, instead, was in the words of then Immigration Minister Macphee a chance to:
clean the slate, to acknowledge that no matter how people got here they are part of the community.
These historical precedents show Australia’s migration system and politicians could, if they wanted, accommodate initiatives and reforms that fundamentally value migrants and prioritise migrant access to permanency.
Our research also shows Australian election campaigns can be opportunities for advancing policies that embrace the reality of immigration and offer hope, not fear.
Sara Dehm receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She is a co-convenor of the interdisciplinary academic network, Academics for Refugees.
Anthea Vogl receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Commonwealth Departure of Health and Aged Care. She is a Board Member of the Forcibly Displaced People Network and co-convenor of the interdisciplinary academic network, Academics for Refugees.
We’ve all been there – trying to peel a boiled egg, but mangling it beyond all recognition as the hard shell stubbornly sticks to the egg white. Worse, the egg ends up covered in chewy bits of adhesive membrane in the end.
The internet is littered with various “hacks” that claim to prevent this problem. But there are several reasons why eggs can be hard to peel. Luckily, that means there are also science-based strategies we can use to avoid the problem.
Egg ‘peelability’ factors
Eggs consist of a hard, porous shell, an inner and outer membrane, the egg white (albumen), and a membrane-encased yolk at the centre. There is also an air cell between the inner and outer membrane next to the shell.
A lot of research was done in the late 1960s and 1970s on factors that affect the peelability of eggs after they’ve been boiled.
One of these factors is the pH of the egg white. An early study from the 1960s indicated that the pH of the egg white needs to be in the range of 8.7–8.9, quite alkaline, in order for the egg to be easier to peel.
Storage temperature has a role to play, too. A study from 1963 showed that storing eggs at about 22 degrees Celsius (or 72 degrees Fahrenheit) gives a better peelability result than storage at lower temperatures of 13°C, or even fridge temperatures at 3–5°C.
Of course, there is a risk of spoilage if eggs are stored at higher ambient temperatures.
In the studies, an increase in storage time before boiling – using less fresh eggs – also increased the ease of peelability.
The fact that fresh eggs are harder to peel is relatively well known. Based on the factors above, there are a couple of reasons for this.
For one, in a fresh egg the air cell is still quite small. As the egg ages, it (very) slowly loses moisture through the porous shell, increasing the size of the air cell while the rest of the egg contents shrink. A bigger air cell makes it easier to start the peeling action.
Additionally, egg whites, although they already start out relatively alkaline, increase in pH as the eggs age, also making them easier to peel.
Step two: water temperature
Some keen egg boiling pundits believe that starting off with boiling water and lowering it to a simmer before gently placing the eggs into it provides a better result. However, you want to do this with room temperature eggs to avoid them cracking due to a sudden temperature change.
The reasoning behind this approach is that exposure to higher temperatures from the start of cooking also makes it easier for the membrane to come away from the shell and egg white.
Furthermore, the quick hot start makes it easier for the egg white proteins to denature (change structure as they cook) and bond to each other, rather than to the membrane.
After boiling eggs for the desired amount of time (typically 3–5 minutes for runny yolks, 6–7 minutes for jammy yolks, and 12–15 minutes for hard boiled), you can quench them in ice water. This should help the egg white to slightly shrink away from the shell, improving peelability.
Starting in hot water might help peelability, especially if you plunge the eggs in ice water afterwards. Max4e Photo/Shutterstock
Step three (optional): adding things to the water
Some other suggestions to improve peelability include adding salt to the boiling water, but this has mixed results. In one study, this approach did actually improve peelability, but this effect was lost after eggs had been stored for longer periods.
Acids and alkali have also been shown to aid eggshell peelability or removal. The patent that describes this used rather harsh substances with the goal to dissolve away the shell.
But based on this idea, you could try adding baking soda or vinegar to the water. With vinegar, the theory is that it attacks the calcium carbonate in the eggshell to then aid its removal. As for baking soda, because it’s alkaline, it could help detach the membrane from the shell.
Bonus: alternative cooking methods
There are other methods for hard-cooking eggs, such as pressure steaming, air-frying and even microwaving.
In steaming eggs, some proponents theorise that water vapour permeates the eggshell, loosening the membrane from the egg white, and thereby making the egg much easier to peel.
While studies have recently been done on the air-frying of other foods, there is still scope to further understand how this style of cooking might affect eggshells and peelability.
Lastly, once you have successfully separated the eggshells, don’t just throw them in the bin. There are lots of different uses for them, including compost, slug and snail deterrent in your garden, using them as little biodegradable pots for seedlings, or even something as advanced as scaffolds for cancer research.
Paulomi (Polly) Burey receives funding from the Australian Government Department of Education which has funded the eggshell research mentioned at the end of this article.
The fourth election debate was the most idiosyncratic of the four head-to-head contests between Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Peter Dutton.
Apart from all the usual topics, the pair was charged with producing one-word responses to pictures of the prime minister’s Copacabana house, a three-eyed fish and Elon Musk.
They were asked the price of a dozen eggs. It’s an old trick from debates past, but those “prepping” the leaders had fallen down. Dutton said about A$4.20. Albanese was closer with “$7, if you can find them”. The actual price is $8.80 at Woolworths (or $8.50 at Coles). Watching at home, some viewers would have thought, “here are a couple of guys in the cost-of-living election who don’t do the shopping”.
Debate host Seven had an audience of 60 undecided voters, who scored the pair on a range of topics. They gave the overall result to Albanese over Dutton by 50%–25% with the other 25% undecided.
In general, Dutton pursued Albanese aggressively whenever he could, pressing the accusation he made in their last encounter that the prime minister does not tell the truth. “Honestly, this whole campaign, it’s hard to believe anything you say.”
Albanese, however, effectively marshalled his points and counterpoints on a number of the topics.
This showed in the scores the audience awarded on core issues. On cost of living, 65% gave the tick Albanese, and only 16% were more convinced by Dutton. On housing, Albanese also had a win, although more narrowly – 35% to 30%. With tax cuts, Albanese’s margin was 49% to 21%.
Dutton was openly critical of their extensive use. “I think a lot of Australians think it’s overdone and it cheapens the significance of what it was meant to do.”
Albanese was supportive of the ceremonies but circumspect. “Well, from my perspective, it’s a matter of respect, but it’s also, of course, up to the organisations that are hosting an event, whether they have a Welcome to Country or not. It’s up to them, and people will have different views, and people are entitled to their views.”
Dutton scored 46% to Albanese’s 27% on this topic.
One of the more bizarre moments came in a discussion about whether the leaders had US President Donald Trump’s mobile phone number. The prime minister said he was not sure whether the president even had a mobile phone (despite it being highly publicised Greg Norman had to pass the number onto former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull when Trump was elected).
But Dutton coped with the question of trusting Trump better than in the last debate, when he had said he didn’t know him. Asked whether we could trust Trump to have our back, he said “We can trust whoever’s in the Oval Office”.
Pressed on which country posed the biggest threat to Australia’s security, Dutton said, “the biggest concern from our intelligence agencies and our defence agency is in relation to the Communist Party of China”.
Albanese talked around the question of whether China posed the biggest risk to Australia’s national security. “Well, China is the major power in the region which is seeking to increase its influence. But the relationship is complex as well, because China is our major trading partner.” And on and on his answer went.
On defence Dutton was well out in front in the minds of the audience, 43% to 37%.
Albanese would have gone home the happier of the two leaders. He won on the issues at the centre of the election.
As Tony Abbott once said, who needs sleep at the end of a campaign?
Dutton plans to visit up to 28 seats in the campaign’s final week, the majority of them held by Labor.
The Liberals say with the Coalition needing to gain 21 seats for a majority, the seats’ blitz underlines the election is winnable for the Coalition.
It also underlines the adrenaline rush leaders get in the dash to the finish line. In 2010 opposition leader Tony Abbott launched into a 36-hour non-stop blitz for the final three days of the election. “Why sleep at a time like this?” Abbott said. Prime Minister John Howard had finished his unsuccessful 2007 campaign blitzing shopping centres in Queensland.
Dutton started his marathon on Sunday in Labor territory with a rally in west Melbourne, in the seat of Hawke. The opposition leader’s seat list includes Solomon (NT), Aston (Victoria), Gilmore (NSW), Moreton (Queensland), Gorton (Victoria), Lyons (Tasmania), Dunkley (Victoria), Goldstein (Victoria), Kooyong (Vitoria), Paterson (NSW), Dobell (NSW), Bennelong (NSW), Bullwinkel (Western Australia) and Boothby (South Australia). Later on Sunday he was in the Sydney teal seat of Mackellar, where Howard also spoke in support of the Liberal candidate James Brown who is taking on independent Sophie Scamps.
But as each day passes, for an increasing number of voters in these and other seats the visits and messages will be irrelevant. They’ll have pre-polled. People are flocking to vote early. There are 11 days for pre-polling this election. Back in 2019 pre-polling ran for 19 days. As of Saturday, 2.4 million people had already pre-polled.
The politicians are vaguely resentful so many people are voting with their feet and avoiding, for a variety of reasons, the last days of what most commentators have thought has been an uninspiring campaign. Some of the politicians would like everyone to listen to their pitches right up to the end. But there is also a more practical reason why they regard pre-polling as a problem – they and their supporters have to spend long hours outside polling booths handing out how-to-vote cars.
Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Opposition Leader Peter Dutton have had their fourth and final leaders’ debate of the campaign. The skirmish, hosted by 7News in Sydney, was moderated by 7’s Political Editor Mark Riley.
Cost of living and housing affordability featured in the clash, with both leaders acknowledging the price pain being felt by many Australians. Immigration, US President Donald Trump, energy policy and welcome to country ceremonies were also thrashed out in a number of lively exchanges.
How did each leader perform? Have they done enough to convince undecided voters before polling day? Three experts give their analysis
Andy Marks, Western Sydney University
This is the election, Seven’s opening voiceover proclaimed, “that will decide the future of Welcome to Country ceremonies.”
Puzzled voters no doubt welcomed the promise of clarification. So Riley cut to the chase. Some people, he said, are “uncomfortable” with the ceremonies.
Dutton agreed:
I think a lot of Australians think it is overdone and cheapens the significance of what it was meant to do.“
Albanese said it was up to event organisers to decide whether to have a ceremony. On the lost Voice referendum? He “accepts the outcome”.
No fight. Just consensus from both leaders January 26 should remain as Australia Day.
Lack of spark was never going to stop Seven. A dramatic soundtrack rumbled away behind the leaders’ statements added an Oscars vibe, with each rushing their answers before being played off.
It worked. Halfway in, a fire was lit. “It’s hard to believe anything you say”, Dutton said to his opponent. “You’ve made promises you haven’t delivered. People are getting smashed.”
Albanese shot back. “Peter can attack me. But I won’t let him attack the wages of working people.”
Hostilities abated as Riley asked Albanese if he had Trump’s mobile number. “Do you have [UK Prime Minister] Keir Starmer’s?” Dutton added.
Nuclear power reheated the debate. “I am proud”, Dutton said of the Coalition’s energy plans. But he would not commit to visiting any of the proposed sites in the final days of the campaign.
Suddenly it became a science lesson. Dutton asked “how will solar work at night?” When you turn on a tap, Albanese responded, water still comes out even when it isn’t raining.
A highlight? Dutton almost quoted Taylor Swift. “The prime minister promises a band-aid on a bullet wound” he quipped on cost of living.
Blair Williams, Monash University
“This is the debate for every Australian”, the Channel 7 voiceover said at the start of the debate. However, to reference Sex and the City’s Carrie Bradshaw, I couldn’t help but wonder if this debate would truly include everyone.
We saw the usual quibbles between Albanese and Dutton over various crises, such as housing and the cost of living. Albanese argued he would help through initiatives such as cheaper medicines and childcare.
However, he put his foot down on scrapping negative gearing as it’s a measure that “will not build supply”.
Dutton’s response made it clear he was not planning to include “everyone” in this debate, as he quickly blamed immigrants for the housing crisis in Australia.
Riley posed a question to both leaders about Welcome to Country, saying booing during an ANZAC event sparked an “important discussion […] there are people in Australia who are uncomfortable being welcomed to Country”.
Riley asked both leaders if the ceremonies are “overdone”.
Dutton argued they do have a place but he wants “everyone to be equal” as “we are all equal”. Dutton said he wanted the country to be “one”. This overlooks how structural disadvantages, such as racism and sexism, result in inequality.
Albanese took a more Keating-esque perspective, citing ANZAC Day in New Zealand and the central place of Maori language in their events, emphasising the importance of First Nations people and multiculturalism in Australia.
The debate ended without any discussion of violence against women. So far this year, 24 women have been killed as a result of gendered violence, with three in just the past week. Yet both parties have barely mentioned it during the campaign or the debates.
Women’s issues were also barely raised. While Albanese mentioned cheaper childcare, Dutton failed to reference any issues that might specifically impact women. He has done little in this campaign and during this debate to win them over.
Instead, both leaders wasted time arguing over the Coalition’s plan to produce nuclear energy in 2035.
“Is this helping you decide?” Channel 7 asked viewers. For many women – and other – around the country, it merely showed two white men in suits and ties yelling over each other. This could explain why a third of Australians will preference a minor party or independent at the ballot box. Perhaps these are the voters who have felt left out.
Michelle Cull, Western Sydney University
While the debate started off friendly, it became quite heated very quickly. Dutton found it difficult to finish his talking points on time but had no problem interrupting Albanese. Cost of living was central to the debate.
There wasn’t much the leaders could agree on – no surprises there. Although both concurred there should be no change to the date for Australia Day.
When asked about Welcome to Country ceremonies, Dutton mentioned them happening at the “start of every meeting at work” and they were “divisive”. Perhaps there was some confusion here with Acknowledgement of Country.
Dutton focused on short-term cost-of-living relief and his fuel excise cuts. He blamed Albanese for high inflation, high interest rates and housing affordability issues. The prime minister was quick to remind him not everything was “hunky dory” when Labor took office.
Albanese did well to promote many of the Labor policies targeted at reducing cost of living through lower HECS-HELP, free TAFE and cheaper childcare. He was the only leader to include what his party was doing for renters and those in social housing, as well as first home buyers. Albanese also responded to Dutton’s short-term cost-of-living relief with Labor’s more permanent help through wage increases and tax cuts.
Dutton was clever enough to throw Labor’s proposed superannuation changes into the debate by referring to the plan to tax unrealised capital gains on superannuation balances greater than A$3 million. But this didn’t seem to make it much further in the debate, as it did not relate to the question being asked.
We’ll now have to wait until Saturday to see if the leaders really managed to sway any undecided voters.
Michelle Cull is an FCPA member of CPA Australia, member of the Financial Advice Association Australia and President Elect of the Academy of Financial Services in the United States. Michelle is an academic member of UniSuper’s Consultative Committee. Michelle co-founded the Western Sydney University Tax Clinic which has received funding from the Australian Taxation Office as part of the National Tax Clinic Program. Michelle has previously volunteered as Chair of the Macarthur Advisory Council for the Salvation Army Australia.
Andy Marks and Blair Williams do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
I was hopeful that when the COVID-19 pandemic drew attention to the plight of senior citizens, the attention might result in meaningful change. Instead, seniors seem to be getting blamed for high costs and high living.
Let me set some context. The Canada Health Act is a remarkable document. It is simple and clear. Provinces must adhere to the principles of universal, reasonable access to comprehensive hospital and doctor care throughout Canada, without charge for medically necessary care and with funding from a publicly administered, non-profit health insurance plan.
Those with a health-care card can go to any hospital or doctor and do not have to worry about health-care bankruptcy or losing health-care coverage if they change jobs or travel across Canada. Because the rich use the same beds as everyone else, they have a vested interest in all beds being high quality.
A good start with good principles
The CHA and the public insurance programs that preceded it dramatically improved access to quality care, quality jobs and — not incidentally in these times — it promoted solidarity across ages, classes and genders through what became Canada’s best loved social program.
However, there are three basic problems with it. First, it was supposed to be the first step towards a system that covered home care, long-term care, eye, dental and pharmaceutical care, but it stalled there until very recently. Second, the principles depended on the federal government using its spending power for enforcement. And third, it failed to prohibit for-profit services being paid public money or doctors from operating in private practices.
There are gaping holes in access to care at home and in long-term care as well as to hospital care and primary care services. And equally important, there is less access to good jobs providing this care.
We hear a lot about how care at home is everyone’s first choice, but staying at home often requires skilled care, special facilities and support for things like food, cleaning and maintenance, as well as help with dressing and walking. Too often, what we mean by care at home is 24/7 care by female relatives, untrained and unpaid for the work, too often doing so to the detriment of their own health and economic future.
Too often it is about shifting costs and labour to families and individuals, not about choice or overall cost savings. Too often there is no choice.
There has been new federal money for health care, a significant amount of which is unconditional and thus available for home care. But we have seen little effective expansion.
If we are serious about home as the place to be, we need to provide the public support for the option, support that needs to go well beyond a few more temporary work permits for care providers.
Although remaining at home is many people’s first choice, people in long-term care say the benefits include feeling safe, there is company, there are activities, and women especially say there is someone to clean the bathroom and make the meals. (Shutterstock)
Nursing homes
Which takes me to nursing homes. At the same time as home care is talked about as the first choice, nursing homes are presented as the last and worst choice. We forget though that many people do not have homes, many homes are unsafe physically and/or in terms of abuse, many homes are isolating, and many people have 24-hour extensive care needs that cannot be accommodated in a private home.
When we ask residents about whether there is anything better about nursing homes compared to their private home, many say yes; they feel safe, there is company, there are activities, and women especially say there is someone to clean the bathroom and make the meals. Of course, we can and should make nursing homes better for people to live, work and visit in them, but we can’t forget that we need them and significantly more of them as well as more people to work in them.
And we need more community care clinics providing the full range of services. Here too the federal government has signed some targeted funding agreements but we need more and we need to severely limit private practice that contributes to fragmented care.
Of course good and fair health care costs money. But we have to remember that investments in care are an investment in the economy, in equity and in solidarity. The money does not go into a hole. It circulates in the economy. And investments in providing good conditions of work can save money at the same time as they promote care, given that the conditions of work are the conditions of care.
We need to put senior care back on the agenda in the aftermath of this election.
Pat Armstrong receives funding from SSHRC
I am a Board member of the Canadian Health Coalition and a member of the economic subgroup of the Ottawa Council on Aging
Online influencers sharing political content can fall into an unregulated grey zone.(Shutterstock)
Political commentary occurs regularly on social media. From politicians and parties promoting their platforms to journalists sharing day-to-day news and everyday people sharing their thoughts, there is no shortage of online content commenting on what governments are doing, aren’t doing and should be doing.
A recent development has been the rise in online content creators, which has become a profession in and of itself. And social media influencers — those content creators who have developed a brand persona around their popular social media accounts — have plenty to say when it comes to politics. They promote politicians, encourage voting, comment on social issues and share political news. They can also be involved in disinformation and foreign interference campaigns.
Influencers might be paid for the content or endorse political campaigns voluntarily. Some interview politicians or produce their own commentary. And others express political views independently, without any formal political ties.
These increasingly blurred lines make it challenging to distinguish between genuine support, co-ordinated marketing or reliable news sources. It also makes it harder for voters to evaluate the credibility and intent behind political messages — which makes it harder for policymakers to regulate it.
Influencers are increasingly integral to election campaign strategies. Political campaigns work with influencers to reach audiences traditional media often misses, or to target specific groups with tailored messaging. And influencers’ deep understanding of social media platforms enable them to create content that can spread quickly and effectively, maximizing reach and engagement.
Influencers can act as advertisers who are paid to promote politicians or parties, celebrity endorsers donating their time and reach to campaigns or campaign volunteers sharing content online. Unlike traditional advertisements and celebrities, influencers have more interactive and intimate relationships with their audiences.
Influencers are invested in appearing authentic, reliable and relatable while also projecting aspirational lifestyles. This makes them particularly persuasive, and their content perceived as genuine and independent, even if it has been paid for or co-ordinated.
Influencers’ ability to move between personal expression and strategic campaigns makes them extremely powerful. At the same time, they are difficult to regulate or hold accountable. The multiple roles they play, and the flexibility they have in shifting from one role to another, allow them to evade the traditional categories that regulation depends on.
For instance, it is often difficult to distinguish between authentic support and paid sponsorship. Influencers may endorse a politician because they genuinely support them or as part of a formal campaign. Influencers may be paid to share particular messages or negotiate informal arrangements involving perks like access to exclusive events. Because they do not always disclose these ties, this content can often go unregulated.
While Canadian election laws are clear that paid advertisement spending needs to be reported, other forms of compensation and co-ordination do not require disclosure. This means that social media users may find it difficult to tell when an influencer’s support is authentic, part of a co-ordinated effort, or sponsored in some way.
Influencers and journalism
Influencers have also become central to sharing news, performing a role previously reserved for journalists. Influencers conduct interviews and provide updates and commentary. Research shows that users — especially younger ones — pay more attention to online influencers and celebrities for news than they do traditional news sources.
In Canada, this trend may have accelerated after the implementation of the Online News Act in 2023, which led Meta to restrict news access on Instagram and Facebook. News influencers are filling this gap.
Unlike professional journalists, many influencers operate without journalistic training, professional standards, editorial oversight or accountability measures. As such, some become unintentionally involved in the spread of disinformation. Others have been co-opted into disinformation campaigns, which see influencers as a path to plausible deniability, as their content can be presented as opinion rather than a co-ordinated effort.
While online influencers adapt to these overlapping roles, many politicians and journalists are adopting strategies similar to those of influencers: building personal brands, cultivating authenticity and fostering relationships with their audiences.
This scenario makes the boundaries between political entities and content creators even more difficult to define.
Younger people pay more attention to online influencers and celebrities for news than they do traditional news sources. (Shutterstock)
Understanding influencer
From endorsing candidates to shaping political narratives and mimicking reporters, influencers play multiple political roles in Canada.
What is organic political support and what is co-ordinated marketing? Who is doing independent political reporting and who is spreading disguised propaganda? And who is being paid? These questions need to be answered to know how to interpret influencers’ content — and how to apply rules around transparency, advertising and political speech.
Currently, media literacy strategies revolve around teaching users how to find trusted sources, gather information from a range of sources and question how content reaches them.
When it comes to political information shared by influencers, this means asking whether the influencer is sponsored or collaborating with some political entity. It means considering whether they talk about how they source and verify their information. It also means not relying on a single or small group of influencers who share the same ideas within a given online community.
Regulating influencers
Current regulatory frameworks are not equipped to handle influencer political content and its possible effects on elections. Election laws were designed around clear professional categories, media-centric advertising and centralized communication environments. This is no longer the information ecosystem that we exist in.
The lack of clear definitions and regulatory blind spots creates loopholes that political campaigns can exploit to evade ad transparency and spending laws. Meanwhile, policymakers struggle to find the balance between regulating political advertising via influencers and guaranteeing their freedom of expression.
Canada’s regulatory framework has to evolve, including clear definitions of political content and advertising, as well as disclosure requirements for paid or co-ordinated political message.
Elizabeth Dubois receives funding from SSHRC and the Alex Trebek Forum for Dialogue, University of Ottawa.
Michelle Bartleman receives funding from SSHRC.
Louise Stahl does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ashika Niraula, Senior Research Associate, Canada Excellence Research Chair in Migration & Integration Program, Toronto Metropolitan University
Skilled migrants and international students are leaving the United States for Canada in growing numbers. A March 2025 report by Statistics Canada reveals a sharp rise in the numbers of American non-citizen residents moving to Canada. Reasons given are largely restrictive U.S. immigration policies, visa caps and long wait times for green cards.
This is a shift from earlier decades when American-born citizens dominated the trend. By 2019, nearly half of those making the move were U.S. non-citizen residents.
Since U.S. President Donald Trump’s election win and early days in office, Google searches by American residents on how to move to Canada, New Zealand and Australia have surged.
British Columbia recently announced plans to launch landmark policies to streamline the credential recognition process for internationally trained health-care professionals, particular American doctors and nurses.
Skilled talent like health-care professionals, researchers and engineers are essential to building innovative, future-ready economies. But attracting them requires staying competitive in an increasingly global bid for talent.
Global competition for talent
In this global race for talent, Canada and Australia need to offer not only efficient immigration pathways but also faster credential recognition and better integration support.
Yet both nations find themselves walking a tightrope. Once both celebrated as welcoming destinations for global talent, each country has experienced recent immigration restrictions and growing anti-immigration sentiments, undermining those reputations.
But for migrants in Canada, these goals are becoming harder to attain.
A more cautious approach
Since the pandemic, Canada’s immigration approach has shifted. During the early COVID-19 years, Canada was praised for its inclusive response, including recognizing immigrants as essential to economic recovery. Temporary workers, including essential workers, international student graduates and French-speaking immigrants, were offered new routes to permanent residency through a federal program.
However, since 2024, Canada has taken a more cautious approach.
While permanent residency is still more accessible than in the U.S., skilled migrants are increasingly questioning whether the wait for permanent residency is worth it.
Australia visa rules slow things down
Australia faces similar dilemmas. In late 2023, the government launched a new migration strategy to address critical workforce shortages in construction, tech and health care. The Skills in Demand visa promised faster processing and clearer pathways to permanent residency for workers in priority sectors.
Yet a recent report by the Grattan institute warns that tighter eligibility rules risk excluding much-needed talent, potentially weakening Australia’s competitiveness.
Growing visa delays are also noted to be an additional barrier that may deter both prospective migrants and employers.
Working in jobs far below qualifications
Migration data often tells a story of numbers, categories and eligibility thresholds. However, the human stories behind the numbers reveal deep systemic issues and missed opportunities. One recurring issue is the widespread phenomenon of deskilling.
In both Canada and Australia, many skilled migrants often find themselves working in jobs far below their qualifications.
These experiences are part of a pattern that affects not only individuals but also national economies, which lose out on the full potential of their skilled workforce.
Credential recognition systems are opaque, inconsistent and frequently biased.
Another overlooked issue is that many skilled migrants do not move alone. People arrive with spouses, children and sometimes elderly parents.
Yet immigration and settlement systems in both countries are largely structured around individual economic migrants rather than families. In Canada, for instance, federally funded settlement services are mainly geared toward supporting only permanent residents.
Many spouses, particularly women, face even greater barriers to employment. Issues also include things like high fees for visa processing for parents. Other considerations include children who may struggle with schooling and identity in unfamiliar environments.
Housing shortages and high costs in major urban centres compound these challenges, pushing newcomers into unaffordable living conditions.
All this contributes to growing disillusionment. Migrants initially drawn to Canada or Australia as alternatives to unwelcoming environments elsewhere may choose to still come, but it doesn’t mean they will stay.
The experiences of skilled migrants in Canada and Australia show that attracting talent is only half the battle. The real challenge is in retention and integration.
Many countries like Germany, Japan, South Korea and some Gulf states have begun offering more competitive pathways to immigration along with promises of a work-life balance, streamlined visa programs and competitive salaries. This means skilled migrants are increasingly mobile.
Australia has made strides in streamlining visa categories and targeting sectoral needs, while Canada has built a strong narrative around inclusion and multiculturalism.
However, there is a need to combine Australia’s responsiveness and Canada’s inclusive ethos to build resilient migration systems.
Build future-ready migration systems
In an era defined by geopolitical uncertainties, countries can no longer afford to treat skilled migrants as temporary fixes or just economic inputs. They are people with aspirations, with families and with dreams.
They must be seen and supported as future citizens. To build future-ready migration systems Canada must:
Ensure transparency and consistency in immigration pathways to reduce uncertainties caused by policy reversals and lengthy processing times.
Improve credential recognition and career support to help skilled migrants, including temporary residents, transition into roles that match their qualifications.
Develop regional settlement strategies to address where migrants settle and ensure equitable access to services, job markets and housing, especially outside major cities.
Adopt inclusive, intersectional policies that consider gender, race and class in shaping the migrant experience, including support for spouses, children and aging parents.
Foster collaborative and responsive policymaking. This involves connecting researchers, employers, community organizations and migrants to inform policy making.
For Canada, the challenge ahead is clear. It’s not just about opening the door. It’s about making sure that once here, migrants have the support, rights and opportunities to walk through that door — and thrive.
Ashika Niraula works as a Senior Research Associate at the Canada Excellence Research Chair in Migration & Integration Program at Toronto Metropolitan University. The Skilled Migrant Decision Making Under Uncertainty project has received financial support from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council Insight Grant (435-2021-0752) and from the wider program of the Canada Excellence Research Chair in Migration and Integration at Toronto Metropolitan University.
Iori Hamada does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Valerie Oosterveld, Professor, Faculty of Law, and Western Research Chair in International Criminal Justice, Western University
In the last two weeks of February, humanitarian agencies reported 895 cases of conflict-related rape as M23 rebels advanced through the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). According to a United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees official, this was an average of more than 60 rapes a day.
UNICEF officials reported similarly grim figures. Between Jan. 27 and Feb. 2, 2025, the number of rape cases treated across 42 health facilities in DRC jumped five-fold, with 30 per cent of these cases being children.
While immediate responses are needed to stop the violence, provide health care to the survivors and assist the displaced, the pursuit of justice also plays a critical role.
Investigative bodies, including the International Criminal Court (ICC), are increasingly using technology to investigate conflict-related sexual violence. In a recent research project, my team interviewed experts who specialize in conflict-related sexual violence investigations around the world. The research was supported by XCEPT, a conflict research program funded by the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development.
Investigating sexual violence
The ICC’s chief prosecutor, Karim Khan, visited DRC at the end of February and met with sexual violence survivors. The ICC has the mandate to investigate rape, sexual slavery and other gender-based violence amounting to genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. The office had reactivated investigations in October 2024.
In our research, we found that survivors of conflict-related sexual violence are connecting with investigators through various technologies, such as directly using encrypted apps like Signal. Survivors also go through civil society organizations equipped to take video or electronic statements — Yazda, for example, which works with Yazidi survivors of ISIS crimes in northern Iraq — or via portals like the ICC’s OTPLink. The UN’s Commissions of Inquiry also encourage and receive email submissions.
International courts and investigative bodies are also analyzing open-source information on conflict-related sexual violence, such as videos, photos and statements posted on online platforms. Guided by the Berkeley Protocol on Digital Open Source Investigations, this information can be useful to support witness statements, place alleged perpetrators at the scene of the violations and link incidents into a pattern of similar violence.
In Ukraine, our study found that the main technology-related concern in open-source data gathering is identifying AI-created and other artificially generated images, specifically designed and planted in the public domain as a form of disinformation or to compromise investigations.
Face and voice recognition
Conflict-related sexual violence is often perpetrated indoors which makes certain technologies like satellite or drone imagery less useful. However, other forms of technology have proven to be beneficial in Ukraine’s investigations. In particular, face and voice recognition software have supported efforts to identify alleged perpetrators.
While Ukraine’s experience points to some successes, investigations into sexual violence committed by ISIS in northern Iraq have been hampered. This is partly due to the lack of automated translation software in the Yazidi language to facilitate the transcription and translation of testimonies.
This speaks to the importance of developing software to translate minority languages spoken in armed conflict zones.
Survivor concerns
Survivors have expressed concerns about the turn to the digital. They fear that their identities and experiences may be revealed through hacking or poor data handling, which could put them at risk of reprisals from perpetrators or their accomplices. It could also lead to stigmatization and ostracization in some communities, undoing survivors’ efforts to rebuild their lives.
To address these concerns, international courts and investigative bodies have adopted data protection protocols. However, the lack of a standardized framework for the use of technology in the investigation of conflict-related sexual violence remains a significant concern for the investigators we interviewed.
Such a framework would incorporate best practices in supporting survivors providing evidence, tracking and preserving open source information and developing new technological applications.
If there is to be justice for survivors of conflict-related rape in DRC and elsewhere, technology — provided it is used with great sensitivity — will likely be an important and timely aid.
Valerie Oosterveld received funding for this research from the UK’s Cross-Border Conflict Evidence, Policy, and Trends (XCEPT) research programme.
Latest health data reveals thousands of patients now seen quicker
Thousands of patients are securing appointments quicker every day as part of the government’s drive to build an NHS fit for the future.
Thousands of patients are seeing tangible benefits from the government’s Plan for Change, with the latest health data showing significant improvements in access to care.
Tens of thousands of patients up and down the country are already getting their appointments more quickly thanks to the government’s Plan for Change to reform the NHS and drive forward national renewal.
By slashing waiting lists and delivering improvements across the NHS in record time—including delivering three million additional appointments six months early—the government is exceeding its own targets and driving down waiting lists at a rapid pace. This has resulted in a six-month decline and a 219,000 reduction since July.
Around 4.5 million tests, checks and scans were carried out in Community Diagnostic Centres (CDCs)—many of which are conveniently located on local high streets—between July and February, a 50% increase on the previous year.
This equates to 18,000 more checks being delivered every day for patients to diagnose some of the biggest killers, including cancer and heart disease.
As well as opening more CDCs to bring care closer to people’s homes, the government is going further and faster by significantly expanding the number of CDCs open 12 hours a day, seven days a week—making it easier for people to get their tests and appointments done at a time that suits them.
Backed by almost £26 billion investment at the Budget, the Plan for Change is driving forward reform of the NHS to put an end to the misery for many people who have had to put their lives on hold while stuck on waiting lists, delivering the change people voted for.
Alongside action to rebuild the NHS, the Plan for Change is also focused on growing the economy to improve living standards across the country.
The government is already putting more pounds in people’s pockets by freezing fuel duty, boosting the minimum wage by up to £1,400 a year, and protecting working people with no rise in their national insurance, income tax, or VAT. Living standards are growing at their fastest rate in two years, and the Spring Statement showed people will be, on average, over £500 a year better off.
Earlier this month, we outlined plans for a Neighbourhood Policing Guarantee, which aims to put 13,000 more officers into neighbourhood policing roles by 2029—an increase of more than 50%. This will help restore people’s trust in local policing.
To ensure that working people can benefit from clean, secure, homegrown energy, we have set up Great British Energy in Aberdeen to catalyse private investment and announced its first major project: installing solar panels on 200 schools and 200 NHS sites, which will cut energy bills.
Through the Plan for Change, we are working to give every child the best start in life and break down barriers to opportunity. This week, thousands of children started attending the first 750 free breakfast clubs, providing them with a healthy start to the day, giving parents 30 minutes of free childcare, and helping them save up to £450 a year.
Restoring economic stability and driving growth is fundamental to the Plan for Change. The OBR has confirmed that the economy will grow every year from 2026 and that our planning reforms will lead to a 0.2% increase in GDP, worth £6.8 billion.
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Pat McFadden said:
Through our Plan for Change, we are getting on with the job of rebuilding our country and improving the public services we all rely on.
It’s already making a difference in people’s lives as we put police back on the beat, get more teachers in classrooms, and this week launched free breakfast clubs in hundreds of schools.
The latest data shows our approach is delivering real change, with tens of thousands more patients getting the right care and waiting lists falling faster in areas where there are higher numbers of people out of work. And this is just the start.
The government is also working at pace to slash NHS waiting lists in areas with the highest economic inactivity. The scheme, known as the Further Faster 20 programme, is part of plans to reduce the number of people unable to work due to long-term sickness, which is at its highest level since the 1990s.
The programme sees teams made up of clinical leads from across trusts, as well as national specialists, driving innovative practices. It has resulted in a total of almost 50,000 cases being removed from waiting lists in these areas since October. 35% of the national reduction in the overall waiting list has come from the 20 hospitals involved in the scheme, which has fallen faster than the national average.
Minister for Elective Care Karin Smyth said:
This government made a promise to the British public to reverse more than a decade of soaring waiting times and poor access to patient care—and through our Plan for Change, we are starting to turn the tide across every part of the country—with our crack teams already having a transformative impact.
This is a long road, but with tens of thousands more patients getting care that works for them and waiting lists falling faster in areas of high joblessness, we are getting the NHS back on its feet so it delivers for patients once again.
This is only the start. From bringing patient care closer to home, to ending the 8 am scramble for a GP appointment, this government is determined to transform our NHS to make it fit for the future.
One example of the Future Faster 20 programme is the Trafford Elective Hub, where the team have been running super-charged theatre lists that see almost twice the number of patients seen as standard theatre lists.
The hub also runs super clinics at weekends, providing one-stop shops to treat 100 patients at a time. The hub also has employment advisers on hand to help patients get back to work faster.
Miss Toli Onon, Joint Chief Medical Officer at Manchester University NHS Foundation Trust said:
The Trafford Elective Hub exemplifies innovative approaches to reducing waiting lists, such as High Performance theatre lists which are designed to optimise surgical productivity by refining the surgical pathway and minimising inefficiencies.
By enhancing the productivity and efficiency of our elective services, we are demonstrating a sustainable and effective model for the future that benefits more patients.
Other initiatives include Super Clinics. These Super Clinics, which can serve up to 100 patients over weekends, streamline care by providing multiple services in one visit and include employment advisors to help patients return to work faster.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne
While last week’s Morgan and YouGov polls had Labor continuing its surge, Newspoll is steady for the fourth successive week at 52–48 to Labor. A Redbridge poll of the marginal seats was again very strong for Labor, while YouGov and KJC seat polls were respectively good and bad for Labor.
A national Newspoll, conducted April 21–24 from a sample of 1,254, gave Labor a 52–48 lead, unchanged from the April 14–17 Newspoll.
Primary votes were 35% Coalition (steady), 34% Labor (steady), 11% Greens (down one), 8% One Nation (up one) and 12% for all Others (steady). The drop for the Greens and gain for One Nation mean this poll was probably better for the Coalition before rounding than the previous Newspoll.
Here is the graph of Labor’s two-party preferred vote in national polls. The fieldwork midpoint date of Newspoll was April 23, three days ahead of the next most recent poll (YouGov). Perhaps Labor has peaked too early.
Analyst Peter Brent wrote for Inside Story that he thought Anthony Albanese performed poorly in the April 22 debate with Peter Dutton. This may explain some shift to the Coalition. But with just five full days left until the May 3 election and early voting in progress, Labor remains the heavy favourite to win.
Albanese’s net approval was steady at -9, while Dutton’s net approval was down two points to -24, a new record low. Albanese led Dutton by 51–35 as better PM (52–36 previously). Here is the graph of Albanese’s net approval in Newspoll, with the plus signs marking data points and a smoothed line fitted.
In this poll, 48% thought it was time to give someone else a go (down five since February), while 39% (up five) thought the government deserved to be re-elected. Meanwhile, 62% (up seven) said the Dutton-led Coalition was not ready to govern.
Labor retains 54.5–45.5 lead in Redbridge marginal seats poll
A poll of 20 marginal seats by Redbridge and Accent Research for the News Corp tabloids was conducted April 15–22 from a sample of 1,000. It gave Labor a 54.5–45.5 lead, unchanged since the April 9–15 marginal seats poll. Primary votes were 35% Labor (steady), 34% Coalition (steady), 14% Greens (up one) and 17% for all Others (down one).
The overall 2022 vote in these 20 seats was 51–49 to Labor, so this poll implies a 3.5-point swing to Labor from the 2022 election. If applied to the national 2022 result of 52.1–47.9 to Labor, Labor would lead by about 55.5–44.5. Since the first wave of this marginal seats tracker in early February, Labor has gained 6.5 points. If this poll is accurate, Labor is likely to win a thumping majority.
Over the five waves of this marginal seats tracker, the Liberals have gone from +1 net favourable to -8, while Labor has moved from -9 to -3. Albanese has gone from -16 to -4 (up one since last week), while Dutton has gone from -11 to -20 (up two since last week).
By 22–14, voters preferred Labor’s housing policy to the Coalition’s, with 38% for neither and 12% for both the same.
YouGov and KJC seat polls
The Canberra Times had YouGov polls of ten regional seats, conducted April 17–24 from an overall sample of 3,000 (so 300 per seat). The primary votes suggest the Coalition would lose the Tasmanian seat of Braddon to Labor, and the NSW and Victorian seats of Calare and Wannon to independents, leaving them with only Dutton’s Dickson out of the ten surveyed.
Labor would be likely to hold all its regional seats, although in the NSW seat of Hunter One Nation would be their final opponent instead of the Coalition. Seat polls are unreliable.
The Poll Bludger reported Saturday that KJC Research had taken seat polls on April 24 from a sample of 600 per seat for an industry group. These polls went against the trend, with the Liberals ahead of Labor by 49–45 including undecided in the Western Australian Labor-held seat of Tangney and 46–41 in the Queensland Labor-held seat of Blair.
In the New South Wales Labor-held seat of Richmond, the Greens led Labor by 39–34. In the NSW Labor-hels seat of Hunter, Labor led the Liberals by 45–41.
Gap narrows, but Liberals still likely to win majority at Canadian election
The Canadian election is on Monday, with the large majority of polls closing at 11:30am AEST Tuesday. The CBC Poll Tracker has the centre-left governing Liberals leading the Conservatives by 42.5–38.7 in national vote share and by 189–125 in seat point estimates (172 needed for a majority). I covered Canada and other upcoming and past international elections for The Poll Bludger on Saturday.
Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
LCQ12: Developing a hub for primary and secondary education Question:
It has been reported that, with the worsening situation of low birth rate in Hong Kong, primary and secondary schools are facing “class reduction and school closure” one after another. On the other hand, the Chief Executive has proposed in the 2023 Policy Address to build Hong Kong into an international hub for post-secondary education. There are views that Hong Kong’s primary and secondary basic education also have significant advantages in developing international education (including teachers having all undergone high-quality and systematic training, and the curriculum being taught in both languages of Chinese and English, etc.), and the Government should make good use of such advantages and introduce policies to alleviate the impact of low birth rate, replenish the sources of students and nurture talents for the long-term development of Hong Kong. In this connection, will the Government inform this Council:
(1) of the respective numbers of Mainland and overseas students currently enrolled in international schools at primary and secondary levels;
(2) whether it will consider constructing new school premises or converting the premises of some primary and secondary schools which have been closed or are likely to be closed, as well as providing additional supporting facilities (e.g. hostels), so as to operate primary and secondary schools dedicated to absorb Mainland and overseas students;
(3) whether it has plans to promote and admit students to local primary and secondary schools (including international schools and schools dedicated to offering Mainland curriculum) in the Mainland, neighbouring Chinese-populated regions and overseas, so as to increase the sources of students for various types of schools in Hong Kong; and
(4) whether it has plans to, while building Hong Kong into an international hub for post-secondary education, build Hong Kong into an international hub for primary and secondary education; if so, of the details; if not, whether it will consider the plans concerned?
Reply:
President,
The Chief Executive’s 2023 Policy Address outlined the direction to develop Hong Kong into an international post-secondary education hub and a cradle of future talents. This policy is based on the fact that Hong Kong has world-renowned universities and outstanding research talents, thus focusing only on post-secondary education. Regarding primary and secondary education, parents are provided with diverse and quality choices under the education system of Hong Kong.
The Government provides 12 years’ free primary and secondary education to eligible children through public sector schools. Non-local students who come to live in Hong Kong with their parents (including those who come to Hong Kong under various talent admission schemes) may also choose to enrol in any local public sector schools, Direct Subsidy Scheme schools or private schools (including international schools) that suit them, provided they meet the relevant eligibility requirements. We are glad to see that Hong Kong’s diverse and quality education is also one of the factors attracting talents to Hong Kong.
Faced with a structural decline in school-age population, the Government accords top priority to the interests of students when planning for the future development of education. Aiming for a “soft landing”, we review the policies and effectiveness of utilisation of public resources, and adjust the number of schools in a gradual and orderly manner to ensure a healthy and sustainable education ecosystem and optimal use of public resources. As to non-public sector schools, they may also admit overseas students in accordance with prevailing policies, should they provide adequate supporting arrangements.
Our reply to the questions raised by Professor the Hon William Wong is as follows:
(1) The numbers of non-local students in international schools in the 2023/24 school year are tabulated as follows:
Level(i) Figures refer to the position as at mid-September 2023. (ii) Figures include students in international schools, but not those in special schools. (iii) Local students refer to those who are Hong Kong permanent residents and do not have any valid passport other than the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Passport. Students not covered by this definition are all regarded as non-local students. (iv) Mainland students refer to those with Chinese nationality (including those from Mainland China, Macao and Taiwan).
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
LCQ12: Pursuing studies at local universities Question:
On pursuing studies at local universities, will the Government inform this Council:
(1) of the respective numbers of persons admitted to the bachelor’s degree programmes of local universities through the Joint University Programmes Admissions System (JUPAS) and the Non-Joint University Programmes Admissions System (Non-JUPAS) on the basis of their Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education Examination (HKDSE) results in each of the past three years, and set out in Table 1 a breakdown by their HKDSE results; Table 1
Total grade points in the best five subjects(2) of the respective numbers of persons sitting for the HKDSE in 2022 to 2025 as private candidates, and set out in Table 2 a breakdown by (i) Hong Kong permanent residents, (ii) Hong Kong residents not being permanent residents and (iii) non-Hong Kong residents; Table 2
Year(3) of the distribution of results of candidates sitting for the HKDSE as private candidates in the past three years, and set out in Table 3 a breakdown by (i) Hong Kong permanent residents, (ii) Hong Kong residents not being permanent residents and (iii) non-Hong Kong residents; and Table 3
Total grade points in the best five subjects(4) among the students admitted to the bachelor’s degree programmes of local universities through JUPAS over the past three years, of the number of private candidates holding dependent visas (i.e. document category LS5)?
Reply:
President,
(1) The numbers of students admitted to first-year first-degree programmes funded by the University Grants Committee (UGC) through the Joint University Programmes Admissions System (JUPAS) and non-JUPAS with the Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education Examination (HKDSE) results in the past three years are set out below:
Year(As at October 28, 2024)(3) The Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority does not keep individual statistics on the results of private candidates, and the statistics do not include personal data such as the nationalities of the candidates and whether they are permanent residents of Hong Kong.
(4) The Education Bureau does not collect data on whether students admitted to UGC-funded programmes through JUPAS are holders of dependant visas or whether they are HKDSE private candidates. Issued at HKT 11:15
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
LCQ19: Policy on development of international schools Question:
There are views that Hong Kong is facing a demographic problem brought by a low birth rate and the persistent under-enrolment in schools on the one hand, while the number of applications for late admission of dependent children of arrivals under various talent admission schemes has increased sharply on the other, posing new challenges to the supply and demand of school places. Meanwhile, the policy of allocating vacant school premises/school sites for the development of international schools has further affected the allocation of local education resources. Regarding the policy on the development of international schools, will the Government inform this Council:
(1) of the respective numbers of applications received and approved by the authorities from school sponsoring bodies of international schools applying for operation in Hong Kong in each of the past five years; the factors on which the authorities based in approving the applications from international schools for operation;
(2) under the policy of allocating vacant school premises/school sites for the development of international schools, of the criteria by which the Government allocates sites for the development of international schools; how it ensures that the provision of sites for the development of international schools does not undermine local education resources at the same time; and
(3) whether it knows the respective requirements for local and non-local students under the enrolment policies of international schools and private schools newly applying for operation; how the Government ensures that, after the conversion of aided schools to private schools, sufficient aided school places can still be maintained in Hong Kong to uphold educational equity?
Reply:
President,
The education system in Hong Kong provides parents with diversified and high-quality choices. The Government’s policy objective is to provide 12 years’ free primary and secondary education to all children through public sector schools. Apart from publicly-funded schools, private schools in Hong Kong have been playing a unique role in offering local and non-local curricula according to their mission. International schools belong to the private school sector and operate on a self-financing and market-driven basis. In general, they are not subsidised by public funds for capital costs and daily operation.
The Government is committed to supporting the development of a vibrant international school sector, mainly to meet the demand for school places from non-local families living in Hong Kong and families coming to Hong Kong for work or investment. This policy objective is crucial in attracting and retaining talent in support of Hong Kong’s development as an international centre on finance, business, innovation and technology, education and culture, and reinforcing Hong Kong’s role as an international cosmopolitan with global connectivity.
Regarding the question asked by Hon Tang Fei, the reply is as follows:
(1) and (2) There are 54 international schools (including one special school) in Hong Kong. There is no newly established international school in the past five years. In the 2023/24 school year, international schools admitted about 42 100 students, accounting for 6.4 per cent of primary and secondary students in Hong Kong. There are two ways to set up an international school in Hong Kong:
(i) Application for registration as a private school first and seek recognition as an international school: School sponsoring body may identify private land and/or school premises in Hong Kong for operation of school and apply to the Education Bureau (EDB) for registration as private school. After the private school has been in operation for a certain period of time, the school operator may then seek the EDB’s recognition of the school as an international school subject to its fulfillment of relevant requirements. The start-up requirements include at least 70 per cent of the school places allocated to non-local students (Note), a proven track record of school operation and full accreditation from an established accreditation body, a sustainable financial plan.
(ii) Participation in the School Allocation Exercise (SAE): The supply of international school places is planned on a territory-wide basis. The EDB commissions a consultancy study from time to time on the provision of international school places at primary and secondary levels in Hong Kong. When there is a projected shortfall of international school places, the Government will allocate greenfield sites or vacant school premises (VSPs) for international school use through an open and competitive bidding mechanism as appropriate, to increase the number of international school places. It has been 10 years since the last allocation of greenfield sites and VSPs to international schools (in 2014). In the light of the overwhelming response to various talent admission schemes in the past two years, the EDB is conducting an SAE to allocate two VSPs offering some school places in meeting any short-term surge in education needs of dependant children of incoming talent from both the Mainland and overseas.
All along, the vast majority of education expenditure and land resources have been allocated to publicly-funded schools. For example, since the implementation of the existing SAE mechanism in 1999, the Government has allocated 156 school sites or VSPs for public sector primary and secondary schools. During the same period, the Government allocated only 16 school sites or VSPs for international school development. Since 2017, the EDB has sought funding approval from the Finance Committee of the Legislative Council and completed a total of 37 school building projects during the period, all of which are public sector school projects except one was an international school redevelopment project.
(3) Private schools, which operate on a self-financing and market-driven basis, may set their own school-based admission requirements and procedures for admitting students (including non-local students who have been approved to study or reside in Hong Kong). The requirement on the percentage of non-local students to be admitted applies to the international schools operated by the English Schools Foundation and the new campuses of international schools which entered into a service agreement with the EDB upon allocation of school premises or sites since 2007. These schools/campuses were required to enrol no less than 50 per cent of non-local students, and the percentage has been raised to 70 per cent by the EDB since 2009, in accordance with the terms of the service agreements. As Hong Kong has returned to normalcy and has been actively attracting more foreign investment and talent to the territory, the EDB expects that the number of non-local students, including those from the Mainland and overseas, to be admitted by international schools will increase gradually.
The EDB will continue to closely monitor the number of newly-arrived children and the demand for school places of the dependants of various talent schemes, and to conduct dynamic assessment of the demand for and supply of school places, as well as reserve sufficient school places in public sector schools for eligible school-age children. Should an existing publicly-funded school wish to cease operation and convert into a private school, it has to apply to the EDB for change of its mode of operation and for registration. The EDB will consider a basket of factors, including the lease conditions and restrictions on the use of the land of the school, curriculum planning, class structure, staff establishment, etc, to ensure that the school is capable of providing quality education.
Note: Local students refer to those who are Hong Kong permanent residents (with the right of abode in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR)) and do not have any valid passport other than HKSAR Passport. Students not covered by this definition are all regarded as non-local students. Issued at HKT 12:37
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
LCQ16: Supporting local students to pursue further studies in Mainland (1) of the following information in relation to Hong Kong students pursuing further studies in the Mainland in each of the past three years and this year to date (set out in the table below): (i) the number of Hong Kong students studying in Mainland higher education institutions and research institutes, (ii) the number of applicants for the Mainland University Study Subsidy Scheme (MUSSS), (iii) the number of subsidy recipients under the MUSSS, (iv) the amount of subsidy involved in the MUSSS, (v) the number of applicants for the Scheme for Admission of Hong Kong Students to Mainland Higher Education Institutions (the Admission Scheme), and (vi) the number of students admitted to Mainland institutions through the Admission Scheme;
Year(2) apart from organising large-scale Mainland Higher Education Expo every year, what regular measures are taken by the authorities to introduce secondary school students information about further studies in the Mainland and the MUSSS, and whether such introductions are made in life planning activities and relevant organisations are invited to hold seminars at schools; if so, of the number of hours and frequency of such activities in each of the past three years; if not, the reasons for that;
(3) as some Hong Kong students pursuing further studies in the Mainland have relayed that they were unaware of the MUSSS and therefore did not apply for the subsidy, whether the authorities will step up publicity and promotion work on the MUSSS and conduct regular surveys on Hong Kong students to understand how much they know about pursuing further studies in the Mainland;
(4) as it is learnt that Hong Kong students may need accreditation of academic qualifications, no matter whether they return to Hong Kong or stay in the Mainland for development after graduation, but there are still difficulties in accreditation of academic qualifications in both Hong Kong and the Mainland, such as the requirement of a manual process for accreditation and registration of academic qualifications, which cannot be possible with the number as printed in the Mainland Travel Permit for Hong Kong and Macao Residents, as relayed by some Hong Kong students pursuing further studies in the Mainland, whether the authorities will consider negotiating with relevant Mainland authorities to speed up the procedures and processes for accreditation of academic qualifications in both Hong Kong and the Mainland and work towards “mutual recognition of registration of academic qualifications” between Hong Kong and the Mainland in the long term; and
(5) along with increase in the number of Hong Kong students pursuing further studies in the Mainland, whether the authorities have invested additional resources to support their needs and considered expanding the scope of the MUSSS to include postgraduate programmes; if so, of the details; if not, the reasons for that?
Reply:
Academic year(1) According to the information provided by the Ministry of Education, including the numbers of undergraduate and graduate students. (2) As of January 2022 (3) As of December 2022 (4) As of December 2023 (5) Since the application period for the 2024/25 academic year just ended in September 2024, applications for this academic year are currently being processed, and the figures are not available yet.
(2) and (3) The Education Bureau (EDB) has been publicising and promoting the Scheme for Admission of Hong Kong Students to Mainland Higher Education Institutions (Admission Scheme) and the MUSSS through multiple channels, including school circulars, press releases, the EDB’s website, social media, newspaper advertisements and seminars. Every year, the EDB writes to principals of all local secondary schools to invite schools to participate in the School Principal Nomination Scheme under the Admission Scheme, to introduce the MUSSS to eligible students who plan to study on the Mainland, and distribute posters and leaflets of the MUSSS to secondary schools. In addition, the EDB organises life planning education seminars for senior secondary school students, teachers and parents every year to introduce the details of the Admission Scheme and the MUSSS, as well as the situation of studying on the Mainland. In the past three academic years (i.e., the 2021/22 to 2023/24 academic years), the EDB has organised a total of five related seminars for senior secondary school students, teachers and parents.Issued at HKT 12:20
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
LCQ5: Nurturing foreign language talents Question:
In 2018, the State President stated at the National Conference on Education that vigorous efforts should be made to nurture international talents proficient in foreign languages and adept at Chinese-foreign negotiations and communications. There are views that as the country’s super connector and super value-adder, as well as the premier international financial centre connecting the country and the Middle East market, Hong Kong needs to nurture a large pool of foreign language talents. In this connection, will the Government inform this Council:
(1) when Government officials make overseas visits and when the Government releases videos and hands out publications overseas to promote Hong Kong, whether local mother tongues of the relevant places have been used as the medium of communication; if so, of the details; if not, the reasons for that;
(2) as it is learnt that there are a number of language universities in the country, such as Beijing Foreign Studies University, which is approved to teach more than a hundred foreign languages, whether the Government will study allocating more resources to tertiary institutions to strengthen training in foreign languages other than English, or establishing foreign language universities drawing on the models of the Mainland, with a view to nurturing multilingual talents in public and private organisations, so that they can tell the good stories of Hong Kong in different languages; and
(3) whether it will study enhancing the existing “biliterate and trilingual” policy by turning it into a “triliterate and quadrilingual” policy?
Reply:
President,
Hong Kong is a cosmopolitan city. In recent years, various national strategies have even brought about tremendous development opportunities for Hong Kong, which require us to strengthen exchanges and co-operation with the Mainland and overseas regions and countries by capitalising on our advantage of “linkage with our Motherland and close connection to the world”. To enhance our international competitiveness and strengthen our position as an international post-secondary education hub, we have been striving to nurture talents who are biliterate and trilingual, and proficient in other languages.
Having consulted the Commerce and Economic Development Bureau and the Information Services Department (ISD), I would like to reply to the Hon Benson Luk’s questions as follows:
(1) Currently, in taking forward overseas promotion work, the overseas Economic and Trade Offices (ETOs) of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) Government and Invest Hong Kong (InvestHK) will make appropriate arrangements taking into account the common languages of the relevant places. For instance, apart from the English version of the relevant ETOs’ websites, languages commonly used in the countries/regions under their respective purview are also available, e.g. Japanese, Thai, German, Arabic to facilitate local people in understanding the information disseminated by ETOs. Also, for meetings between officials of the HKSAR Government and local officials/representatives of the political and business sectors and preparation of relevant promotional materials, the ETOs concerned will arrange interpretation and prepare and issue the relevant promotion materials in local languages as appropriate.
In addition, to facilitate investors from around the world to understand the latest information about Hong Kong’s business environment, InvestHK’s website is available in a number of major languages, including simplified Chinese, traditional Chinese, English, Japanese, Spanish, French, Italian, as well as Arabic, which has been newly added. Separately, InvestHK’s promotional videos are mainly in English and Putonghua. Depending on the origin of individual successful case studies, subtitles may be available in the local language. As for InvestHK’s client meetings and promotional materials, Putonghua and simplified Chinese are used on the Mainland, while English and the local language where necessary are used in overseas markets. Interpretation will also be arranged at investment promotion seminars.
On external promotion, the ISD produces a series of creative contents in multiple languages for placement in overseas and Mainland cities through digital and social media platforms, as well as outdoor advertising, in the form of short videos and banner advertisements to tell the good stories of Hong Kong. These creative contents are available in Arabic, Bahasa Indonesia, Dutch, English, French, German, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Malay, Thai, Vietnamese, etc. The ISD also translated and printed the promotional booklet entitled “HK Connect” into foreign languages such as Arabic, Bahasa Indonesia, Malay and Thai for distribution to target recipients at promotional activities during senior officials’ overseas visits.
Moreover, the ISD has held the “Immersive Hong Kong” promotional roving exhibitions in Jakarta, Indonesia; Bangkok, Thailand; Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; and Guangzhou, China since July 2023. It will also be staged in Dubai, the Middle East next month. In addition to English, the exhibition information is also available in the local languages of each stop to enhance the publicity effect.
(2) The eight University Grants Committee (UGC)-funded universities have all along been making flexible use of their resources to offer a wide range of publicly-funded programmes with regard to their respective roles and positioning, as well as providing diversified learning opportunities for students in response to market demands. Learning foreign languages can help students to understand multiculturalism and strengthen their connections with different parts of the world, thereby enhancing their competitiveness in entering the workforce, pursuing further studies or starting their own businesses in the future. University education also aims to encourage students to acquire knowledge and skills in different fields, and nurture the high-calibre talents required by different industries, so as to inject impetus into the development of Hong Kong.
In recent years, the eight UGC-funded universities have offered as many as 12 contemporary foreign languages for learning, including Arabic, French, German, Italian, Japanese, Kiswahili, Korean, Portuguese, Russian, Swedish, Spanish and Thai. They also offer a range of specialised programmes majoring in individual foreign languages or cultures for students who aspire to become professionals in relevant fields in the future. As for students pursuing undergraduate programmes in other areas such as engineering technology, business or social sciences, a number of universities also offer minor options or foreign language courses as free electives for interested students to pursue having regard to their personal aspirations and abilities. In addition, a number of self-financing institutions at present offer post-secondary programmes related to different foreign languages and relevant elective subjects according to market demand.
The above arrangements for major, minor and free electives enable students to study foreign languages having regard to their learning objectives in an appropriate manner. The existing arrangements meet practical needs with flexibility; hence the Government has no plans to set up a foreign language university. Nevertheless, we will continue to encourage the UGC-funded universities to provide students with opportunities to learn foreign languages, and through various avenues, such as student exchange programmes and experiential learning activities, enable students to gain exposure to the cultures of more places, broaden their horizons, seize Hong Kong’s unique advantages, and be better prepared for their future development.
(3) Over the years, the Government has been collaborating with the Standing Committee on Language Education and Research, other advisory bodies and stakeholders to enable the Hong Kong people, particularly students and working adults, to become biliterate and trilingual, through sponsoring and implementing various measures using the Language Fund. Moreover, the Education Bureau (EDB) endeavours to develop students’ multilingual competence, enabling them to make life planning based on their own interests, abilities and aspirations, and to connect to the world. Over the years, the EDB has offered “other languages” courses (Note 1) (Category C of the Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education Examination) for senior secondary students to study as an elective subject. As announced in the 2024 Policy Address, the EDB will implement a pilot scheme to invite schools to apply for additional resources to provide opportunities for junior secondary students to learn “other languages” (Note 2), in order to facilitate a stronger articulation in their learning of “other languages” as an elective subject at the senior secondary level.
Thank you, President.
Note 1: The EDB subsidises schools to offer courses of the six “other languages”, i.e. French, German, Japanese, Korean, Spanish and Urdu, for secondary four to six students.
Note 2: Schools can use the funding to offer junior secondary courses of the six designated “other languages” (i.e. French, German, Japanese, Korean, Spanish and Urdu), which are the senior secondary elective subjects. Arabic and Russian could also be considered. Issued at HKT 15:40
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
LCQ8: Supporting students with special educational needs in post-secondary institutions Question:
It is learnt that the community has all along been concerned about whether various post-secondary institutions can adequately support students with special educational needs (SEN) in terms of their learning needs, so as to equip them for pursuing further studies and joining the workforce. In this connection, will the Government inform this Council:
(1) whether it knows the number of SEN students studying in the eight universities funded by the University Grants Committee (UGC) (the eight universities) in the current academic year, together with a breakdown by type of SEN, including but not limited to hearing impairment, visual impairment, physical disability, and specific learning difficulties;
(2) as the Government has indicated in its reply to a question raised by a Member of this Council on November 8 last year that the UGC further allocates additional resources to the eight universities between 2022 and 2025 by providing an additional special funding of $67.5 million for the Special Grant to Enhance the Support for Students with Special Educational Needs (the Special Grant), which seeks to enable the universities to (i) enhance the teaching and learning experience of SEN students, (ii) strengthen staff training, and (iii) promote campus integration, whether the Government knows the actual amount of funding granted to each university, the expenditure on items (i) to (iii), as well as the relevant specific measures and their effectiveness respectively;
(3) whether it knows if the UGC will extend or regularise the Special Grant in the future to continuously implement one of the strategic recommendations of the Persons with Disabilities and Rehabilitation Programme Plan, which is to provide adequate resources and ensure equal opportunities for SEN students to receive higher education or pursue further studies; if the UGC will, of the estimated relevant annual expenditure; if not, the reasons for that;
(4) as some organisations and their assistance seekers have relayed that some university students need to engage sign language interpretation services to support their studies, but due to limited study hours funded by their universities, rather exorbitant sign language interpretation costs have to be borne by such students in their three or four-year undergraduate programmes, whether the authorities will require the eight universities to strengthen the support for such students and ensure that the relevant measures are put in place in a proper and effective manner, so that no such students will be unable to complete their studies or pursue further studies because of lack of means; if so, of the details; if not, the reasons for that; and
(5) whether the authorities will consider offering dedicated post-secondary programmes that are suitable and able to provide support for SEN students, complemented by related all-round support services (including but not limited to sign language interpretation), so that they can equip themselves and join the workforce; if so, of the details; if not, the reasons for that?
Reply:
President,
The eight University Grants Committee (UGC)-funded universities have all along been making special teaching arrangements and providing support services to students with special educational needs (SEN).
Our replies to Dr the Hon Chow Man-kong’s questions are as follows:
(1) In the past three academic years (AY), the numbers of full-time UGC-funded sub-degree and undergraduate students with SEN (Note 1) are tabulated below by their types of SEN –
Type of SENAYAY(provisional figures)language impairmentNote 2: Including different types of disabilities, visceral disability /chronic illness, etc.
We do not have the relevant figures for the 2024/25 AY for the time being.
(2) and (3) To assist students with SEN in pursuing UGC-funded programmes and adapt to campus life, as well as promoting an inclusive culture, the UGC has launched the Special Grant for Enhancing Support for Students with SEN (the Special Grant) since 2015 to provide additional resources for universities to take forward three key objectives, i.e. (i) improving the educational experience of students with SEN, (ii) enhancing staff training and (iii) promoting an inclusive campus. The subsidy scope of the Special Grant is comprehensive, with specific initiatives covering professional services such as educational psychology services, development of e-learning platforms, enhancement of awareness of students with SEN through seminars, workshops, online resources, etc, implementation of integrated education, improvement of campus accessibility, and provision of additional assistive tools for students with SEN, etc.
With the support and efforts of the stakeholders over the years, the Special Grant has been effective in supporting students with SEN and promoting a caring culture among staff and peers. According to the results of surveys conducted by the UGC-funded universities among students with SEN in the 2022/23 AY, the average student satisfaction rating was 4.1 (i.e. above the “satisfactory” level) on a five-point scale. The UGC has also noted the positive impact of the Special Grant on the UGC-funded universities in deepening their institutional changes and addressing the needs of students with SEN in a more organised and systematic manner.
In view of its effectiveness, the UGC has further increased the funding to $67.5 million in the 2022/23 – 2024/25 (2022-25) triennium to extend and enhance the support for students with SEN, and to expand the scope of funding to cover employment support, etc. The special grant for the 2022-25 triennium was allocated primarily with reference to the average numbers of students with SEN enrolled in full-time publicly-funded sub-degree and undergraduate programmes at the UGC-funded universities in the past five AYs. Allocations of the special grant to the UGC-funded universities are set out in the table below –
UGC-funded universities2022-25 triennium （$ million）Science and Technology Regarding the expenditure in different areas, the UGC-funded universities will formulate appropriate support strategies and allocate budgets having regard to their actual circumstances. Overall, the UGC-funded universities deploy about 40 per cent of the funding for staff and general expenses, while about 50 per cent of the remaining funding is deployed to enhance the learning experience of students, 20 per cent to strengthen staff training, and 30 per cent to promote an inclusive campus.
Recurrent funding for the UGC-funded universities is provided on a triennial basis. Like other funding schemes, the existing special grant is aligned with the current funding cycle (i.e. the 2022-25 triennium). For the arrangements of the next triennium, the UGC will continue to communicate with the funded universities closely, and consider the means for supporting the universities as they continue to provide appropriate assistance for students with SEN in a timely manner.
(4) Under the existing arrangements, the UGC-funded universities may make use of the special grant to support students with hearing impairment, including hiring staff to provide sign language interpretation service to support their learning. The UGC believes that the funded universities will balance the needs of different students with SEN and deploy the special grant appropriately to render suitable support, including those with hearing impairment. Meanwhile, with the rapid advancement in technology, the UGC encourages the funded universities to actively explore the use of new technologies and adopt various technological solutions to provide more comprehensive support to students in need in a more cost-effective manner.
(5) Under the existing policy on integrated education, the Education Bureau advocates “equal opportunities and enhancing students’ learning having regard to the uniqueness of individual students”. With suitable support and assistance from institutions, all students are provided with equal learning opportunities such that students with SEN can overcome their learning barriers and join the mainstream campus life together with others. On the one hand, the UGC is making use of the special grant to motivate the UGC-funded universities to provide students with SEN with the necessary support, barrier-free facilities and information such that they can learn in the same way as their peers. On the other hand, the special grant promotes an inclusive campus through various means to advocate the sharing of campus life among teachers, students and those with SEN such that they can learn to respect, understand and accept each other, thereby cultivating whole-person development in a wider context. At the same time, with the special grant for the 2022-25 triennium, the UGC has further expanded the scope of funding to cover activities and projects that will help students to join the society and develop their careers in the future. This involves encouraging the universities to provide more comprehensive, targeted and practical support to students with SEN, and to enable them to plan and prepare for their career paths upon graduation as early as possible during their studies. Apart from the special grant, the UGC-funded universities could make use of the block grant to take forward integrated education on their campuses. Issued at HKT 14:15
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
The Mainland University Study Subsidy Scheme (MUSSS) aims to support Hong Kong students in pursuing undergraduate studies on the Mainland and ensure that no students will be deprived of post-secondary education opportunity due to a lack of means. MUSSS comprises two components: “means-tested subsidy” (eligible students who have passed a means test will receive either a full-rate subsidy or a half-rate subsidy, depending on their needs) and “non-means-tested subsidy”. The subsidy is granted on a yearly basis, and the subsidised period is the normal duration of the undergraduate programme pursued by the student concerned in a designated Mainland institution. Eligible applicants can only receive either a means-tested subsidy or a non-means-tested subsidy in the same academic year. MUSSS is not subject to any quota.
For the 2024/25 academic year, there are 197 designated Mainland institutions. The means-tested subsidy and the non-means-tested subsidy will be disbursed to eligible students based on the distance between the location of their institutions and Hong Kong, which will be grouped under three categories, category (I) for distances less than 450 km, category (II) for distances between 450 km and 1 000 km as well as category (III) for distances over 1 000 km. Details of the subsidy rates under the different categories will be announced later.(a) having right of abode Note(1)(b) having received and completed senior secondary education in Hong Kong Note(2)(c) pursuing undergraduate studies in any of the 197 designated Mainland institutions in the 2024/25 academic year.(a) having right of abode Note(1)(b) having received and completed senior secondary education in Hong Kong Note(2)(c) pursuing undergraduate studies in any of the 197 designated Mainland institutions in the 2024/25 academic year; and (d)(1) attained “3322” Note(3)(d)(2) pursuing studies in Huaqiao University through “Pilot Scheme on the Articulation of Hong Kong Sub-degree Graduates to Huaqiao University”; OR (d)(3) admitted to a Mainland institution through the “School Principal Nomination Scheme” under the “Scheme for Admission of Hong Kong Students to Mainland Higher Education Institutions”.(1) A student who is expected to receive his/her right of abode within the 2024/25 academic year may also apply.(2) To also cover schools for Hong Kong children on the Mainland listed under the HKDSE Participating School List published by the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority. For the 2024/25 academic year, HKDSE graduates from Shenzhen Hong Kong Pui Kiu College Longhua Xinyi School and Affiliated School of JNU for Hong Kong and Macao Students are eligible to apply provided that they also fulfill other criteria listed under “Eligibility” of MUSSS.(3) Applicable to HKDSE results obtained on or before 2023.(4) Citizenship and Social Development subject replaced the original Liberal Studies subject in the 2024 HKDSE. The scoring criteria for the Citizenship and Social Development subject is “Attained” and “Not Attained”, with “A” representing “Attained”. The HKDSE results obtained in 2024 or later have been revised to “332A”.
Eligible students are required to submit their applications via the MUSSS Electronic Application Platform (https://musss.edb.gov.hk) or send the completed application forms and relevant supporting documents by post to EDB on or before 13 September 2024.
Details of MUSSS (including the list of designated Mainland institutions) are available at the EDB website (http://www.edb.gov.hk/musss).
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
During the rain and tropical cyclone season, Hong Kong may occasionally be affected by tropical cyclones and the weather becomes unstable, with the possibility of strong winds and heavy rainfalls.
Students and parents are therefore reminded that in the event of tropical cyclones and heavy persistent rain, the Education Bureau (EDB) will announce the class suspension arrangements for that day based on the latest weather information and the conditions of roads, slopes, and traffic. The announcements will be made through the following channels:
Weather conditions
Corresponding measures
When Tropical Cyclone Warning Signal No. 1 is issued
All schools, including kindergartens, are to operate as usual unless advised otherwise.
When Tropical Cyclone Warning Signal No. 3 is issued
All Classes of kindergartens, schools for children with physical disability and schools for children with intellectual disability are to be suspended.
Other schools are to operate as usual unless advised otherwise.
When Tropical Cyclone Warning Signal Pre-No. 8 / No. 8 or above is issued
Classes of all schools are to be suspended.
When Tropical Cyclone Warning Signal No. 8 or above is replaced by Signal No. 3
Classes of all kindergartens, schools for children with physical disability and schools for children with intellectual disability are to remain suspended.
Unless previous announcement has been made to the effect that classes will be suspended for the entire day, other schools are to resume if Tropical Cyclone Warning Signal 3 has been issued before 5:30 a.m. (for AM and whole-day schools), 10:30 a.m. (for PM schools) or 5:00 p.m. (for evening schools).
When Tropical Cyclone Warning Signal No. 3 is replaced by Signal No. 1 or when all tropical cyclone signals are cancelled
All schools are to resume with the next session unless previous announcement has been made to the effect that classes will be suspended for the entire day.
When “The combined effect of strong wind and prolonged rainstorm is affecting/expected to affect Hong Kong” is disseminated by the Hong Kong Observatory (HKO)
In general, if this information is disseminated during the following periods, it means that student need not attend schools:
At or after 5:30 a.m. and before 8:00 a.m.: AM and Whole-day Schools
At or after 10:30 a.m. and before 1:00 p.m.: PM Schools
At or after 5:00 p.m. and before 7:00 p.m.: Evening Schools
If the above information is disseminated during school hours, schools should continue lessons until the end of normal school hours and ought to ensure that conditions are safe before allowing students to return home. Parents do not need to pick up their children from school immediately.
As the situations in localised areas may differ from the territory as a whole, parents can exercise their discretion in deciding whether or not to send their children to school if the local weather, roads, slopes or traffic conditions are adverse. Schools will be flexible in handling the affected students who arrive late or are absent from school at parents’ discretion on the day, and such students will not be penalised.
Weather conditions can change rapidly, so it is important for students and parents to pay close attention to the latest weather conditions provided by the HKO and check if the EDB has announced class suspension before leaving for school and during their journey to ensure safety.
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
The Government has implemented the Kindergarten Education Scheme (Scheme) with effect from the 2017/18 school year to provide subsidy directly to kindergartens joining the Scheme (Scheme-KGs). Under the Scheme, “Registration Certificate for Kindergarten Admission” (RC) is used for nursery (K1) registration in the 2025/26 school year. Parents are required to apply to the Education Bureau (EDB) for RC as the registration document for admission to K1 classes in Scheme-KGs.
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
LCQ11: Raising public’s Putonghua standard Question:
There are views that with the integration of Hong Kong into the overall development of the country, raising the public’s Putonghua standard is of significance to enhancing their sense of national identity and patriotic education, and being conversant with Putonghua can help the public better understand the policies, culture and history of the country, thereby deepening their patriotic sentiments and sense of belonging. In this connection, will the Government inform this Council:
(1) of the specific measures currently taken by the Government to raise the Putonghua standard of Hong Kong students, so as to enhance their sense of national identity and awareness of patriotism; whether it has plans to increase the proportion of school curriculum using Putonghua as the teaching medium;
(2) to facilitate the implementation of Putonghua education, whether it has provided targeted professional training to teachers to raise their standard of teaching in Putonghua; whether a dedicated training fund or scholarship has been established to support teachers to pursue further studies in Putonghua;
(3) whether it has policies or plans to raise civil servants’ Putonghua standard; whether it will include the Putonghua proficiency test as a criterion for the recruitment and promotion of civil servants; if so, of the specific arrangements; and
(4) whether it has conducted surveys on the implementation of Putonghua education in Hong Kong at present to assess its effectiveness; if so, of the assessment outcome for recent years; if not, the reasons for that?
Reply:
President,
Under the “one country, two systems”, Hong Kong’s policy on language education is to develop the biliterate and trilingual abilities of our students, enabling them to express themselves and communicate fluently in Putonghua, English and Cantonese. Putonghua is the standard Chinese language of our country. It is also a symbol of our nation. A good mastery of Putonghua not only enhances expression and communication but also facilitates integration into the overall development of the country, boosting national pride and confidence.
Our reply to the question raised by the Hon Tang Fei is as follows:
(1), (2) and (4) The Education Bureau (EDB) has been actively promoting the teaching and learning of Putonghua, and adopting a multi-pronged strategy, which covers the aspects of curriculum, learning and teaching support, student activities and teachers’ professional development, to promote students’ learning of Putonghua within and beyond the classroom.
Curriculum
Since 1998, Putonghua has officially been included as a core subject at the primary and junior secondary levels to ensure that all primary and secondary school students can master Putonghua. We will continue to review the curriculum, closely keep in view the grading standards and the testing outlines of the Putonghua Proficiency Test for secondary and primary school students (pilot version) promulgated by the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China and the State Language Commission (SLC), and make timely refinement to the curriculum of the Putonghua subject for primary and secondary schools in Hong Kong, so as to align with the national standards and enhance the effectiveness of Putonghua learning and teaching.
Learning and teaching support
To support the learning and teaching of Putonghua, the EDB has been developing diversified learning and teaching resources for reference and use by teachers and students. These include enhancing the content and the functions of the “Tong Da Xue Pu” self-learning website, producing resource materials such as a Glossary of Easily-mispronounced Terms, a game booklet on the Correct Pronunciation and Application of Putonghua and the “Voice and Expression: Learning Materials for Reading Aloud in Putonghua with Background Music for Primary and Secondary Schools”, as well as preparing school exemplars.
Furthermore, the EDB provides school-based support services for primary and secondary schools, collaborating with teachers to enhance the learning and teaching of Putonghua in schools such as developing Pinyin teaching, encouraging students to read aloud, telling stories relating to classical Chinese poetry, and designing various Putonghua learning activities. The EDB also works under the Mainland-Hong Kong Teachers Exchange and Collaboration Programme to arrange for Mainland expert teachers to enhance teachers’ professional capacity in implementing Putonghua teaching through on-site collaboration, teacher networks, open lessons and teacher professional development activities.
To further promote the effective use of Putonghua by students so as to boost their national pride and national confidence, the Chief Executive has also announced in his 2024 Policy Address that the EDB would earmark approximately $200 million in the Language Fund for providing a one-off grant to each public sector primary and secondary school in the 2024/25 school year. This grant aims to enrich the Putonghua language environment and enhance the atmosphere for learning Putonghua.
Multifarious activities and Mainland exchange
The EDB has all along been encouraging schools to organise multifarious activities to give students more opportunities to use Putonghua on and off campus. The EDB also collaborates with schools, educational organisations and social organisations to regularly organise various kinds of Putonghua activities for students such as the Putonghua Public Speaking Competition for Primary and Secondary Schools. The Standing Committee on Language Education and Research (SCOLAR) makes use of the Language Fund to encourage and provide funding to different sectors of the community to conduct a variety of Putonghua activities, thereby creating a diversified Putonghua learning environment for students outside the classroom. Since the 2019/20 school year, a total grant of over $60 million has been approved by the SCOLAR to fund projects initiated by different organisations for the promotion of Putonghua, including interactive theatres, radio dramas, video production, quiz competitions, public speaking contests and community exploration activities, and the attendance of beneficiary students has exceeded 400 000. According to the feedback gathered by the organisers and the observations by the SCOLAR Secretariat, participating students were able to speak Putonghua with enthusiasm and they demonstrated good Putonghua proficiency in general.
In addition, by means of the Sister School Scheme and Mainland exchange and study tours, students are provided with opportunities to practise Putonghua, enrich their vocabulary and enhance their communication skills in an authentic environment through interacting and exchanging with their Mainland counterparts, touring different visiting spots and participating in relevant learning activities, etc.
Professional training and development of teachers
The policy on Language Proficiency Requirement (LPR) has been implemented by the EDB since the 2000/01 school year. Under this policy, all teachers of the Putonghua subject holding a regular post in publicly-funded schools (Note) have to fulfil the language proficiency requirements. With the introduction of the enhanced LPR announced by the EDB recently, starting from the 2024/25 school year, all new or newly deployed teachers of the Putonghua subject holding a regular post should attain Grade A, Level 2 or above in the Test of Proficiency in Putonghua conducted by the SLC and obtain the attained result in the Classroom Language Assessment within the first year of taking up teaching the subject.
To further encourage teachers to enhance their mastery of Putonghua, this year the EDB launches the Sponsorship Scheme for Teachers Taking the National Putonghua Proficiency Test, under which all serving and prospective teachers (including but not limited to teachers teaching Chinese Language and Putonghua subjects) employed in publicly-funded primary and secondary schools in Hong Kong will be fully sponsored by the Language Fund to take the Putonghua Proficiency Test once. The aim is to reinforce the atmosphere for using Putonghua in school.
Other than these, the EDB provides in-service training on different themes for Putonghua teachers every year, which includes curriculum interpretation, teaching of listening and speaking, teaching of Pinyin, tackling learning difficulties, learning assessment and creating an environment conducive to language learning. These training courses aim to enhance the teaching quality and skills of in-service teachers with contents further expanded to include performing arts, pragmatics, as well as communication and application of Putonghua to enhance their linguistic competence. In addition, the EDB encourages teachers to enrol in the online programme on Capacity Building Relating to the Teaching and Promotion of Putonghua for Teachers of Primary and Secondary Schools in Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macao offered by the Ministry of Education. Literary and cultural study trips to the Mainland have also been organised for teachers to promote exchanges, broaden their horizon and enhance their teaching abilities.
The EDB and the Department of Education of Guangdong Province co-organise the Advanced Course on Teaching of Putonghua every year to uplift the professional standards of Putonghua teachers through immersive training courses and lesson observation activities. So far, 612 Putonghua teachers have completed the course since its first launch in 1999.
Effectiveness evaluation
The EDB has been using different channels such as curriculum development visits and inspections to understand the work of schools in uplifting students’ language proficiency (including the promotion of Putonghua education) and will make recommendations on improvement as necessary. Following the introduction of the enhanced School Development and Accountability framework in the 2022/23 school year, schools have to focus more on the seven learning goals (including language proficiency of students) in conducting the annual school self-evaluation (SSE). During the process, schools will collect the SSE information and data for integrative use to evaluate their effectiveness in related work. As observed from school inspections, schools would take into account their school-based circumstances and adopt diversified approaches to encourage students’ learning of Putonghua through application. For example, they would create a rich Putonghua learning environment within the schools and arrange students to participate in Putonghua-related activities held inside and outside their schools so as to increase students’ ability and interest in the use of Putonghua.
According to the results of the 2021 Thematic Household Survey published by the Census and Statistics Department, 85.7 per cent of the responding students perceived their language competence in Putonghua for daily use as totally sufficient, sufficient or average. The percentage has been rising steadily over the past ten years.
The EDB will continue to create more opportunities for teachers and students to practise Putonghua and enrich the Putonghua learning environment to enhance the Putonghua proficiency of teachers and students in Hong Kong.
(3) Having consulted the Civil Service Bureau, response to part (3) of the question is set out below:
Chinese and English are both the official languages of Hong Kong. It is the Government’s policy to maintain a fully biliterate and trilingual civil service to ensure effective communication with the public in discharging their official duties.
Heads of Department/Grade would, having regard to the job requirements of the grades under their purview, specify appropriate language proficiency requirements as part of the entry requirements of the grades concerned. In assessing whether candidates meet the Putonghua proficiency required by the grade concerned, the recruiting department/grade may, having regard to its operational needs, decide on the appropriate assessment method(s), such as requiring candidates to answer questions in Putonghua during selection interviews, or requiring candidates to attain specific results in designated Putonghua proficiency tests.
While maintaining the standard of public services, the Government will from time to time review the language proficiency requirements of various civil service grades to ensure that they commensurate with the job requirements and allow people of different backgrounds to join the civil service. The Civil Service Bureau is also dedicated to strengthening Putonghua training through arranging courses and web resources for civil servants. The contents include Putonghua for conducting exchange at work, methods to learn and better communicate in Putonghua, with a view to enhancing the overall ability of the civil service in using Putonghua.
Note: These include all teachers of Putonghua holding a regular post in aided schools, as well as teachers of Putonghua in government schools, caput schools, Direct Subsidy Scheme schools and private primary/secondary day schools offering a formal curriculum who are comparable to teachers holding a regular post in aided schools. Issued at HKT 14:35
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
LCQ9: Students’ use of mobile phones in school Question:
It has been reported that, starting from this school year, middle schools in a number of districts in France have launched an experimental project to prohibit students from using mobile phones in school, requiring them to hand over their phones upon arrival at school. The objective of the project concerned is to reduce the use of mobile phones by students, so as to avoid affecting their physical and mental development. In addition, it is learnt that different states of the United States also have similar requirements. In this connection, will the Government inform this Council:
(1) whether it has grasped the existing rules and arrangements of primary and secondary schools across the territory in respect of students bringing mobile phones to school, e.g. allowing students to keep the mobile phones in their own custody after switching them off, having schools keep the mobile phones under their custody and store in lockers, or completely prohibiting the bringing of mobile phones;
(2) whether the authorities have provided guidelines to assist schools in drawing up a “code of conduct for bringing mobile phones” and setting out specific regulations and penalties, so as to ensure that students are not allowed to use mobile phones in school, thereby avoiding problems such as impeding the lesson progress and affecting the learning atmosphere and classroom order;
(3) whether it had, in the past three years, gained an understanding of the various problems arising from students bringing mobile phones to school, such as the pecuniary losses resulting from the loss of mobile phones; if so, how the schools addressed such problems; and
(4) whether the authorities will make reference to the practices in other regions and formulate measures or policies to regulate students’ use of mobile phones in school; if so, of the details; if not, the reasons for that?
Reply:
President,
In accordance with the Education Ordinance (Cap. 279), the management committee or incorporated management committee of a school shall be responsible for ensuring that the school is managed satisfactorily and the education of the pupils is promoted in a proper manner. For implementation, schools should lay down school rules to specify the basic requirements on the behaviour of students in the school, thus cultivating a safe, healthy and orderly learning environment for the students.
Our consolidated reply to the four parts of the question is as follows:
The School Administration Guide issued by the Education Bureau (EDB) sets out clearly the general principles that schools may refer to when formulating and enforcing their school rules. Schools should collect and consider the views of teachers, parents and students when drawing up their school rules. Through discussion and communication, schools should help students apprehend the meaning of the school rules as well as reach a common understanding and consensus, and review the school rules periodically. Schools should enforce the school rules in a lawful, sensible and reasonable manner while ensuring fairness and consistency in application. Due regard should be paid to students’ dignity, individual differences and their rights to education. In this connection, when schools formulate rules in relation to students taking mobile phones to or using mobile phones at schools, they should make reference to the relevant guidelines and legislations and consider their own circumstances. While paying concern to students’ learning and classroom discipline, schools should also take into account the genuine needs of students and parents so as to make appropriate school-based arrangements. In addition, the EDB has suggested ways of handling students who play games on smartphones during lessons in the Case Study Kit on Managing Students’ Behavioural Problems for schools’ reference.
Furthermore, facing the challenges brought by emerging information and communication technologies, the EDB attaches importance to nurturing students’ information literacy and provides the “Information Literacy for Hong Kong Students” Learning Framework to strengthen the relevant information literacy learning elements in primary and secondary curricula, so as to foster students’ ability and attitude to use information and communication technology effectively and ethically in their learning and daily lives, so that they can use the Internet and electronic devices properly and healthily.
Formulation and enforcement of school rules fall within a school’s daily operation and internal affairs. It is in general handled directly and professionally by a school according to the school context. Schools are not required to submit details of day-to-day case handling (such as cases of individual students losing mobile phones at school) to the EDB. Hence, the EDB does not have the particular information.
The EDB has been maintaining close communication and exchanging views with school sponsoring bodies and the education sector regarding the professional aspects of school administration and management. The prevailing school-based approach to handle student mobile phone use at schools follows the principles outlined in the School Administration Guide. It effectively meets the operational needs of schools while also enables schools to follow the established school administrative framework for good school governance. The EDB will continue to support the operation of schools and will provide appropriate advice and assistance when necessary. Issued at HKT 11:10
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
LCQ16: Results documents for Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education Examination Question:
It has been reported that some students were recently found to have allegedly submitted fake results documents for the Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education Examination (HKDSE) when applying for and during enrolment to a university in Macao. The relevant authorities in Macao have now stepped up verification for academic qualifications and examination results, while the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority (HKEAA) has also filed a police report on the incident. In this connection, will the Government inform this Council:
(1) of the number of enquiries received by the HKEAA from institutions outside Hong Kong for establishing the authenticity of the HKDSE results in the past five years;
(2) of the number of cases involving suspected forgery of the HKDSE results documents uncovered by the HKEAA in the past five years;
(3) of the existing anti-forgery features in the HKDSE certification documents including result notice, statement of results and certification of results; whether the HKEAA has explored enhancements to anti-forgery measures for such documents; if so, of the details; if not, the reasons for that; and
(4) whether the Government will, by drawing reference from the practice of the Ministry of Education to establish the China Higher Education Student Information website, consider providing a unified platform that collates information on students’ academic qualifications, student status and public examination files, and offers online verification services; if so, of the details; if not, the reasons for that?
Reply:
President,
The Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education Examination (HKDSE) is a widely recognised academic qualification in Hong Kong and abroad. It is also an important credential for further studies and employment of candidates. The Education Bureau (EDB) attaches great importance to the verification of the HKDSE results to maintain the confidence of people at home and abroad in the HKDSE qualifications. Falsification or provision of fake academic qualifications is a serious offence. If any person attempts to use false documentation of results, the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority (HKEAA) will certainly refer the case to law enforcement agencies for follow-up action. The reply to the question raised by the Hon Chu Kwok-keung is set out below:
(1) and (2) In the past five years, the HKEAA has received one enquiry from a non-local tertiary institution about the authenticity of the HKDSE results held by its students. After verification, the HKEAA found that the HKDSE results of the students involved in this case were forged.
(3) Documents such as the HKDSE results notice, certificate, statement of results and certification of results issued by the HKEAA have multiple security features, including the use of watermarked fibre paper and microprinting technology for lettering. The HKEAA has also provided candidates, tertiary institutions and employers with result verification services (Note 1) to ensure that they can obtain or verify candidates’ public examination results directly from official sources.
The HKEAA will annually review the various operational arrangements for the current HKDSE cohort for continuous improvements. It will also review and optimise the results verification services and security measures where necessary.
(4) It is understood that, as regards post-secondary institutions in Hong Kong, the Joint Universities Computer Centre, which is established by 19 post-secondary institutions and organisations (Note 2), has successfully developed and launched an inter-institutional academic certificate verification platform using blockchain technology. Post-secondary institutions and students may choose to use the platform at their own discretion. Participating institutions can digitalise and upload academic certificates of graduates to the platform, in order to allow students to share their credentials with relevant persons via the platform when seeking employment or further studies. The platform streamlines the verification of academic qualifications and helps combat forgery of credentials. As for the HKDSE, the HKEAA will closely monitor the situations and study the feasibility of developing an electronic results verification solution to enhance the efficiency of service. The EDB will closely monitor the application and development of the aforesaid qualification verification platforms and explore the feasibility of establishing a more comprehensive verification platform at a suitable juncture.
Notes: 1. The services include: (a) HKDSE results extraction service: The HKEAA currently provides direct access to the results of the HKDSE for over 20 local and non-local universities, institutions and admission authorities, including the majority of the local tertiary institutions, Joint University Programmes Admissions System Office, the EDB, the respective joint admission offices of the Mainland and Taiwan, as well as a number of self-financing institutions in Hong Kong. After obtaining the consent of the student applicants concerned, the institutions may obtain the HKDSE results of the student applicants concerned directly from the HKEAA on the release date of the HKDSE or on a specified date, and the whole process is conducted without the intervention of a third party, so as to ensure the authenticity of the information; and (b) Provision of Certification of Results: The HKEAA maintains records of candidates’ results in public examinations since its establishment in 1977. Tertiary institutions or employers who need to check the public examination results of individual applicants may request the applicants to apply to the HKEAA for the issue of a “Certification of Results”, which will be sent directly to the organisations specified by the applicants to certify the results of their public examinations.
2. Including the eight universities funded by the University Grants Committee; and the Hong Kong Metropolitan University, Hong Kong Shue Yan University, the Hang Seng University of Hong Kong, Saint Francis University, the Hong Kong Academy for Performing Arts, Vocational Training Council, Construction Industry Council, Hong Kong Chu Hai College, Tung Wah College, UOW College Hong Kong and University of Macau. Issued at HKT 11:05
Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region
The Working Group on Patriotic Education (WGPE) under the Constitution and Basic Law Promotion Steering Committee has produced USB devices containing the karaoke version of “Our Home” , the theme song of patriotic education, and A4 folders with messages of loving our country, Hong Kong and our community. They are being distributed to primary and secondary schools and students respectively starting from early October, so that patriotic education can be better integrated across campuses and into students’ daily studies and lives in an interesting and diversified manner.
“Our Home” is performed by member of the Media Publicity Sub-group under the WGPE, Ms Cally Kwong, and produced by musician Alan Cheung. The key message encourages people to love their country as much as they love their families, as one can only have a family when they have a country. Each school will receive two USB devices. Teachers are welcome to use them during music classes or other school activities.
