Category: Education

  • MIL-OSI USA: IAM Members at McGee Air Services Ready for Negotiations

    Source: US GOIAM Union

    Negotiations between IAM District 142 and McGee Air Services are set to begin in early 2025.

    District 142 General Chairs Justin Bates and Jason McAdoo, along with IAM Air Transport Territory International Representative Brianna Gregory are supporting negotiations. The entire group recently traveled to the IAM’s Winpisinger Education Technology Center in Hollywood, Md., for negotiation preparations.

    Watch Video here.

    “I’m very proud of each and every member of the team,” said IAM Air Transport Territory General Vice President Richie Johnsen. “The IAM will fully assist and support the team in upcoming bargaining talks. This training is just one part of the overall power the IAM gives its members. I know they will be ready!”

    The important preparations consisted of a week-long education and strategic planning to assist the committee in negotiating the best contract possible to bring to the membership for a vote. The intense training culminated with a negotiation simulation, allowing the committee to hone skills and prepare for negotiations.

    The IAM Negotiations Committee has been selected and consists of Marvin McCarter (Chief Shop Steward, LAX), Daniel McGuire (Chief Shop Steward, SEA), Michael Parker (Chief Shop Steward, PDX), and Jose Rosales (Chief Shop Steward, SJC).

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    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: President Trump ousts NLRB board member, general counsel

    Source: US National Education Union

    By: Staci Maiers

    Published: January 28, 2025

    WASHINGTON—President Donald J. Trump fired National Labor Relations Board Member Gwynne Wilcox, late Monday night, according to news reports. He also fired NLRB General Counsel Jennifer Abruzzo, a strong advocate for unionization who undertook an aggressive approach in enforcing workers’ rights.

    The following statement can be attributed to Becky Pringle, president of the National Education Association, the nation’s largest labor union representing 3 million workers: 

    “Hardworking Americans, of every race and from every place in this country, deserve to have their voices heard and their rights on the job protected. Anyone who is not a CEO or billionaire donor should be deeply alarmed by President Trump’s unlawful and unprecedented decision to remove a member of the National Labor Relations Board. This stunt is a gross abuse of power that undermines the very foundation of workers’ rights and protections in this country. 

    “By ousting experienced and dedicated NLRB personnel, Trump is silencing the voices of workers who rely on the board to protect their rights, secure fair treatment, and advocate for just conditions in their workplaces. The Trump administration wasted no time betraying campaign promises to support the rights of working people and their unions. NLRB’s rulings on important worker rights and organizing cases will grind to a halt. Trump is giving a gift to his donors, and we are all paying the price. Every member of Congress has an obligation to tell President Trump that they will not tolerate this kind of imperial declaration.”

    Follow us on BlueSky at https://bsky.app/profile/neapresident.bsky.social and  https://bsky.app/profile/neatoday.bsky.social  

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    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: IAEA Board of Governors Elects New Chairperson for 2025

    Source: International Atomic Energy Agency – IAEA

      Ambassador Matilda Aku Alomatu Osei-Agyeman. (Photo: D. Calma/IAEA)

    In a special meeting today the IAEA Board of Governors elected Ambassador Matilda Aku Alomatu Osei-Agyeman of Ghana as its Chairperson for 2025. She will complete the remainder of the term of office of her predecessor, Ambassador Philbert Abaka Johnson of Ghana, who was elected in September 2024. Ambassador Osei-Agyeman’s term commences today and will end in September 2025. 

    Ambassador Osei-Agyeman is the Permanent Representative of Ghana to the IAEA, the United Nations Offices and other international organizations in Vienna. A career diplomat with over 25 years of experience, she has held various positions in Ghana and abroad covering both bilateral and multilateral issues.  

    Prior to her appointment in Vienna, Ambassador Osei-Agyeman served as Minister Plenipotentiary and Deputy Ambassador in the Embassy of the Republic of Ghana to Italy from 2023 to 2024. She has also served in diplomatic postings in the United Kingdom, Malta, the United States of America and at Ghana’s Permanent Mission to the United Nations Office in Geneva, Switzerland.  

    Ambassador Osei-Agyeman has also held numerous posts in Ghana’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration, including, most recently, serving as Director of the Europe Bureau from 2021 to 2023 and as the first Director of the Candidatures Portfolio in 2021, where she ensured effective advocacy resulting in Ghana’s election as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council for 2022 and 2023.  

    Ambassador Osei-Agyeman holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in political science from the University of Ghana and a Master of Arts in international affairs from the Legon Centre for International Affairs & Diplomacy in Ghana. She has also participated in various courses on leadership and diplomacy. 

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Global: How to get control of your time

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Boróka Bó, Assistant Professor in Sociology, University College Dublin

    GoodStudio/Shutterstock

    You wake up at 7:00 and reflexively reach for your phone. Between the stream of emails, WhatsApps and breaking news alerts, you see a worrying reminder: you averaged 11 hours of daily screen time last week. You swipe the notification away and open TikTok, where a woman in a matching athleisure set and glossy, slicked-back ponytail urges you to “get ready with me for my 5-9 before my 9-5”.

    You think about getting out of bed for a workout or meditation before you start answering those emails. But before you know it, it’s 8:57 – and if you don’t get off the apps and onto your computer, you’ll be late.

    Sound familiar? Though many people have more leisure time now than in the past, paradoxically, more free time comes with increased time pressure. For many of us, it feels as if we don’t have control over our time – rather, time is controlling us. This is because our collective experience of time both comes from and governs society.

    Instead of saving us time, the pace of modernity has led to many of us feeling as if our time is slipping away. And any time we “gain back”, we devote – by necessity or choice – to making more money, maybe through a side hustle. Losing control over time can have negative consequences for both physical and mental wellbeing.


    Ready to make a change? The Quarter Life Glow-up is a new, six-week newsletter course from The Conversation’s UK and Canada editions.

    Every week, we’ll bring you research-backed advice and tools to help improve your relationships, your career, your free time and your mental health – no supplements or skincare required. Sign up here to start your glow-up at any time.


    We are trapped in a perpetual cycle of rushing to survive and consume. But consumption also takes time, so the time available to enjoy our newly acquired possessions declines. You buy a faster new computer, but then need to spend multiple, frustrating hours configuring it to your preferences.

    Even trying to save time by mastering a productivity hack or reading a self-help book takes (you guessed it) time.

    As time use researchers, we often grapple with an uncomfortable truth – your time is not fully yours – it belongs to us all. Time is a network good. We live in a web of time: giving, taking and sharing time with everyone around us. In other words, the decisions and actions of the people around you shape how much time you have.

    This presents a catch-22. Friends, family, colleagues and even neighbours require our time, and we need theirs, too. We share time with our social network members because we need strong ties for our wellbeing. However, building lasting relationships means that we have to control our time in order to share it with others.

    Unfortunately, we don’t all have the same amount of control. Socioeconomic and demographic factors – gender, financial circumstances, age, race, and where you live – all influence how you can make decisions about time. These factors shape how we can interact with others.

    Are you controlling your time, or is it controlling you?
    Roman Samborskyi/Shutterstock

    Even seemingly mundane choices, such as how many extra minutes of sleep you give yourself in the morning, are shaped by societal expectations, power structures and economic constraints. If your job starts at 8am and your commute is two hours, it is unlikely that you can afford extra time to sleep in the mornings. If you are a parent, you might have to wake up even earlier to make sure that everyone has their breakfast and lunch packed for school.

    This is why the hundreds of self-help articles telling you how to optimise your time by carefully budgeting every minute of it never manage to give you full control.

    Breaking this vicious cycle starts with understanding, then practising self-compassion in the face of the demands on your time.

    Get in control

    Gaining control over your time starts with “why”. We don’t all have the luxury of saying no to tasks we deem unnecessary or unpleasant.

    We can, however, ask ourselves why we are spending our time on certain things. Before your next decision, big or small, try asking yourself: why am I doing this?

    If the answer is rooted in social pressure, outdated norms, or an obligation toward someone who does not deserve the gift of your precious time, consider how you could switch to doing something else.

    Try to spend your time on activities and with people who nourish you, enriching your moments. You may not be able to completely avoid spending part of your time as your boss dictates. But understanding the larger power dynamics shaping your personal situation and your time will help you approach decisions with conscious intention, giving you greater control over this irreplaceable resource.

    Regularly questioning the reason behind your actions will reveal the social patterns driving your decision-making processes. Why did you agree to do something, only to regret it later? Why are you always the one donating time to emotional labour at the office?

    Consistently asking “why” creates a habit of mindfulness, and will give you the insight needed to begin to make more informed choices that reflect your true priorities. Ultimately, gaining more control over your time is not about rigidly adhering to a schedule or productivity hacks. It is impossible to subject every minute of your existence to your will – time is not yours to hold on to.

    But you can make the most of the time you do have control over by making conscious decisions that align with your own desires and goals. Like one of our research participants, you may soon find yourself looking in the mirror and proclaiming: “I love time! Time lets me become!”

    Boróka Bó receives funding from Enterprise Ireland. She has previously received funding from the National Science Foundation and held a Soros Fellowship.

    Kamila Kolpashnikova receives funding from SSHRC (Insight Grant number: 435-2023-1060).

    ref. How to get control of your time – https://theconversation.com/how-to-get-control-of-your-time-235801

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: New approaches to eradicating child poverty

    Source: Scottish Government

    Wrap-around support delivering improved outcomes for families. 

    Lessons learned from innovative work with families in Inverclyde are helping deliver new approaches to eradicating child poverty. 

    Social Justice Secretary Shirley-Anne Somerville will visit Home-Start Renfrewshire and Inverclyde in Greenock tomorrow (Wednesday 29th January) to see work funded under the Scottish Government’s Child Poverty Practice Accelerator Fund, which is helping to reshape services locally and elsewhere in Scotland. 

    The Social Justice Secretary will meet staff at the project as well as parents who have benefited from the work which focuses on providing early intervention to support families, particularly those with children under five and those affected by poor mental health.  

    Learning from the project is supporting Inverclyde’s Fairer Futures Partnership, which is supporting local services to test and improve how they deliver services to promote family wellbeing, maximise incomes and support people towards education and into sustained employment.   

    Ms Somerville said: 

    “Eradicating child poverty is the Scottish Government’s top priority and a national mission.   

    “I’m keen to hear more about how whole family, person-centred support is being developed in Inverclyde through the Child Poverty Practice Accelerator Fund and the Fairer Futures Partnership. 

    “Through close partnership between Home-Start and Inverclyde Council, this project provides holistic support so that families can maximise their household incomes, and parents can improve their employment prospects through upskilling and volunteering. Putting this kind of vital support in place means that we don’t just help families in a  crisis but enable them to thrive in the longer term. 

    “The Child Poverty Practice Accelerator Fund was set up to support local areas to test new ideas and innovate to improve local approaches to eradicating child poverty. I’m pleased to  have the opportunity to learn more about how this funding is informing Inverclyde’s overall approach to supporting families out of poverty.” 

    Background:  

    The Child Poverty Practice Accelerator Fund supports local areas to test innovative approaches to eradicating child poverty, including testing new approaches to a known problem, adapting an approach from elsewhere to work in a new area, and evaluating promising approaches.  

    Fairer Futures Partnerships in Clackmannanshire, Dundee and Glasgow are working to ensure families get the help they need, where and when they need it. Building on these successful partnerships the programme is expanding into Aberdeen City, East Ayrshire, Inverclyde, North Ayrshire and Perth & Kinross Councils. 

    The Scottish Government made over £2 million available in financial year [2024/25] to these eight local authorities and their partners to deliver the programmes. 

    The budget for the Partnerships has been increased budget to £6 million for next financial year [2025/26]. £2.4 million of this  will be made available to the eight existing partnerships to continue the work underway, as well as exploring opportunities to expand. 

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Rereading Rembrandt: how the slave trade helped establish the golden age of Dutch painting

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Caroline Fowler, Starr Director of the Research and Academic Program, Clark Art Institute, and lecturer in Art History, Williams College

    The so-called golden age of Dutch painting in the 1600s coincided with an economic boom that had a lot to do with the transatlantic slave trade. But how did the slave trade shape the art market in the Netherlands? And how is it reflected in the paintings of the time?

    This is the subject of a new book called Slavery and the Invention of Dutch Art by art historian Caroline Fowler. We asked about her study.

    What was Dutch art about before slavery and what was the golden age?

    The earliest paintings that would be called Dutch were predominantly religious. They were made for Christian devotion. In the 1500s, major divisions in the church led to a fragmentation of Christianity called the Reformation.

    In this new religious climate, artists began to create new types of paintings, studying the world around them. They included landscapes, seascapes, still lifes, and interior scenes of their homes. Instead of working for the church, many painters began to work within an art market. There was a rising middle class that could afford to buy paintings.

    Duke University Press

    Historically, this period in Dutch economic prosperity has been called the “golden age”. This is when many of the most famous Dutch painters worked, such as Rembrandt van Rijn and Johannes Vermeer.

    Their work was made possible by a strong Dutch economy built on global trade networks. This included the transatlantic slave trade and the rise of the middle class. Although artists did not directly paint the transatlantic slave trade, in my book I argue that it is central to understanding the paintings produced in the 1600s as it made the economic market possible.

    In turn, many of the types of painting that developed, like maritime scenes and interior scenes, are often obliquely or directly about international trade. The slave trade is a haunting presence in these images.

    How did this play out within Dutch colonialism?

    The new “middle class” consisted of economically prosperous merchants, artisans, lawyers and doctors. For many of the wealthiest merchants, their prosperity was fuelled by their investments in trade overseas. In land and plantations, and also commodities such as sugar, salt, mace and nutmeg.


    Read more: Slavery, tax evasion, resistance: the story of 11 Africans in South America’s gold mines in the 1500s


    Slavery was illegal within the boundaries of the Dutch Republic on the European continent. But it was widely practised within Dutch colonies around the world. Slavery was central to their trade overseas – from the inter-Asian slave network that made possible their domination in the export of nutmeg, to the use of enslaved labour on plantations in the Americas. It also contributed in less visible ways to Dutch economic prosperity, like the development of maritime insurance.

    What was the relationship between artists and Dutch colonies?

    In the new school of painting, artists would sometimes travel to the Dutch colonies. For example, Frans Post travelled to Dutch Brazil and painted the sugar plantations and mills. Another artist named Maria Sibylla Merian went to Dutch Suriname, where she studied butterflies and plants on the Dutch sugar plantations.

    Both depict landscapes and the natural world but don’t directly engage with the profound dehumanisation of slavery, and an economic system dependent on enslaved labour. But this doesn’t mean that it’s absent in their sanitised renditions.

    Among the sources that I used to think about the presence of the transatlantic slave trade in a culture that did not overtly depict it were inventories of paintings and early museum collections. Often the language in these sources differed from the painting in important ways. They demonstrate how the violence of the system emerges in unexpected places.

    One inventory that describes paintings by Frans Post, for example, also narrates the physical punishment meted out if the enslaved tried to run away from the Dutch sugar plantations. This isn’t depicted in the painting, but it is part of the inventory that travelled beside the painting.

    These moments reveal the profound presence of this system within Dutch painting, and point to the ways in which artists negotiated making this structure invisible in their paintings although they were not able to completely erase its presence.

    How do you discuss Rembrandt’s paintings in your book?

    Historically, studies of the transatlantic slave trade in early modern painting (about 1400-1700) have looked at paintings that directly depict either enslaved or Black individuals.

    One of the points of this book is that this limits our understanding of the transatlantic slave trade in Dutch painting. A focus on blackness, for example, precludes understanding how whiteness is constructed at the same time. It fails to recognise the ways in which artists sought to diminish the presence of the slave trade in their sanitised rendition of Dutch society.

    Syndics of the Draper’s Guild by Rembrandt. Txllxt TxllxT/Wikimedia Commons/Rijksmuseum

    One painting that I use to think about this is Rembrandt van Rijn’s very famous work called Syndics of the Draper’s Guild. It’s a group portrait of wealthy, white merchants gathered around a table looking at a book of fabric samples.

    Although there aren’t enslaved or black individuals depicted, this painting would be impossible without the transatlantic slave trade. Cloth from the Netherlands was often exchanged for enslaved people in west Africa, for example.

    In my book, I draw attention to these understudied histories to understand how certain assumptions around whiteness, privilege, and wealth developed in tandem with an emerging visual vocabulary around blackness and the transformation of individual lives into chattel property.

    What do you hope readers will take away from the book?

    I hope that readers will think about how many of our ideas about freedom, the middle class, art markets, and economic prosperity began in the 17th-century Dutch Republic. As this book demonstrates, a central part of this narrative that has been overlooked was the transatlantic slave trade in building this fantasy.

    This is in many ways an invention that traces back to the paintings of overt consumption and wealth produced in the Dutch Republic – like Vermeer’s interiors of Dutch homes.


    Read more: How we proved a Rembrandt painting owned by the University of Pretoria was a fake


    My aim with this book is to present not only a more complex view of Dutch painting but also a reconsideration of certain dogmas today around prosperity and the art market. The rise of our current financial system, art markets and visible celebration of landscapes, seascapes and interior scenes are all inseparable from the transformation of individual lives into property. We live with this legacy today in our systems built on racial, economic and gendered inequalities.

    – Rereading Rembrandt: how the slave trade helped establish the golden age of Dutch painting
    – https://theconversation.com/rereading-rembrandt-how-the-slave-trade-helped-establish-the-golden-age-of-dutch-painting-247918

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Cameroon could do with some foreign help to solve anglophone crisis – but the state doesn’t want it

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Julius A. Amin, Professor of History, University of Dayton

    What began in late 2016 as a peaceful protest by lawyers and teachers in Cameroon’s North West and South West regions quickly turned violent and developed into what’s become known as Cameroon’s anglophone crisis.

    The protest was instigated by perceived marginalisation of Cameroon’s anglophone region, which makes up 20% of the nation’s 29 million people.

    The conflict has resulted in immense destruction and casualties. Cameroon’s military responded to the protest with arrests and torture. Voices that called for complete secession of the anglophone regions from the Republic of Cameroon gained momentum.

    They created a virtual Ambazonia Republic and an interim government in exile, and vowed to fight back. They formed a military wing, Ambazonia Self-Defence Force, which attacked and disrupted economic and social services in the region.

    As of October 2024, over 1.8 million people have needed humanitarian assistance. Over 584,000 have been internally displaced. Over 73,000 have become refugees in next-door Nigeria. Over 6,500 have been killed.


    Read more: Cameroon: how language plunged a country into deadly conflict with no end in sight


    And the conflict still rages.

    One possible avenue that could be pursued to end the impasse is mediation, with help from other countries. But the Cameroonian government has repeatedly rebuffed intervention from organisations such as the African Union, arguing that the conflict is an internal affair.

    It also ended a government-sponsored mediation by the Swiss in 2022.

    It is clear to me, as a historian who has studied Cameroon foreign policy for the past three decades, that Cameroon’s leadership will not look to external actors to help solve their crisis.

    Founding leader Ahmadou Ahidjo, and later his successor Paul Biya, did not respond to external pressure to address issues. Cameroon’s diplomatic relations are based on respect of national sovereignty and nonintervention in each other’s internal affairs.

    My research shows that the Cameroonian leadership rejects outside intervention on issues it regards as within its sovereignty and internal affairs.

    Removing Cameroon from aid programmes such as the United States Agency for International Development programme and the African Growth and Opportunity Act has not deterred its leaders.

    An understanding of this background is crucial in the search for solutions to the ongoing anglophone crisis.


    Read more: Cameroon spends 90% of Chinese development loans on its French region: this could deepen the country’s divisions


    Use of force

    In the 1960s, Ahidjo used brutal force against a nationalist organisation called the Maquisard. His presidency was characterised by murders, imprisonments and torture.

    Political rivals were imprisoned or forced to go into exile. Biya, who served in Ahidjo’s government, learned that repressive measures work. As president, he used similar tactics against rivals and the opposition.

    But the use of force as a response to the anglophone protest was a miscalculation. The Biya regime failed to see the crisis in its context of changing times, misunderstood the sources of the conflict, and misread the role of social media in protest activities in the 21st century.

    The crisis originated from a series of grievances: poverty, unemployment, political and economic neglect of the anglophone region, failure to treat French and English as equal languages in the country, and disrespect and disregard of English-speaking Cameroonians.

    At the beginning protesters were generally peaceful, but things changed in 2017. Biya stated that Cameroon was being hijacked by “terrorists masking as secessionists” and vowed to eliminate them.

    To anglophone leaders it was a formal declaration of war, and the message spread quickly on social media. The Biya team did little to slow or stop its spread, and anglophones inside and outside the country accepted the message as fact. It mobilised the region. And few took the time to read the full text of his remarks.

    The brutality of the war on both sides intensified. Everything had all happened so quickly, and most did not anticipate the intensity of the violence.


    Read more: Cameroon after Paul Biya: poverty, uncertainty and a precarious succession battle


    Resistance to outside intervention

    In its diplomatic relations, Cameroon has a long history of protecting what it sees as its own business.

    One example was in 1992, after the US administration criticised Biya for electoral fraud. The Cameroon government fired back. Biya withdrew Cameroon’s ambassador from Washington DC, and informed the US ambassador that America should stay clear of Cameroon’s internal affairs.

    In 2008, tension erupted again when Biya changed Cameroon’s constitution to eliminate presidential term limits. The US ambassador criticised the move in the Cameroonian press. Again, Cameroonian officials pushed back, asking the ambassador not to interfere in the nation’s internal politics.

    America’s disposition towards the anglophone crisis has been one of non-interference. Other major powers have responded similarly, asking both sides to end the violence.

    The Cameroon government has rebuffed initiatives from Switzerland and Canada, both friendly to the country, publicly stating it asked no nation to mediate.

    The rejection of the Swiss initiative was surprising, given that Biya spends much time in that country. Unlike the Swiss plan, in which conversations began, the Canadian initiative did not even take off.


    Read more: Cameroon’s rebels may not achieve their goal of creating the Ambazonian state – but they’re still a threat to stability


    Looking ahead

    Measurable indicators show that the Biya regime is failing to end the anglophone crisis. The killings – including those of law enforcement officers – kidnaps, brutality and ransom demands are now normalised in the anglophone region, especially in rural areas.

    Biya’s Grand National Dialogue and National Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism have failed to address the sources of the crisis. Locals dismiss them as a joke.

    People are exasperated by public service announcements about what the government has achieved. Their condition remains much worse than it was in the pre-crisis period.

    Ordinary people are focused on bread-and-butter issues and the desire for dignity and respect. But they don’t see it.

    Young Cameroonians need to see both anglophone and francophone residents at every level of government, on every rung of the business ladder, in every management position, at every school — even on every billboard advertisement.

    Only such a widespread and visible approach can convincingly challenge Cameroon’s pattern of discrimination and exclusion.

    The Biya regime must commit to doing that and not be distracted by supporters urging him to be a candidate in the upcoming presidential election.

    It is important to track and bring to justice the apparent sponsors of the killings in the country. This must be done while government keeps its promises to make things right for those living in the anglophone regions.

    Finally, given China’s investment in Cameroon, it can do more to engage the Biya regime on the anglophone crisis. Like Cameroon, China’s policy also stipulates a policy of nonintervention, but it has repeatedly changed course when its strategic interests are threatened.

    Major power status demands major responsibilities, and showing the will to stop chronic human rights violations remains an important obligation.

    – Cameroon could do with some foreign help to solve anglophone crisis – but the state doesn’t want it
    – https://theconversation.com/cameroon-could-do-with-some-foreign-help-to-solve-anglophone-crisis-but-the-state-doesnt-want-it-244770

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI USA: Governor Lamont and Commissioner Russell-Tucker Announce Guidance Document Issued to K-12 Schools on the Protection of Students in the Classroom Pertaining to Immigration Enforcement Activities

    Source: US State of Connecticut

    (HARTFORD, CT) – Governor Ned Lamont and Education Commissioner Charlene Russell-Tucker today announced that the Connecticut State Department of Education has issued a guidance document to every K-12 public school district in Connecticut in response to questions regarding the impact that recent changes in policy guidance from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security pertaining to immigration enforcement activities may have on school operations, student privacy, and the safeguarding of students while in school.

    Both Connecticut and federal law protect a student’s right to attend public school, regardless of their immigration status. This guidance is intended to provide school districts and their governing bodies with an overview of state and federal laws pertaining to student rights and the responsibilities of school districts, and assure districts, students, and families that Connecticut is welcoming to all students. It is also intended to provide districts with a framework for the development of policies and procedures that protect student rights, consistent with state and federal laws.

    “Our schools are primarily places for learning and growth. It is important for our students and families to feel welcome and protected by their schools so educators can focus on teaching and students can focus on learning,” Governor Lamont said. “To achieve this, we are supporting our school leaders in developing procedures that prioritize the protection of students and their information to the fullest extent permitted by the law.”

    “Students are at their best when they are in school, fully engaged in learning, and feeling safe and supported by their school community,” Commissioner Russell-Tucker said. “This guidance is designed to help school districts develop policies and procedures that are clear and aligned with state and federal law, while ensuring all students feel welcome in their classrooms.”

    **Download: Guidance document to K-12 public school districts regarding immigration enforcement activities

     

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Rereading Rembrandt: how the slave trade helped establish the golden age of Dutch painting

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Caroline Fowler, Starr Director of the Research and Academic Program, Clark Art Institute, and lecturer in Art History, Williams College

    Detail from Rembrandt van Rijn’s painting Two African Men. Sailko/The Mauritshuis/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

    The so-called golden age of Dutch painting in the 1600s coincided with an economic boom that had a lot to do with the transatlantic slave trade. But how did the slave trade shape the art market in the Netherlands? And how is it reflected in the paintings of the time?

    This is the subject of a new book called Slavery and the Invention of Dutch Art by art historian Caroline Fowler. We asked about her study.

    What was Dutch art about before slavery and what was the golden age?

    The earliest paintings that would be called Dutch were predominantly religious. They were made for Christian devotion. In the 1500s, major divisions in the church led to a fragmentation of Christianity called the Reformation.

    In this new religious climate, artists began to create new types of paintings, studying the world around them. They included landscapes, seascapes, still lifes, and interior scenes of their homes. Instead of working for the church, many painters began to work within an art market. There was a rising middle class that could afford to buy paintings.

    Historically, this period in Dutch economic prosperity has been called the “golden age”. This is when many of the most famous Dutch painters worked, such as Rembrandt van Rijn and Johannes Vermeer.

    Their work was made possible by a strong Dutch economy built on global trade networks. This included the transatlantic slave trade and the rise of the middle class. Although artists did not directly paint the transatlantic slave trade, in my book I argue that it is central to understanding the paintings produced in the 1600s as it made the economic market possible.

    In turn, many of the types of painting that developed, like maritime scenes and interior scenes, are often obliquely or directly about international trade. The slave trade is a haunting presence in these images.

    How did this play out within Dutch colonialism?

    The new “middle class” consisted of economically prosperous merchants, artisans, lawyers and doctors. For many of the wealthiest merchants, their prosperity was fuelled by their investments in trade overseas. In land and plantations, and also commodities such as sugar, salt, mace and nutmeg.




    Read more:
    Slavery, tax evasion, resistance: the story of 11 Africans in South America’s gold mines in the 1500s


    Slavery was illegal within the boundaries of the Dutch Republic on the European continent. But it was widely practised within Dutch colonies around the world. Slavery was central to their trade overseas – from the inter-Asian slave network that made possible their domination in the export of nutmeg, to the use of enslaved labour on plantations in the Americas. It also contributed in less visible ways to Dutch economic prosperity, like the development of maritime insurance.

    What was the relationship between artists and Dutch colonies?

    In the new school of painting, artists would sometimes travel to the Dutch colonies. For example, Frans Post travelled to Dutch Brazil and painted the sugar plantations and mills. Another artist named Maria Sibylla Merian went to Dutch Suriname, where she studied butterflies and plants on the Dutch sugar plantations.

    Both depict landscapes and the natural world but don’t directly engage with the profound dehumanisation of slavery, and an economic system dependent on enslaved labour. But this doesn’t mean that it’s absent in their sanitised renditions.

    Among the sources that I used to think about the presence of the transatlantic slave trade in a culture that did not overtly depict it were inventories of paintings and early museum collections. Often the language in these sources differed from the painting in important ways. They demonstrate how the violence of the system emerges in unexpected places.

    One inventory that describes paintings by Frans Post, for example, also narrates the physical punishment meted out if the enslaved tried to run away from the Dutch sugar plantations. This isn’t depicted in the painting, but it is part of the inventory that travelled beside the painting.

    These moments reveal the profound presence of this system within Dutch painting, and point to the ways in which artists negotiated making this structure invisible in their paintings although they were not able to completely erase its presence.

    How do you discuss Rembrandt’s paintings in your book?

    Historically, studies of the transatlantic slave trade in early modern painting (about 1400-1700) have looked at paintings that directly depict either enslaved or Black individuals.

    One of the points of this book is that this limits our understanding of the transatlantic slave trade in Dutch painting. A focus on blackness, for example, precludes understanding how whiteness is constructed at the same time. It fails to recognise the ways in which artists sought to diminish the presence of the slave trade in their sanitised rendition of Dutch society.

    One painting that I use to think about this is Rembrandt van Rijn’s very famous work called Syndics of the Draper’s Guild. It’s a group portrait of wealthy, white merchants gathered around a table looking at a book of fabric samples.

    Although there aren’t enslaved or black individuals depicted, this painting would be impossible without the transatlantic slave trade. Cloth from the Netherlands was often exchanged for enslaved people in west Africa, for example.

    In my book, I draw attention to these understudied histories to understand how certain assumptions around whiteness, privilege, and wealth developed in tandem with an emerging visual vocabulary around blackness and the transformation of individual lives into chattel property.

    What do you hope readers will take away from the book?

    I hope that readers will think about how many of our ideas about freedom, the middle class, art markets, and economic prosperity began in the 17th-century Dutch Republic. As this book demonstrates, a central part of this narrative that has been overlooked was the transatlantic slave trade in building this fantasy.

    This is in many ways an invention that traces back to the paintings of overt consumption and wealth produced in the Dutch Republic – like Vermeer’s interiors of Dutch homes.




    Read more:
    How we proved a Rembrandt painting owned by the University of Pretoria was a fake


    My aim with this book is to present not only a more complex view of Dutch painting but also a reconsideration of certain dogmas today around prosperity and the art market. The rise of our current financial system, art markets and visible celebration of landscapes, seascapes and interior scenes are all inseparable from the transformation of individual lives into property. We live with this legacy today in our systems built on racial, economic and gendered inequalities.

    Caroline Fowler does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Rereading Rembrandt: how the slave trade helped establish the golden age of Dutch painting – https://theconversation.com/rereading-rembrandt-how-the-slave-trade-helped-establish-the-golden-age-of-dutch-painting-247918

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cameroon could do with some foreign help to solve anglophone crisis – but the state doesn’t want it

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Julius A. Amin, Professor of History, University of Dayton

    What began in late 2016 as a peaceful protest by lawyers and teachers in Cameroon’s North West and South West regions quickly turned violent and developed into what’s become known as Cameroon’s anglophone crisis.

    The protest was instigated by perceived marginalisation of Cameroon’s anglophone region, which makes up 20% of the nation’s 29 million people.

    The conflict has resulted in immense destruction and casualties. Cameroon’s military responded to the protest with arrests and torture. Voices that called for complete secession of the anglophone regions from the Republic of Cameroon gained momentum.

    They created a virtual Ambazonia Republic and an interim government in exile, and vowed to fight back. They formed a military wing, Ambazonia Self-Defence Force, which attacked and disrupted economic and social services in the region.

    As of October 2024, over 1.8 million people have needed humanitarian assistance. Over 584,000 have been internally displaced. Over 73,000 have become refugees in next-door Nigeria. Over 6,500 have been killed.




    Read more:
    Cameroon: how language plunged a country into deadly conflict with no end in sight


    And the conflict still rages.

    One possible avenue that could be pursued to end the impasse is mediation, with help from other countries. But the Cameroonian government has repeatedly rebuffed intervention from organisations such as the African Union, arguing that the conflict is an internal affair.

    It also ended a government-sponsored mediation by the Swiss in 2022.

    It is clear to me, as a historian who has studied Cameroon foreign policy for the past three decades, that Cameroon’s leadership will not look to external actors to help solve their crisis.

    Founding leader Ahmadou Ahidjo, and later his successor Paul Biya, did not respond to external pressure to address issues. Cameroon’s diplomatic relations are based on respect of national sovereignty and nonintervention in each other’s internal affairs.

    My research shows that the Cameroonian leadership rejects outside intervention on issues it regards as within its sovereignty and internal affairs.

    Removing Cameroon from aid programmes such as the United States Agency for International Development programme and the African Growth and Opportunity Act has not deterred its leaders.

    An understanding of this background is crucial in the search for solutions to the ongoing anglophone crisis.




    Read more:
    Cameroon spends 90% of Chinese development loans on its French region: this could deepen the country’s divisions


    Use of force

    In the 1960s, Ahidjo used brutal force against a nationalist organisation called the Maquisard. His presidency was characterised by murders, imprisonments and torture.

    Political rivals were imprisoned or forced to go into exile. Biya, who served in Ahidjo’s government, learned that repressive measures work. As president, he used similar tactics against rivals and the opposition.

    But the use of force as a response to the anglophone protest was a miscalculation. The Biya regime failed to see the crisis in its context of changing times, misunderstood the sources of the conflict, and misread the role of social media in protest activities in the 21st century.

    The crisis originated from a series of grievances: poverty, unemployment, political and economic neglect of the anglophone region, failure to treat French and English as equal languages in the country, and disrespect and disregard of English-speaking Cameroonians.

    At the beginning protesters were generally peaceful, but things changed in 2017. Biya stated that Cameroon was being hijacked by “terrorists masking as secessionists” and vowed to eliminate them.

    To anglophone leaders it was a formal declaration of war, and the message spread quickly on social media. The Biya team did little to slow or stop its spread, and anglophones inside and outside the country accepted the message as fact. It mobilised the region. And few took the time to read the full text of his remarks.

    The brutality of the war on both sides intensified. Everything had all happened so quickly, and most did not anticipate the intensity of the violence.




    Read more:
    Cameroon after Paul Biya: poverty, uncertainty and a precarious succession battle


    Resistance to outside intervention

    In its diplomatic relations, Cameroon has a long history of protecting what it sees as its own business.

    One example was in 1992, after the US administration criticised Biya for electoral fraud. The Cameroon government fired back. Biya withdrew Cameroon’s ambassador from Washington DC, and informed the US ambassador that America should stay clear of Cameroon’s internal affairs.

    In 2008, tension erupted again when Biya changed Cameroon’s constitution to eliminate presidential term limits. The US ambassador criticised the move in the Cameroonian press. Again, Cameroonian officials pushed back, asking the ambassador not to interfere in the nation’s internal politics.

    America’s disposition towards the anglophone crisis has been one of non-interference. Other major powers have responded similarly, asking both sides to end the violence.

    The Cameroon government has rebuffed initiatives from Switzerland and Canada, both friendly to the country, publicly stating it asked no nation to mediate.

    The rejection of the Swiss initiative was surprising, given that Biya spends much time in that country. Unlike the Swiss plan, in which conversations began, the Canadian initiative did not even take off.




    Read more:
    Cameroon’s rebels may not achieve their goal of creating the Ambazonian state – but they’re still a threat to stability


    Looking ahead

    Measurable indicators show that the Biya regime is failing to end the anglophone crisis. The killings – including those of law enforcement officers – kidnaps, brutality and ransom demands are now normalised in the anglophone region, especially in rural areas.

    Biya’s Grand National Dialogue and National Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism have failed to address the sources of the crisis. Locals dismiss them as a joke.

    People are exasperated by public service announcements about what the government has achieved. Their condition remains much worse than it was in the pre-crisis period.

    Ordinary people are focused on bread-and-butter issues and the desire for dignity and respect. But they don’t see it.

    Young Cameroonians need to see both anglophone and francophone residents at every level of government, on every rung of the business ladder, in every management position, at every school — even on every billboard advertisement.

    Only such a widespread and visible approach can convincingly challenge Cameroon’s pattern of discrimination and exclusion.

    The Biya regime must commit to doing that and not be distracted by supporters urging him to be a candidate in the upcoming presidential election.

    It is important to track and bring to justice the apparent sponsors of the killings in the country. This must be done while government keeps its promises to make things right for those living in the anglophone regions.

    Finally, given China’s investment in Cameroon, it can do more to engage the Biya regime on the anglophone crisis. Like Cameroon, China’s policy also stipulates a policy of nonintervention, but it has repeatedly changed course when its strategic interests are threatened.

    Major power status demands major responsibilities, and showing the will to stop chronic human rights violations remains an important obligation.

    Julius A. Amin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Cameroon could do with some foreign help to solve anglophone crisis – but the state doesn’t want it – https://theconversation.com/cameroon-could-do-with-some-foreign-help-to-solve-anglophone-crisis-but-the-state-doesnt-want-it-244770

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: King Cosponsors Bipartisan Bill to Increase Price Transparency on Prescription Drug Advertising

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Maine Angus King
    WASHINGTON, D.C. — U.S. Senator Angus King (I-ME) is cosponsoring legislation to promote transparency, boost competition, and bring down the cost of prescription drugs. The bipartisan Drug-Price Transparency for Consumers (DTC) Act would require price disclosures on advertisements for prescription drugs in order to inform patients who are considering certain medications after seeing television commercials. By requiring direct-to-consumer (DTC) advertisements for prescription drugs to include a disclosure of the list price, patients can make informed choices when inundated with drug commercials and pharmaceutical companies may reconsider their pricing and advertising tactics. 
    Each year, the pharmaceutical industry spends $6 billion in DTC drug advertising to fill the airwaves with ads, resulting in the average American seeing nine DTC ads each day. Studies show that these commercials often steer patients to more expensive drugs, even when a patient may not need the medication or a lower-cost generic is available. Studies show that patients are more likely to ask their doctor, and ultimately receive a prescription, for a specific drug when they have seen ads for it.  For these reasons, most countries have banned DTC prescription drug advertising — the United States and New Zealand are the only industrialized nations that allow these ads.
    “Current advertisement practices in the pharmaceutical industry allow drug companies to unfairly inflate the efficacy of their products while concealing their exorbitant prices,” said Senator King. “The Drug-Price Transparency for Consumers (DTC) Act would ensure that Maine people have more transparency, choice, and competition in the prescription drug marketplace. I want to thank my colleagues on both sides of the aisle for putting Americans first above the profits of big pharma.”
    The Government Accountability Office (GAO) has found that prescription drugs advertised directly to consumers accounted for more than half of Medicare’s spending on drugs between 2016 and 2018, while a 2023 study in the Journal of the American Medical Association found that two-thirds of advertised drugs offered “low therapeutic value.” Additionally, a Kaiser survey found that 88 percent of Americans support this price disclosure policy for advertisements.
    Below are some key findings from the GAO report:
    Two-thirds of pharma’s spending between 2016 and 2018 on DTC ads ($12 billion out of $18 billion total) was concentrated on just 39 drugs.
    During this period, these advertised drugs accounted for 58 percent of Medicare’s spending on drugs ($320 billion out of $560 billion). 
    Among the top 10 drugs with the highest cost to Medicare, four were also in the top 10 for advertising spending (Humira, Eliquis, Keytruda, Lyrica).
    Joining King on this bill are Senators Dick Durbin (D-IL), Chuck Grassley (R-IA), Joni Ernst (R-IA), Tina Smith (D-MN), Peter Welch (D-VT), Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), and Tammy Baldwin (D-WI).
    Senator King has consistently worked to lower healthcare costs and increase transparency for Maine people. Last year, he introduced bicameral legislation to prohibit direct-to-consumer drug advertising of pharmaceutical drugs in the first three years after the drug receives Federal Drug Administration (FDA) approval. Senator King also cosponsored the Health Care Affordability Act which permanently extends enhanced Premium Tax Credits (PTCs) — tax subsidies that increase the amount of financial assistance available to people buying their own health insurance. Additionally, Senator King has introduced legislation to prohibit pharmaceutical drug manufacturers from claiming tax deductions for consumer advertising expenses.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Skin-to-skin contact is good for your baby and you – and not just straight after birth

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Viren Swami, Professor of Social Psychology, Anglia Ruskin University

    SvetlanaFedoseyeva/Shutterstock

    In the 1950s, the American psychologist Harry Harlow provided a stark demonstration of the importance of a mother’s touch. He famously – and controversially – showed that rhesus monkeys would rather cling to a surrogate “mother” made of soft cloth than one made of metal wire that provided milk. A loving touch seemed to be more important than food, Harlow concluded.

    Today, the importance of touch has become firmly embedded in infant care. For example, UNICEF and the NHS recommend skin-to-skin contact between a parent and newborn. This involves placing a newborn on a parent’s bare chest, both of them covered in a warm blanket, for at least an hour after birth or until after the first feed.

    In fact, feeling the power of touch begins long before a baby is even born. Touch is the first sense to develop. Just eight weeks after conception, a foetus already responds to the sensation of touch in the womb – and it is crucial for people of any age.

    By 14 weeks, twins have been observed on ultrasound sucking on each other’s fingers and exploring each other’s faces. And frame-by-frame analyses of ultrasound have shown that, by 20 weeks, foetuses respond to mothers touching their bellies.

    The benefits of parental touch become clear at birth. One review of 52 studies involving over 4,000 newborns found that touch interventions – such as skin-to-skin contact and baby massage – was associated with better newborn health, including better regulation of temperature, breathing and heart rate. The review also found that touch was more beneficial when it came from a parent compared to medical staff.

    Cuddle up, because there are other benefits of skin-to-skin contact. When a parent holds their baby in skin-to-skin contact after birth, it helps to calm the newborn and stimulates an interest in feeding. In the longer-term, daily skin-to-skin contact with infants improves sleep patterns and pain tolerance, supports healthy weight gain and continued breastfeeding and strengthens brain development.

    These benefits are also experienced by infants born prematurely. For example, one review of kangaroo care – skin-to-skin contact for premature or low birth-weight infants – found that it reduced the risk of death, infection and low body temperature, and improved weight gain and rates of breastfeeding.

    In both healthy and premature infants, skin-to-skin contact also triggers the release of the hormone oxytocin – the so-called “love hormone” – which encourages bonding between the parent and infant. Skin-to-skin contact also lowers levels of the hormone cortisol, which helps newborns to regulate levels of stress.

    In fact, the benefits of skin-to-skin contact are not exclusively experienced by the newborn. Studies have found that daily skin-to-skin contact with their babies can reduce symptoms of postpartum stress, depression and anxiety in mothers. And while most studies have focused on mothers, skin-to-skin contact also seems to reduce symptoms of depression and anxiety in fathers.

    While most of this research has focused the short-term outcomes of touch, scientists are also following infants over time to see what impact early touch has on long-term outcomes. For example, one study found that premature babies who received at least one hour of kangaroo care for two weeks had better mother-child interactions, sleep and brain development when they were ten years old.

    Another group of researchers followed infants and their mothers for a period of nine years. When they were only one-month-old, infants who had experienced skin-to-skin contact with their mothers already showed better emotional adjustment and attachment than infants who had no skin-to-skin contact.

    Nine years later, these children were also more willing and able to engage in emotive conversations with their mothers.

    Some of the effects of touch are more difficult to quantify. In the 1970s, for example, the psychiatrist Donald Winnicott described how a mother’s touch helps infants and young children to experience the body as “the place where one securely lives”. This idea seems to be supported by ethnographic records and anthropological studies of communities where infants are in close contact with a caregiver.

    For instance, in many communities – such as the Netsilik, !Kung, and Balinese – infants are pressed skin-to-skin with their mothers for much of the day. This means that infants are more likely to have their needs met quickly – being comforted when they cry or fed when they suckle – while also helping them develop a sensitivity to touch. These forms of “skinship” also help parents and their infants to develop deeper bonds through touch.

    While this research shows the benefits of touch in infancy, what about childhood? Studies of young children and adolescents have shown that touch – particularly caring touch like hugging from a parent or other caregivers, such as teachers – can support psychological development and wellbeing. For instance, touch can help children develop a sense of emotional security, belonging and feelings of support, especially in stressful situations.

    The anthropologist Marjorie Goodwin has described how “haptic rituals” – such as hugs between a parent and their child over the course of a day – can help the child feel loved and cared for.

    Regularly experiencing caring touch can also help children to develop their social interaction skills, including empathy toward others. Caring touch also reduces aggressive behaviour in adolescence.

    Unfortunately, even today, many parents hold on to old fashioned ideas – popularised by psychologists like John Watson – that they should avoid caring touch with their children, out of fear that hugging or cuddling will cause their children to become weak willed. The scientific evidence doesn’t support such ideas, so go hug your kids.

    Viren Swami does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Skin-to-skin contact is good for your baby and you – and not just straight after birth – https://theconversation.com/skin-to-skin-contact-is-good-for-your-baby-and-you-and-not-just-straight-after-birth-248260

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How people will be ringing in the year of the snake

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sijing Lu, Assistant Professor in Translation and Transcultural Studies, University of Warwick

    SeventyFour/Shutterstock

    Lunar new year is the most important traditional festival for the Chinese people, symbolising unity, prosperity and hope for the future. It is, however, celebrated all over Asia and in the diaspora.

    Unlike, the new year that is celebrated only on December 31 and January 1, lunar new year celebrations begin the month before and end days after the start of the new year.

    In the Chinese tradition, new year celebration begins on the eighth day of the 12th lunar month with the Laba festival (腊八节). On this day, it is customary to eat Laba congee, a porridge which is also known as “eight-treasure congee” because it’s often made with eight or more ingredients. This year the Laba festival fell on January 7.

    The biggest day in this period of celebration is, of course, new year, which this year falls on January 29.

    According to historical records, the Chinese people have been celebrating the lunar new year for over 4,000 years. Around 2,000BC, Shun, an ancient Chinese leader, ascended to the throne and led his followers in a worship ceremony to honour heaven and earth.

    This day was regarded as the beginning of the year, corresponding to the first day of the first lunar month. This event is believed to mark the origin of the lunar new year.

    During this festival, people typically express their hopes for prosperity and health in the coming year through family reunions and ancestor worship. Communities also host traditional activities to celebrate, such as lion dances, the giving of red envelopes, and putting up of spring couplets (pairs of poems written on red paper with black or gold characters), all of which symbolise good fortune and abundance.

    The traditional Chinese lunar new year reunion dinner includes many symbolic dishes. For example, eating fish represents abundance, dumplings symbolise reunion and wealth, and rice cakes signify progress and success.


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    But this day isn’t the end of celebrations. Instead, new year is celebrated up until the 15th day of the first lunar month when the lantern festival (元宵节) is celebrated. This festival coincides with the first full moon of the lunar year. On this day reconciliation, peace and forgiveness are sought.

    To celebrate, people will cover their houses with colourful lanterns, often with riddles written on them. Children will go out and try to solve these to win small gifts. There might be lion and dragon dances as well as parades and fireworks. People eat small glutinous rice balls, known as yuanxiao or tangyuan. The round shape symbolises wholeness and unity within the family.

    This year’s lantern festival – and the end of lunar new year celebrations – is on February 12. By this time, we will be well into 2025, which is the year of the snake.

    The year of the snake

    The year of the snake holds profound meaning and special significance in Chinese culture. The animal symbolises wisdom, spirituality, elegance and renewal.

    In Chinese traditions, the snake is also considered a “small dragon” and has a unique presence. Many scholars believe that the basic form of the dragon has evolved from the snake, with the snake’s body forming the main structure of the mythical beast.

    In ancient art, images of dragons and snakes often overlap, with motifs that appear simultaneously dragon-like and snake-like being very common.

    In ancient China, the snake was regarded as a mysterious and powerful creature. Its strong reproductive ability symbolised a continuous lineage and abundant offspring, while its ability to shed its skin and renew itself represented life and longevity. This process of renewal and rebirth highlighted the snake’s connection to cycles of growth and the passage of time.

    Beyond its physical traits, the snake was also revered for its intelligence and adaptability, often being portrayed as a creature of wisdom and strategy.

    These qualities have translated into cultural beliefs about people born in the year of the snake. For instance, for those born in this year, the snake’s flexibility and patience are seen as representing wisdom in problem-solving and overcoming challenges.

    Sijing Lu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. How people will be ringing in the year of the snake – https://theconversation.com/how-people-will-be-ringing-in-the-year-of-the-snake-248468

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Southport attacks: why the UK needs a unified approach to all violent attacks on the public

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Barry Richards, Emeritus Professor of Political Psychology, Bournemouth University

    The conviction of Axel Rudakubana for the murder of three young girls in Southport has prompted many questions about how the UK handles violence without a clear ideological motive. This case has also shown up the confusion in this area, and made clear the need for a basic reframing of how we understand murderous violence against the public today.

    The home secretary may be right to keep Prevent focused on violent Islamist and extreme right-wing terror. Yet there needs to be a complementary but distinct strategy to protect against another Southport-style attacker.

    The prime minister, Keir Starmer, has come rather late to his observation that the nature of terrorism has changed. Over four years ago it was becoming clear that the “terrorist” threat was increasingly coming from those with no clear and consistent attachment to any specific ideology, let alone any terrorist organisation.

    This is borne out in the latest data on referrals to the Prevent counter-terrorism scheme. “Mixed, unstable and unclear” ideologies – when added to school massacre fixations and incel cases – outrank both extreme right-wing and Islamist categories.

    Rudakubana had an al-Qaida-linked document in his possession, and had claimed to be a victim of racism. But overall his motive was not at all ideological, but is to be found in his mental ill-health.


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    All the evidence presents him as a profoundly damaged individual who harboured an overwhelming need to inflict deathly violence, unconnected with any political aim. His choice of young children as victims is probably also of psychological significance.

    Thus it may not be quite right to say, as the home secretary Yvette Cooper and others have, that Prevent “failed”. A cluster of agencies do seem collectively to have failed here. But Prevent was not designed to deal with apolitical and apparently random attacks on people unknown to the perpetrator.

    What has failed is the conceptual frame underlying the UK’s counter-terrorism approach, which sees terrorism simply as an ideologically-driven response to the world. This understands it as basically different from attacks which are apparently not ideologically-driven, and so are seen as more idiosyncratic and psychological, like school massacres (though these have come to fall within Prevent’s remit).

    Internal drivers of violence

    However, it is also true that many of those who do have conventional terrorist aims are also driven by forces in their internal worlds.

    While often not given a psychiatric diagnosis, many people who have carried out attacks appear to have been emotionally dysfunctional. Evidence for this goes back at least as far as 9/11, to the personality of the ringleader Mohamed Atta. It has since been accumulating in what is known of many convicted attackers, including those with lengthy ideological rationales, such as Anders Breivik.

    The emergence of “incel” terror has further blurred the distinction between those with an apparent ideological rationale and those with obvious psychological problems.

    At the psychological level, there is no clear separation between lone actor ideological attackers and those who are supposedly non-ideological. Common to all is some disturbance within the self, one requiring the enactment of lethal violence.

    Ironically, the clear presence of psychological factors can also be seen – at a different level – in some of the people involved in the violent riots which occurred in response to the Southport murders. These were, in considerable part, the creation of online agitators, extreme right-wing activists and their bussed-in followers.

    But some who took part were more casual joiners of the riots. These were people of no fixed ideological abode who were drawn by the excitement of the occasion and the opportunity to attack the police and other symbols of social order. The same psychological motive may be attributed to the “Maga tourist” element among the January 2021 invaders of the Capitol building in Washington DC.

    Protecting the public

    Such problems of group-based violence in public spaces may be amenable to primarily political and policy solutions (albeit very difficult ones to achieve). However, individuals who may suddenly erupt into violence, ideological or not, are even more difficult to identify, assess, monitor and contain.

    The first step towards better protecting the public should be to recognise the psychological drivers of all such attacks. These include a preoccupation with grievance, often linked to a powerful sense of humiliation and psychological defences against that. For example, the hypermasculinity and fantasied omnipotence of Islamic State.

    It is necessary, for various reasons, to retain the legal category of terrorist attacks. But it should be a subcategory of a more inclusive approach that covers all violent attacks on the public.

    Where there is little or no consistent ideological element, the term terrorism, which has political connotations, should not be employed. Violence that doesn’t aim to promote a political objective would be better described as the infliction of terror on innocent members of the public, as a form of revenge upon the world or as an expression of hatred. Other political terms such as “radicalisation” and “extremism” may also be inappropriate or confusing when applied to such cases.

    A conceptual framework which makes that distinction, while also recognising the common psychological ground of the draw towards violence, would allow for more effective interventions.

    Prevent could continue its work (with much-needed improvements) to minimise ideologically rationalised attacks. But it would be coordinated with a complementary national agency that oversees and supports local services in identifying and managing people like Rudakubana. The face-to-face client work of both prongs would be guided and overseen by forensic psychiatrists and psychotherapists.

    There will be more people in both sub-categories coming along with very weak control of their violent impulses. They will need skilful management that understands the drivers of profound disturbance.

    Barry Richards does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Southport attacks: why the UK needs a unified approach to all violent attacks on the public – https://theconversation.com/southport-attacks-why-the-uk-needs-a-unified-approach-to-all-violent-attacks-on-the-public-248185

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: The US stock market does better under Democrat presidents than Republicans – here’s what the data shows

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul Whiteley, Professor, Department of Government, University of Essex

    The US has been experiencing a long “bull” stock market, that is rapid growth in stock prices, although this week tech stocks tumbled over the future prospects for US-built AI.

    But could the market hit a significant downturn during Trump’s second term in the White House? At first sight this seems unlikely because it did well during his first term, from 2016 to 2020 (see chart below). However, long term trends in the US stock market reveal a pattern suggesting that stock prices might be quite vulnerable during his second term.

    The Nobel prize-winning economist, Robert Shiller, who studies financial markets thinks that the US stock market has peaked, and future returns will be much more modest than in recent history although he does not suggest that a crash is on the horizon.

    The market under different presidents

    Shiller’s data makes it possible to look at the relationship between who is the president and stock prices since 1925. By examining the performance of the stock market over that period we can identify the extent to which eight Democrat and nine Republican presidents have influenced the growth of the market.

    Changes in stock prices during Republican presidents 1925 to 2024:

    The chart shows the percentage changes in the Standard and Poor’s monthly stock price index (which gives a snapshot of the market), corrected for inflation, during the incumbencies of Republican presidents since January 1925.

    The average increase in stock prices for Republican presidents was 25%. But the thing that stands out in the chart is that three major crashes in the stock market also took place under these Republicans incumbents.

    The first of these, known as the Wall Street Crash, occurred on October 28 1929 when Herbert Hoover was president. This was the trigger event for the Great Depression of the 1930s and resulted in a fall of 64% in the stock market during his presidency.

    His reaction to the crash (when share values fell dramatically) was to do nothing in the belief that the economy would eventually recover on its own. This cost him the 1932 presidential election when Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected for the first time. He was subsequently elected a record four times, thanks to his New Deal policies for dealing with the crisis.




    Read more:
    DeepSeek: how a small Chinese AI company is shaking up US tech heavyweights


    The second crash occurred during Richard Nixon’s incumbency. He would have been impeached by Congress had he not resigned in August 1974 following the revelations of the Watergate scandal.

    This occurred when the White House employed burglars to break into the Democrat party headquarters in the Watergate building in Washington DC. Once Nixon’s attempt to spy on his opponents became public he was forced to resign and overall the stock market fell by 47% during his incumbency.

    The third crash occurred in December 2007 when George W Bush was the president. It had its origins in the deregulation of the financial sector which had occurred in the US after Ronald Reagan became president in 1980. Lax financial regulations led to ever increasingly risky assets and trading practices on Wall Street starting in the real estate market.

    US stock market opens.

    The crisis spread rapidly throughout the world’s financial system and a recession of the scale of the 1930s was only averted by prompt action by the Federal Reserve chairman, Ben Bernanke, who worked with political leaders in other countries such as UK prime minister Gordon Brown to stabilise the system. The stock market fell by 45% during Bush’s period of office.

    Many factors are at work to explain this, but the overriding fact is that Republicans are less likely to regulate the financial sector, or across the board, than Democrats. Their voters are more likely to be optimistic about the prospects for the economy, and therefore to take risks when investing in the stock market, when a Republican is in the White House.

    Changes in stock prices during Democratic presidents 1925 to 2024:

    The second chart shows changes in stock prices during the incumbencies of eight Democratic presidents during this period. It is very different from the Republican chart, since, of those presidents shown, only Jimmy Carter left office with the stock market lower than when he arrived, and that by a modest 13%.

    Bill Clinton was the most successful president, achieving an increase of 151% during his two terms in the White House. Overall, the stock market rose by an average of 51% during Democrat incumbencies, more than twice the size of the Republican increases.

    These results are surprising given that the Republicans are the traditional party of big business and so might be expected to be good for the stock market.

    Donald Trump has promised to increase tariffs on imports from the rest of the world, particularly those from China. In addition, there is a burgeoning budget deficit caused by the gap between spending and taxation.

    Most economists think these policies will create inflation and slow growth.

    Many investors are currently quite nervous about a possible recession after the long bull market of the last few years. The drop in the price of tech stocks this week confirms this. One effect of this has been to cause a rise in yields on US Treasury long-term bonds, reflecting fears of further inflation.

    Recent comparative research shows that countries can pay a high price for populist economic policies. So, it would be well worth Trump studying the history of US stock markets rises and falls, if he wants to avoid a severe economic downturn during his second term.

    Paul Whiteley has received funding from the British Academy and the ESRC.

    ref. The US stock market does better under Democrat presidents than Republicans – here’s what the data shows – https://theconversation.com/the-us-stock-market-does-better-under-democrat-presidents-than-republicans-heres-what-the-data-shows-246652

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Suffocating seas: low oxygen levels emerging as third major threat to tropical coral reefs

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jennifer Mallon, Postdoctoral research fellow, Nova Southeastern University

    Corals in low-oxygen seawater may not show visible signs of stress. Mike Workman/Shutterstock

    Coral reef research has focused on the twin evils birthed by record-high greenhouse gas emissions: warming oceans and increasingly acidic seawater. These global threats are caused by seawater absorbing the excess heat and carbon dioxide that fossil fuel burning has added to the atmosphere. But there is another consequence that is seldom discussed.

    Globally, oceanic oxygen is being depleted because seawater holds less oxygen as it heats up. In the warm coastal waters where tropical coral reefs grow, the immediate effects of low oxygen concentrations can be catastrophic. Short-term hypoxia events are increasingly reported in which dissolved oxygen levels suddenly plummet – often triggered or exacerbated by chemical pollution running off the land, like nutrient-rich fertilisers – which can kill entire coral communities and decimate reefs within days.

    Corals are animals, and like other aquatic animals, they breathe in oxygen from the water to fuel their metabolism. Thanks to a symbiotic relationship with microscopic algae, corals also turn the Sun’s energy into food – oxygen is the byproduct.

    Oxygen levels on coral reefs naturally fluctuate in a daily cycle, with dissolved oxygen peaking around noon and gradually falling as the light fades. At night when photosynthesis stops, corals continue to respire (consume oxygen), and seawater oxygen is depleted.

    This cyclic rise and fall in oxygen means that some corals have already evolved strategies to withstand changes in dissolved oxygen. When the amount of oxygen available to corals falls below this natural range, corals can get stressed and their normal biological processes are disrupted, in many cases leading to death.

    Just like us, corals need oxygen to survive. But I (Jennifer Mallon) discovered that the effects of low oxygen on corals are not always obvious to the naked eye, and that juvenile corals may be especially vulnerable.

    Hard to spot signs

    To understand the effects of low oxygen levels on corals I travelled to the Smithsonian Marine Station in Florida, as part of a research project led by the University of Florida’s Andrew Altieri and the Smithsonian’s Maggie Johnson and Valerie Paul.

    At the Smithsonian, 24 climate-controlled seawater tanks simulate varying levels of deoxygenation already present on coral reefs around the world, ranging from severe deoxygenation, which our research observed on the Caribbean coast of Panama, to normal conditions, such as those replicated in aquariums around the world.

    Researchers recreated environmental conditions for corals in the lab.
    Jennifer Mallon

    While some corals, like the Caribbean staghorn coral (Acropora cervicornis),
    died within a few days of severe deoxygenation, other important reef-building species such as the mountainous star coral (Orbicella faveolata) survived, demonstrating that tolerance of low oxygen was different between species.

    When we studied the corals that survived deoxygenation, we discovered that hypoxic stress may not always be visible. Even when exposed to deoxygenation for two weeks, some corals showed no signs of bleaching, which is when the colourful algae depart and corals turn a ghostly white. More detailed measurements revealed something worrying: despite outward appearances, low oxygen exposure had impaired coral metabolism, potentially stunting their growth and reef-building abilities.

    Existing methods for measuring coral health in the field are mainly visual, and include assessments by trained divers who search for signs of paling or bleaching corals. The hypoxic stress responses we saw in our experiment could be going under the radar.

    Baby corals at risk

    We also wanted to know how deoxygenation affects a coral’s ability to breed.

    Coral sexual reproduction is already a tricky business. Spawning events, when corals release egg bundles into the water, occur just a few nights a year, and the resulting larvae are highly vulnerable. Few survive the multi-day swim to the reef where they settle and metamorphose into juvenile corals.

    On modern Caribbean reefs, wild juvenile corals are rare. People involved in restoring reefs help corals to sexually reproduce in the lab and rear the juveniles in order to later transplant them onto the reef.

    Juvenile corals often settle in reef crevices where they are exposed to lower oxygen levels for longer than in open water, because less water flows over them. When we incubated coral larvae in deoxygenated water throughout the settlement process, we found that initial rates of larval survival and settlement were not significantly affected.

    Things changed once the larvae had settled and begun to form juvenile corals. Early-stage juvenile corals, known as primary polyps, lack symbiotic algae to help them meet their nutritional needs via photosynthesis and so rely on respiration for energy. Without enough oxygen, they cannot respire properly and begin to die off.

    A coral spawning event off the coast of Queensland, Australia.
    Coral Brunner/Shutterstock

    Coral conservation in breathless waters

    Our research can help those involved in restoring reefs understand the oxygen needs of corals, as well as highlight a previously overlooked threat.

    Even corals that survive deoxygenation show signs of a weaker metabolism that will make it harder to conserve healthy reefs, as restoration relies on healthy coral growth to regenerate what is damaged.

    As a next step, field measurements of coral metabolism will be carried out on Florida’s barrier reef tract when oxygen levels are predicted to drop during the warm summer months, to capture the real impact of deoxygenation on coral health.

    Dissolved oxygen data has not always been collected as part of reef monitoring, even during warm water bleaching events when oxygen is low. As the climate crisis worsens, it will be imperative to do more of this monitoring in tropical coastal waters. Further research into how distinct coral species respond to hypoxia is also essential for targeted conservation strategies.

    By confronting the silent threat of deoxygenation head on, we can safeguard the future of coral reefs and the countless marine species that depend on them.

    Jennifer Mallon receives funding from US-UK Fulbright Commission, Smithsonian Institution Fellowship Program, University of Glasgow Early Career Mobility Award and the Link Foundation.

    Adrian Michael Bass receives funding from the Natural Environmental Research Council.

    Maggie D. Johnson has received funding from NOAA’s Coastal Hypoxia Research Program and the Smithsonian Marine Global Earth Observatory.

    ref. Suffocating seas: low oxygen levels emerging as third major threat to tropical coral reefs – https://theconversation.com/suffocating-seas-low-oxygen-levels-emerging-as-third-major-threat-to-tropical-coral-reefs-224805

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: What the looming federal election could mean for the Bank of Canada’s independence

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Andrew Allison, Philosophy PhD Student, University of Calgary

    The independence of central banks from the democratic process has been a bedrock of economic policy for decades. The Bank of Canada is no exception, maintaining distance from elected officials to ensure monetary policy is free from political pressures.

    However, a clear division between central bank and government could be tested with Mark Carney, former governor of both the Bank of Canada and the Bank of England who’s running for leadership of the Liberal Party and, in turn, the role of prime minister.




    Read more:
    Mark Carney might have the edge as potential Liberal leader, but still faces major obstacles


    His bid raises concerns about how central bank independence might be perceived under a Carney-led government. Could his tenure as a central banker result in the Bank of Canada’s independence being clawed back? After all, he has demonstrated his ability to manage monetary policy at the highest levels.

    The answer, if we want to preserve the economic benefits of central bank independence, is clear: the Bank of Canada’s independence must be preserved. And Carney, who has championed the importance of politically neutral monetary policy, would likely agree.

    Incentives, not ignorance

    The idea that central banks should operate independently of the democratic process is a widely held view among economists and central bankers. This is largely because there is an extremely low likelihood of elected officials committing to implement monetary policy that produces low inflation and stable prices.

    If elected officials controlled monetary policy, incumbent governments would be tempted to “juice” the economy with “loose money” by reducing the interest rates right before elections.

    In the short run, this would reduce unemployment, raise wages and potentially boost the chances of incumbent governments being re-elected. But, in the long run, citizens would pay the price in the form of inflation.

    With repeated political interference, market entities would no longer react to injections of loose-money by investing in capital and labour and low interest rates would no longer produce the desired short-term benefits of more jobs and higher wages. But inflation would still persist. As economist Garrett Jones puts it, it would be “all hangover, no buzz.”

    Empirical evidence bears this out. Central banks that with greater independence tend to have more price stability and less inflation.

    This is why governments delegate monetary policy to independent central banks. Central bankers are able to implement monetary policy without the temptation to manipulate the economy for electoral gain.

    It’s worth noting that the need for central bank independence is not exclusively due to politicians’ ignorance about managing monetary policy. Rather, it’s because the electoral incentives they face prevents them from being trusted to pull the levers of monetary power effectively.

    This principle applies even to someone like Carney. If he were to become prime minister, he would face the same incentives as all other incumbent governments. Despite his expertise, he would still need independent central bankers to ensure monetary policy remains insulated from the political cycle.

    Central bank independence in Canada

    Central bank independence is not a binary, but exists on a spectrum. When studying the effects of independence, central banks are usually scored on a number of indicators, including whether central bankers can be fired by elected officials, how long central bankers’ terms are, and the extent to which they can be instructed by democratically elected bodies.

    Widespread support for central bank independence among economists only began in the mid-1980s. Prior to that, central banks often gained their independence due to political and legal circumstances, rather then a deliberate attempt to adhere to a principle of independence. Both the Federal Reserve and the Bank of Canada have this in common.

    The independence of the Bank of Canada had a tumultuous 25 years after its establishment in 1935. When pressed, finance ministers could not answer whether they or the Bank of Canada were ultimately responsible for the country’s monetary policy, often giving conflicting answers.

    It would not be until 1961 that this uncertainty would come to a head during the Coyne Affair. Prime Minister John Diefenbaker wanted James Coyne, governor of the Bank of Canada at the time, fired for embarrassing his government and taking a hefty pension. The House of Commons passed a one-line bill that fired Coyne, but the Senate refused to pass it. Coyne resigned the next day.

    After the Coyne Affair, central bank independence grew into the de facto status quo. In 1985, the Bank of Canada Act was passed, setting some limits on the power of the governor and their responsibility to the finance minister. As a result, Canada’s central bank independence falls somewhere in the middle of the spectrum compared to other wealthy, western nations.

    Carney on central bank independence

    In 2022, Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre threatened to fire the governor of the Bank of Canada, Tiff Macklem, if he became prime minister.

    While the Bank of Canada Act does permit this through a formal procedure, setting the precedent that cabinets can and will fire governors could undermine central bank independence. It would risk making central bankers more beholden to the political aims of incumbent governments and more likely to produce inflationary monetary policy.

    Compared to Poilievre, Carney is the conservative choice, likely aiming to maintain the status quo by leaving central bankers alone. During and after his time as a central banker, Carney has favoured central bank independence. And, as it stands, it doesn’t appear that he’s changed his mind now that he’s running for Liberal leader.

    So, what would a Carney government mean for the Bank of Canada’s independence? Likely, not much — and from a monetary economic perspective, that’s a good thing. Preserving the status quo would ensure the Bank of Canada remains insulated from political interference, allowing it to focus on long-term price stability.

    Andrew Allison receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

    ref. What the looming federal election could mean for the Bank of Canada’s independence – https://theconversation.com/what-the-looming-federal-election-could-mean-for-the-bank-of-canadas-independence-247886

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: NEA President: Trump’s funding freeze hurts students, communities, and public schools

    Source: US National Education Union

    By: Eric Jotkoff

    Published: January 28, 2025

    National Education Association President Becky Pringle released the following statement responding to the Trump Administration’s federal funding freeze:

    “Parents and educators know America’s students need more opportunities to succeed, and we need to invest in our public schools where 90% of students — and 95% of students with disabilities — learn.

    “Creating chaos is not leadership. The unprecedented, illegal, and reckless decision by the Trump administration to freeze federal funding will hurt students, communities, and public schools – especially students in lower-income communities who benefit most from federal funding.

    “This is a move straight from the extreme Project 2025 playbook and will have an immediate and devastating impact on millions. Students will lose access to learning opportunities if Head Start programs are shuttered. Parents will be cut off from childcare services they depend on so they can go to work and provide for their families. Students will go hungry if school meals are taken away. And the dream of higher education will be further out of reach as institutional aid for programs is affected. These are the real people impacted.

    “Educators won’t be silent as anti-public education politicians hurt our students, our families, and our communities across America. Together with parents and allies, we will continue to organize, advocate, and mobilize for the public schools our students deserve – no matter their race, place, or background.”

    -###-

    The National Education Association is the nation’s largest professional employee organization, representing more than 3 million elementary and secondary teachers, higher education faculty, education support professionals, school administrators, retired educators, students preparing to become teachers, healthcare workers, and public employees. Learn more at www.nea.org

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: The value of AI: How Microsoft’s customers and partners are reinventing how they do business today

    Source: Microsoft

    Headline: The value of AI: How Microsoft’s customers and partners are reinventing how they do business today

    Organizational leaders in every industry around the world are evaluating ways AI can unlock opportunities, drive pragmatic innovation and yield value across their business. At Microsoft, we are dedicated to helping our customers accelerate AI Transformation by empowering human ambition with Copilots and agents, developing differentiated AI solutions and building scalable cybersecurity foundations. At Microsoft Ignite we made over 100 announcements that bring the latest innovation directly to our customers and partners, and shared how Microsoft is the only technology leader to offer three distinct AI platforms for them to build AI solutions:

    1. Copilot is your UI for AI, with Copilot Studio enabling low-code creation of agents and extensibility to your data.
    2. Azure AI Foundry is the only AI app server for building real-world, world-class, AI-native applications.
    3. Microsoft Fabric is the AI data platform that provides one common way to reason over your data —no matter where it lives.

    All three of these platforms are open and work synchronously to enable the development of modern AI solutions; and each is surrounded by our world-class security offerings so leaders can move their AI-first strategies forward with confidence.

    As we look ahead to what we can achieve together, I remain inspired by the work we are doing today. Below are a handful of the many stories from the past quarter highlighting the differentiated AI solutions our customers and partners are driving to move business forward across industries and realize pragmatic value. Their success clearly illustrates that real results can be harnessed from AI today, and it is changing the way organizations do business.

    To power its industrial IoT and AI platform, ABB Group leveraged Microsoft Azure OpenAI Service to create Genix Copilot: a generative AI-powered analytics suite aimed at solving some of the most complex industrial problems. The solution helps customers analyze key functions in their operations —such as asset and process performance, energy optimization and emission monitoring — with real-time operational insights. As a result, customers are seeing up to 35% savings in operations and maintenance, and up to 20% improvement in energy and emission optimization. ABB also saw an 80% decrease in service calls with the self-service capabilities of Genix Copilot.

    Serving government healthcare agencies across the US, Acentra Health turned to Microsoft to help introduce the latest AI capabilities that maximize talent and cut costs in a secure, HIPAA-compliant manner. Using Azure OpenAI Service, the company developed MedScribe — an AI-powered tool reducing the time specially trained nursing staff spend on appeal determination letters. This innovation saved 11,000 nursing hours and nearly $800,000, reducing time spent on each appeal determination letter by about 50%. MedScribe also significantly enhanced operational efficiency, enabling nurses to process 20 to 30 letters daily with a 99% approval rate.

    To ease challenges for small farmers, Romanian agribusiness group Agricover revolutionized access to credit by developing MyAgricover. Built with help from partner Avaelgo, the scalable digital platform utilizes Microsoft Azure, Azure API Management and Microsoft Fabric to automate the loan process and enable faster approvals and disbursements. This has empowered small farmers to grow their businesses and receive faster access to financing by reducing loan approval time by 90 percent — from 10 working days to a maximum of 24 hours.

    Building on its status as a world-class airline with a strong Indian identity, Air India sought ways to enhance customer support while managing costs. By developing AI.g, one of the industry’s first generative AI virtual assistants built on Azure OpenAI Service, the airline upgraded the customer experience. Today, 97% of customer queries are handled with full automation, resulting in millions of dollars of support costs saved and improved customer satisfaction — further positioning the airline for continued growth.

    BMW Group aimed to enhance data delivery efficiency and improve vehicle development and prototyping cycles by implementing a Mobile Data Recorder (MDR) solution with Azure App Service, Azure AI and Azure Kubernetes Service (AKS). The solution achieved 10 times more efficient data delivery, significantly improved data accessibility and elevated overall development quality. The MDR monitors and records more than 10,000 signals twice per second in every vehicle of BMW’s fleet of 3,500 development cars and transmits data within seconds to a centralized cloud back end. Using Azure AI Foundry and Azure OpenAI Service, BMW Group created an MDR copilot fueled by GPT-4o. Engineers can now chat with the interface using natural language, and the MDR copilot converts the conversations into KQL queries, simplifying access to technical insights. Moving from on-premises tools to a cloud-based system with faster data management also helps engineers troubleshoot in real time. The vehicle data covered by the system has doubled, and data delivery and analysis happen 10 times faster.

    Coles Group modernized its logistics and administrative applications using Microsoft Azure Stack HCI to scale its edge AI capabilities and improve efficiency and customer experience across its 1,800 stores. By expanding its Azure Stack HCI footprint from two stores to over 500, Coles achieved a six-fold increase in the pace of application deployment, significantly enhancing operational efficiency and enabling rapid innovation without disrupting workloads. The retailer is also using Azure Machine Learning to train and develop edge AI models, speeding up data annotation time for training models by 50%.

    Multinational advertising and media company Dentsu wanted to speed time to insights for its team of data scientists and media analysts to support its media planning and budget optimization. Using Microsoft Azure AI Foundry and Azure OpenAI Service, Dentsu developers built a predictive analytics copilot that uses conversational chat and draws on deep expertise in media forecasting, budgeting and optimization. This AI-driven tool has reduced time to media insights for employees and clients by 90% and cut analysis costs.

    To overcome the limitations of its current systems, scale operations and automate processes across millions of workflows, Docusign created the Intelligent Agreement Management (IAM) platform on Azure. Using Azure AI, Azure Cosmos DB, Azure Logic Apps and AKS, the platform transforms agreement data into actionable insights to enhance productivity and accelerate contract review cycles. IAM also ensures better collaboration and unification across business systems to provide secure solutions tailored to diverse customer needs. For example, its customer KPC Private funds reported a 70% reduction in time and resources dedicated to agreement processes.

    Emirates Global Aluminium (EGA) transformed its manufacturing operations by leveraging a hybrid environment with Azure Arc, Azure Stack HCI and Azure Kubernetes Service. This digital manufacturing platform resulted in 86% cost savings for AI image and video analytics and a 13-fold improvement in AI response times. The seamless hybrid cloud architecture has enhanced EGA’s operational efficiency and agility, supporting its Industry 4.0 transformation strategy.

    EY collaborated with Microsoft to enhance the inclusivity of AI development using Azure AI Studio. By involving neurodivergent technologists from EY’s Neuro-Diverse Centers of Excellence, they improved the accessibility and productivity of AI tools, resulting in more inclusive AI solutions, fostering innovation and ensuring that AI tools unlock the potential of all users. With an estimated 20% of the global workforce identifying as neurodivergent, inclusive AI solutions are crucial for maximizing creativity and productivity. Neurodivergent EY technologists also collaborated with Microsoft developers to make Azure AI Foundry more inclusive and help all users work productively to create innovative AI solutions.

    Colombian household appliance manufacturer Haceb integrated AI to optimize processes, reduce costs and improve service quality. Using Microsoft Copilot Studio and Azure OpenAI Service, the company created a virtual technical support assistant, saving its 245 technicians 5 minutes per visit — a total of 5,000 minutes saved daily. This AI solution has enhanced efficiency and boosted customer satisfaction by allowing for faster issue resolution. Haceb’s AI adoption has also empowered employees, boosted productivity and positioned the company as a leader in AI innovation in Colombia.

    To better serve its global patients, Operation Smile — in collaboration with partner Squadra — leveraged Azure AI, Machine Learning and Microsoft Fabric to develop an AI-powered solution to predict surgical outcomes and optimize resource allocation. This innovation resulted in a 30% increase in surgical efficiency, a 90% reduction in translation errors and improved patient outcomes. Additionally, report generation is now up to 95% quicker, and repeated medical events have decreased by 15%, enabling Operation Smile to provide better care to more children worldwide.

    Ontada — a McKesson business dedicated to oncology data and evidence, clinical education and point-of-care technologies — needed a way to generate key insights across 150 million unstructured oncology documents. Using Microsoft Azure AI and Azure OpenAI Service, Ontada developed a data platform solution called ON.Genuity to provide AI-driven insights into the patient journey, enhance patient trial matching and identify care gaps. The company also implemented large language models to target nearly 100 critical oncology data elements across 39 cancer types, enabling the company to analyze an estimated 70% of previously inaccessible data, reduce processing time by 75% and accelerate product time-to-market from months to just one week.

    As the UK’s largest pet care company, Pets at Home sought a way to combat fraud across its retail operations — particularly as its online business continued to grow. Working closely with its fraud team, it adopted Copilot Studio to develop an AI agent that quickly identifies suspicious transactions. The agent autonomously gathers relevant information, performs analysis and shares it with a fraud agent to enable a manual, data-intensive investigative process while ensuring a human remains in the loop. With this low-code agent extending and seamlessly integrating into existing systems, the company’s fraud department can act more quickly; what used to take 20 to 30 minutes is now handled by the AI agent within seconds. The company is identifying fraud 10 times faster and is processing 20 times more cases a day. Now, the company can operate at scale with speed, efficiency and accuracy — with savings expected to be in the seven figures as it continues to build more agents.

    Revenue Grid, a technology company specializing in sales engagement and revenue optimization solutions, partnered with Cloud Services to modernize its data infrastructure and develop a unified data warehouse capable of handling unstructured, semi-structured and structured data. By migrating to Microsoft Fabric, Revenue Grid can now deliver data-powered revenue intelligence, driven by a unified platform, elastic scalability, enhanced analytics capabilities and streamlined operations. Revenue Grid has reduced infrastructure costs by 60% while enhancing its analytical capabilities to improve real-time data processing, empowering sales teams with accurate and diverse data. 

    To better manage and integrate employee data across diverse regions and systems, UST built a comprehensive Employee Data platform on Microsoft Fabric. In under a year, UST migrated 20 years of employee data with all security measures to enhance data accessibility and employee productivity. The Meta Data Driven Integration (MDDI) framework in Fabric also helped the company cut data ingestion time by 50% so employees can focus more on analysis than preparation. As a result of this implementation, the company has seen an increase in collaboration and innovation from employees, helping put its values into action.

    The Microsoft Commercial Marketplace offers millions of customers worldwide a convenient place to find, try and buy software and services across 140 countries. As a Marketplace partner, WeTransact is helping independent software vendors (ISVs) list and transact their software solutions — and find opportunities for co-selling and extending their reach to enterprise customers through development of the WeTransact platform. Powered by Azure OpenAI Service, the platform is changing the way partnerships are being built by using AI pairing to facilitate a “plug and play” reseller network. More than 300 ISVs worldwide have joined the Microsoft Commercial Marketplace using the WeTransact platform, cutting their time to publish by 75%.

    The opportunity for AI to create value is no longer an ambition for the future — it is happening now, and organizational leaders across industries are investing in AI-first strategies to change the way they do business. We believe AI should empower human achievement and enrich the lives of employees; and we are uniquely differentiated to help you accelerate your AI Transformation responsibly and securely. Choosing the right technology provider comes down to trust, and I look forward to what we will achieve together as we partner with you on your AI journey.

    Tags: AI, Azure, Azure AI, Azure AI Foundry, Azure AI Studio, Azure Arc, Azure OpenAI Service, Azure Stack HCI, Copilot, Copilot Studio, Microsoft Fabric, Microsoft Ignite 2024

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why fizzy water won’t help you lose weight – despite what some studies might suggest

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Duane Mellor, Visiting Academic, Aston Medical School, Aston University

    Fizzy water will probably not have a measurable effect on metabolism and weight. Jari Hindstroem/ Shutterstock

    For years it has been claimed that sparkling water may aid weight loss by helping you feel fuller – reducing your desire to snack and overeat.

    Now, a recent hypothesis has suggested that sparkling water may help you lose weight by boosting your body’s blood sugar (glucose) uptake and metabolism.

    But before you go and stock your fridge up with fizzy water, it’s important to actually take a look at the study itself and how it was conducted. This publication makes it clear that it isn’t new research – rather, it’s a new hypothesis formed by referencing the results of a study published in 2004 — alongside additional supplementary research to support the theory.

    It should be noted that the old study was not even looking at the effect of fizzy water on body weight. It was actually an observation of what happens to blood when it goes through a kidney dialysis machine (haemodialysis) and how it might lower blood glucose. No fizzy water was consumed as part of this study either.

    The effect of haemodialysis is said to mimic the effect of carbon dioxide in the blood – which increases the pH or alkalinity inside red blood cells. This then encourages the red blood cells to metabolise more glucose.

    Using the figures from the 20-year-old paper, it’s estimated that a four hour dialysis session seems to increase glucose use by 9g – only around 36 additional calories burned.

    But the study the hypothesis was based on wasn’t looking at the effects of carbon dioxide in the blood. Rather, it was looking at how haemodialysis changes the pH of red blood cells — and how that affects blood glucose. This makes it difficult to compare how the carbon dioxide in fizzy water may affect blood glucose when it enters the bloodstream.

    So why the fuss?

    The paper itself contains a valid scientific idea worthy of discussion. But unfortunately, some of its nuance has been lost in the way the study has been promoted – with media headlines exaggerating the paper’s findings.

    To understand whether this hypothesis stands, research will need to be done which investigates whether a significant amount of carbon dioxide actually does enter our bloodstream when we drink sparkling water, and how quickly this is absorbed by the body – which will tell us how long the potential effects last.

    But a glass of sparkling water contains less than a gram of carbon dioxide – and this will be absorbed in minutes. This amount of carbon dioxide is a tiny fraction compared to the kilogram our body naturally produces in an average day) through respiration – how our body uses energy.

    Unfortunately, it looks like sparkling water isn’t a miracle weight loss remedy.
    Christian Moro/ Shutterstock

    Looking at these numbers, fizzy water will probably not have a measurable effect on blood carbon dioxide levels – and therefore no effect on metabolism and weight.

    The hypothesis’s author itself is careful to state in the paper that carbonated water is not a standalone solution for weight loss and that healthy diet and physical activity are both key.

    Does fizzy water at least help with appetite?

    Another claim that has sometimes been made about fizzy water in the media and in other studies (though not by the author of this latest hypothesis) is that it can help you feel fuller for longer, which may aid in weight loss. However, the evidence here is not conclusive.

    While some studies have found that people who drank carbonated water reported it helped them feel fuller for longer, other studies have actually shown it may have the opposite effect. Research in rats that looked specifically at weight and appetite hormones found that sparkling water increased both weight and levels of the hunger hormone ghrelin. In a parallel study these researchers conducted on 20 men, it was shown that fizzy water also increased their ghrelin levels. This suggests fizzy water could actually make people more hungry.

    It seems the data is not conclusive about the effect of fizzy water on hunger. In theory, fizzy water might help to stretch our stomach causing us to feel full. However, the data does not seem to agree with this theory.

    In order for fizzy water to do this, it would need to stay in the stomach longer than still water – and science suggests this isn’t the case. A study which compared drinking fizzy water versus drinking still water after a meal found both seem to leave the stomach at the same rate.

    What’s more, drinking water with meals does not have a significant effect on appetite and feeling full. This is all down to the shape of the stomach and how it churns and breaks down our food. The bottom curve of our stomach has a channel called the Magenstrasse or “stomach road” which allows liquids to flow quickly into the small intestine where it can be absorbed.

    While we might wish a glass of sparkling water could help support weight loss or at least help us feel fuller for longer, there’s currently little to no data to support this. The only real effect that drinking fizzy water (or even still water) has on body weight seems to be that when people use it to replace sugary drinks, it means they consume fewer calories on average.


    The Conversation has spoken with Akira Takahashi, doctor of medicine and head of department at Tesseikai Neurosurgical Hospital, the author of the hypothesis. He writes that based on the 2004 study’s findings, it would be difficult to simulate the effect of haemodialysis through drinking carbonated water – and that it’s unlikely fizzy water alone could lead to weight loss.

    He states that the mechanism shown in the haemodialysis study, by which CO2 can reduce blood sugar levels, may behave similarly to the CO2 absorbed from drinking fizzy water — and that this may result in glucose consumption in the blood near the stomach. However, he says more research will be needed to measure blood sugar levels before and after drinking carbonated water to validate this effect. Takahashi also thinks the feeling of fullness caused by drinking carbonated beverages warrants further research, as carbon dioxide releases bubbles that stimulate the stomach’s stretch receptors – creating a sensation of fullness.

    Takahashi writes: “It is important to note that carbonated water alone is unlikely to contribute significantly to weight loss. A balanced diet and regular exercise remain essential for effective weight management.”

    Duane Mellor a member of the British Dietetic Association. He has in the past undertaken advisory and consultative work with the soft drinks, sweetener and sugar industry.

    ref. Why fizzy water won’t help you lose weight – despite what some studies might suggest – https://theconversation.com/why-fizzy-water-wont-help-you-lose-weight-despite-what-some-studies-might-suggest-247940

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why not all plans for a four-day working week would be a win for health

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anne Skeldon, Professor of Mathematics, Head of School, School of Mathematics & Physics, University of Surrey

    Dusan Petkovic/Shutterstock

    The right to request a short working week, with four longer “shifts” and three days off is being proposed as part of new flexible working legislation in the UK. Also known as working “compressed hours”, this schedule can sound attractive, with reports claiming improved efficiency and productivity. And, of course, no pay cut for workers.

    It could result in fewer commutes, which saves time for workers and can be more environmentally friendly. And it could provide more flexibility for workers with childcare or care for other dependants, for example.

    But there could be negative consequences to squeezing typical workloads into fewer days. Under these plans, there is no suggestion that by compressing the working week, people will work fewer hours.

    Compressed hours mean that, instead of working 7.5 hours a day for five days, you would work 9.4 hours per day for four days – putting in almost two hours more work every working day. There is strong evidence that longer work hours result in more errors and accidents. Long work hours are also linked to poorer decision-making and make it more likely people will have an accident on their drive home.

    For example, it has long been understood that working longer shifts increases the risk of workplace accident and injuries. The risk of a workplace accident is on average 13% higher for a ten-hour shift than an eight-hour shift.

    Accident risk remains more or less constant for the first eight or so hours of work but then rises rapidly, so that the risk of an accident in the tenth hour of work is 90% higher than in the first eight hours.

    To function effectively and safely at work relies on sufficient sleep, ideally at the right time of day and in a regular pattern. This is based on fundamental physiological factors that cannot be changed by training, motivation or professionalism.

    Getting into sleep debt

    These factors that determine our ability to function are driven by time of day, how long we have been awake and accumulated sleep debt. For example, humans are sleepier during the night than the day, and it can take between two and four hours after waking to achieve full alertness.

    What’s more, our ability to function decreases rapidly after we have been awake for 16 hours, and especially so at night.

    But what are the health consequences of a compressed hours schedule? It is already commonplace for people to have shorter periods of sleep during the working week and then try to catch up with sleep at the weekend, with mixed results.

    If people work compressed hours, then on working days they have to fit in two extra hours of work but still carry out all the other activities in their daily lives. They still need to wash, eat, communicate, provide care for children and others.

    So there’s a real chance that compressed hours then also lead to “compressed sleep” and accentuate irregular patterns of rest or chronic sleep debt. Irregular or insufficient sleep is increasingly associated with a higher risk of diabetes, cardiovascular disease, obesity, certain cancers and dementia – the leading causes of mortality in wealthy nations. In 2017, the economic cost of insufficient sleep in the UK alone was estimated as US$50 billion (£40 billion), up to 1.86% of GDP.




    Read more:
    The science behind why you love a weekend lie-in


    The negative effect of chronic sleep loss accumulates more rapidly than experts previously realised. This knock-on effect is most severe during night shifts, especially when those shifts are long. There are good reasons why the UK regulator, the Health and Safety Executive, supports the EU working time directive, which imposes constraints on the length, timing and number of shifts.

    If the concept of fewer but longer work shifts is accepted, what happens next? Why not propose three 12.5-hour workdays a week, or two 18.75-hour workdays? Why not work 24 hours a day and then work only eight days a month?

    And at the end of a long day, many workers have to get behind the wheel.
    Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock

    This sounds fanciful, and yet it is happening. Several UK fire services have moved to 24-hour shifts, following the trend in North America where 24, 48 or even longer duty hours are common for firefighters. Also in North America, many physicians work 24-hour shifts or longer, with well-documented negative consequences including higher rates of serious medical errors and surgical complications, and increased accident risk on the drive home when compared to shorter shifts.

    It’s certainly true that some workers prefer to work longer days, for example to have longer blocks of time off for childcare. But at what point do concerns over the safety of employees and the people they interact with – as well as the negative effects (and financial costs) on long-term health – outweigh employee preference?

    Compressed hours of work may be effective in some scenarios for some people and businesses. But if compressed hours of work lead to compressed sleep, then we need to recognise the negative consequences.

    New legislation should build in sufficient guidance and protections for both employers and employees, plus it should be evidence-based. With wearable tech like smartwatches to track behaviour, it should be feasible to collect information on sleep, health, near misses and accidents. Then mathematical models and AI could be used to design individualised work schedules that are healthy and productive for everyone.

    Anne Skeldon has received funding from Transport for London and from Scotia Gas Network.

    Derk-Jan Dijk received funding from AFOSR USA.

    Steven W Lockley is a consultant to Timeshifter Inc, KBR Wyle Services, Apex 2100 Ltd and Illumalife Inc.

    ref. Why not all plans for a four-day working week would be a win for health – https://theconversation.com/why-not-all-plans-for-a-four-day-working-week-would-be-a-win-for-health-247839

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Armenia and Azerbaijan are at loggerheads again – here’s why tensions are rising

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Svante Lundgren, Researcher, Lund University

    Azerbaijan’s president, Ilham Aliyev, has launched a fierce verbal attack on Armenia, which he has called a fascist state. “Fascism must be destroyed,” he said in an interview on local TV networks on January 7. “Either the Armenian leadership will destroy it, or we will.”

    This rhetoric is strongly reminiscent of baseless claims used by Vladimir Putin about Ukraine to justify Russia’s invasion. He has claimed that Ukraine must be “denazified”.

    There are also reports that Azerbaijan’s acquisition of advanced Israeli weapons have increased recently, according to Israeli journalist Avi Sharf, national security, cyber and open source intelligence editor at Israeli news outlet Haaretz.

    Armenia and Azerbaijan have a long history of conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, a region within Azerbaijan until recently mainly populated by Armenians. The first war between them in the 1990s led to the establishment of a self-proclaimed Armenian republic, which no country recognised.

    Then, after a 44-day war in 2020, Azerbaijan took control over most of the enclave. The rest was conquered in September 2023, prompting Armenians living there (more than 100,000 people) to flee to Armenia.

    In the last few months Aliyev accused Armenia of preparing a “war of revenge”. Since its devastating defeat in the second Karabakh war in 2020, Armenia has taken steps to strengthen its defences. Among other things, it has made significant arms purchases from France. This has also provoked Aliyev to criticise France and its president, Emmanuel Macron.

    But, although Armenia has been trying to reduce Azerbaijan’s military advantage through reforms in the army and arms purchases, the country is still militarily inferior to its neighbour. Any military confrontation is likely to result in an early defeat for Armenia.




    Read more:
    Future of Russian gas looking bleak as Ukraine turns off taps and Europe eyes ending all imports


    The argument from Azerbaijan is clearly that if there is conflict in the region, it will be part of an Armenian “preparation for a war”. Baku suggests that therefore the responsibility for any conflict would lie with Armenia and those who arm the country (in particular, France). It’s possible that this rhetoric is intended to legitimise some kind of military action.

    Because of escalating tension in the past few years, Armenia invited the European Union to monitor the border between the countries. This was to help address Azerbaijani accusations that Armenia was preparing for war, and to monitor, and prevent, shootings along the border.


    Peter Hermes Furian/Shutterstock

    Over the past two years Azerbaijan has denied these unarmed EU observers permission to operate on its territory, so they were only able to work from the Armenian side. It has also strongly condemned the EU for this mission.

    The EU monitors have been in place since February 2023, and should be due to withdraw next month. Armenia has suggested the EU monitors continue but Baku has made clear it wants them removed.

    So, why might Azerbaijan want to reignite tensions with Armenia? One point of contention between them is access to the “Zangezur corridor”, a land connection between Azerbaijan and its autonomous republic, Nakhichevan,.

    Long-running regional conflict

    Azerbaijan has long demanded access to, and control of, this route. The natural corridor runs through Armenia’s Syunik region (in Azerbaijani “Zangezur”, hence the Zangezur corridor). Armenia has declared its willingness to open up transport connections throughout the region – including between Azerbaijan and Nakhichevan – but opposes a corridor through its territory that it does not control.

    The south Caucasus (the region including Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan) has long been an area that Putin sees as part of his sphere of influence. After the break-up of the Soviet Union, Russia tried to keep the region relatively calm, but in 2020 Putin allowed the war to continue until Armenia was defeated, before putting pressure on Aliyev to stop. Three years later, Azerbaijan took what was left of Nagorno-Karabakh while Russian peacekeepers looked on.

    Armenian concern over what it sees as Russian bias towards Azerbaijan has led Yerevan to increasingly turn towards the west. On January 14 2025, a “strategic partnership charter” was signed between Armenia and the US, which includes an economic and defence partnership, but whether the new Trump administration will want to build on, or even ignore, that relationship is not yet clear.

    In what is considered an important symbolic move Armenia is also currently negotiating with Russia over the removal of its Federal Security Service (FSB security service) guards along the Armenian border in an attempt to reduce reliance on Moscow for its security. Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan said in 2024 that the nation would pull out of the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization in another move that signals Armenia’s increasingly fragile relationship with Moscow.

    Will there be a war?

    The EU has meanwhile strengthened relations with Armenia.

    While Azerbaijan may have escaped international fallout over the attack on Nagorno-Karabakh in the autumn of 2020, and over the ethnic cleansing of the enclave’s Armenian population in 2023. But if a new war led to a large-scale attack on Armenia it would unlikely to be ignored by the west.

    Despite the west’s minimal reactions to Azerbaijani incursions across the Armenian border in May 2021 and September 2022, in 2025 there is more international focus on the region and on the potential consequences of ignoring what’s going on around Russia’s borders.

    Although military intervention from the west is unlikely, the possibility of sanctions against Azerbaijan could be enough of an incentive for Aliyev to try to maintain the peace.

    Svante Lundgren does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Armenia and Azerbaijan are at loggerheads again – here’s why tensions are rising – https://theconversation.com/armenia-and-azerbaijan-are-at-loggerheads-again-heres-why-tensions-are-rising-247533

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Omagh bombing: why a public inquiry is being held more than 25 years after the atrocity

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Peter John McLoughlin, Lecturer in Politics, Queen’s University Belfast

    The 1998 Good Friday agreement is commonly seen to have ended what were euphemistically termed “the Troubles” in Northern Ireland. However, just four months after the peace accord was signed, an attack on the town of Omagh resulted in the greatest loss of life in any single incident of the conflict.

    The bombing, on August 15 1998, killed 29 people and injured an estimated 220 more. Among those who lost their lives were nine children and a woman who was pregnant with twins.

    A group called “the Real IRA” claimed responsibility for the atrocity. It was one of the so-called “dissident” republican factions which broke away from the mainstream IRA after its political wing, Sinn Féin, turned toward peaceful politics. The Real IRA’s assault on Omagh was clearly intended to derail the Northern Ireland peace process and destroy the Good Friday agreement.

    It could be argued, however, that the bombing had the opposite effect. The atrocity encouraged Northern Ireland’s politicians to come together and redouble their commitment to the peace process.

    Public outcry over the attack also forced the Real IRA to announce a ceasefire. It later returned to violence, but widespread revulsion against the Omagh atrocity would undermine the support base that any dissident republican faction might draw upon.

    Political representatives of the Real IRA and other such groups have never been able to mobilise electoral support in the way that Sinn Féin was able to, in spite of its association with the IRA.

    The Omagh bombing also aided the ability of Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams and others to steer mainstream republicans towards purely peaceful politics. The atrocity had shown the utter futility of violence.

    Adams’ condemnation of the attack provoked accusations of hypocrisy as he had previously defended IRA violence. Nonetheless, Adams continued to lead republicanism in ways that would cement its commitment to peaceful methods.

    The indiscriminate nature of the Omagh attack also helps explain the galvanising effect that it had on the peace process. People from both sides of the communal divide in Northern Ireland were killed, and from both sides of the Irish border. Two Spanish tourists also died visiting a region which the Good Friday agreement seemed to have made safe.

    The visit of Bill Clinton a month after the attack also brought global attention to Omagh. The US president had first visited Northern Ireland following the paramilitary ceasefires of 1994, receiving a rapturous reception when he turned on the Christmas lights in Belfast.

    But his return was as sombre as his first visit had been joyous. Despite this, the obvious sincerity of Clinton’s words and actions in Omagh would encourage the people and politicians of Northern Ireland to continue their efforts to build a peaceful society.

    Bill and Hillary Clinton visit the site of the Omagh bombing with Tony and Cheri Blair.
    Clinton Digital Library

    Unanswered questions

    More than 25 years on from the attack, they have largely succeeded in this endeavour. However, serious questions remain about the Omagh atrocity. Authorities in both parts of Ireland have been criticised for their response.

    In Northern Ireland, a former policing watchdog has argued that the security services failed to properly act on intelligence that might have prevented the attack.

    In the Irish Republic, where the bomb was constructed, the only person that was ever jailed over the attack would later see his conviction overturned. The latter ruling was also seen to result from the mishandling of evidence, this time by the Irish police.

    This explains why survivors and families of those killed and injured in the Omagh bombing have fought long and hard for an independent investigation into the attack. Neither the British nor the Irish government seemed eager to allow this, but legal action by members of the Omagh families led to a ruling by Belfast’s High Court in July 2021 which found it plausible that the attack might have been prevented by security services. This bolstered support for a public inquiry.

    Finally, in February 2023, the British government acceded and Lord Turnbull, a senior Scottish judge, was appointed to chair the investigation. The Irish government has not followed suit, but has committed to supporting the British inquiry.

    The inquiry officially opened in July of last year, but is only now beginning in earnest with a period of commemorative and personal statement hearings.

    Over four weeks, it will receive testimony from people who were injured, those who responded to the attack, or who were simply witnesses to the atrocity and its aftermath. Each submission will be read by Turnbull, and he has said that they will “inform the direction and approach of the Inquiry”.

    The inquiry begins

    There has, however, been some controversy regarding contributions to the investigation, and specifically that of a former British Army agent who infiltrated republican paramilitaries. This operative took legal action after being refused key status at the inquiry, a role which would have entitled him to make opening and closing statements, and to propose lines of questioning.

    He was instead granted witness status, and the inquiry will naturally be expected to examine evidence relating to information passed on to the police in the time leading up to the bombing.

    As a result, Turnbull has sought to assure those who might doubt the value of the investigation: “My inquiry may be the final opportunity to get to the truth of whether the bombing could have been prevented by the UK state.”

    Survivors and victims’ families will surely hope that this is the last time that that they will have to relive their trauma, and that the end result will indeed establish the truth as to what exactly the authorities knew about the Omagh attack. Then, the families may finally experience some closure, and be able to move on from what remains the deadliest attack in Northern Ireland’s history

    Peter John McLoughlin has received funding in the past from the AHRC, Leverhulme Trust, the Irish Research Council, and the Fulbright Commission. He is a member of Greenpeace.

    ref. Omagh bombing: why a public inquiry is being held more than 25 years after the atrocity – https://theconversation.com/omagh-bombing-why-a-public-inquiry-is-being-held-more-than-25-years-after-the-atrocity-248192

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Five reasons why vertical farming is still the future, despite all the recent business failures

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gail Taylor, Dean of Life Sciences, UCL

    Don’t believe the tripe. Amorn Suriyan

    Plant factories are failing, with multiple companies closing or going bankrupt in recent months. This includes the largest vertical farm on the planet, in Compton, Los Angeles.

    Owned by San Francisco-based startup Plenty, the farm opened in 2023 to grow salads in partnership with Walmart. It was mothballed at the end of 2024, with the company citing the rising cost of energy in California as a major problem.

    Despite raising over US$1 billion (£802 million) from investors, the company’s value has reportedly plummeted from US$1.9 billion to below US$15 million. It now aims to focus solely on strawberry production in Virginia.

    New York-based Bowery Farming also halted all operations in late 2024, having previously being valued at US$2.3 billion. Fellow American vertical farmers AeroFarms, Kalera and AppHarvest have similarly filed for bankruptcy in the past two years, as has the UK’s Growing Underground, among various others.

    Clearly these are major setbacks. Year-round illuminated greenhouses and stacked, controlled-environment warehouses for producing food have been hailed as a sustainable alternative to traditional farming, promising fresh food close to populations.

    This reduces the need for transportation, which together with other issues in traditional farming such as soil degradation and forest clearing see it contributing around 20% of the greenhouse gases that lead to planetary warming and climate change.

    Multiple new indoor-farming companies sprang into life in the past decade, driven by significant venture capital. They harnessed the latest in LED lighting and hydroponic and aeroponic growing systems, using land and water ten to 100 times more efficiently than in a field and with far fewer pesticides.

    Initially developed to grow leafy greens and microgreens, these farms have more recently turned to higher value produce including herbs, strawberries, tomatoes and grapes.

    Grow, baby, grow.
    Gorodenkoff

    Among the reasons for the business failures are rising energy costs; the fact that traditional farming is cheaper, making it hard to compete on price; and the fact that rising interest rates have made financing more expensive.

    Together with other challenges such as high energy consumption and finding enough skilled labour, many opponents are writing this sector off as a fad that is unlikely to ever make a big impact on food security.

    This ignores success stories, such as JFC and Grow-up Farms, which are regular suppliers to the UK supermarkets. But more broadly, there are various reasons why the critics are likely to be wrong:

    1. We’re still early

    Vertical farming has been proving itself by “learning by doing” for the past decade. Kicked off by Nasa space scientists seeking to grow food in hostile environments with zero gravity and heavy radiation, this field is still highly experimental.

    New technologies like this one often conform to the Gartner hype cycle, where big initial expectations are rarely met, leading to a trough of disillusionment. Following this, the benefits start to crystallise as new players enter the market and mainstream adoption begins.

    Vertical farming is only a very small proportion of total farming, but it looks very likely to flourish given the need to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions, and the threats to food security from climate change and population growth. In addition, the costs are likely to be reduced by the arrival of much more renewable energy at cheaper prices in years to come.

    2. Heavy plant demand is coming

    Society stands on the edge of an unprecedented transformation as it shifts away from fossil fuels. We’re going to move to a circular bioeconomy, in which green plants will be central as feedstocks for everything from aviation fuels to alternative proteins to vaccine production to plant-based plastics.

    All this means greater pressure on land resources for food production, and an enhanced need for vertically stacked agriculture that recycles water and nutrients and requires fewer chemicals.

    3. Science is on its side

    Unexpected scientific discoveries continue to drive vertical farming. For example, tunable wavelength LEDs have shown that certain spectral bands can affect crops profoundly.

    Far-red light, which is just beyond visible red light, promotes growth and flowering, raising lettuce yields by 30%, for example. Blue light can improve shelf-life and nutritional quality, even enhancing certain plant chemicals known to help prevent cancers.

    The significance of these discoveries has yet to be fully realised, but by the complete control of the farming environment that indoor farming makes possible, we will be able to more easily tailor food quality for the betterment of people and the planet.

    4. It’s horses for courses

    Growing leafy greens indoors in California, as Plenty did, was always going to be challenging. This is the state where they invented the iceberg lettuce, where wall-to-wall sunshine and even temperatures enable farmers to grow enough salad greens to supply the whole of the US.

    Contrast Singapore, where only 6% of fresh produce is locally grown. This has prompted the government to develop the “30 x 30” goal to supply 30% of nutritional needs by 2030, with vertical farming a key part of the strategy.

    Similarly the United Arab Emirates imports over 90% of its food, and is looking towards a future that includes vertical farming. The UK and much of northern Europe, where the outdoor growing season is short and land is limited, can also benefit from these technologies (and indeed, do already).

    It’s a different story in Singapore.
    PrasitRodphan

    5. Baby and bathwater

    Unlike the cutting-edge LED-illuminated, stacked warehouses, intensive hydroponic greenhouses have been operating commercially for decades. The Netherlands leads the way in supplying year-round fresh produce from these structures, and is now the second biggest food exporter in the world.

    Even in the UK, its common for such greenhouses to supply potted herbs, tomatoes and strawberries all year round.

    These are a half-way house to vertical farming, and are also likely to be in greater demand in the coming decades. They could well extend their reach to supply fresh nutritious food to places where food security may be particularly challenged, such as Africa, south Asia and the Middle East.

    Gail Taylor has received funding for research on vertical farming from the John B. Orr Endowment from the University of California, Davis and gift funding from the company, Plenty. Between 2021 and 2024 she was a member of the Scientific Advisory Board for the company Plantible Foods.

    ref. Five reasons why vertical farming is still the future, despite all the recent business failures – https://theconversation.com/five-reasons-why-vertical-farming-is-still-the-future-despite-all-the-recent-business-failures-248270

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Veganuary momentum fades as participants struggle to maintain meat-free options beyond January Academics at the University of Aberdeen have compared attitudes and knowledge around sustainable eating – and willingness to reduce the amount of meat consumed – over a 10-year period. They found that although initiatives like ‘Veganuary’ were helpful in introducing people to alternative diets, this was not sustained in most of…

    Source: University of Aberdeen

    Academics at the University of Aberdeen have compared attitudes and knowledge around sustainable eating – and willingness to reduce the amount of meat consumed – over a 10-year period.
    They found that although initiatives like ‘Veganuary’ were helpful in introducing people to alternative diets, this was not sustained in most of those questioned.
    Overall awareness about the need for sustainable diets has improved since ‘Veganuary’ was introduced in 2013, but the same barriers to sticking to them persist, the researchers at the Rowett Institute found.
    And now they are stepping up efforts to understand why by recruiting volunteers willing to go meat-free a few days a week to take part in a detailed study.
    The report – titled Still Eating Like There’s No Tomorrow – is based on analysis of similar populations to those the team spoke to in 2013 to establish what, if anything, has changed in the last decade.
    They reported in 2023/14 that resistance to the idea of reducing personal meat consumption was common across all sociodemographic groups, with meat being seen as pleasurable, social, and traditional.
    The results from the current study suggest participants had a greater willingness to reduce meat consumption a decade on but that there is disparity in attitudes between socioeconomic groups, with those in areas of high deprivation less willing to reduce meat consumption.
    Emily Cleland, the lead author of the study undertaken by a team from the Rowett Institute, University of Aberdeen said: “Many of the barriers described towards reducing meat consumption have not changed over the decade between studies. 
    “This is important because of the urgent need to change diets to meet the targets set by the Climate Change Committee, which advises the UK and devolved governments.
    “With just over five years to go until the Climate Change Committee’s interim targets for a 20% reduction in meat consumption, it is vital to take stock of progress and identify barriers and enablers, which is the aim of this study.”
    Participants reported that campaigns such as ‘Veganuary’ were successful in reducing their meat consumption for a time-limited period but the ability to continue a meat-free dietary pattern throughout the rest of the year was questioned. Other initiatives such as ‘Meat free Mondays’ were deemed more attainable in terms of enjoyment and health, and having environmental benefit.
    “Our study shows that resistance to dietary change persists due to scepticism about how this would benefit the climate, cost concerns and the sensory appeal of meat,” she added.
    “The greater availability of plant-based alternatives to meat and campaigns such as ‘Meat-free Mondays’ show promising opportunities for change, but we require tailored interventions to overcome entrenched cultural and economic barriers.
    “It is therefore necessary to acknowledge the differing experiences and perceived barriers and facilitators from different groups to create interventions that address specific obstacles, making it easier for individuals to adopt more sustainable dietary practices and ultimately contribute to achieving environmental and public health goals.”
    The new study – led by report co-authors Dr David McBey and Dr Ben McCormick – is looking for anyone willing to reduce their meat consumption for three months.
    They will be asked to keep food diaries, fill in questionnaires and be interviewed about their eating habits during the trial period.
    Dr McBey says: “Eating less meat is important to help the planet and save resources, but it can be hard because of habits, traditions, or not having other options. Our study wants to find out what makes it tricky for people, so we can help them make changes more easily.”
    To sign up go to: Screening Questionnaire or contact lessmeat@abdn.ac.uk for more details.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-Evening Report: As the ‘digital oligarchy’ grows in power, NZ will struggle to regulate its global reach and influence

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexandra Andhov, Chair in Law and Technology, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    The images of President Donald Trump at his inauguration surrounded by the titans of the global tech industry is a warning of what could come: a global digital oligarchy dominated by a tiny tech elite.

    Companies like Meta, Google, Microsoft, Amazon, X Corp, and OpenAI (all based in the United States) now operate beyond the control of most governments. Countries like New Zealand are increasingly struggling to keep these companies in check.

    In the past decade, New Zealand has taken several measures to curb the influence of powerful tech companies through voluntary agreements and tax legislation.

    But the digital age has fundamentally changed national sovereignty – the right of individual countries to decide the rules within their own borders.

    Big tech companies are gradually taking on functions traditionally reserved for government institutions. For example, these companies have begun to function as the arbiters of speech, controlling the visibility of certain ideas and comments.

    As recently as this month, Meta obscured searches for left-leaning topics including “Democrats”, later blaming the issue on a “technical glitch”.

    And as was widely covered in the media, Amnesty International released a report claiming that Facebook’s algorithms “proactively amplified” anti-Rohingya content in Myanmar, substantially contributing to human rights violations against the ethnic group.

    New Zealand’s attempts to regulate big tech

    A number of governments are now facing the question of how to temper the influence of these companies within their current legal frameworks.

    As New Zealand (among others) has discovered in the past decade, influencing the behaviour of these companies is easier said than done. It has repeatedly found itself struggling to effectively manage big tech’s impact on its society and economy.

    In 2018, for example, New Zealand’s Privacy Commissioner said Facebook had failed to comply with its obligations under the New Zealand Privacy Act. The company told the commission the Privacy Act did not apply to it.

    When the Christchurch terrorist attack was livestreamed on Facebook (owned by Meta), New Zealand authorities found themselves largely powerless to prevent the video’s spread across global platforms.

    This crisis prompted then-prime minister Jacinda Ardern to launch the Christchurch Call initiative aimed at combating online extremism by fostering collaboration between governments and tech companies.

    The goal was to develop and enforce measures such as improved content moderation, removal of extremist material, and the creation of safer online environments.

    While gaining support from more than 120 countries and tech companies, its effect depends on voluntary ongoing cooperation. Recent events suggest this ongoing cooperation is unlikely.

    In January, Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg announced plans to get rid of content moderation in the US and possibly elsewhere. Zuckerberg has also pushed back against European Union regulations, claiming the EU’s data laws censored social media.

    Taxing big tech

    In 2019, New Zealand proposed a 3% digital tax on big tech revenue. A similar measure was introduced by France in 2020 and by Canada and Australia last year.

    While these proposals signify important steps toward holding big tech accountable, their implementation remains uncertain.

    Although the relevant tax provisions have been adopted in New Zealand, the law includes clauses allowing tax collections to be deferred until as late as 2030.

    Meanwhile, big tech continues to push back aggressively against regulation in various ways. These have included threatening reduced services (such as the brief closure of TikTok in the US) to leveraging their relationships with the Trump government against other countries.

    Using competition regulation to rein in big tech

    In December 2024, the Australian government unveiled draft legislation on big tech to level the playing field.

    The proposed law seeks to foster fair competition, prevent price gouging, and give smaller tech and news companies a chance to thrive in a landscape increasingly dominated by global giants.

    The legislation would grant the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission the authority to investigate and penalise companies with fines of up to A$50 million for restricting competition.

    The targeted behaviour includes tactics such as restricting data transfers between platforms (for example, moving contacts or photos from iPhone to Android) and limiting third-party payment options in app stores.

    The proposed law aims to put an end to these unfair advantages, ensuring a level playing field where businesses of all sizes can compete and consumers have more choices.

    Democractic governance in the digital age

    The growing power of tech platforms raises critical questions about democratic governance in the digital age.

    There is an urgent need to reconcile the global influence of tech companies with local democratic processes and to create mechanisms that safeguard individual and national sovereignty in an increasingly digital world.

    Governments need to recognise these platforms are not immutable forces of nature, but human-created systems that can be challenged, reformed or dismantled. The same digital connectivity that has empowered these corporations can become the very tool of their transformation.

    Alexandra Andhov is conducting research on Big Tech Governance, funded by the Independent Research Fund Denmark under the Inge Lehmann Programme. The author is grateful for this support and wishes to acknowledge that the research was conducted entirely independently.

    ref. As the ‘digital oligarchy’ grows in power, NZ will struggle to regulate its global reach and influence – https://theconversation.com/as-the-digital-oligarchy-grows-in-power-nz-will-struggle-to-regulate-its-global-reach-and-influence-247899

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Canada: Mapping groundwater in southern Alberta

    Source: Government of Canada regional news (2)

    MIL OSI Canada News

  • MIL-OSI Global: France’s military withdrawal presents opportunities and risks to West African states

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Yolaine Frossard de Saugy, PhD Candidate, International Relations, McGill University

    In early January, Côte d’Ivoire announced that French troops would be withdrawing from the country and the military base of Port-Bouët would be handed over to Côte d’Ivoire’s army. The announcement is part of a seismic shift in France’s decades-long presence across francophone Africa.

    It is the latest echo of a larger trend that’s seen French troops withdraw or be expelled from its former sphere of influence, losing diplomatic and military weight in countries France had formerly colonized. Since 2022, Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Niger, Senegal, and now Côte d’Ivoire, have terminated defence agreements with France.

    This may present an opportunity for a long overdue assertion of sovereignty by the region’s countries. However, an ongoing threat from terror groups and the eagerness of other entities to step in could instead lead to more instability and a reinforcement of authoritarianism or regime fragmentation.

    France’s withdrawal

    Following the wave of independence in the 1960s, France entered in an array of agreements with its former colonies. These helped ensure France’s continued influence in Western Africa and its international standing.

    In addition to close political and economic ties, which included currency control by France and support to friendly leaders, this also involved the largest permanent military presence by a former colonial power, with troops stationed at various times in Cameroon, Gabon, Senegal, Burkina Faso, the Central African Republic, Djibouti, Chad, Niger, Mali and Côte d’Ivoire, as well as military assistance to others.

    This large military presence has long been controversial. Historically, France was involved in a number of covert or overt military operations with dubious ends, including deadly interventions in Cameroon in the 1960s and support for the Rwandan government during the 1994 genocide.

    More recently, it was criticized for backing of authoritarian regimes and leaders and an inadequate approach to anti-terrorism, including through the Serval and Barkhane missions in Mali and the broader Sahel region — the vast semi-arid region of Africa separating the Sahara Desert to the north and tropical savannahs to the south — between 2012 and 2022.

    Criticism has also been leveraged at the neocolonial intent of France’s policy, especially in the wake of comments such as President Emmanuel Macron’s remark that African countries were not sufficiently grateful for France’s interventions, which many decried as insensitive to the historical context and implications of France’s role.

    Change was therefore long overdue, and over the past three years, a number of developments have seemed to show that France’s star was waning.

    A surge of anti-French sentiment spread across the Sahel and beyond. A series of coups in Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso put in power military leaders who were eager to shake off French presence, leading to the departure of French forces from bases there.

    Leaving Côte d’Ivoire’s Port-Bouët was done in a more orderly fashion, and France presented it as part of a voluntary reorganization of its presence.

    Still, it is hard not to read this withdrawal as part of a wider reckoning with the failure of past policies and a rising desire of African leaders to reclaim sovereignty. This was indeed voiced out loud in the cases of Burkina Faso, Chad and Senegal, where a symbolic repudiation of French heritage is also taking place through the changing of street names.

    Risks of foreign influence

    This moment could provide an opportunity for West African states to shake off the remnants of the power imbalance that characterized France’s presence, and reshuffle the cards of military and diplomatic co-operation. This could lead to an era of more equal partnerships and responsiveness to popular aspirations.

    There are signs that such moves are taking place in the economic area, with Mali, for instance, asserting its sovereignty on resource extraction.

    However, the security situation in the Sahel has continued to deteriorate since the French withdrawal. New partners of Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali and Niger — such as the new iterations of the Wagner group, a Russian mercenary corps used as a proxy by the Russian government to widen its influence — have failed to protect civilians or undermine insurgencies.

    In some cases, they have even been accused of taking part in the violence. The military juntas in power have delayed promised democratic transitions, and sometimes turned to the scapegoating of minorities as a litmus test of their anti-western credentials instead.

    This situation is therefore more likely to lead to further instability, especially as Russia is consolidating its involvement in the Sahel, China seeks to make further inroads in the region to strengthen its stance as the alternative to western support, and new nations such as Turkey and even Ukraine are seeking to widen their influence and reach.




    Read more:
    Ukrainian special operations abroad are part of its broader war effort against Russia


    Governments in countries like Chad seem to be turning to multiple new partners for support in maintaining security. This could help them conclude fairer agreements, but it also heightens the risk of regime fragmentation and internal violence if competing forces vie for influence.

    Sudan’s civil war, fuelled by the support of external countries =like Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, offers a cautionary tale of what is at risk when multiple new entities seek access or export their rivalries to the continent.

    Asserting sovereignity

    The political landscape across West Africa is rapidly changing. France seeks new partners outside of its traditional area but sees its influence diminishing across the board. The potential for a more isolationist United States under President Donald Trump is likely to leave a power vacuum in many parts of the world, further opening the door to new forces drawn to Africa’s natural resources and geostrategic importance.

    These trends provide African countries with an opportunity to change longstanding patterns. However, they also come with heightened risks, especially in an emerging multipolar world order where mid-level powers, rising major powers and reconstituting great powers seek opportunities to assert their influence.

    The only potential counterbalance to these dangers is strong regional co-ordination between West African states.

    Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso have left the historical regional grouping ECOWAS, whose effectiveness had been hampered by its historical dependence on western funding. They have, however, formed their own alliance and there are now talks of expanding co-operation with neighbours, including Togo and Ghana.

    Whether this can at last provide truly African solutions to the continent’s challenges and offset the centrifugal forces already at play remains to be seen.

    Yolaine Frossard de Saugy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. France’s military withdrawal presents opportunities and risks to West African states – https://theconversation.com/frances-military-withdrawal-presents-opportunities-and-risks-to-west-african-states-248098

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI: Innovation: Infomaniak inaugurates a data center that recycles 100% of its energy and will heat 6,000 households a year for at least 20 years

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Yesterday, the Swiss cloud provider Infomaniak officially inaugurated its new data center, which has been recovering 100% of the electricity it uses since 11 November. Located in a residential area of Geneva, on an underground site of the participatory and eco-responsible cooperative of la Bistoquette, the data center has no impact on the landscape and recycles 100% of the local renewable energy it consumes. At full capacity, it will feed 1.7 MW (or 14.9 GWh/year) into the region’s heating network, enabling 6,000 Minergie-A households to be heated a year or 20,000 people to take a 5-minute shower every day. This new generation of data centers, which has already received a number of awards, has been documented by students from EPFL, IMD and the University of Lausanne with a view to making it open source and enabling it to be reproduced on a large scale.

    Inauguration of the D4, a data center that is revolutionising the cloud industry

    Infomaniak’s new data center, a symbol of technological innovation and sustainability, was officially inaugurated yesterday, with the public authorities and key project stakeholders in attendance. Their collective commitment was essential in making this world first a reality. The project exceeds the standards of similar infrastructures in terms of environmental integration and energy recovery.

    Since 2 p.m. on 11 November 2024, all the electricity consumed by this structure, in the form of heat, has already been fed back into the district heating network of the Canton of Geneva. This achievement marks a key stage in the region’s energy transition, transforming an energy-intensive facility into an active player in energy recovery.

    Currently operating at 25% of its potential capacity, Infomaniak’s data center will gradually increase its output to reach full capacity by 2028, guaranteeing a sustainable contribution to society for at least 20 years.

    The future of the cloud: circular energy with no impact on the landscape

    Having already won several awards for the energy efficiency of its infrastructures, which have been operating without air conditioning since 2013, Infomaniak is addressing four major challenges facing the cloud industry with this new data center model:

    1. 100% of the electricity used by the data center is reused to heat households via a district heating network.
    2. The facility does not require additional water or air conditioning to be cooled.
    3. It is built on an underground site in a residential area.
    4. It has no impact on the landscape.

    “In the real world, data centers convert electricity into heat. With the exponential growth of the cloud, this energy is currently being released into the atmosphere and wasted. There is an urgent need to upgrade this way of doing things, to connect these infrastructures to heating networks and adapt building standards,” explains Boris Siegenthaler, Infomaniak’s Founder and Chief Strategy Officer.        

    Nothing is wasted, everything is transformed

    Unlike existing projects that recycle a fraction of the energy they consume, the system implemented by Infomaniak goes further.

    All the electricity consumed (by servers, inverters, ventilation, etc.) is converted into heat at a temperature of 40 to 45°C. This heat is then transferred to an air/water exchanger, which integrates it into a hot water circuit. Heat pumps then raise its temperature to transfer the waste heat from the data center to the heating network.

    The originality of the system lies in the use of both sides of the pump:

    • The gas in the heat pumps expands by capturing the energy in the water, which drops from 45°C to 28°C. This cooled water is fed into the air/water exchanger to cool the servers, eliminating the need for traditional air conditioning.
    • The gas in the pumps is then compressed to transmit energy to the district heating network, raising the water temperature to 67 °C in summer and 85 °C in winter to meet the needs of the district heating operator.

    The recovery mechanism is therefore the same as the one that keeps the servers at an optimal operating temperature. The additional energy required to run the heat pumps is also recycled, and it is the cold released by this process that keeps the servers cool.

    “Today, PUE, which measures the energy efficiency of data centers, is no longer sufficient in the face of the climate emergency. We also need to take ERE into account, which evaluates the energy actually consumed compared to the energy reused, as well as the ERF, which measures the proportion of the data center’s total energy that is reused for other purposes, such as district heating. Taken together, these three indicators provide a more complete picture of the energy impact of digital infrastructures,” explains Boris Siegenthaler, Infomaniak’s Founder and Chief Strategy Officer.

    6,000 homes heated and 3,600 t CO₂e saved each year

    At full capacity, the new data center will house some 10,000 servers in an underground area measuring 1,800 m2. It will provide the heating network with 1.7 MW, equivalent to the energy needed to heat 6,000 Minergie-A households per year or allow 20,000 people to take a 5-minute shower every day.

    Geneva will avoid having to burn 3,600 t CO2e of natural gas per year or the equivalent of 5,500 t CO2e of pellets per year, not to mention eliminate 211 lorries per year transporting 13 tonnes of material and the microparticles associated with pellet transport and combustion.

    An economically neutral operation

    In financial terms, recycling waste heat is a neutral operation for Infomaniak. Without the servers, this data center cost CHF 12 million, including a CHF 6 million advance from the cloud provider to adapt heat levels those required by heating network. Part of this CHF 6 million was provided by the Cantonal Energy Office of the Canton of Geneva (OCEN) and the heating network operator (SIG). The remainder will be gradually amortised by the heat produced by Infomaniak, at cost price.

    From finding the site (June 2019) to commissioning the first servers (December 2023), the project took a total of four and a half years to complete, whereas Infomaniak would usually build a data center in two years. The main challenges involved were finding a location that was both secure and close to a district heating network capable of permanently absorbing the associated volume of heat, and negotiating a contract with the district heating network operator.

    Good for Europe’s technological sovereignty

    This data center strengthens Europe’s technological sovereignty and creates value for many local companies by relying on equipment manufactured exclusively in Europe, with the exception of the security cameras used:

    • Trane heat pumps (France)
    • Ebmpapst fans (Germany)
    • Siemens power rails (Germany)
    • Siemens switchboard (Germany)
    • Minkels server racks (Netherlands)
    • ABB inverters (Switzerland)
    • Margen generator (Italy)
    • Meyer-Burger solar panels (Switzerland/Germany)

    The local economy will also benefit directly from the impact of this project.

    A new generation of data centers that is open source

    This innovation can be reproduced and the expertise gained during the course of the project has been made available free of charge. This model works, demonstrating to the cloud industry and policymakers that it is possible to double the value of energy from data centers. It also shows that the digital sector should no longer be seen as an end consumer of electricity, but as an actor in the energy transition.

    Infomaniak’s new data center, which was awarded the Swiss Ethics Prize and the Sustainable Development Prize of the Canton of Geneva in 2023, has been documented by UNIL, IMD and EPFL as part of the e4s.center programme to illustrate its energy efficiency in real time and make it easier to reproduce. This work is available for free at https://d4project.org/ and includes:

    • A technical guide explaining how to replicate this data center model.
    • Real-time monitoring of data center operational performance
    • A summary for policymakers with information to improve regulations on the design and sustainability of data centers

    Two new similar data centers already planned

    To support its growth, Infomaniak is actively looking for heating networks for its future data centers. “We already have 1.1 MW ready to be fed into a heating network, and by 2028, a new data center of at least 3.3 MW will be needed to meet demand. The principle is simple: we buy electricity locally and provide our carbon-free waste heat free of charge,” explains Boris Siegenthaler.

    Key figures

    • Average PUE: 1.09 (European average: 1.6)
    • ERE and ERF: see online
    • 2 1.7 MW heat pumps
    • Total area: 1,800 m2
    • Total budget (without servers): CHF 12 million
    • Total energy recycled at full capacity: 1.7 MW
    • Number of servers at full capacity: approximately 10,000 (200 47U racks)
    • Capacity of the solar power plant linked to this data center: 130 kWp (364 modules)
    • GPUs currently installed in this data center: Nvidia L4, A100 and H100

    Resources

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Jeremy Michael Joins Guggenheim Securities to Expand Energy Investment Banking Practice

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    NEW YORK, Jan. 28, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Guggenheim Securities, the investment banking and capital markets division of Guggenheim Partners, announced today that Jeremy Michael has joined the firm’s Energy, Power & Energy Transition investment banking business as a Senior Managing Director.

    Mr. Michael brings more than two decades of investment banking experience to Guggenheim with a focus on upstream, midstream, and downstream energy. He joins the firm from Barclays where he served as Global Head of Natural Resources Investment Banking advising industry-leading companies and leading sector-defining transactions.

    “We are pleased to welcome Jeremy to Guggenheim,” said Mark Van Lith, CEO of Guggenheim Securities. “Jeremy is a leading advisor in the energy sector and will play an important role as we continue to build our energy and power franchises. We look forward to his success at the firm.”

    Mr. Michael earned his B.A. from Vanderbilt University.

    About Guggenheim Securities

    Guggenheim Securities is the investment banking and capital markets business of Guggenheim Partners, a global investment and advisory firm. Guggenheim Securities offers services that fall into four broad categories: Advisory, Financing, Sales and Trading, and Research. Guggenheim Securities is headquartered in New York, with additional offices in Atlanta, Boston, Chicago, Houston, London, Menlo Park, and San Francisco. For more information, please visit GuggenheimSecurities.com, follow us on LinkedIn or contact us at GSinfo@GuggenheimPartners.com or 212.518.9200.

    About Guggenheim Partners

    Guggenheim Partners is a diversified financial services firm that delivers value to its clients through two primary businesses: Guggenheim Investments, a premier global asset manager and investment advisor, and Guggenheim Securities, a leading investment banking and capital markets business. Guggenheim’s professionals are based in offices around the world, and our commitment is to deliver long-term results with excellence and integrity while advancing the strategic interests of our clients. Learn more at GuggenheimPartners.com, and follow us on LinkedIn and Twitter @GuggenheimPtnrs.

    Media Contact

    Steven Lee
    Guggenheim Securities
    212.293.2811
    Steven.Lee@guggenheimpartners.com

    The MIL Network