Category: Europe

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Press release – Parliament approves up to €35 billion loan to Ukraine backed by Russian assets

    Source: European Parliament

    On Tuesday, MEPs gave their green light to an extraordinary loan of up to €35 billion to Ukraine, to be repaid with future revenues from frozen Russian assets.

    With 518 votes in favour, 56 against and 61 abstentions, Parliament endorsed the new macro-financial assistance (MFA) to help Ukraine against Russia’s brutal war of aggression. This loan is the EU’s part of a G7 package agreed last June, to provide up to $50 billion (approximately €45 billion) in financial support to Ukraine. The final amount that the EU will contribute could be lower, depending on the size of the loans provided by other G7 partners.

    The Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism, a newly established framework, will make future revenues from the frozen Russian Central Bank assets located in the EU available to Ukraine. These funds will help Ukraine service and repay the EU’s MFA loan as well as loans from other G7 partners. While the mechanism’s funds can be used to service and repay loans, Kyiv may allocate the MFA funds as it sees fit.

    The new MFA funds will be disbursed until the end of 2025. The loan is conditional upon Ukraine’s continued commitment to uphold effective democratic mechanisms, respect human rights, and further policy conditions to be set out in a memorandum of understanding. Additionally, the management and control systems outlined in the Ukraine Plan, along with specific measures to prevent fraud and other irregularities, will apply to the MFA loan.

    Quote

    “Ukraine continues to resist Russian aggression, with its brave citizens fighting not only for their own existence and freedom, but to defend democracy, human rights, freedom, and international law for all of us. The need for financial support is both immense and urgent. Russia must pay for attacking Ukrainians and brutally destroying the country’s infrastructure, cities, villages, and homes. The burden of rebuilding Ukraine will be shouldered by those responsible for its destruction, namely Russia,” rapporteur Karin Karlsbro (Renew, SE) said.

    Next steps

    EU governments already endorsed the proposal, and the Council plans to adopt the regulation by written procedure after Parliament’s vote. The regulation will enter into force on the day after its publication in the Official Journal of the EU.

    Background

    In September, the Commission announced a €35 billion EU loan for Ukraine as part of a plan by G7 partners to issue loans of up to $50 billion (about €45 billion). Future revenues coming from the frozen Russian state assets would finance the loans. Approximately €210 billion in assets from the Central Bank of Russia are held in the EU and remain frozen under sanctions imposed over Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. EU governments decided to set aside the profits from these assets, and use them to support both military efforts and reconstruction in Ukraine.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the People’s Republic of China’s misinterpretation of UN Resolution 2758 and its continuous military provocations around Taiwan – B10-0134/2024

    Source: European Parliament

    Markéta Gregorová, Ville Niinistö, Maria Ohisalo, Hannah Neumann, Diana Riba i Giner, Nicolae Ştefănuță, Erik Marquardt
    on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group

    B10‑0134/2024

    European Parliament resolution on the People’s Republic of China’s misinterpretation of UN Resolution 2758 and its continuous military provocations around Taiwan

    (2024/2891(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to its recommendation of 21 October 2021 to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on EU-Taiwan political relations and cooperation[1],

     having regard to its resolution of 7 June 2022 on the EU and the security challenges in the Indo-Pacific[2],

     having regard to its resolution of 15 September 2022 on the situation in the Strait of Taiwan[3],

     having regard to its resolution of 13 December 2023 on EU-Taiwan trade and investment relations[4],

     having regard to its recommendation of 13 December 2023 to the Council and the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy concerning EU-China relations[5],

     having regard to the joint communication of the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 16 September 2021 on the EU strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific (JOIN(2021)0024),

     having regard to the Strategic Compass for Security and Defence – For a European Union that protects its citizens, values and interests and contributes to international peace and security, approved by the Council on 21 March 2022 and endorsed by the European Council on 24 March 2022,

     having regard to NATO’s 2022 Strategic Concept,

     having regard to the statement by the spokesperson of the European External Action Service of 14 October 2024 on China’s latest military drills,

     having regard to the G7 Foreign Ministers’ statement of 3 August 2022 on preserving peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait,

     having regard to United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758 (XXVI) of 25 October 1971 on the restoration of the lawful rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations,

     having regard to Article 7 of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) of 9 May 1992,

     having regard to Rule 5 of the Standing Rules of Procedure of the Assembly of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO),

     having regard to Article 4 of the Constitution of the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol),

     having regard to Article 8 and Article 18, paragraph (h), of the Constitution of the World Health Organization (WHO),

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas the statutes of most international organisations tasked with addressing global issues including climate change, the preservation of human health and the suppression of transnational crime, such as the WHO, the UNFCCC, Interpol and the ICAO, provide opportunities for non-state entities to participate without infringing on the rights of member states;

    B. whereas the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has made instrumental use of UN Resolution 2758 as a legal basis for its position that Taiwan is part of the PRC and a foundational element of its One China principle; whereas UN Resolution 2758 does not include the words ‘Republic of China’ or ‘Taiwan’, but only states that the PRC will represent ‘China’ at the UN, and does not make any determination regarding the status of Taiwan; whereas, however, the PRC continues to misinterpret UN Resolution 2758 to block Taiwan’s meaningful participation in international organisations;

    C. whereas the EU and Taiwan are like-minded partners that share the common values of freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law; whereas the EU remains decisively committed to its One China policy;

    D. whereas following the Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te’s annual speech on 10 October 2024, the PRC, on 14 October 2024, conducted a comprehensive military exercise across the Taiwan Strait, amounting to the fourth round of large-scale war games in just over two years;

    E. whereas the median line, which was set up in a decades-old tacit agreement between both sides of the Taiwan Strait, was designed to reduce the risk of conflict by keeping the military aircraft from both sides of the Strait at a safe distance and thus prevent fatal miscalculations; whereas the PRC’s People’s Liberation Army violated the median line only four times between 1954 and 2020, but now routine incursions reflect Beijing’s intent to irreversibly reset long-standing benchmarks;

    F. whereas on 14 October 2024, China also deployed 17 vessels from its coast guard, which was a larger deployment than in a previous exercise held in May this year, when coast guard vessels had been deployed for the first time; whereas four formations of Chinese coast guard ships patrolled the island and briefly entered its restricted waters; whereas the very frequent deployment of coast guard ships by the PRC in the Taiwan Strait, in what they consider ‘law enforcement’ missions, sends a clear message of sovereignty from the PCR, keeps constant pressure on Taiwanese authorities and causes a dangerous increase in the risk of collisions, in what is one of the most concrete indications of China’s intention to erode the status quo;

    G. whereas full-scale military exercises by the PRC have also been coupled with cyberattacks against Taiwanese authorities and other grey-zone activities such as cognitive and legal warfare and disinformation, aimed at discouraging the Taiwanese population, eroding Taiwanese legitimate sovereign rights and, ultimately, instilling the belief that reunification is inevitable;

    H. whereas on 16 October 2024, the authorities of the PRC stated ‘We are willing to strive for the prospect of peaceful reunification with the utmost sincerity and endeavour, but we will never commit ourselves to renouncing the use of force,’ reiterating Xi Jinping’s landmark speech at the opening of the Chinese Communist Party’s 20th Party Congress in October 2022; whereas Xi Jinping also referred to permanent military pressure in the Taiwan Strait as ‘new normality’; whereas Chinese diplomats even threatened ‘re-education’ of Taiwanese people after reunification;

    I. whereas the PRC has been behaving aggressively across a vast area of the Indo-Pacific and exerting varying degrees of military or economic coercion, which has led to disputes with neighbours such as Japan, India, the Philippines and Australia;

    1. Strongly reiterates its commitment to the EU’s One China policy and to maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, in the whole Indo-Pacific region and beyond;

    2. Expresses the view that UN Resolution 2758 does not establish the PRC’s sovereignty over Taiwan; underlines how Taiwan has proven to be a very reliable partner in dealing with the many challenges of our time and supports Taiwan’s participation in meetings, mechanisms and activities of relevant international organisations, particularly the WHO, the UNFCCC, Interpol and the ICAO; calls on the Commission and the Member States to promote Taiwan’s inclusion in such international forums in accordance with their statutory rules;

    3. Strongly condemns the PRC’s practice of regularly resorting to comprehensive military exercises in the Taiwan Strait; is very concerned by the increasing, unwarranted mobilisation of the PRC coast guard, which confirms that the PRC considers the waters around Taiwan as its own and increases the risks of accidents; considers this to be yet another worrying confirmation that China is deliberately jeopardising the status quo in the Taiwan Strait;

    4. Is very concerned at the adoption of guidelines for punishing ‘diehard “Taiwan independence” separatists for conducting or inciting secession’ jointly announced by the Supreme People’s Court, the Supreme People’s Procuratorate, the ministries for public security and state security and the justice ministry in June 2024, which could lead to harsh punishments for the crime of secession, up to and including the death penalty; strongly condemns the sentencing of one Taiwanese activist to nine years in prison in September this year, after his arrest while in the PRC in 2022, as well as the constant harassment of Taiwanese people working and living in the PRC;

    5. Expresses concern at the expectation that China will become more aggressive militarily in the Taiwan Strait, as well as in the Indo-Pacific region more broadly;

    6. Urges the PRC authorities to restore full respect for the Taiwan’s Strait median line and to put a stop to all other grey-zone actions against Taiwan;

    7. Remains resolutely opposed to any unilateral change in the Taiwan Strait and against the will of Taiwanese citizens; remains equally strongly opposed to the threat or use of force, and stresses that any attempt by Beijing to subjugate Taiwan would come at an extraordinarily high price for the PRC;

    8. Commends Taiwan for the remarkable democratic journey it has undertaken over the last 30 years, solidly anchored upon freedoms, the rule of law, democratic institutions and free and fair elections; highlights the recognition of same-sex marriage by Taiwan in 2019, the first such recognition in Asia; strongly encourages Taiwan to keep working towards the abolition of the death penalty;

    9. Welcomes the very responsible reactions by the Taiwanese political elite to provocations by the PRC and expresses its great respect for the whole of Taiwanese society for its extraordinary resilience and strength;

    10. Welcomes the latest annual speech by President Lai Ching-te, who also appealed to China to work with him for peace; considers this to be an encouraging sign of movement towards stronger unity within the Taiwanese political spectrum; highlights that Taiwanese sovereignty is supported across the whole political spectrum and finds its best expression in the conducting of free and fair elections and in the maturity of Taiwanese democracy;

    11. Stresses that the EU and Taiwan are like-minded partners and share common values of freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law, thereby making Taiwan a strategically important partner for the EU in the Indo-Pacific region;

    12. Acknowledges that the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ principle does not provide any credible prospect for the preservation of the status quo in the Taiwan Strait; stresses the need to further develop EU-Taiwan relations with the preservation of peace and democracy at their core;

    13. Highlights the importance of coupling dialogue with deterrence; stresses the need, hence, to identify a fully-fledged and multidimensional strategy that would ensure that any unilateral change in the status quo in the Taiwan Strait would come at a prohibitively high cost to the PRC;

    14. Welcomes the posting of a liaison officer at the European Economic and Trade Office in Taiwan to coordinate joint efforts to tackle disinformation and interference as a first important step towards deeper EU-Taiwan cooperation, and calls for the EU to further deepen cooperation with Taiwan in this key area;

    15. Stresses the need to strengthen the focus on the PRC’s grey-zone activities against Taiwan and to renew EU support for the resilience of Taiwanese society and democracy as a whole; encourages, with this in mind, increased scientific, cultural and political interaction at the highest level possible, as well as the deepening of parliamentary diplomacy and visits; prioritises the creation of a common civic space with Taiwan by fostering exchanges and common activities with Taiwanese civil society and media organisations; underlines the importance of the people-to-people dimension of this cooperation;

    16. Stresses the crucial role of Taiwan in the global supply chain of key high-tech sectors, notably semiconductors; welcomes the recent investment projects by Taiwanese companies in some Member States and underlines the importance for Taiwan’s security of continuing to deepen its investments in the EU; calls on the Commission and the Member States to start working on a resilient supply chain agreement with Taiwan or other bilateral agreements to deepen the economic relationship; highlights the potential for cooperation on foreign direct investment screening policy and on tackling economic coercion and retaliation;

    17. Reiterates the importance of respecting international law, in particular the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea with its provisions on the obligation to settle disputes by peaceful means, and on maintaining freedom of navigation and overflight;

    18. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the governments and parliaments of the member states of the United Nations, and the Government and Legislative Yuan of Taiwan.

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Chinese cars entering the EU market via China – E-002054/2024

    Source: European Parliament

    14.10.2024

    Question for written answer  E-002054/2024
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Carlo Fidanza (ECR)

    Turkey has recently attracted significant investment from Chinese car manufacturers such as BYD and Chery, taking advantage of the customs agreement with the EU providing for duty-free movement of goods into the EU. This means that Chinese vehicles can enter the European market without any additional tariffs, which for Chery range between 17% and 21.3%, plus an existing 10%. In 2023, Turkey produced 1.4 million vehicles, a figure that is expected to reach 2 million per year.

    In view of the above:

    • 1.Is the Commission aware of this strategy of importing Chinese cars via Turkey?
    • 2.What measures does it intend to take to safeguard the competitiveness of the European car industry?
    • 3.How will it ensure that the customs union agreement with Turkey is not misused to circumvent duties on imports from China?

    Submitted: 14.10.2024

    Last updated: 22 October 2024

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the situation in Azerbaijan, violation of human rights and international law and relations with Armenia – B10-0129/2024

    Source: European Parliament

    to wind up the debate on the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy

    B10‑0129/2024

    European Parliament resolution on the situation in Azerbaijan, violation of human rights and international law and relations with Armenia

    (2024/2890(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to it previous resolutions on Armenia and Azerbaijan,

     having regard to the Charter of the United Nations and to the principles of international law,

     having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

     having regard to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR),

     having regard to the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union,

     having regard to the European Neighbourhood Policy and to the Eastern Partnership,

     having regard to the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Communities and their Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Armenia, of the other part[1],

     having regard to the Comprehensive and enhanced Partnership Agreement between the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community and their Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Armenia, of the other part[2],

     having regard to the EU Country Roadmap for Engagement with Civil Society in Armenia for the period 2021-2027,

     having regard to the Memorandum of Understanding on a Strategic Partnership in the Field of Energy signed between the EU and Azerbaijan on 18 July 2022,

     having regard to the need for a peaceful resolution to the conflict in accordance with the principles of the Helsinki Final Act, the Charter of Paris for a New Europe, and the relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions,

     having regard to the joint statement of 7 December 2023 of the Office of the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia and the Presidential Administration of the Republic of Azerbaijan,

     having regard to the report of 10 May 2024 of the UN Committee against Torture on Azerbaijan,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas a lasting and comprehensive peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan is essential for the security, stability and prosperity of the South Caucasus region;

    B. whereas Azerbaijan’s aggression against Nagorno-Karabakh has resulted in significant human suffering, and Azerbaijani troops have committed ethnic cleansing and violence against the Armenian inhabitants of the region;

    C. whereas, in the context of building confidence between the two countries, an agreement had been reached for the Republic of Armenia to support the Republic of Azerbaijan’s bid to host the 29th Session of the Conference of the Parties (COP29) to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) by withdrawing its own candidacy; whereas this agreement provided for the Republic of Azerbaijan to release 32 Armenian military servicemen and the Republic of Armenia to release 2 Azerbaijani military servicemen;

    D. whereas 23 prisoners of war are still being held captive in Azerbaijan charged with spurious crimes and without adequate legal representation;

    E. whereas EU-Azerbaijan relations are based on the EU-Azerbaijan Partnership and Cooperation Agreement in force since 1999;

    F. whereas it has become clear that the gas deal signed between the Commission and Azerbaijan has given the Azerbaijani Government carte blanche to do as it pleases, knowing that the EU’s energy security is dependent on its will;

    G. whereas the 2024 United Nations Climate Change Conference or Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC, COP29, will be held in Baku, Azerbaijan, from 11 to 22 November 2024;

    H. whereas progress has been made in recent years towards closer cooperation between the EU and Armenia, including in areas such as trade, development and political dialogue; whereas the European Union is Armenia’s second largest trading partner and its largest development cooperation donor;

    I. whereas Azerbaijan’s record in terms of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is still very negative and needs to be improved before the EU further deepens its political and energy partnership with the country;

    J. whereas the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Mary Lawlor, stated on 15 August 2024 that in recent months she had witnessed an alarming wave of arrests and criminal cases against human rights defenders and journalists in Azerbaijan; whereas this statement concerns, among others, Anar Mammadli, Chair of the Election Monitoring and Democracy Studies Center, and Ulvi Hasanli, Sevinj Abbasova, Nargiz Absalamova and Elnara Gasimova, Director, Editor-in-chief and journalists respectively of Abzas Media, an outlet dedicated to human rights issues and corruption investigations;

    K. whereas Gubad Ibadoghlu, a political economist and opposition figure, was arrested by the Azerbaijani authorities in July 2023 and remained in detention until 22 April 2024, when he was transferred to house arrest; whereas his health has deteriorated significantly since his arrest, as a result of torture, inhumane detention conditions and refusal of adequate medical care, thus endangering his life;

    L. whereas Ilhamiz Guliyev, a human rights defender, was arbitrarily arrested on 4 December 2023 on dubious accusations of drug trafficking after his whistleblowing testimony about police tampering with evidence against government critics; whereas he is facing up to 12 years in prison;

    M. whereas the human rights of LGBTIQ people in Armenia and Azerbaijan are at best disregarded and at worst actively fought against by the government and state institutions; whereas, according to the 2024 Rainbow Map and Index of the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association Europe, Azerbaijan scored 2 % in terms of its legal and policy practices; whereas this makes Azerbaijan the lowest-ranked of all the countries assessed;

    N. whereas, in the International Court of Justice order of 7 December 2021, which ordered Azerbaijan to prevent and punish acts of vandalism and desecration against Armenian cultural heritage, serious allegations were made regarding the involvement of the Azerbaijani authorities in the destruction of cemeteries, churches and historical monuments in Nagorno-Karabakh; whereas the building of the National Assembly of Nagorno-Karabakh was demolished by Azerbaijan on 3 March 2024;

    O. whereas the EU’s position, as expressed in relevant resolutions, is clear in rejecting ‘any attempt to facilitate or assist in any way the international recognition of the secessionist entity in occupied Cyprus, including in relation to its alleged acceptance as an observer in the Organization of Turkic States (OTS)’; whereas Azerbaijan hosted the Informal Summit of the Heads of State of the OTS on 5-6 July 2024;

    1. Underlines the importance of peace, stability and security in the South Caucasus for the region, for the EU and for the world; highlights that a lasting and comprehensive peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan is essential for the security, stability and prosperity of the South Caucasus region;

    2. Calls upon the international community to support the peace process by providing diplomatic and economic assistance, by respecting and recognising the democratic will of the refugees of Nagorno-Karabakh and by encouraging all parties to fulfil their commitments under international law;

    3. Reaffirms its commitment to the principles of the Helsinki Final Act, the Charter of Paris for a New Europe and United Nations Security Council resolutions, and calls for the full implementation of these principles in the resolution of the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia;

    4. Deplores the forced displacement of 100 000 ethnic Armenians, resulting in ethnic cleansing of the indigenous Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh by Azerbaijan;

    5. Takes note of the agreement between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia to release 32 Armenian and 2 Azerbaijani military servicemen; calls for the release of the remaining 23 Armenian prisoners of war; considers that such actions can have a positive influence on normalising relations and concluding a peace treaty;

    6. Urges the Governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan to take steps to build trust and confidence between their communities, including by promoting people-to-people exchanges and educational programmes that foster reconciliation and understanding;

    7. Strongly denounces the fact that the President of the Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, has characterised Azerbaijan as a ‘trustworthy energy supplier’; reiterates its call for the Commission to immediately suspend the Memorandum of Understanding on a Strategic Partnership in the Field of Energy between the EU and Azerbaijan;

    8. Regrets statements from President Aliyev regarding the expansion of gas production to cover the increasing demand, including from European markets; considers that the acceleration of the Green Transition by the EU, while protecting the most vulnerable sections of society, can have the added benefit of diversifying its energy mix;

    9. Expresses concern about the human rights situation in Azerbaijan; urges Azerbaijan to ensure due process and fair trials and to immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners, human rights defenders and journalists who have been unfairly detained; stresses that any partnership agreements should be contingent upon respect for the rule of law and human rights;

    10. Calls on the Azerbaijani authorities to strengthen the enforcement of labour laws and ensure that all workers, including migrant workers, are afforded their basic rights, including the right to fair wages, safe working conditions, and the right to form and join trade unions without fear of retaliation; calls on the Azerbaijani Government to improve transparency in labour practices and to implement concrete measures to prevent and address labour abuses, including child labour;

    11. Believes that the continued human rights abuses in Azerbaijan are incompatible with hosting COP29; further believes that Azerbaijan’s goal of increasing its gas production is totally incompatible with the global objective of phasing out fossil fuels set by the Parties to the UNFCCC; calls on the international community to use this opportunity to push Azerbaijan to take immediate and tangible action to address its human rights situation;

    12. Deplores the destruction of Armenian cultural, religious and historical heritage since the beginning of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, notably the razing to the ground of the building of the National Assembly of Nagorno-Karabakh;

    13. Reiterates that Azerbaijan must adhere to the principle of good neighbourly relations and respect international law, which includes the need to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states;

    14. Rejects any attempt to facilitate or assist in any way the international recognition of the secessionist entity in occupied Cyprus, including in relation to its alleged acceptance as an observer in the Organization of Turkic States; encourages Azerbaijan to duly uphold respect for the principles of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states; deplores that Azerbaijan has ratified the amended Statute of the Organization of Turkic States, which would put into effect the decision to grant the secessionist entity observer status;

    15. Takes note of the UN Committee against Torture’s report of 10 May 2024 on Azerbaijan; calls for further action by the Azerbaijani authorities on respecting human rights, especially in the areas of: harassment of human rights defenders and journalists; hate crimes, hate speech and discrimination; the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons; and gender-based and domestic violence;

    16. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, and the Governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan.

     

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Attacks on Bangladesh’s Hindu minority – E-001670/2024(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    The EU is following the political and security situation in Bangladesh closely and it is well aware that shifts in power dynamics in a country or a region could lead to more space for extremism. The EU is also aware that Bangladesh in the past has been the victim of terrorist attacks.

    On 6 August 2024, the EU Heads of mission in Dhaka expressed concern over reports of multiple attacks against places of worship[1] and members of religious, ethnic and other minorities.

    The EU understands that the situation has since then improved, but the EU will continue to follow closely and raise the issue during the upcoming Sub-group on Human Rights and Good Governance of the Joint Commission.

    The Joint Commission and its subgroups are established according to the cooperation agreement[2] that is the framework for the EU-Bangladesh relations and of which the respect for human rights is an essential element.

    The EU is engaging with the interim government and is ready to support a transition, which should be peaceful and inclusive, respectful of democratic principles, human rights and the rule of law, and would lead to democratic elections.

    • [1] https://x.com/EUinBangladesh/status/1820768987598278684/photo/1
    • [2] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX%3A22001A0427%2801%29
    Last updated: 22 October 2024

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Closure of the Somport and Bielsa border crossings – P-001667/2024(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    The Commission is aware of the closure of road RN134 in France, leading to Spain through the Somport tunnel. The Commission is concerned about the severe consequences that this disruption will have for the economy of the regions on both sides of the border, not only for road hauliers, but also local companies and their employees.

    It is the Commission’s understanding that traffic along road RN134 became de facto impossible following the damage caused by extreme rainfall in the area.

    The Commission has contacted the French authorities, who have reported that the Inter-Department Directorate for The Atlantic Roads (DIRA) has now carried out a technical assessment on the ground, based on which it presented a proposal to repair the damage.

    According to this proposal, the DIRA estimates that the works would be concluded during 2025, although the traffic could already be restored in January 2025.

    The Commission does not oversee the road works carried out by Member States. Nevertheless, the Commission trusts that the responsible bodies will work diligently to reestablish the traffic as soon as possible.

    The Commission also understands, based on the explanations received, that the French authorities opened a dialogue with their Spanish counterparts, including two meetings on 10 and 24 September 2024.

    The Commission is committed to monitor and ensure the safe flow of passengers and goods along this section of the comprehensive trans-European transport network.

    Last updated: 22 October 2024

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Rule of law in Hungary – E-001595/2024(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    In May 2023, Hungary adopted legislation which significantly strengthened judicial independence. This reform fully implemented the relevant recommendations set out in the 2022 Rule of Law Report, as confirmed in the 2023 Report, a conclusion maintained by the 2024 Report.

    The Commission’s analysis of compliance with the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union horizontal enabling condition was carried out under the rules of the Common Provisions Regulations (CPR).

    Since Hungary submitted compelling evidence that the relevant issues concerning judicial independence were addressed, the Commission adopted its decision within the deadline foreseen in the CPR.

    The issues covered in this process are different from those covered by the recommendations set out in the 2024 Rule of Law Report.

    The Commission is closely and continuously monitoring the application of the measures put in place by Hungary. If, at any point in time, the Commission considers that this horizontal enabling condition is no longer fulfilled, expenditure for programmes and specific objectives impacted by the non-fulfilment will again no longer be reimbursed.

    The President of the Commission’s political guidelines clearly state that the respect of the rule of law is — and will be — a must for EU funds.

    The mandate for the Commissioners-designate include clear tasks in this respect, such as ensuring that EU funding also be dedicated to national measures, for example on fighting corruption, and to protecting the EU financial interests and building a closer link between the recommendations in the Rule of Law Report and financial support under the EU budget.

    The future long-term budget proposal will include strong safeguards on the rule of law — including the general regime of conditionality, applying to all EU funds.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – EU diplomats smuggling cigars and alcohol for personal profit – E-001664/2024(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    The specific case mentioned in the Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) 2023 Annual Report[1] refers to staff who worked in an EU delegation.

    The European External Action Service (EEAS) and the Commission monitor their staff compliance as regards statutory obligations and those deriving from the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations[2].

    Any infringement of those obligations brought to the attention of these institutions are addressed and referred to the Investigative and Disciplinary Office of the Commission (IDOC), or to OLAF accordingly.

    The EEAS and the Commission services have followed up on the recommendations given by OLAF but cannot comment on individual cases.

    Staff are provided with training on rights, obligations, and privileges before departing for a posting to an EU delegation, as well as appropriate inductions and refresher trainings on the ethics rules in place and on the reporting mechanisms for allegations of misconduct.

    Last updated: 22 October 2024

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Further delays to the reopening of the Fréjus Rail Tunnel – E-001567/2024(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    1. As pointed out in reply to Written Question E-001506/2024, the Commission is aware that the situation created by the landslide near La Praz and the ensuing closure of the Fréjus railway line since August 2023 is serious and damaging for operators and the exports of Italian goods. The renovation works on the line will take some time due to their challenging nature .

    2. Coordination of trans-Alpine transport is already addressed by existing coordination structures, in particular the Zurich Process[1] and the EU strategy for the Alpine region (EUSALP)[2]. These structures should be used to the largest extent possible in situations such as the current interruption of the Fréjus rail line following the landslide in August 2023 to ensure that traffic can continue on the most efficient routes and that excessive detours are avoided.

    3. At this stage, the Commission does not have evidence that not all is done to reopen the line as soon as possible. See please also the reply to question 2.

    • [1] https://acrossthealps.org/
    • [2] https://alpine-region.eu/
    Last updated: 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: « Switzerland’s Security 2024 »: The Federal Intelligence Service publishes its latest situation report

    Source: Switzerland – Department of Foreign Affairs in English

    Switzerland’s security environment continues to deteriorate from year to year. Of the strategic patterns currently emerging, the closer military cooperation between a group of Eurasian autocracies is one of the most concerning. The Federal Intelligence Service’s (FIS) abilities to anticipate, identify and assess in time threats and developments that are of strategic importance to Switzerland are crucial for taking preventive measures. The latest FIS situation report presents the main developments in intelligence over the past year.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the situation in Azerbaijan, violation of human rights and international law and relations with Armenia – B10-0142/2024

    Source: European Parliament

    Şerban‑Dimitrie Sturdza, Sebastian Tynkkynen, Aurelijus Veryga, Claudiu‑Richard Târziu, Assita Kanko
    on behalf of the ECR Group

    B10‑0142/2024

    European Parliament resolution on the situation in Azerbaijan, violation of human rights and international law and relations with Armenia

    (2024/2890(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to the European Convention on Human Rights of 1950, ratified by Azerbaijan in 2002,

     having regard to the UN Charter,

     having regard to Geneva Conventions of 1949,

     having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966,

     having regard to the joint EU-US-Armenia high-level meeting of 5 April 2024 in support of Armenia’s resilience,

     having regard to its previous resolutions on Armenia and Azerbaijan,

     having regard to the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement between the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community and their Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Armenia, of the other part[1] (CEPA), which fully entered into force on 1 March 2021,

     having regard to Decision 99/614/EC, ECSC, Euratom of the Council and of the Commission of 31 May 1999 on the conclusion of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Communities and their Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Azerbaijan, of the other part[2] (EU-Azerbaijan Partnership and Cooperation Agreement), which has been in force since 1999,

     having regard to the launch of the EU Mission in Armenia on 20 February 2023,

     having regard to the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict, to which Armenia and Azerbaijan are parties,

     having regard to the statement of 24 August 2024 by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on behalf of the EU on recent post-election developments,

     having regard to the statement of preliminary findings and conclusions of the International Election Observation Mission of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) on the early parliamentary elections of 1 September 2024 in Azerbaijan,

     having regard to the statement by the European External Action Service (EEAS) spokesperson of 3 September 2024 on Azerbaijan’s early parliamentary elections,

     having regard to the statement by the EEAS spokesperson of 29 May 2024 on the human rights situation in Azerbaijan,

     having regard to the Memorandum of Understanding on a strategic partnership in the field of energy signed between the EU and Azerbaijan on 18 July 2022,

     having regard to the 2023 Eastern Partnership Index,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas Azerbaijan has serious shortcomings in the area of fundamental freedoms, including freedom of expression and assembly and media freedom, and engages in repression of political activists, journalists and civil society, all of which distances Azerbaijan from democratic norms and international human rights standards; whereas corruption and a lack of judicial independence further undermine the country’s governance, while government authorities continue to suppress dissent and persecute critics; whereas despite international agreements and calls for reform, including from the European Parliament, Azerbaijan has made limited to no progress on improving its human rights record;

    B. whereas journalists, human rights defenders and activists have been imprisoned in the country, with approximately 30 prominent figures behind bars on politically motivated charges, and a surge in arbitrary arrests and detentions has been reported, their number having tripled as Azerbaijan silences opposition ahead of the upcoming 2024 UN Climate Change Conference (COP29) in Baku, and there are allegations of torture and beatings; whereas notable civil society organisations have called for the EU and international leaders to pressure Azerbaijan to improve its human rights record during COP29, urging the release of political prisoners and an end to arbitrary prosecutions;

    C. whereas according to the US Department of State’s Azerbaijan 2023 Human Rights Report, there were credible allegations that the Azerbaijani Government ‘used violence or threats of violence against individuals in other countries as politically motivated reprisal’; whereas according to this report, the Azerbaijani Government ‘limited freedom of expression and media independence’, and ‘there were reports that dissidents and journalists who lived outside the country suffered digital harassment and intimidation of family members who remained in Azerbaijan’;

    D. whereas early parliamentary elections were held in Azerbaijan on 1 September 2024, and, according to the OSCE’s International Election Observation Mission, took place ‘in a restrictive political and legal environment that does not enable genuine pluralism and resulted in a contest devoid of competition’;

    E. whereas September 2024 was the fourth anniversary of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, and marked one year since Azerbaijan forcibly regained control over Nagorno-Karabakh, which is part of its internationally recognised territory; whereas all the state institutions of the so-called Nagorno-Karabakh Republic were dissolved as of 1 January 2024; whereas these events, preceded by Azerbaijan’s blockade of the Lachin corridor, resulted in the mass exodus of almost the entire population of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh; whereas, as a result, Nagorno-Karabakh has been entirely ethnically cleansed of its Armenian population, who had been living there for centuries;

    F. whereas over more than three decades, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has resulted in tens of thousands of casualties, immense destruction, including of cultural, religious and historical heritage, and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people on both sides; whereas there are six interstate cases before the European Court of Human Rights between Armenia and Azerbaijan in relation to the Nagorno-Karabakh region, with both countries standing accused of having violated human rights conventions; whereas Azerbaijan has repeatedly been accused of ethnic cleansing, particularly in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, where it is said to have displaced over 100 000 ethnic Armenians;

    G. whereas three decades of diplomacy and peacebuilding efforts by the OSCE, the EU and other international actors have failed to find a peaceful solution to the conflict and, therefore, to deter Azerbaijan from its use of military force;

    H. whereas according to the US Department of State’s Azerbaijan 2023 Human Rights Report, the Azerbaijani Government ‘did not take credible steps to punish the majority of officials who were reported to have committed human rights abuses’; whereas the report also states that there was ‘no reported progress on government investigations of alleged abuses committed by Azerbaijani armed forces or individuals during the 2020 and 2022 hostilities’;

    I. whereas it is necessary to ensure connectivity between Europe and Asia while avoiding crossing Russian territory; whereas the South Caucasus is in a strategic position for promoting Europe-Asia connectivity, which is particularly important for the EU’s energy capacities and for trade with Central Asia;

    J. whereas Armenia has already managed to weaken its ties with Russia in relation to security, as it has frozen its participation in the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization, although it remains a member of the Eurasian Economic Union;

    K. whereas the eighth meeting of the border commissions of Armenia and Azerbaijan, held on 19 April 2024, concluded with a preliminary agreement on the delimitation of four border sections;

    L. whereas the peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan appear to be at a standstill and it is unlikely that an agreement will be concluded and signed before COP29; whereas the peace deal should contribute to the long-term stability of bilateral relations and of the wider region as a whole; whereas this goal can only be achieved if the authorities of Armenia and Azerbaijan can guarantee peaceful coexistence and respect for minority rights;

    M. whereas Azerbaijan is a major oil and natural gas producer, particularly through the Azeri-Chirag-Gunashli oil field and the Shah Deniz gas field in the Caspian Sea, and the country primarily uses the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline to export hydrocarbons to Europe, bypassing Russia and offering the EU an alternative energy source, which is valuable in this geopolitical climate; whereas Azerbaijan’s economy is heavily reliant on oil and gas revenues, which make up more than 90 % of the country’s export revenues and account for a noteworthy portion of the government’s budget;

    N. whereas gas contracts between Gazprom and SOCAR for the delivery of one billion cubic metres of gas from Russia to Azerbaijan between November 2022 and March 2023 have raised significant concerns about the re-export of Russian gas to the European market, particularly in light of the memorandum of understanding signed by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Commission President Ursula von der Leyen; whereas the EU aims to reduce European dependence on Russian gas, but this agreement could be seen as undermining that goal, as Russian gas would still be flowing into Azerbaijan, thus potentially freeing up Azerbaijani gas for increased re-export to the EU; whereas there are significant challenges facing European efforts to replace Russian gas shipped via Ukraine with Azerbaijani gas by the end of 2024, and although Ukraine, the EU and Azerbaijan support the injection of Azerbaijani gas into Russian pipelines, Azerbaijan might lack sufficient gas supplies to make up the shortfall; whereas, in this regard, the Trans-Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline could provide an alternative route to ensure adequate supply, but new infrastructure is required to enhance gas transmission capacity in the interconnections with the EU, particularly through Bulgaria and Romania on one side and the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline on the other, in order to ensure a more efficient and secure flow of gas into the European market;

    1. Expresses its concern about the human rights situation in Azerbaijan; urges Azerbaijan to fulfil its obligations under its own constitution and under international agreements to protect fundamental freedoms and respect the human dignity of its citizens, and to cease the use of criminal prosecution as a tool to suppress government critics and members of civil society;

    2. Calls on Azerbaijan to drop all charges against Gubad Ibadoghlu, Ilhamiz Guliyev and all other people imprisoned for exercising their fundamental rights, to release them and to ensure free and unhindered space for independent journalism and freedom of expression; calls on Azerbaijan to allow Dr Ibadoghlu to travel abroad, unhindered and to the country of his choice, to reunite with his family and to receive the medical care he urgently needs;

    3. Calls on the Commission, UN mechanisms and other international actors to step up their efforts to promote human rights and democratic governance in Azerbaijan ahead of COP29;

    4. Underlines that COP29 could be an opportunity for Azerbaijan to reaffirm its genuine commitment to its obligations under international law, instead of using it to gloss over its human rights record while continuing repressive practices;

    5. Calls on the Commission to work closely with the UN to urgently establish a comprehensive plan for investigating and clarifying the fate of the Armenian military personnel, including women, and the eight unarmed Armenian prisoners of war who were killed or reported missing in connection with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and to conduct impartial inquiries on the ground, facilitate information exchanges, secure unhindered access to detention facilities for international observers through the Council of Europe’s Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, such observers having previously been denied access, and launch a centralised database for tracing and resolving missing persons cases, while also providing the necessary support and resources to the families affected;

    6. Demands that Azerbaijan release the 23 Armenian hostages who are still being held in Baku, including the former leaders of Nagorno-Karabakh;

    7. Reiterates its condemnation of the Azerbaijani military incursions into the internationally recognised territory of Armenia in recent years; expresses its sympathy with the Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians who had to flee their ancestral lands, and calls on the authorities in Baku to guarantee the safe return of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians and to uphold their rights to cultivate their culture and traditions; welcomes all efforts by the Government of Armenia to provide shelter and aid to the displaced Armenians;

    8. Expresses deep concern for the preservation of cultural, religious and historical heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh; urges Azerbaijan to refrain from further destroying, neglecting or altering the origins of cultural, religious or historical heritage in the region; demands the protection of the Armenian cultural, historical and religious heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh in line with UNESCO standards and Azerbaijan’s international commitments; insists that Azerbaijan allow a UNESCO mission to Nagorno-Karabakh and grant it the necessary access to heritage;

    9. Strongly condemns Russia’s increasing hybrid attempts to destabilise the political situation inside Armenia and in the region; is concerned that the EU Mission in Armenia is regularly targeted by Russian disinformation attempts and campaigns;

    10. Reiterates the EU’s commitment to peace, stability and prosperity in the Caucasus region; underlines its unequivocal support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Armenia and Azerbaijan; expresses support for the normalisation of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, with the goal of achieving lasting peace; encourages both countries to continue to make progress on finalising an agreement and signing a peace deal as soon as possible;

    11. Believes that genuine dialogue between Azerbaijan and Armenia is the only sustainable way forward and calls for the EU and its Member States to support such efforts, which must include the mutual recognition of territorial integrity, guarantees for the rights and security of Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenian population and the release of the remaining prisoners, including the former leaders of Nagorno-Karabakh, and an end to the sham trials against them;

    12. Stresses that EU involvement in the region should be practical and result-oriented, unlike the role played by Russia, which for decades has fuelled the conflict and used it for its own political gain; welcomes the fact that Armenia has frozen its participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organization; underlines that Azerbaijan’s connectivity issues with its exclave of Nakhchivan should be resolved with full respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Armenia;

    13. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President, Government and Parliament of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the President, Government and Parliament of the Republic of Armenia, the Director-General of UNESCO, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the UN and the Council of Europe.

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: At a Glance – The Commission as ‘caretaker administration’ – 22-10-2024

    Source: European Parliament

    The hearings of the Commissioners-designate before the European Parliament’s committees are scheduled to take place between 4 and 12 November 2024. Depending on the results of the hearings, the plenary vote on the entire Commission is likely to take place during the November plenary session (25-28 November) or the December session in Strasbourg. Before such a vote, President-elect Ursula von der Leyen will present the full college and its programme. Considering that the incumbent Commission was appointed until 31 October 2024, it is already certain that the new Commission will not be able to enter into office by the time the mandate of the current one ends. The outgoing Commission will thus remain in office until the formal appointment of its replacement, although questions arise as to its powers in that period.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – Revision of the Driving Licence Directive – 22-10-2024

    Source: European Parliament

    On 1 March 2023, the European Commission published its legislative proposal on driving licences – a matter of EU competence – to facilitate the free movement of persons and goods throughout the EU by modernising the driving licence system. This involves future-proofing the driving licence rules, improving road safety and simplifying the rules for those wanting to get a driving licence. The proposal provides for accompanied driving for young learners, zero tolerance for drink-driving, better preparation for micro-mobility, and the introduction of digital driving licences. In the European Parliament, the legislative file was assigned to the Committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN) (rapporteur: Jutta Paulus, Greens/EFA, Germany). The TRAN committee report was adopted on 7 December 2023. On 28 February 2024, Parliament voted in plenary on its first reading position on the file. On 7 October, the TRAN committee voted to start trilogue negotiations. Fourth edition, the first was drafted by Karin Smit Jacobs. The ‘EU Legislation in Progress’ briefings are updated at key stages throughout the legislative procedure.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – Revision of the Weights and Dimensions Directive – 22-10-2024

    Source: European Parliament

    In July 2023, the Commission tabled a package of three proposals for the greening of freight transport, including one on the revision of the Weights and Dimensions Directive, which sets limits for heavy goods vehicles in international road transport. The proposal seeks to promote the use of zero-emission trucks by allowing these to exceed standard weight limits, while clarifying the rules on the use of heavier and longer vehicles in cross-border transport operations between countries, where such vehicles are allowed. Additional objectives are to promote intermodal transport, simplify administrative procedures, and improve enforcement of the rules. In the European Parliament, the file was referred to the Committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN). The TRAN committee adopted its report on the proposal on 14 February 2024 and Parliament adopted its first reading position during the March 2024 plenary session. With the new parliamentary term under way, on 7 October 2024 the TRAN committee voted to start interinstitutional negotiations. Fourth edition. The ‘EU Legislation in Progress’ briefings are updated at key stages throughout the legislative procedure.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – VAT in the digital age – 22-10-2024

    Source: European Parliament

    Value added tax (VAT) is one of the key revenue raisers in national budgets, accounting on average for almost a fifth of all tax revenue collected in the EU; and yet, sizeable amounts of VAT revenue are lost to fraud. Moreover, VAT rules place a considerable administrative burden on businesses. On 8 December 2022, to help fight VAT fraud and reduce this burden, the European Commission tabled a three-part proposal for a directive on VAT in the digital age. The proposal has three main objectives. The first is to introduce an EU-wide reporting system on intra-EU business-to-business (B2B) transactions, whereby companies would share, in real-time, data drawn from electronic invoices with the authorities. This would allow Member States to keep a close eye on the trail of VAT collected and to intervene when there is suspicion of fraudulent practices. The second objective involves introducing a harmonised framework for charging VAT in passenger transport and short-term accommodation platforms. The third is to adopt measures lowering VAT compliance costs for businesses operating across borders. For the proposal to become a directive, the Council must vote unanimously to adopt it, after consulting the European Parliament and the European Economic and Social Committee. Third edition. The ‘EU Legislation in Progress’ briefings are updated at key stages throughout the legislative procedure.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Blasphemy at the opening ceremony of the 2024 Olympic Games in Paris – E-001448/2024(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    22.10.2024

    Freedom of thought, conscience and religion as well as freedom of expression and information are essential foundations of EU’s democratic societies, enshrined in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (the Charter) and the European Convention on Human Rights. Within the remit of its competences, the Commission is committed to ensure the protection and promotion of these rights.

    Under Article 17 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, the Commission carries out a regular dialogue with churches, religious organisations and non-confessional associations.

    The dialogue takes place in particular through yearly high-level meetings with religious and non-confessional leaders chaired by the Member of the Commission in charge of the dialogue.

    However, according to Article 51 of the Charter, the provisions of the Charter are addressed to the Member States only when they are implementing EU law.

    Based on the information provided by the Honourable Members, it does not appear that, in the matter referred to, the Member State concerned acted in the course of implementation of EU law.

    As a result, the Commission is not in a position to comment further on the issues raised by the Honourable Members.

    Last updated: 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – EU funding for the UNRWA, links to terrorism and the need for investigation and alternatives – E-002052/2024

    Source: European Parliament

    14.10.2024

    Question for written answer  E-002052/2024
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE)

    A UN agency has confirmed that an individual described by Israel as the leader of Hamas in Lebanon was a UN employee, after he was killed in an Israeli strike on 29 September 2024[1].

    Fateh al-Sharif, the commander of Hamas in Lebanon, had been under investigation by the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) and had been suspended from work since allegations of his ties to the militant group emerged in March 2024[2].

    Last year, the Israeli Government accused more than a dozen of UNRWA’s Gaza employees of involvement in the 7 October 2023 atrocities. UNRWA supports the relief and human development of Palestinian refugees and is supported by the EU[3]. This raises the question as to how it is possible that we are only figuring out by accident that organisations funded by the EU are employing terrorists.

    • 1.Does the Commission plan to investigate the actual use of EU funds by UNRWA?
    • 2.Will the Commission stop financing organisations and agencies that contribute to terrorism?
    • 3.Is the Commission considering funding the EU Agency for Asylum instead of the problem-ridden UNRWA?

    Submitted: 14.10.2024

    • [1] https://news.sky.com/story/hamas-leader-in-lebanon-killed-by-israel-was-un-employee-unwra-confirms-13225258.
    • [2] https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/top-hamas-commander-killed-lebanon-employee-administrative-leave-114351688.
    • [3] https://www.unrwa.org/our-partners.
    Last updated: 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Boko Haram as an extremist terrorist organisation – E-002047/2024

    Source: European Parliament

    14.10.2024

    Question for written answer  E-002047/2024
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Nikolaos Anadiotis (NI)

    Every year, the Islamist group Boko Haram systematically kills, abducts, rapes and persecutes thousands of Christians in Nigeria. Eight resolutions of the European Parliament have been adopted concerning the group[1] and 11 written questions have been submitted by MEPs on the same subject. Since 2021 the EU Agency for Asylum has referred to its two affiliates[2]. On 14 November 2024 it was classified by the US as a terrorist organisation[3]. In 2017 it was condemned by the UN Security Council, in its resolution 2349 (2017)[4]. Finally, according to the international academic literature, the EU is seeking its classification[5] as a terrorist organisation.

    In 2022 the organisation in question chose its new leader, Abu Umaimata, and continues to act, undeterred[6]. Full dossier[7] published on 18 September 2024 by the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR). The EU decided to add Boko Haram to the list of legal organisations subject to economic sanctions (Decision 483/2014).

    Even though this is a positive decision, it is not sufficient.

    In view of this:

    Does the Commission intend to classify Boko Haram as an (extremist) terrorist organisation?

    Submitted: 14.10.2024

    • [1] 2012/2550, 2013/2691, 2014/2729, 2015/2876, 2015/2520, 2016/2649, 2018/2513, and 2020/2503
    • [2] https://euaa.europa.eu/country-guidance-nigeria-2021/131-boko-haram-including-jas-iswap-and-ansaru
    • [3] https://www.state.gov/foreign-terrorist-organizations/
    • [4] https://press.un.org/en/2017/sc12773.doc.htm
    • [5] https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/10246029.2013.879909
    • [6] https://theconversation.com/uk/topics/boko-haram-10177
    • [7] https://unidir.org/publication/boko-haram-mapping-an-evolving-armed-constellation/
    Last updated: 22 October 2024

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – Road safety: Rules on EU-wide driving disqualifications for major traffic offences – 22-10-2024

    Source: European Parliament

    On 1 March 2023, as part of the road safety package, the European Commission published a legislative proposal to help ensure EU-wide application of driving disqualifications. The proposal calls for increased cooperation, harmonisation of legislation, simplification of information exchange, capacity building, and improved public awareness efforts. In order to prevent impunity due to a lack of legislation, the proposal sets out rules to allow better EU-wide enforcement of driver disqualification decisions when drivers commit major traffic offences outside their own country. In the European Parliament, the Committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN) is responsible for the file (rapporteur: Matteo Ricci, S&D, Italy). The TRAN committee adopted its report on 29 November 2023. On 6 February, the Parliament voted in plenary on its first-reading position on the file. On 7 October the TRAN committee voted to start trilogue negotiations. Fourth edition. The ‘EU Legislation in Progress’ briefings are updated at key stages throughout the legislative procedure.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Coming Soon: Speech by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva at the 2024 Annual Meetings Plenary

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    Coming Soon: Speech by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva at the 2024 Annual Meetings Plenary

    October 25, 2024

    Annual Meetings Chairman, Ahmed Munawar, Chairperson and Governor, Maldives Monetary Authority, World Bank Group President Ajay Banga, and Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund Kristalina Georgieva speak at the October 25th plenary session of the Annual Meetings in Washington D.C.

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER:

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    @IMFSpokesperson

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2024/10/25/sp102524-annual-meetings-plenary

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Transcript of World Economic Outlook October 2024 Press Briefing

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    October 22, 2024

    Speakers:
    Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, Director, Research Department, IMF
    Petya Koeva Brooks, Deputy Director, Research Department, IMF
    Jean‑Marc Natal, Division Chief, Research Department, IMF

    Moderator:
    Jose Luis De Haro, Communications Officer, IMF

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I think we can start. First of all, welcome, everyone. Good morning for those who are joining, as online. I am Jose Luis De Haro with the Communications Department here at the IMF. And once again, we are gathered here today for the release of our new World Economic Outlook, titled Policy Pivot Raising Threats. I hope that by this time, all of you have had access to a copy of the flagship. If not, I would encourage you to go to IMF.org. There, you’re going to find the document, but also, you’re going to find Pierre‑Olivier’s blog, the underlying data for the charts, videos, and other assets that I think are going to be very, very helpful for your reporting. And what’s best, that to discuss all the details of the World Economic Outlook that, to be joined here today by Pierre‑Olivier Gourinchas, the Economic Counsellor Chief Economist and the Director of the Research Department. Next to him are Petya Koeva Brooks. She is the Deputy Director of the Research Department. And also with us, Jean‑Marc Natal, the Division Chief at the Research Department. We are going to start with some opening remarks from Pierre‑Olivier, and then we will proceed to take your questions. I want to remind everyone that this press conference is on the record and that we will also be taking questions online.

    With no further ado, Pierre‑Olivier, the floor is yours.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you, Jose, and good morning, everyone. Let me start with the good news. The battle against inflation is almost won. After peaking at 9.4 percent year on year in the third quarter of 2022, we now project headline inflation will fall to 3.5 percent by the end of next year, and in most countries, inflation is now hovering close to central bank targets.

    Now, inflation came down while the global economy remained resilient. Growth is projected to hold steady at 3.2 percent in 2024 and 2025. The United States is expected to cool down, while other advanced economies will rebound. Performance in emerging Asia remains robust, despite the slight downward revision for China to 4.8 percent in 2024. Low‑income countries have seen their growth revised downwards, some of it because of conflicts and climate shocks.

    Now, the decline in inflation without a global recession is a major achievement. Much of that disinflation can be attributed to the unwinding of the unique combination of supply and demand shocks that caused the inflation in the first place, together with improvements in labor supply due to immigration in many advanced countries. But monetary policy played a decisive role, keeping inflation expectations anchored.

    Now, despite the good news, on inflation, risks are now tilted to the downside. This downside risks include an escalation in regional conflicts, especially in the Middle East, which could cause serious risks for commodity markets. Policy shifts toward undesirable trade and industrial policies could also significantly lower output, a sharp reduction in migration into advanced economies, which can unwind some of the supply gains that helped ease inflation in recent quarters. This could trigger an abrupt tightening of global financial conditions that would further depress output. And together, these represent about a 1.6 percent of global output in 2026.

    Now, to mitigate these downside risks and to strengthen growth, policymakers now need to shift gears and implement a policy triple pivot.

    The first pivot on monetary policy is already underway. The decline in inflation paved the way for monetary easing across major central banks. This will support activity at a time when labor markets are showing signs of cooling, with rising unemployment rates. So far, however, this rise has been gradual and does not point to an imminent slowdown. Lower interest rates in major economies will also ease the pressure on emerging market economies. However, vigilance remains key. Inflation in services remains too elevated, almost double prepandemic levels, and a few emerging market economies are seeing rising price pressures, calling for higher policy rates. Furthermore, we have now entered a world dominated by supply shocks, from climate, health, and geopolitical tensions. And this makes the job of central banks harder.

    The second pivot is on fiscal policy. It is urgent to stabilize debt dynamics and rebuild much‑needed fiscal buffers. For the United States and China, current fiscal plans do not stabilize debt dynamics. For other countries, despite early improvements, there are increasing signs of slippage. The path is narrow. Delaying consolidation increases the risk of disorderly adjustments, while an excessively abrupt turn toward fiscal tightening could hurt economic activity. Success requires implementing, where necessary, and without delay, a sustained and credible multi‑year fiscal adjustment.

    The third pivot and the hardest is toward growth‑enhancing reform. This is the only way we can address many of the challenges we face. Many countries are implementing industrial and trade policy measures to protect domestic workers and industries. These measures can sometimes boost investment and activity in the short run, but they often lead to retaliation and ultimately fail to deliver sustained improvements in standards of living. They should be avoided when not carefully addressing well‑identified market failures or narrowly defined national security concerns.

    Economic growth must come, instead, from ambitious domestic reforms that boost innovation, increase human capital, improve competition and resource allocation. Growth‑enhancing reforms often face significant social resistance. Our report shows that information strategies can help improve support, but they only go so far. Building trust between governments and citizens and inclusion of proper compensation measures are essential features.

    Building trust is an important lesson that should also resonate when thinking about ways to further improve international cooperation to address common challenges in the year that we celebrate the 80th anniversary of the Bretton Woods Institutions. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Thank you, Pierre‑Olivier. Before we open the floor for your questions, let’s remind some ground rules. First of all, if you have any question that it is related to a country program or a country negotiation, I would recommend not to formulate that question here. Basically, those questions can be formulated in the different regional press briefings that are going to happen later this week.

    Also, if you want to ask a question, just raise your hand, wait until I call you. Identify yourself and the outlet that you represent. And let’s try to keep it to just one question. I know that there are going to be many, many questions. We might not be able to take all of you. So please be patient. There are going to be many other opportunities to ask questions throughout the week.

    Let me start—how I am going to start. I am going to start in the center. A couple of questions here. Then I am going to go to my right, and then I am going to go there. I am going to start in the first row, the lady with the white jacket, thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you, Jose, for taking my question. I am Moaling Xiong from Xinhua News Agency. I want to ask about the geopolitical tensions that was mentioned in the report. It says there are rising geopolitical tensions. So far, the impact has been limited. But further intensification of geopolitical rifts could weigh on trade, investment, and beyond. I wonder whether Pierre‑Olivier, could you talk a little bit about what are the economic impacts of growing geopolitical tensions? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. This is, of course, a very important question. This is something that we are very concerned about, the rising geoeconomic fragmentation, trade tensions between countries, measures that are disrupting trade, disrupting cross‑border investment. This is something that we have looked at in our World Economic Outlook report. In Chapter 1, we have a box that evaluates the impact of various adverse measures, measures that could be taken by policymakers or various of shocks that would impact output. And when we look at the impact that rising trade tensions could have, there are two dimensions of this. One is, of course, you are increasing tariffs, for instance, between different blocs. That would disrupt trade. That will misallocate resources. That will weigh down on economic activity. But there is also an associated layer that comes from the uncertainty that increases related to future trade policy. And that will also depress investment, depress economic activity and consumption. When we put these two together, what we find is, we find an impact on world output that is on the order of about 0.5 percent of output levels in 2026. So it’s a quite sizable effect of both an increase in tariffs between different countries and an increase in trade policy uncertainty.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to continue here in the center. We’re going to go to the gentleman on the third row. Yep. There. There, third row, there. Third row. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Hi. Thanks very much for taking my question. I just want to ask about the inflation side of the WEO. You mentioned just now inflation, you know, the battle is almost won. I am just wondering, there’s sort of a divergence between the advanced economies and emerging markets and developing economies. When do you expect inflation to sort of fall toward that 2 percent target in emerging markets and developing economies? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So inflation, the progress on inflation has been more pronounced for advanced economies, and now we expect advanced economies to be back to their target sometime in 2025 for most of them. For emerging markets and developing economies, there is more variation, and we see an increase in dispersion of inflation, so a lot of countries have made a lot of progress. You look, for instance, at emerging Asia. There are inflation levels very similar to advanced economies for a number of them. You look at other regions—in the Middle East, for instance, or sub‑Saharan Africa—and you have countries that still have double‑digital inflation rates and will maybe take more time to converge back. So we see an increased divergence that reflects some of the shocks that are specific to some of these regions. Of course, conflict or climate‑related shocks can have an impact on inflation, and that’s what we’re seeing in these two regions I mentioned.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I’m going to move to my right. The first row here, the lady with the red suit.

    QUESTION: Hello. This is Norah from Asharq Business with Bloomberg from Dubai.

    Pierre, you mentioned that the geopolitical tensions could account for 0.5 percent of output if things kind of get out of hand. To what extent is this a very optimistic number here? Because we’re talking about tensions not only in the Middle East. You have things going down in the Taiwan Strait. We have the Russian‑Ukraine war still ongoing. And there is a very big risk that shipping lines, straits might get disrupted. And this would affect very substantially the price of oil and other commodities. To what extent this would affect output—again, global output and inflation levels? Would inflation be a big risk again if major commodities prices increased substantially?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So you are absolutely right. The scenario I was referring to earlier is a scenario where we have increased trade disruptions, tariffs, and trade policy uncertainty. But one can think also about geopolitical tensions impacting commodity market or shipping. Now, this is not something that we looked at in this report. That’s something that we had looked at in our April report. And in April, when we looked at the potential for escalation in conflicts in the Middle East, the impact it could have on oil prices or on shipping costs, we found that this would very much be in the nature of adverse supply shock. It would negatively impact output, and it would increase inflation pressures. Now, the numbers we had when we did that exercise back in April, they’re still very relevant for the environment we’re in now. And that was one of the layers I showed today, is that it would reduce output by another about 0.4 percent by 2026 and would increase inflation by something on the order of 0.7 percent higher inflation in 2025. So this is something that is very much on top of the other tensions that I mentioned. This is why we are living in this world where there are multiple layers of risk that could be compounding each other.

    Mr. De Haro: I’m going to stay here. First row, here. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. My name is Simon Ateba. I am with Today News Africa Washington, D.C. I would like you to talk a little bit more about the situation in Africa. I know two years ago it was about COVID and then Ukraine. What do you see now? And what are some of the recommendations for sub‑Saharan Africa? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So sub‑Saharan African region is one that is seeing growth rates that are fairly steady this year, compared to last year, at about 3.6 percent, and then expected to increase to about 4.2 percent next year. So we’re seeing some pickup in growth from this year to next year. But now, this is certainly a region that’s been adversely impacted by weather shocks and, in some cases, conflict. So the growth remains subdued and somewhat uneven, and that’s certainly something that we are concerned about.

    Let me turn it over to my colleague Jean‑Marc Natal to add some color.

    Mr. Natal: I would be happy to. Do you hear me? OK.

    So yes, so there has been over the last year, year and a half, there has been some progress in the region. You saw, you know, inflation stabilizing in some countries going down even. And reaching close—level close to the target. But half of them is still at distance, large distance from the target. And a third of them are still having double‑digital inflation.

    In terms of growth, as Pierre‑Olivier mentioned, it’s quite uneven, but it remains too low. The other issue is debt in the region. Obviously, it is still high. It has not increased. It has stopped increasing, and in some countries already starting to consolidate. But it’s still too high. And the debt service is correspondingly still high in the region. So the challenges are still there. There has been some progress. So in terms of the recommendation, in countries where inflation is very high, you would recommend, you know, tight monetary policy and in some cases, when possible, helped by consolidation on the fiscal side.

    It’s complicated. In many countries, you know, there are trade‑offs, and, you know, consolidating fiscal is difficult when you also have to provide for relief, like in Nigeria, for example, due to the flooding. So targeting the support to the poor and the vulnerable is part of the package when you consolidate. I will stop here.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I am moving to my left. I am going to go to the gentleman in the first row.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. Joel Hills from ITV News. We know that the chancellor in the United Kingdom is planning on changing the fiscal rule on debt to allow for—to borrow more for investment. Pierre‑Olivier, do you support this idea? And what, in your view, are the risks? And should the U.K. government continue to target a fall in debt of some description or a rise in public sector net worth?

    Mr. De Haro: Pierre‑Olivier, before you answer, are there any other questions on the U.K. in the room? I am going to take just two more from this group of U.K. reporters on my right that they are very eager. Just two questions more. We do not want to overwhelm—

    QUESTION: Alex Brummer from the Daily Mail in London. Again, around the chancellor’s upcoming budget. In your opening remarks, you referred to the possibility of abrupt changes in fiscal policy, disrupting what might happen to economies. U.K., according to your forecast, is in a quite good place in terms of growth heading upward. Do you fear that too strong a change in direction in fiscal policy in the U.K. could affect future growth?

    Mr. De Haro: Just one more question.

    QUESTION: Mehreen Khan from The Times. You mentioned that there are some countries at risk of fiscal slippage because governments have promised to do their consolidation have struggled to execute. Is the U.K. in that group? Also, the IMF has previously recommended that countries are under fiscal strain should—can keep sort of investment flowing if they do shift to measures like public sector net worth. Is that still a recommendation that you stand by in particular relevance for the U.K.?

    Mr. De Haro: And to give Pierre‑Olivier a little bit of time, I just want to remind everyone that we will have regional press briefings later this week, and some of these questions can be brought to all heads of departments that are going to be talking later on in the week. Pierre‑Olivier?

    Mr. Gourinchas: First, I will make three quick remarks. We are going to wait and see at the end of this month, on October 30, the details of the budget that will be announced by the U.K. government. And at that point, we’ll be able to evaluate and see the detail of the measures and how they will impact the U.K. economy.

    The broader question, I think, is relevant for many countries, not just the U.K. And it goes to the second pivot I mentioned, this narrow path in terms of fiscal consolidation. I think when countries have elevated debt levels, when interest rates are high, when growth is OK but not great, there is a risk that things could escalate or get out of control quickly. And so there is a need to bring debt levels down, stabilize them when they are not stabilized and rebuild fiscal buffers. That is true for many countries around the world. And if you are not doing that—and that is getting to the question that was asked by the gentleman on the right here—if you’re not doing that, that’s when you find yourself potentially later on at the mercy of market pressures that will force an adjustment that is uncontrolled to a large extent. At which point you have very few degrees of freedom, so you do not want to get in that position. And I think the effort to stabilize public debt has to be seen in that context.

    Now, the other side of the narrow path is, of course, if you try to do too much too quickly, you might have an adverse impact on growth. And you have to be careful there because we do have important—most countries have important needs when it comes to spending, whether it’s about central services, what we think about healthcare, or if we think about public investment and climate transition. So we need to protect also the type of spending that can be good for growth. So finding ways—and this is something that our colleagues in the Fiscal Monitor report emphasize, finding ways to consolidate by reducing expenditures where it’s needed. Maybe raising revenues. Often, it’s a combination of both but doing so in a way that is least impactful on growth. It’s country by country. There is no general formula. But that’s kind of the nature of the exercise.

    That pivot, that second pivot is absolutely essential. At the point we’re at again precisely because we’re in a world in which there will be more shocks and countries need to be prepared and need to have some room on the fiscal side to be able to build that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Last question on this side. Then I will go online, and then I will go around the room again. The gentleman in the second row.

    QUESTION: Thanks, Jose. Pierre‑Olivier, a question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for the country for next year, improving GDP and inflation, 45 percent at the end of the year. Oh, yes. Sorry. Alam Md Hasanul from International.

    A question on Argentina. The IMF is maintaining its projections for next year, but I wanted to see if you could give us a little bit more detail on, where do you see the economy going. And if it’s accurate to say at this point that the worst of the crisis is in the past? Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: We have received other questions regarding Argentina online from Lilliana Franco. Basically, she wants to know what’s behind our expectations for inflation for 2025. And I think that there are other Argentine reporters in the room. I see them in the back. Please, if somebody can get them the mic and we can get all the questions on Argentina and then move on to other regions. There. There. Those two, please. Try to keep it short.

    QUESTION: Hi. Patricia Valli from El Cronista. You mentioned the need to keep going with the reforms. And the government in Argentina is implementing a series of reforms. What’s the take of the IMF in terms of these? And if they are perhaps hurting the most vulnerable due to the increase of poverty numbers in Argentina in the past report?

    QUESTION: Hello. Juan Manuel Barca from Clarín Newspaper. I want to know if you raised your employment projection compared to the April—compared to the July forecast.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So let me first state at the outset that our projections for Argentina have not been updated since July, and the reason for this is because there are ongoing program discussions between the authorities and the Fund. And so while that process is going on, we did not update the projections for the October round.

    Now, to come to the question that was asked on the left. There are two things that are relevant for Argentina, two main things. One is what’s happening on the inflation side. Here, I think the progress has been very substantial. We are now seeing month‑on‑month inflation in Argentina close to 3.5 percent, and this is down from about 25 percent month on month back in December of last year. So very, very significant decline in the inflation rate. So that’s something to acknowledge. And the hope is, of course, that the measures in place will continue to improve the situation on that front.

    On the growth front, what we are saying is that activity has contracted substantially in the first half of the year, but there are signs that it’s starting to gradually recover. Now how much again, I cannot give you an update because we do not have it as of now. But there are signs that there is a recovery in real wages and in private credit and activity.

    Now, of course, this has been difficult for the Argentine economy, the decline in growth of that nature. And that’s something that, again, we are engaged in discussions with the authorities on the best way forward. I cannot comment more than that.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. Now I am going to get a question from our colleagues on WebEx. I think that Weier is there.

    QUESTION: I have a question on China. Given China’s recent implementation of various stimulus measures, such as support for the real estate—real sector and interest rate reductions and other economic incentives, we’ve already seen a major boost in its capital market. So how do you assess the potential impact of these developments on China’s economic recovery and growth perspective?

    Also, how the external effects, such as the Federal Reserve’s easing monetary path, will play a role here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: Before you answer on the Federal Reserve, there’s other questions on China of a similar nature. Recent stimulus announced by the Governor and its effects.

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So China, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, we have a slight downward revision for its 2024 growth, compared to our July projections to 4.8 percent. And that’s a revision that’s coming largely due to a weaker second quarter of the year. And that weaker second quarter of the year is reflecting continued decline in confidence in the household and corporate sector and also the continued problems in the property sector in China.

    Now, this is something that, of course, is a top priority to address for the Chinese authorities. And we’ve seen a number of measures that have been announced since the end of last month. First measures, monetary and financial measures announced by the People’s Bank of China, and then some fiscal measures that were announced a few weeks ago.

    These measures in general go in the right direction, from our perspective. They are trying to improve the situation in the property sector. They’re trying to, for instance, lowering borrowing rates or trying to improve the balance sheet of the property developers.

    In our view, in our assessment, the measures announced at the end of last month by the PBOC, although they go in the right direction, are not sufficient to lift growth in a substantially material way. And that’s why our forecast is still at about 4.8 percent for 2024 and is unchanged for next year, at 4.5 percent.

    The new, more recent measures announced a few weeks ago by the Ministry of Finance are not incorporated in our forecast. We are waiting to see the details. I should mention, however, that since then, there has also been a release of the Q3 growth for China, and this has also been a little bit on the disappointing side. So I would say that what we’re seeing in terms of where the Chinese economy might be going is a little bit of a downward revision coming from the Q3 forecast and then potentially some measures that will help lift the economy going forward.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. So we have an additional question online. Basically, it comes from a reporter in Israel who wants to know how the current conflict is affecting the region and the global economy. Also, if there’s any other questions regarding the ongoing conflict, we can go here in the first row, please.

    QUESTION: Hi. Amir Goumma from Asharq with Bloomberg. With the GCC countries increasingly focusing and diversifying their economies away from oil now, how the IMF sees the progress and how you assess that with geopolitical tensions that may affect the attraction of the investment?

    Mr. Gourinchas: OK. So on the impact of the conflict in the Middle East on the countries in the region, and more broadly, let me ask my colleague Petya Koeva Brooks to come in.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Sure. Indeed, the conflict has inflicted a heavy toll on the region, and our hearts go to all who have been affected by it. We are monitoring the situation very closely. And what we could say at this stage is apart from the enormous uncertainty that we see is that the fallout has been the hardest in the countries in the region, at the epicenter of the conflict. We’ve seen significant declines in output in West Bank, in Gaza. Lebanon has also been hard hit. Now, we’ve also seen impact in the—on the economy in Israel, although there, I think the—so far at least, the impact has been smaller.

    Now, beyond that, there has also been an impact on commodity prices, on oil prices. We’ve seen quite a lot of volatility, though, as other factors have also come in, such as the concerns about global demand kind of have pushed prices in the opposite direction.

    Now, beyond that, when it comes to specific countries in the GCC region, when it comes to, for instance, Saudi Arabia, we’ve seen there, actually the non‑oil output has done very well, and we do have a small downward revision in the overall growth rate, but that is pretty much because of the voluntary oil cuts that have now been extended through November. Let me stop here. Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We are coming here to the center of the room. I’m going to go way back. The gentleman in the blue shirt that I think is the third row from the back. Yep. There. He has—there, there, there. A little bit. Can you stand up? Yep. Perfect. And then I will go with you, with the lady.

    QUESTION: Thank you for doing this. Your alternative scenario about the trade war does not seem so far from reality. Indeed, especially if Trump wins the elections. So could you augment about that? Thank you.

    Mr. De Haro: We have a couple of questions similar to that nature.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, of course, I will first preface by saying we are not commenting on elections or potential platforms here at the IMF. What we are seeing and when we’re looking at the world economy goes beyond what might be happening in a single country. This is why the scenario that we are looking at in Box 1.2 of our World Economic Outlook is one that focuses on, if you want, an escalation of trade tensions between different regions—whether the U.S., the European Union, or China. And the numbers I quoted earlier are reflecting our model estimates of the cumulative impact of this increase in tensions. So I think that this is something that we are very concerned about. We’ve seen a very sharp increase in a number of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries since 2019, roughly. They’ve gone from 1,000 to 3,000, so tripling of trade‑distorting measures implemented by countries, and 2019 was not a low point. That was already something that was above what we were seeing in the 2010s. So there is definitely, you know, a direction of travel here that we are very concerned about because a lot of these trade‑distorting measures could reflect decisions by countries that are self‑centered but could be ultimately harmful not just to the global economy, but this is the benefits of doing a scenario analysis like the one we did. They are also hurtful for the countries that want to implement them, as well, because the impact on global trade also makes the residents of a country poorer.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I’m going to take a question from WebEx and then I’m going to go to you. I think that we have a question on the U.S. Please go ahead.

    QUESTION: My question would be regarding the U.S. resilience toward inflation shock. I remember talks about this during the April meetings and the April report. And I wanted to ask you whether you’re still committed to this forecast of the U.S. resiliency, and whether we can still see the risk of recession in the U.S. since recent talks about the unemployment data, it has not always come to the expectations of what the bond market or the stock exchange thinks.

    So is the U.S. still as resilient as you saw it in April this year?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So, I mean, the news on the U.S. is good in a sense. We have had an upgrade in growth forecasts for 2024 and 2025. The historical numbers have also been revised, so even upgraded 2023, that is already sort of behind us. But the numbers came in, and they were stronger than what was realized. And that strong growth performance has been happening in a context of a continued disinflation. There have been some bumps in the road. The disinflation may not have been proceeding, especially earlier in the year, as quickly as was projected, but lately it has been quite substantial.

    So what accounts for this is two things that are really important there. One is, there is strong productivity growth that we see when we look at the U.S. That’s somewhat unlike other advanced economies, in fact. When we look around the world. And the second is also a very significant role that immigration has played, the increase in foreign‑born workers in the U.S. that have been integrated fairly quickly into the labor force. Now, the increase in unemployment that we’ve seen recently—I just showed it in my opening remarks—reflects to a large extent the fact that you have this increase in foreign‑born workers. And it takes—they have been integrated quickly in the labor force, but still there was an influx of them or there was an influx of them, and it’s taken a little bit of time to absorb them. And that’s what is reflected in the increased unemployment rate. So the labor market picture remains one that is fairly, fairly robust, even though it has cooled off but from very, very tight levels. Growth is solid. So I think the answer to the question that was posed, I think a risk of a recession in the U.S. in the absence of a very sharp shock would be somewhat diminished.

    Now, that is really what paved the way when you think about what the Federal Reserve is doing, seeing this inflation coming down a lot but noticing the increase in unemployment, pivoting away from just fighting inflation, that fight is almost done, and now being more concerned about, maybe what might be happening going forward with the labor market and wanting to make sure that that cooling off of the labor market does not turn into something that is more negative.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. The clock here says that I have seven minutes that I can push a little bit, but we go there. Then we will go to this side. And come back here and maybe end around here.

    QUESTION: Thank you very much. My name is Hope Moses‑Ashike from Business Day Nigeria. So I am right here in this room, in April, you projected the Nigeria economy to grow by 3.3 percent, and you cited improved oil sector, security, and then agriculture. So I want to understand, what has changed since then in terms of Nigeria’s growth and the factors you mentioned? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Thank you. Jean‑Marc, do you want to comment on Nigeria?

    Mr. Natal: Yes. Rightly so. We revised growth for Nigeria in 2024 by .2 down. And, you know, things are volatile, I suppose, because the reason for the revision is precisely issues in agriculture related to flooding. And also issues in the production of oil related to security issues, and also maintenance issues that have pushed down the production of oil. So these two factors have played a role.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. We go to this side. I’m going to go to the front row, the lady with the white jacket. Thank you.

    QUESTION: Thank you. So this is still a follow‑up question since you just answered on Nigeria. What’s the IMF’s projection for the social impacts on full subsidy removal, especially when you—full subsidy removal and forex unification in terms of poverty, inequality, and food insecurity? And also, can give us your medium‑term projections for Nigeria’s growth? Thank you.

    Mr. Gourinchas: So I am afraid on this one I will have to go back and check because I do not have the number ready on the impact of the removal of the fuel subsidies specifically that you asked about. I do not know if my colleagues—

    Mr. De Haro: And I would encourage you to formulate this question in the press briefing for the regional outlook for the African Department. Probably there, you will get your answer, but reach out to us bilaterally and then we will get you the question.

    We are going to stay—we’re going to go to the gentleman in the back. Yep.

    QUESTION: Thanks very much. Andy Robinson of La Vanguardia, Barcelona, Spain. There seems to be a strange sort of divergence in the euro zone economy in which Spain—you have revised upwards Spain’s GDP growth forecast a whole point, percentage point, whilst Germany is languishing. Could I ask you, is Spain’s performance sustainable? And Germany’s in a recession?

    Also, one other question. You seem in your box on inflation and wage share and profit share, wage share you seem to be suggesting if there’s any danger of increasing inflation in the future, it’s more an excessive profit share than exactly wage? Could you tell me if that’s a correct interpretation? Thanks.

    Mr. Gourinchas: Yes. So just a few words on the euro area in general. And then I will let my colleague Petya come in on Spain. We do see some divergence across the different countries of the euro area. And one of the drivers is how reliant they are on manufacturing, as one of the key sectors in domestic production. And what you are seeing is, there is a general weakness in manufacturing and that’s heating countries like Germany. While countries that are maybe a bit more reliant on services, including tourism—and Spain is one of them—are seeing a better performance.

    Now, on the second part of your question, and I will turn it over to Petya, on the profit share and wages. We’re seeing now wage growth that is in excess of inflation. And sometimes people say, well, that’s a problem because that means, you know, maybe that cannot be sustained and therefore there will be more inflation. Well, not quite. That’s not the view we have here at the Fund. A lot of the increase in wages in excess of inflation right now—so that’s an improvement in real wages in standards of living—is reflecting a catchup phenomenon. It’s after years during which inflation was higher than wage inflation, wage increase. So real wages are catching up. They are covering lost ground.

    Now, during those years when inflation was higher than wages, profit margins somewhere were higher in the economy. And that is the profit margin that is being eroded back. So it’s not that we’re squeezing profits inordinately right now. It’s just they’re coming back more toward their historical level as real wages are catching up, and that’s not necessarily a concern in terms of inflation dynamics going forward. With this, let me turn it over to Petya.

    Ms. Koeva Brooks: Thank you. Indeed Spain does stand out as one of the countries with a substantial upward revision for this year. We’re now projecting growth to be 2.9, after last year, when it was 2.7. So what’s behind this revision is the positive surprises that we’ve already seen, especially in the second quarter, as well as some of the revisions to the back data.

    And then when we look at the composition of these surprises, again, it was net exports and the receipts from tourism that were a substantial contributor. But also, private consumption and investment also played a role, which may imply that some of the impact of the national recovery plan and the EU funds that are being used could—we could already be seeing the impact of that. And then when we move forward, we are expecting a slowdown in growth next year, but, again, if these—if this investment continues, of course, that would be a very positive factor behind the recovery. Thanks.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. I have time for just one question because literally, we have 15 seconds. So I’m going to go with the gentleman here.

    QUESTION: Thank you. Barry Wood, Hong Kong Radio. Mr. Gourinchas, in April you said likely we will see one rate cut in the United States. We’ve seen it. The data, as you just said, is very good. Would further rate cuts be counterproductive?

    Mr. Gourinchas: Well, in our projections, of course, we need to make some assumptions about what central banks, and this round of projection is no exception. So in our projections just released today, we’re assuming that there will be two more rate cuts by the Fed in 2024 and then four additional rate cuts in 2025. And that would bring the policy rate towards the terminal rate that is around 2.75, 3. Why do we see the additional rate cuts? Well, in part it’s the progress on inflation. And then as I mentioned earlier, as an answer to an earlier question, the fact that we’re seeing the labor markets cooling and therefore the concern for the Fed is now to make sure that that last part of the disinflation process is not one that is going to hit activity. In the Chapter 2 of our report, we describe how that last mile could be somewhat more costly because, as the supply constraints have eased and moved away, it becomes harder to bring down inflation in that last mile without hurting economic activity, so it’s important to also adjust the policy rate path in a direction of a little bit more easing, as the economy is smooth landing.

    Mr. De Haro: OK. As in life, all good things have to come to an end. But before that, I want to thank you all, on behalf of Pierre‑Olivier, Petya, and Jean‑Marc. Also, on behalf of the Communications Department and a couple of reminders for all of you, the Global Financial Stability Report press briefing is going to happen in this same room at around 10:15 a.m. Tomorrow morning, you have the press briefing for the Fiscal Monitor, and later on in the week, you will have the Managing Director’s press briefing and all the regional press briefings that we’ve been talking about. I want to encourage you to go to IMF.org, download the flagships, the World Economic Outlook, and if you have any questions, comments, feedback, everything to media at IMF.org. So have a great day.

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    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2024/10/22/tr102224-weo-transcript

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  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: English translation of Prime Minister’s opening remarks during bilateral meeting with President of Russia (October 22, 2024)

    Source: Government of India (2)

    Posted On: 22 OCT 2024 7:24PM by PIB Delhi

    Excellency,

    I sincerely express my gratitude for your friendship, warm welcome, and hospitality. I am delighted to have the opportunity to visit such a beautiful city as Kazan for the BRICS summit. This city shares deep and historical ties with India. The opening of a new Indian consulate in Kazan will further strengthen these ties.

    Excellency,

    My two visits to Russia in the past three months reflect our close coordination and deep friendship. Our cooperation in every field has been strengthened by our Annual Summit held in Moscow in July.

    Excellency,

    I congratulate you on the successful chairmanship of BRICS over the past year. In the last fifteen years, BRICS has established its unique identity, and now severeal countries around the world wish to join it. I look forward to participate in the BRICS Summit.

    Excellency,

    We have remained in regular contact regarding the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine. As I have stated before, we believe that the resolution of issues should be achieved through peaceful means only. We fully support the earliest possible restoration of peace and stability. All our efforts prioritize humanity. India remains ready to provide all possible assistance in the future as well.

    Excellency,

    Today is yet another important opportunity to share our thoughts on all these matters. Once again, many thanks.

    DISCLAIMER – This is the approximate translation of Prime Minister’s remarks. Original remarks were delivered

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Prime Minister meets with the President of the Russian Federation

    Source: Government of India

    Posted On: 22 OCT 2024 10:32PM by PIB Delhi

    Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi met with the President of the Russian Federation, H.E. Vladimir Putin, in Kazan today, on the margins of the 16th BRICS Summit. This was their second meeting this year. The two leaders had earlier met in Moscow for the 22nd Annual Summit in July 2024.

    Prime Minister thanked President Putin for his invitation to attend the 16th BRICS Summit. He appreciated the Russian Chairship of BRICS and its efforts to strengthen multilateralism, advance sustainable development, and push for global governance reform. The two leaders also reviewed bilateral cooperation in a range of fields, including political, economic, defence, energy, and people-to-people ties. They welcomed the forthcoming meeting of the India-Russia Inter-Governmental Commission on Trade, Economic and Cultural matters, which is scheduled to be held in November 2024 in New Delhi.

    The leaders exchanged views on India-Russia engagement in multilateral fora, in particular in BRICS. They also shared views on key regional and global issues of mutual interest, including the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. Prime Minister reiterated that dialogue and diplomacy was the way forward in resolving conflicts.

    The two leaders agreed to remain engaged to further strengthen the Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership between the two countries, which continues to register significant growth and has shown resilience in the backdrop of geopolitical uncertainties.

    Prime Minister invited President Putin to visit India next year for the 23rd Annual Summit.

     

    ***

    MJPS/SR

    (Release ID: 2067209) Visitor Counter : 33

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Video: Welcome Liechtenstein

    Source: International Monetary Fund – IMF (video statements)

    The IMF welcomes Principality of Liechtenstein as its 191st member. Here are five things you may not know about Liechtenstein. https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2024/10/21/cf-five-things-you-may-not-know-about-liechtenstein

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7LnvY4-75_0

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Video: UN SDG Action Awards Ceremony 2024 | United Nations

    Source: United Nations (Video News)

    Watch the 2024 UN SDG Action Awards Ceremony live from Rome and join the UN SDG Action Campaign to celebrate changemakers who are wielding the power of creativity and innovation to bring us closer to a more sustainable, equitable and peaceful world.

    The UN SDG Action Awards Ceremony will unveil the winners of the 2024 edition with the presence of the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Italy Antonio Tajani (TBC), and UN Assistant Secretary-General and Director of the UNDP Bureau for External Relations and Advocacy Susan Brown, as well as Canon Ambassador Muhammed Muheisen, two-time winner of the Sanremo Music Festival singer-songwriter Mahmood, award-winning writer, film director and producer Farhoud Meybodi, Paralympian and Author Jessica Smith, among many others.

    The UN SDG Action Awards programme is made by the generous financial support of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (MAECI) and the German Federal Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ).

    Watch the UN SDG Action Awards Ceremony live at sdgactionawards.org/live

    Follow the UN SDG Action Awards Ceremony’s live coverage on social media with the hashtag #SDGAwards.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=atPKdld_4qc

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Video: Reporters Without Borders Voices heard but repressed: #MeToo: What impact on journalism?

    Source: Reporters Without Borders (RSF) (Video Release)

    #MeToo, #EuTambém, #EnaZeda, #Cuéntalo.. “Voices heard but repressed: #MeToo: What impact on journalism?” An exclusive report and documentary with Lénaïg Bredoux (@Mediapart), Laurène Daycard (freelance journalist and author of this report) and Jovanna García (freelance journalist).

    It cannot be denied: this worldwide movement to liberate women’s voices has significantly impacted the media landscape. Even if the #MeToo wave only had a weak echo in some countries, it has led to the emergence of new stories and new media outlets worldwide. While some pioneers had already paved the way — including Awa in Senegal in the 1970s, Sharika Wa Laken in Lebanon since 2012, and Axelle magazine, created in Belgium in 1998 — they have, in turn, benefited from this new exposure. Yet investigating women’s rights remains dangerous.

    To accompany the report, RSF has published recommendations to support journalists working on women’s rights and gender violence.
    We have issued recommendations for governments, police, judicial authorities, social media platforms and newsrooms, to ensure the right to information on women’s rights and gender violence is truly guaranteed.

    Read the report on rsf.org

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z-6EjSBchy8

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-Evening Report: What’s the difference between fusion and fission? A nuclear physicist explains

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matthew Hole, Professor, Mathematical Sciences Institute and School of Computing, Australian National University

    Quality Stock Arts/Shutterstock

    Globally, nuclear power accounts for roughly 10% of electricity generation. In some countries, such as France, this figure is nearly 70%.

    Big tech companies such as Google are also turning to nuclear power to meet the huge power demands of their data centres.

    The source of all nuclear power is the binding energy of an atom. The energy stored in an atom can be released in two main ways: fission or fusion. Fission involves splitting big heavy atoms into smaller, lighter ones. Fusion involves combining little atoms together into bigger ones.

    Both processes release a lot of energy. For example, one nuclear fission decay of U235, an isotope of uranium typically used as the fuel in most power plants, produces more than 6 million times the energy per single chemical reaction of the purest coal. This means they are great processes for generating power.

    What is fission?

    Fission is the process behind every nuclear power plant in operation today. It occurs when a tiny subatomic particle called a neutron is slammed into an uranium atom, splitting it. This releases more neutrons, which continue colliding with other atoms, setting off a nuclear chain reaction. This in turn releases a tremendous amount of energy.

    To convert this energy to electricity a heat exchanger is installed, which turns water to steam, driving a turbine to produce power.

    The fission reaction can be controlled by suppressing the supply of neutrons. This is achieved by inserting “control rods” which soak up neutrons. Historically, nuclear accidents such as Chernobyl have occurred when the control rods fail to engage and quench the neutron supply, and/or coolant circulation fails.

    So called “third generation” designs improve on early designs by incorporating passive or inherent safety features which require no active controls or human intervention to avoid accidents in the event of malfunction. These features may rely on pressure differentials, gravity, natural convection, or the natural response of materials to high temperatures.

    The first third generation reactors were the Kashiwazaki 6 and 7 advanced boiling water reactors in Japan.

    The Kashiwazaki-Kariwa Nuclear Power Station in Japan.
    Tokyo Electric Power Co, CC BY-SA

    An unresolved challenge for fission is that the byproducts of the reaction are radioactive for a long time, in the order of thousands of years. If reprocessed, the fuel source and waste can also be used to make a nuclear weapon.

    Fission power is a demonstrated technology. It is also scalable from large scale (the largest is the 7.97 gigawatt Kashiwazaki-Kariwa Nuclear Power Plant in Japan) through to small-to-medium reactors that produce around 150 megawatts of electricity, as used on a ship or nuclear submarine. These are the reactors that will power Australia’s eight nuclear submarines promised as part of a trilateral security partnership with the United Kingdom and the United States.

    What is fusion?

    Fusion is the process that powers the Sun and stars. It is the opposite process to fission. It occurs when atoms are fused together.

    The easiest reaction to initiate in the laboratory is the fusion of isotopes of hydrogen, deuterium and tritium. Per unit mass, the reaction produces 4 times more energy than the fission of U235.

    The fuel ion deuterium is incredibly abundant on Earth and in the universe. Tritium is radioactive with a half-life of 12 years, so is very rare on Earth. The universe is 13.8 billion years old; the only isotopes of light nuclei (hydrogen, helium and lithium) found in nature are those that are stable on those time scales.

    In a fusion power plant, tritium would be manufactured using a “lithium blanket”. This is a solid lithium wall in which fusion neutrons slow and ultimately react to form tritium.

    However, at present it’s very difficult for scientists to create a fusion reaction outside of the laboratory. That’s because it requires incredibly hot conditions to fuse: the optimal conditions are 150 million degrees Celsius.

    Fusion is the process that powers the Sun.
    SOHO (ESA & NASA)

    At these temperatures the fuel ions exist in the plasma state, where electrons and (nuclear) ions are dissociated. The byproduct of this process isn’t radioactive; rather, it’s helium, an inert gas.

    The leading technology path to demonstrate sustained fusion is called “toroidal magnetic confinement”. This is when the plasma is confined at extreme temperatures in a very large doughnut-shaped magnetic bottle.

    Unlike fission, this technology path requires continuous external heating to reach fusion conditions and a strong confining field. Terminate either and the reaction stops. The challenge is not uncontrolled meltdown, but getting the reaction to occur at all.

    A major unresolved challenge for toroidal magnetic confinement fusion, which attracts the majority of research interest, is the demonstration of a burning self-heated plasma. This is when the heating power produced by the reaction itself is primary. This is the objective of the publicly funded multi-national ITER project, the world’s largest fusion experiment, and the privately funded SPARC experiment at Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

    However, the consensus of much of the scientific community is that fusion will not be commercially viable until at least 2050.

    A climate solution?

    I am often asked if nuclear power could save Earth from climate change. I have many colleagues in climate science, and indeed my late wife was a high-profile climate scientist.

    The science is clear: it is too late to stop climate change. The world needs to do everything it can to reduce carbon dioxide emissions and minimise catastrophic damage, and it needs to have done it decades ago.

    For the planet, fission is part of that global solution, together with widespread rollout and adoption of renewable sources of power such as wind and solar.

    On a longer time scale, one hopes that fusion might replace fission. The fuel supply is much larger and ubiquitously distributed, the waste problem is orders of magnitude smaller in volume and timescale, and the technology cannot be weaponised.

    Matthew Hole receives funding from the Australian government through the Australian Research Council and the Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation (ANSTO), and the Simons Foundation. He is also affiliated with ANSTO, the ITER Organisation as an ITER Science Fellow, and is Chair of the Australian ITER Forum.

    ref. What’s the difference between fusion and fission? A nuclear physicist explains – https://theconversation.com/whats-the-difference-between-fusion-and-fission-a-nuclear-physicist-explains-240438

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the situation in Azerbaijan, violation of human rights and international law and relations with Armenia – B10-0141/2024

    Source: European Parliament

    Rasa Juknevičienė, François‑Xavier Bellamy, Michael Gahler, Andrzej Halicki, David McAllister, Sebastião Bugalho, Nicolás Pascual De La Parte, Isabel Wiseler‑Lima, Daniel Caspary, Loucas Fourlas, Sandra Kalniete, Łukasz Kohut, Andrey Kovatchev, Andrius Kubilius, Miriam Lexmann, Vangelis Meimarakis, Ana Miguel Pedro, Davor Ivo Stier, Michał Szczerba
    on behalf of the PPE Group

    B10‑0141/2024

    European Parliament resolution on the situation in Azerbaijan, violation of human rights and international law and relations with Armenia

    (2024/2890(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to its previous reports and resolutions on Azerbaijan and Armenia,

     having regard to the European Convention on Human Rights of 1950, ratified by Azerbaijan in 2002,

     having regard to the relevant documents and international agreements, including but not limited to the United Nations Charter, the Helsinki Final Act of 1 August 1975 and the Alma-Ata Declaration of 21 December 1991,

     having regard to the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Communities and their Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Azerbaijan, of the other part, signed on 22 April 1996[1],

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas 300 people remain in detention in Azerbaijan on politically motivated charges; whereas prominent human rights defender and climate advocate, Anar Mammadli, has been in pre-trial detention since 30 April 2024 on bogus charges of conspiracy to bring illegal foreign currency into the country and his health has deteriorated significantly while in custody; whereas economist and political activist Gubad Ibadoghlu was moved to house arrest on 22 April 2024 after 274 days in detention;

    B. whereas Azerbaijan has also intensified its repression against the remaining independent media, such as Abzas Media and Toplum TV, through detentions and judicial harassment;

    C. whereas the Azerbaijani laws regulating the registration, operation and funding of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are highly restrictive and arbitrarily implemented, thus effectively criminalising unregistered NGO activity;

    D. whereas Freedom House’s 2024 index ranks Azerbaijan among the least free countries in the world, below Russia and Belarus;

    E. whereas on 19 September 2023, after a nine-month illegal blockade of the Lachin corridor and disregarding both the commitments it made in the trilateral statement of 9 November 2020 and an International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruling, Azerbaijan launched an offensive on the remaining parts of Nagorno-Karabakh not already under its control;

    F. whereas more than 100 000 Armenians had to flee the territory, including 30 000 children, resulting in Nagorno-Karabakh being almost entirely emptied of its Armenian population, who had been living there for centuries; whereas this amounts to ethnic cleansing;

    G. whereas the Russian peacekeeping force did not act in accordance with its mandate, as laid down in the trilateral statement of 9 November 2020, taking no action against Azerbaijan’s blockade of the Lachin corridor, the establishment of the Azerbaijani checkpoint at the entrance to the corridor or the offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023;

    H. whereas the Azerbaijani leadership continues to make irredentist statements with reference to the sovereign territory of Armenia; whereas the Azerbaijani army continues to occupy no less than 170 km2 of the sovereign territory of Armenia;

    1. Stresses its profound concern regarding the human rights situation in Azerbaijan;

    2. Urges the Azerbaijani authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all human rights defenders, journalists, environmental, political and other activists prosecuted under fabricated and or politically motivated charges; recalls in this context the names of Tofig Yagublu, Akif Gurbanov, Bakhtiyar Hajiyev, as well as human rights defenders and journalists including Ulvi Hasanli, Sevinj Vagifgizi, Nargiz Absalamova, Hafiz Babali and Elnara Gasimova, Aziz Orujov, Rufat Muradli, Avaz Zeynalli, Elnur Shukurov, Alasgar Mammadli and Farid Ismayilov; underlines that since April 2024, Azerbaijan has carried out further arrests of civil society activists on bogus charges, including Farid Mehralidze, Igbal Abilov, Bahurz Samadov, Emin Ibrahimov and Famil Khalilov;

    3. Recalls the need to lift the travel ban in force against Gubad Ibadoghlu and drop all charges against him, and calls on Azerbaijan urgently to ensure an independent medical examination by a doctor of his own choosing, and allow him to receive treatment abroad;

    4. Reminds the Azerbaijani authorities of their obligations to respect human dignity and fundamental freedoms in accordance with their international commitments and calls on them to repeal repressive legislation that drives independent NGOs and media to the margins of the law;

    5. Calls for the EU to impose sanctions under its global human rights sanctions regime on Azerbaijani officials who have committed serious human rights violations; reiterates its position that the EU should be ready to impose sanctions on any individuals and entities that threaten the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Armenia;

    6. Recalls that the 1996 EU-Azerbaijan Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, which is the legal basis for bilateral relations, is based on respect for democracy and the principles of international law and human rights and that these have been systematically violated in Azerbaijan;

    7. Reiterates the EU’s unequivocal support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and inviolability of the borders of Armenia; strongly supports the normalisation of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan on the basis of the principles of the mutual recognition of territorial integrity and the inviolability of borders based on the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration;

    8. Recalls its previous condemnation of the pre-planned and unjustified military attack by Azerbaijan of 19-20 September 2023 against the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh, which led to the expulsion of the entirety of the ethnic Armenian community which had been living there for centuries, amounting to ethnic cleansing; recalls that this attack resulted in the complete dissolution of the structures of the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh and the establishment of full Azerbaijani control over the region; demands the release of all remaining Armenian political prisoners and prisoners of war;

    9. Reiterates its demand for the withdrawal of Azerbaijan’s troops from the entirety of the sovereign territory of Armenia; rejects and expresses its grave concern regarding the irredentist and inflammatory statements made by the Azerbaijani President and other Azerbaijani officials threatening the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Armenia; warns Azerbaijan against any potential military adventurism against Armenia proper; highlights that Azerbaijan’s connectivity issues with its exclave of Nakhchivan should be resolved with full respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Armenia;

    10. Calls on Azerbaijan to genuinely engage in a comprehensive and transparent dialogue with the Karabakh Armenians to ensure respect for their rights and guarantee their security, including their right to return to and live in their homes in dignity and safety, overseen by an international presence, to access their land and property rights, to maintain their distinct identity and to fully enjoy their civic, cultural, social and religious rights;

    11. Calls for the establishment of an ad hoc committee within the European institutions to identify or develop international mechanisms to guarantee the collective, safe, dignified and sustainable return of the inhabitants of Nagorno-Karabakh to their ancestral land; calls for the creation of a mechanism to monitor the implementation of the reports and resolutions adopted by Parliament on Nagorno-Karabakh;

    12. Urges Azerbaijan to refrain from further destroying, neglecting or altering the origins of cultural, religious or historical heritage in the region, bearing in mind the destruction of cultural, religious and historical heritage that has occurred since the beginning of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and calls on it to instead strive to preserve, protect and promote this rich diversity; demands the protection of the Armenian cultural, historical and religious heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh in line with UNESCO standards and Azerbaijan’s international commitments;

    13. Recognises the urgent need to strengthen the cooperation between the EU and Armenia in the field of security and defence; welcomes the fact that Armenia has frozen its participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organization; notes the added value of regular EU-Armenian Political and Security Dialogues, as an umbrella platform for all security related matters; welcomes the actions undertaken by several Member States to provide defensive military support to Armenia and urges other Member States to consider similar initiatives;

    14. Expresses its support for the decision of Armenia to discontinue the presence of Russian Federal Security Service border guards at the international airport in Yerevan, and its understanding for the suspension of relations with Belarus;

    15. Calls for the EU to end its dependency on gas exports from Azerbaijan; is seriously concerned about Azerbaijan’s import of Russian gas and the substantial Russian share in the production and transportation of Azerbaijani gas for the EU, which contradicts the EU’s objective of undermining Russia’s capacity to continue its war of aggression against Ukraine by cutting its revenues from oil and gas exports to the EU; urges the Commission to investigate suspicions that Azerbaijan actually exports Russian gas to the EU;

    16. Calls for the suspension of all imports of oil and gas from Azerbaijan to the EU; recalls its demand, in the light of Azerbaijan’s 2023 invasion of Nagorno-Karabakh, for the suspension of the Memorandum of Understanding on a Strategic Partnership in the Field of Energy between the European Union and Azerbaijan;

    17. Supports all initiatives and activities that could lead to the establishment of peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the signing of a long-awaited peace agreement; believes that if a peace agreement is to be lasting, it requires genuine engagement from the parties, not the escalation of rhetoric and demands; welcomes the recent achievement in the Commission on Delimitation and Border Security of a preliminary agreement on the delimitation of several sectors of the Armenia-Azerbaijan border;

    18. Welcomes the new momentum in bilateral relations between the EU and Armenia, which is strongly supported by the authorities in Yerevan; takes good note of Armenia’s European aspirations, as expressed by the Armenian foreign minister, among others; recalls its previous position that, pursuant to Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union, any European state may apply to become a member of the European Union provided that it adheres to the Copenhagen criteria and the principles of democracy, respects fundamental freedoms and human and minority rights, and upholds the rule of law; considers that, should Armenia be interested in applying for candidate status and continuing on its current path of sustained reforms consolidating its democracy, this could set the stage for a transformative phase in EU-Armenia relations; calls on the Commission and the Council to actively support Armenia’s desire for increased cooperation with the EU, not only in the area of economic partnership but also in political dialogue, people-to-people contacts, sectoral integration and security cooperation; believes that the experience stemming from the Association Agreements / Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas with Ukraine, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova should serve as a good basis for closer EU-Armenia cooperation, in particular in relation to a gradual sectoral integration with the single market;

    19. Welcomes the decision of 22 July 2024 to launch the visa liberalisation dialogue with Armenia, which is the first step towards achieving a visa free regime for short stays in the EU; welcomes further the decision to adopt the first assistance measure under the European Peace Facility (EPF) in support of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia, worth EUR 10 million; calls for the EU to cease all technical and financial assistance to Azerbaijan that might contribute to strengthening its military or security capabilities; calls on the Member States to freeze exports of all military and security equipment to Azerbaijan;

    20. Condemns the Baku Initiative Group’s repeated attempts to denigrate and destabilise EU Member States; condemns in particular its support for irredentist groups and disinformation operations targeting France, especially in the French departments and territories of New Caledonia, Martinique and Corsica; recalls that these methods were used against Germany in 2013; denounces the smear campaigns targeting Denmark; strongly opposes the allegations made by Ilham Aliyev himself at the Baku Initiative Group meeting in Baku in November 2023;

    21. Condemns the arbitrary arrests of EU citizens based on spurious accusations of espionage and their disproportionate sentencing;

    22. Regrets the smear campaign aimed at damaging France’s reputation by calling into question its capacity to host the 2024 Olympic Games, launched by actors suspected of being close to the Azerbaijani regime;

    23. Strongly condemns the intimidation, death threats and assassination attempts against opponents of the Azerbaijani Government, including in EU countries, and against Azerbaijani citizens who have been granted political asylum by Member States, such as Mahammad Mirzali in France; calls on the Member States to cooperate, if necessary, in the investigation into the murder, in September 2024, of Vivadi Isgandarl, an Azerbaijani political opponent residing in France; stresses that for the Member States, preventing any act of retaliation on their territory is a matter of democracy, human rights, security and sovereignty; insists that Europol should closely monitor this matter;

    24. Strongly condemns the public insults and direct threats made by Azerbaijani diplomatic or government representatives, or members of the Azerbaijani Parliament, targeting elected officials of EU Member States; demands, in this regard, that access for all Azerbaijani officials to EU institutional buildings be denied until further notice;

    25. Welcomes the fact that the Republic of Armenia formally deposited the instrument of ratification of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court in 2023 and that the statute entered into force for Armenia on 1 February 2024;

    26. Deplores steps taken by Azerbaijan towards the secessionist entity in occupied Cyprus, which are against international law and the provisions of UN Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984); calls on Azerbaijan to respect the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and to not invite the secessionist entity in occupied Cyprus to any meetings of the Organization of Turkic States;

    27. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the Member States and the President, Government and Parliament of Azerbaijan.

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – Improving use of rail infrastructure capacity – 22-10-2024

    Source: European Parliament

    In July 2023, the European Commission tabled a package of proposals aimed at greening freight transport. One of these proposals focuses on improving the use of rail infrastructure capacity. The proposed text suggests changes to the rules governing the planning and allocation of railway infrastructure capacity, which are currently outlined in Directive 2012/34/EU and Regulation (EU) No 913/2010. The goal of the changes is to enhance the management of rail infrastructure capacity and traffic so as to improve service quality, optimise railway network usage, increase traffic capacity and enhance the transport sector’s contribution to decarbonisation. In the European Parliament, the file was referred to the Committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN), which appointed Tilly Metz (Greens/EFA, Luxembourg) as rapporteur. The TRAN committee adopted its report on 4 March 2024. Parliament adopted its first-reading position during its March 2024 plenary session. Following the European elections, the TRAN committee voted on 7 October 2024 to start interinstitutional negotiations. Fourth edition. The ‘EU Legislation in Progress’ briefings are updated at key stages throughout the legislative procedure.

    MIL OSI Europe News