Category: Europe

  • MIL-OSI USA: Discovery Alert: Scientists Spot a Planetary Carousel

    Source: NASA

    KOI-134 b and KOI-134 c 

    A new investigation into old Kepler data has revealed that a planetary system once thought to house zero planets actually has two planets which orbit their star in a unique style, like an old-fashioned merry-go-round. 

    The KOI-134 system contains two planets which orbit their star in a peculiar fashion on two different orbital planes, with one planet exhibiting significant variation in transit times. This is the first-discovered system of its kind. 

    Over a decade ago, scientists used NASA’s Kepler Space Telescope to observe the KOI-134 system and thought that it might have a planet orbiting, but they deemed this planet candidate to be a false positive, because its transits (or passes in front of its star) were not lining up as expected. These transits were so abnormal that the planet was actually weeded out through an automated system as a false positive before it could be analyzed further. 
    However, NASA’s commitment to openly sharing scientific data means that researchers can constantly revisit old observations to make new discoveries. In this new study, researchers re-analyzed this Kepler data on KOI-134 and confirmed that not only is the “false positive” actually a real planet, but the system has two planets and some really interesting orbital dynamics! 
    First, the “false positive” planet, named KOI-134 b, was confirmed to be a warm Jupiter (or a warm planet of a similar size to Jupiter). Through this analysis, researchers uncovered that the reason this planet eluded confirmation previously is because it experiences what are called transit timing variations (TTVs), or small differences in a planet’s transit across its star that can make its transit “early” or “late” because the planet is being pushed or pulled by the gravity from another planet which was also revealed in this study. Researchers estimate that KOI-134 b transits across its star as much as 20 hours “late” or “early,” which is a significant variation. In fact, it was so significant that it’s the reason why the planet wasn’t confirmed in initial observations. 
    As these TTVs are caused by the gravitational interaction with another planet, this discovery also revealed a planetary sibling: KOI-134 c. Through studying this system in simulations that include these TTVs, the team found that KOI-134 c is a planet slightly smaller than Saturn and closer to its star than KOI-134 b. 

    KOI-134 c previously eluded observation because it orbits on a tilted orbital plane, a different plane from KOI-134 b, and this tilted orbit prevents the planet from transiting its star. The two orbital planes of these planets are about 15 degrees different from one another, also known as a mutual inclination of 15 degrees, which is significant. Due to the gravitational push and pull between these two planets, their orbital planes also tilt back and forth. 
    Another interesting feature of this planetary system is something called resonance. These two planets have a 2 to 1 resonance, meaning within the same time that one planet completes one orbit, the other completes two orbits. In this case, KOI-134 b has an orbital period (the time it takes a planet to complete one orbit) of about 67 days, which is twice the orbital period of KOI-134 c, which orbits every 33-34 days. 
    Between the separate orbital planes tilting back and forth, the TTVs, and the resonance, the two planets orbit their star in a pattern that resembles two wooden ponies bobbing up and down as they circle around on an old-fashioned merry go round. 

    While this system started as a false positive with Kepler, this re-analysis of the data reveals a vibrant system with two planets. In fact, this is the first-ever discovered compact, multiplanetary system that isn’t flat, has such a significant TTV, and experiences orbital planes tilting back and forth. 
    Also, most planetary systems do not have high mutual inclinations between close planet pairs. In addition to being a rarity, mutual inclinations like this are also not often measured because of challenges within the observation process. So, having measurements like this of a significant mutual inclination in a system, as well as measurements of resonance and TTVs, provides a clear picture of dynamics within a planetary system which we are not always able to see. 

    A team of scientists led by Emma Nabbie of the University of Southern Queensland published a paper on June 27 on their discovery, “A high mutual inclination system around KOI-134 revealed by transit timing variations,” in the journal “Nature Astronomy.” The observations described in this paper and used in simulations in this paper were made by NASA’s Kepler Space Telescope and the paper included collaboration and contributions from institutions including the University of Geneva, University of La Laguna, Purple Mountain Observatory, the Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics, the Georgia Institute of Technology, the University of Southern Queensland, and NASA’s retired Kepler Space Telescope.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Meeting of 3-5 June 2025

    Source: European Central Bank

    Account of the monetary policy meeting of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank held in Frankfurt am Main on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, 3-5 June 2025

    3 July 2025

    1. Review of financial, economic and monetary developments and policy options

    Financial market developments

    Ms Schnabel started her presentation by noting that the narrative in financial markets remained unstable. Since January 2025 market sentiment had swung from strong confidence in US exceptionalism to expectations of a global recession that had prevailed around the time of the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting on 16-17 April, and then back to investor optimism. These developments had been mirrored by sharp swings in euro area asset markets, which had now more than recovered from the shock triggered by the US tariff announcement on 2 April. On the back of these developments, market-based measures of inflation compensation had edged up across maturities since the previous monetary policy meeting. The priced-in inflation path was currently close to 2% over the medium term, with a temporary dip below 2% seen for early 2026, largely owing to energy-related base effects. Nevertheless, expectations regarding ECB monetary policy had not recovered and remained near the levels seen immediately after 2 April.

    Financial market volatility had quickly declined after the spike in early April. Stock market volatility had risen sharply in the euro area and the United States in response to the US tariff announcement on 2 April, reaching levels last seen around the time of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the COVID-19 pandemic shock in 2020. However, compared with these shocks, volatility had receded much faster, returning to post-pandemic average levels.

    The receding volatility had been reflected in a sharp rebound in asset prices across market segments. In the euro area, risk assets had more than recovered from the heavy losses incurred after the 2 April tariff announcement. By contrast, some US market segments, notably the dollar and Treasuries, had not fully recovered from their losses. The largest price increases had been observed for bitcoin and gold.

    Two main drivers had led the recovery in euro area risk asset markets and the outperformance of euro area assets relative to US assets. The first had been the reassessment of the near-term macroeconomic outlook for the euro area since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting. Macroeconomic data for both the euro area and the United States had recently surprised on the upside, refuting the prospect of a looming recession for both regions. The forecasts from Consensus Economics for euro area real GDP growth in 2025, which had been revised down following the April tariff announcement, had gradually been revised up again, as the prospective economic impact of tariffs was currently seen as less severe than had initially been priced in. Expectations for growth in 2026 remained well above the 2025 forecasts. By contrast, expectations for growth in the United States in both 2025 and 2026 had been revised down much more sharply, suggesting that economic growth in the United States would be worse hit by tariffs than growth in the euro area.

    The second factor supporting euro area asset prices in recent months had been a growing preference among global investors for broader international diversification away from the United States. Evidence from equity funds suggested that the euro area was benefiting from global investors’ international portfolio rebalancing.

    The growing attractiveness of euro-denominated assets across market segments had been reflected in recent exchange rate developments. Since the April tariff shock, the EUR/USD exchange rate had decoupled from interest rate differentials, partly owing to a change in hedging behaviour. Historically, the euro had depreciated against the US dollar when volatility in foreign exchange markets increased. Over the past three months, however, it had appreciated against the dollar when volatility had risen, suggesting that the euro – rather than the dollar – had recently served as a safe-haven currency.

    The outperformance of euro area markets relative to other economies had been most visible in equity prices. Euro area stocks had continued to outperform not only their US peers, but also stock indices of other major economies, including the United Kingdom, Switzerland and Japan. The German DAX had led the euro area rally and had surpassed its pre-tariff levels to reach a new record high, driven by expectations of strengthening growth momentum following the announcement of the German fiscal package in March. Looking at the factors behind euro area stock market developments, a divergence could be observed between short-term and longer-term earnings growth expectations. Whereas, for the next 12 months, euro area firms’ expected earnings growth had been revised down since the tariff announcement, for the next three to five years, analysts had continued to revise earnings growth expectations up. This could be due to a combination of a short-term dampening effect from tariffs and a longer-term positive impulse from fiscal policy.

    The recovery in risk sentiment had also been visible in corporate bond markets. The spreads of high-yielding euro area non-financial corporate bonds had more than reversed the spike triggered by the April tariff announcement. This suggested that the heightened trade policy uncertainty had not had a lasting impact on the funding conditions of euro area firms. Despite comparable funding costs on the two sides of the Atlantic, when taking into account currency risk-hedging costs, US companies had increasingly turned to euro funding. This underlined the increased attractiveness of the euro.

    The resilience of euro area government bond markets had been remarkable. The spread between euro area sovereign bonds and overnight index swap (OIS) rates had narrowed visibly since the April tariff announcement. Historically, during “risk-off” periods GDP-weighted euro area government asset swap spreads had tended to widen. However, during the latest risk-off period the reaction of the GDP-weighted euro area sovereign yield curve had resembled that of the German Bund, the traditional safe haven.

    A decomposition of euro area and US OIS rates showed that, in the United States, the rise in longer-term OIS rates had been driven by a sharp increase in term premia, while expectations of policy rate cuts had declined. In the euro area, the decline in two-year OIS rates had been entirely driven by expectations of lower policy rates, while for longer-term rates the term premium had also fallen slightly. Hence, the reassessment of monetary policy expectations had not been the main driver of diverging interest rate dynamics on either side of the Atlantic. Instead, the key driver had been a divergence in term premia.

    The recent market developments had had implications for overall financial conditions. Despite the tightening pressure stemming from the stronger euro exchange rate, indices of financial conditions had recovered to stand above their pre-April levels. The decline in euro area real risk-free interest rates across the entire yield curve had brought real yields below the level prevailing at the time of the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting.

    Inflation compensation had edged up in the euro area since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting. One-year forward inflation compensation two years ahead, excluding tobacco, currently stood at 1.8%, i.e. only slightly below the 2% inflation target when accounting for tobacco. Over the longer term five-year forward inflation compensation five years ahead remained well anchored around 2%. The fact that near-term inflation compensation remained below the levels seen in early 2025 could largely be ascribed to the sharp drop in oil prices.

    In spite of the notable easing in financial conditions, the fading of financial market volatility, the pick-up in inflation expectations and positive macroeconomic surprises, investors’ expectations regarding ECB monetary policy had remained broadly unchanged. A 25 basis point cut was fully priced in for the present meeting, and another rate cut was priced in by the end of the year, with some uncertainty regarding the timing. Hence, expectations for ECB rates had proven relatively insensitive to the recovery in other market segments.

    The global environment and economic and monetary developments in the euro area

    Mr Lane started by noting that headline inflation had declined to 1.9% in May from 2.2% in April. Energy inflation had been unchanged at -3.6% in May. Food inflation had edged up to 3.3%, from 3.0%, while goods inflation had been stable at 0.6% in May and services inflation had declined to 3.2% in May, from 4.0% in April.

    Most measures of underlying inflation suggested that in the medium term inflation would settle at around the 2% target on a sustained basis, in part as a result of the continuing moderation in wage growth. The annual growth rate of negotiated wages had fallen to 2.4% in the first quarter of 2025, from 4.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024. Forward-looking wage trackers continued to point to an easing in negotiated wage growth. The Eurosystem staff macroeconomic projections for the euro area foresaw a deceleration in the annual growth rate of compensation per employee, from 4.5% in 2024 to 3.2% in 2025, and to 2.8% in 2026 and 2027. The Consumer Expectations Survey also pointed to moderating wage pressures.

    The short-term outlook for headline inflation had been revised down, owing to lower energy prices and the stronger euro. This was supported by market-based inflation compensation measures. The euro had appreciated strongly since early March – but had moved broadly sideways over the past few weeks. Since the April Governing Council meeting the euro had strengthened slightly against the US dollar (+0.6%) and had depreciated in nominal effective terms (-0.7%). Compared with the March projections, oil prices and oil futures had decreased substantially. As the euro had appreciated, the decline in oil prices in euro terms had become even larger than in US dollar terms. Gas prices and gas futures were also at much lower levels than at the time of the March projections.

    According to the baseline in the June staff projections, headline inflation – as measured by the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP) – was expected to average 2.0% in 2025, 1.6% in 2026 and 2.0% in 2027. Relative to the March projections, inflation had been revised down by 0.3 percentage points for both 2025 and 2026, and was unchanged for 2027. Headline inflation was expected to remain below the target for the next one and a half years. The downward revisions mainly reflected lower energy price assumptions, as well as a stronger euro. The projected increase in inflation in 2027 incorporated an expected temporary upward impact from climate-related fiscal measures – namely the new EU Emissions Trading System (ETS2). In the June baseline projections, core inflation (HICP inflation excluding energy and food) was expected to average 2.4% in 2025 and 1.9% in both 2026 and 2027. The results of the latest Survey of Monetary Analysts were broadly in line with the June projections for headline inflation in 2025 and 2027, but showed a notably less pronounced undershoot for 2026. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations remained at around the 2% target, which supported the sustainable return of inflation to target. At the same time, markets were pricing in an extended phase of below-target inflation, with the one-year forward inflation-linked swap rate two years ahead and the one-year forward rate three years ahead averaging 1.8%.

    The frontloading of imports in anticipation of higher tariffs had contributed to stronger than expected global trade growth in the first quarter of the year. However, high-frequency data pointed to a significant slowdown of trade in May. Excluding the euro area, global GDP growth had moderated to 0.7% in the first quarter, down from 1.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024. The global manufacturing Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) excluding the euro area continued to signal stagnation, edging down to 49.6 in May, from 50.0 in April. The forward-looking PMI for new manufacturing orders remained below the neutral threshold of 50. Compared with the March projections, euro area foreign demand had been revised down by 0.4 percentage points for 2025 and by 1.4 percentage points for 2026. Growth in euro area foreign demand was expected to decline to 2.8% in 2025 and 1.7% in 2026, before recovering to 3.1% in 2027.

    While Eurostat’s most recent flash estimate suggested that the euro area economy had grown by 0.3% in the first quarter, an aggregation of available country data pointed to a growth rate of 0.4%. Domestic demand, exports and inventories should all have made a positive contribution to the first quarter outturn. Economic activity had likely benefited from frontloading in anticipation of trade frictions. This was supported by anecdotal evidence from the latest Non-Financial Business Sector Dialogue held in May and by particularly strong export and industrial production growth in some euro area countries in March. On the supply side, value-added in manufacturing appeared to have contributed to GDP growth more than services for the first time since the fourth quarter of 2023.

    Survey data pointed to weaker euro area growth in the second quarter amid elevated uncertainty. Uncertainty was also affecting consumer confidence: the Consumer Expectations Survey confidence indicator had dropped in April, falling to its lowest level since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, mainly because higher-income households were more responsive to changing economic conditions. A saving rate indicator based on the same survey had also increased in annual terms for the first time since October 2023, likely reflecting precautionary motives for saving.

    The labour market remained robust. According to Eurostat’s flash estimate, employment had increased by 0.3% in the first quarter of 2025, from 0.1% in the fourth quarter of 2024. The unemployment rate had remained broadly unchanged since October 2024 and had stood at a record low of 6.2% in April. At the same time, demand for labour continued to moderate gradually, as reflected in a decline in the job vacancy rate and subdued employment PMIs. Workers’ perceptions of the labour market and of probabilities of finding a job had also weakened, according to the latest Consumer Expectations Survey.

    Trade tensions and elevated uncertainty had clouded the outlook for the euro area economy. Greater uncertainty was expected to weigh on investment. Higher tariffs and the recent appreciation of the euro should weigh on exports.

    Despite these headwinds, conditions remained in place for the euro area economy to strengthen over time. In particular, a strong labour market, rising real wages, robust private sector balance sheets and less restrictive financing conditions following the Governing Council’s past interest rate cuts should help the economy withstand the fallout from a volatile global environment. In addition, a rebound in foreign demand later in the projection horizon and the recently announced fiscal support measures were expected to bolster growth over the medium term. In the June projections, the fiscal deficit was now expected to be 3.1% in 2025, 3.4% in 2026 and 3.5% in 2027. The higher deficit path was mostly due to the additional fiscal package related to higher defence and infrastructure spending in Germany. The June projections foresaw annual average real GDP growth of 0.9% in 2025, 1.1% in 2026 and 1.3% in 2027. Relative to the March projections, the outlook for GDP growth was unchanged for 2025 and 2027 and had been revised down by 0.1 percentage points for 2026. The unrevised growth projection for 2025 reflected a stronger than expected first quarter combined with weaker prospects for the remainder of the year.

    In the current context of high uncertainty, Eurosystem staff had also assessed how different trade policies, and the level of uncertainty surrounding these policies, could affect growth and inflation under some alternative illustrative scenarios, which would be published with the staff projections on the ECB’s website. If the trade tensions were to escalate further over the coming months, staff would expect growth and inflation to be below their baseline projections. By contrast, if the trade tensions were resolved with a benign outcome, staff would expect growth and, to a lesser extent, inflation to be higher than in the baseline projections.

    Turning to monetary and financial conditions, risk-free interest rates had remained broadly unchanged since the April meeting. Equity prices had risen and corporate bond spreads had narrowed in response to better trade news. While global risk sentiment had improved, the euro had stayed close to the level it had reached as a result of the deepening of trade and financial tensions in April. At the same time, sentiment in financial markets remained fragile, especially as suspensions of higher US tariff rates were set to expire starting in early July.

    Lower policy rates continued to be transmitted to lending conditions for firms and households. The average interest rate on new loans to firms had declined to 3.8% in April, from 3.9% in March, with the cost of issuing market-based debt unchanged at 3.7%. Consistent with these patterns, bank lending to firms had continued to strengthen gradually, growing by an annual rate of 2.6% in April, after 2.4% in March, while corporate bond issuance had been subdued. The average interest rate on new mortgages had stayed at 3.3% in April, while growth in mortgage lending had increased to 1.9%, from 1.7% in March. Annual growth in broad money, as measured by M3, had picked up in April to 3.9%, from 3.7% in March.

    Monetary policy considerations and policy options

    In summary, inflation was currently at around the 2% target. While this in part reflected falling energy prices, most measures of underlying inflation suggested that inflation would settle at this level on a sustained basis in the medium term. This medium-term outlook was underpinned by the expected continuing moderation in services inflation as wage growth decelerated. The current indications were that rising barriers to global trade would likely have a disinflationary impact on the euro area in 2025 and 2026, as reflected in the June baseline and the staff scenarios. However, the possibility that a deterioration in trade relations would put upward pressure on inflation through supply chain disruptions required careful ongoing monitoring. Under the baseline, only a limited revision was seen to the path of GDP growth, but the headwinds to activity would be stronger under the severe scenario. Broadly speaking, monetary transmission was proceeding smoothly, although high uncertainty reduced its strength.

    Based on this assessment, Mr Lane proposed lowering the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points, taking the deposit facility rate to 2.0%. The June projections were conditioned on a rate path that included a one-quarter of a percentage point reduction in the deposit facility rate in June. By supporting the pricing pressure needed to generate target-consistent inflation in the medium term, this cut would help ensure that the projected deviation of inflation below the target in 2025-26 remained temporary and did not turn into a longer-term deviation. By demonstrating that the Governing Council was determined to make sure that inflation returned to target in the medium term, the rate reduction would help underpin inflation expectations and avoid an unwarranted tightening in financial conditions. The proposal was also robust across the different trade policy scenarios prepared by staff.

    2. Governing Council’s discussion and monetary policy decisions

    Economic, monetary and financial analyses

    On the global environment, growth in the world economy (outside the euro area) was expected to slow in 2025 and 2026 compared with 2024. This slowdown reflected developments in the United States – although China would also be affected – and would result in slower growth in euro area foreign demand. These developments were seen to stem mainly from trade policy measures enacted by the US Administration and reactions from China and other countries.

    Members underlined that the outlook for the global economy remained highly uncertain. Elevated trade uncertainty was likely to prevail for some time and could broaden and intensify, beyond the most recent announcements of tariffs on steel and aluminium. Further tariffs could increase trade tensions, as well as the likelihood of retaliatory actions and the prospect of non-linear effects, as retaliation would increasingly affect intermediate goods. While high-frequency trackers of global economic activity and trade had remained relatively resilient in the first quarter of 2025 (partly reflecting frontloading), indicators for April and May already suggested some slowdown. The euro had appreciated in nominal effective terms since the March 2025 projection exercise, although not by as much as it had strengthened against the US dollar. Another noteworthy development was the sharp decline in energy commodity prices, with both crude oil and natural gas prices now expected to be substantially lower than foreseen in the March projections (on the basis of futures prices). Developments in energy prices and the exchange rate were seen as the main drivers of the dynamics of euro area headline inflation at present.

    Members extensively discussed the trade scenarios prepared by Eurosystem staff in the context of the June projection exercise. Such scenarios should assist in identifying the relevant channels at work and could provide a quantification of the impact of tariffs and trade policy uncertainty on growth, the labour market and inflation, in conjunction with regular sensitivity analyses. The baseline assumption of the June 2025 projection exercise was that tariffs would remain at the May 2025 level over the projection horizon and that uncertainty would remain elevated, though gradually declining. Recognising the high level of uncertainty currently surrounding US trade policies, two alternative scenarios had been considered for illustrative purposes. One was a “mild” scenario of lower tariffs, incorporating the “zero-for-zero” tariff proposal for industrial goods put forward by the European Commission and a faster reduction in trade policy uncertainty. The other was a “severe” scenario which assumed that tariffs would revert to the higher levels announced in April and also included retaliation by the EU, with trade policy uncertainty remaining elevated.

    In the first instance, it was underlined that the probability that could be attached to the baseline projection materialising was lower than in normal times. Accordingly, a higher probability had to be attached to alternative possible outcomes, including potential non-linearities entailed in jumping from one scenario to another, and the baseline provided less guidance than usual. Mixed views were expressed, however, on the likelihood of the scenarios and on which would be the most relevant channels. On the one hand, the mild scenario was regarded as useful to demonstrate the benefits of freeing trade rather than restricting it. However, at the current juncture there was relatively little confidence that it would materialise. Regarding the severe scenario, the discussion did not centre on its degree of severity but rather on whether it adequately captured the possible adverse ramifications of substantially higher tariffs. One source of additional stress was related to dislocations in financial markets. Moreover, downward pressure on inflation could be amplified if countries with overcapacity rerouted their exports to the euro area. More pressure could come from energy prices falling further and the euro appreciating more strongly. It was remarked that in all the scenarios, the main impact on activity and inflation appeared to stem from higher policy uncertainty rather than from the direct impact of higher tariffs.

    A third focus of the discussion regarded possible adverse supply-side effects. The argument was made that the scenarios presented in the staff projections were likely to underestimate the upside risks to inflation, because tariffs were modelled as a negative demand shock, while supply-side effects were not taken into account. While it was noted that, thus far, no significant broad-based supply-side disturbances had materialised, restrictions on trade in rare earths were cited as an example of adverse supply chain effects that had already occurred. Moreover, the experiences after the pandemic and after Russia’s unjustified invasion of Ukraine served as cautionary reminders that supply-side effects, if and when they occurred, could be non-linear in nature and impact. In this respect, potential short-term supply chain disruptions needed to be distinguished from longer-term trends such as deglobalisation. Reference was made to an Occasional Paper published in December 2024 on trade fragmentation entitled “Navigating a fragmenting global trading system: insights for central banks”, which had considered the implications of a splitting of trading blocs between the East and the West. While such detailed sectoral analysis could serve as a useful “satellite model”, it was not part of the standard macroeconomic toolkit underpinning the projections. At the same time, it was noted that large supply-side effects from trade fragmentation could themselves trigger negative demand effects.

    Against this background, it was argued that retaliatory tariffs and non-linear effects of tariffs on the supply side of the economy, including through structural disruption and fragmentation of global supply chains, might spur inflationary pressures. In particular, inflation could be higher than in the baseline in the short run if the EU took retaliatory measures following an escalation of the tariff war by the United States, and if tariffs were imposed on products that were not easily substitutable, such as intermediate goods. In such a scenario, tariffs and countermeasures could ripple through the global economy via global supply chains. Firms suffering from rising costs of imported inputs would over time likely pass these costs on to consumers, as the previous erosion of profit margins made cost absorption difficult. Over the longer term a reconfiguration of global supply chains would probably make production less efficient, thereby reversing earlier gains from globalisation. As a result, the inflationary effects of tariffs on the supply side could outweigh the disinflationary pressure from reduced foreign demand and therefore pose upside risks to the medium-term inflation outlook.

    With regard to euro area activity, the economy had proven more resilient in the first quarter of 2025 than had been expected, but the outlook remained challenging. Preliminary estimates of euro area real GDP growth in the first quarter suggested that it had not only been stronger than previously anticipated but also broader-based, and recent updates based on the aggregation of selected available country data suggested that there could be a further upward revision. Frontloading of activity and trade ahead of prospective tariffs had likely played a significant role in the stronger than expected outturn in the first quarter, but the broad-based expansion was a positive signal, with data suggesting growth in most demand components, including private consumption and investment. In particular, attention was drawn to the likely positive contribution from investment, which had been expected to be more adversely affected by trade policy uncertainty. It was also felt that the underlying fundamentals of the euro area were in a good state, and would support economic growth in the period ahead. Notably, higher real incomes and the robust labour market would allow households to spend more. Rising government investment in infrastructure and defence would also support growth, particularly in 2026 and 2027. These solid foundations for domestic demand should help to make the euro area economy more resilient to external shocks.

    At the same time, economic growth was expected to be more subdued in the second and third quarters of 2025. This assessment reflected in part the assumed unwinding of the frontloading that had occurred in the first quarter, the implementation of some of the previously announced trade restrictions and ongoing uncertainty about future trade policies. Indeed, recent real-time indicators for the second quarter appeared to confirm the expected slowdown. Composite PMI data for April and May pointed to a moderation, both in current activity and in more forward-looking indicators, such as new orders. It was noted that a novel feature of the latest survey data was that manufacturing indicators were above those for services. In fact, the manufacturing sector continued to show signs of a recovery, in spite of trade policy uncertainty, with the manufacturing PMI standing at its highest level since August 2022. The PMIs for manufacturing output and new orders had been in expansionary territory for three months in a row and expectations regarding future output were at their highest level for more than three years.

    While this was viewed as a positive development, it partly reflected a temporary boost to manufacturing, stemming from frontloading of exports, which masked potential headwinds for exporting firms in the months ahead that would be further reinforced by a stronger euro. While there was considerable volatility in export developments at present, the expected profile over the entire projection horizon had been revised down substantially in the past two projection exercises. In addition, ongoing high uncertainty and trade policy unpredictability were expected to weigh on investment. Furthermore, the decline in services indicators was suggestive of the toll that trade policy uncertainty was taking on economic sentiment more broadly. Overall, estimates for GDP growth in the near term suggested a significant slowdown in growth dynamics and pointed to broadly flat economic activity in the middle of the year.

    Looking ahead, broad agreement was expressed with the June 2025 Eurosystem staff projections for growth, although it was felt that the outlook was more clouded than usual as a result of current trade policy developments. It was noted that stronger than previously expected growth around the turn of the year had provided a marked boost to the annual growth figure, with staff expecting an average of 0.9% for 2025. However, it was observed that the unrevised projection for 2025 as a whole concealed a stronger than previously anticipated start to the year but a weaker than previously projected middle part of the year. Thus, the expected pick-up in growth to 1.1% in 2026 also masked an anticipated slowdown in the middle of 2025. Staff expected growth to increase further to 1.3% in 2027. Some scepticism was expressed regarding the much stronger quarterly growth rates foreseen for 2026 following essentially flat quarterly growth for the remainder of 2025.

    All in all, it was felt that robust labour markets and rising real wages provided reasonable grounds for optimism regarding the expected pick-up in growth. Private sector balance sheets were seen to be in good shape, and part of the increase in activity foreseen for 2026 and 2027 was driven by expectations of increased government investment in infrastructure and defence. Moreover, the expected recovery in consumption was made more likely by the fact that the projections foresaw only a relatively gradual decline in the household saving rate, which was expected to remain relatively high compared with the pre-pandemic period. At the same time, it was noted that the decline in the household saving rate factored into the projections might not materialise in the current environment of elevated trade policy uncertainty. Similarly, scepticism was expressed regarding the projected rebound in housing investment, given that mortgage rates could be expected to increase in line with higher long-term interest rates. More generally, caution was expressed about the composition of the expected pick-up in activity. In recent years higher public expenditure had to some extent masked weakness in private sector activity. Looking ahead, given the economic and political constraints, public investment could turn out to be lower or less powerful in boosting economic growth than assumed in the baseline, even when abstracting from the lack of sufficient “fiscal space” in a number of jurisdictions.

    Labour markets continued to represent a bright spot for the euro area economy and contributed to its resilience in the current environment. Employment continued to grow, and April data indicated that the unemployment rate, at 6.2%, was at its lowest level since the launch of the euro. The positive signals from labour markets and growth in real wages, together with more favourable financing conditions, gave grounds for confidence that the euro area economy could weather the current trade policy storm and resume a growth path once conditions became more stable. However, attention was also drawn to some indications of a gradual softening in labour demand. This was evident, in particular, in the decline in job vacancy rates. In addition, while the manufacturing employment PMI indicated less negative developments, the services sector indicator had declined in April and May. Lastly, consumer surveys suggested that workers’ expectations for the unemployment rate had deteriorated and unemployed workers’ expectations of finding a job had fallen.

    With regard to fiscal and structural policies, it was argued that the boost to spending on infrastructure and defence, thus far seen as mainly concentrated in the largest euro area economy, would broadly offset the impact on activity from ongoing trade tensions. However, the time profile of the effects was seen to differ between the two shocks.

    Against this background, members considered that the risks to economic growth remained tilted to the downside. The main downside risks included a possible further escalation in global trade tensions and associated uncertainties, which could lower euro area growth by dampening exports and dragging down investment and consumption. Furthermore, it was noted that a deterioration in financial market sentiment could lead to tighter financing conditions and greater risk aversion, and make firms and households less willing to invest and consume. In addition, geopolitical tensions, such as Russia’s unjustified war against Ukraine and the tragic conflict in the Middle East, remained a major source of uncertainty. On the other hand, it was noted that if trade and geopolitical tensions were resolved swiftly, this could lift sentiment and spur activity. A further increase in defence and infrastructure spending, together with productivity-enhancing reforms, would also add to growth.

    In the context of structural and fiscal policies, it was felt that while the current geopolitical situation posed challenges to the euro area economy, it also offered opportunities. However, these opportunities would only be realised if quick and decisive actions were taken by economic policymakers. It was noted that monetary policy had delivered, bringing inflation back to target despite the unprecedented shocks and challenges. It was observed that now was the time for other actors (in particular the European Commission and national governments) to step up quickly, particularly as the window of opportunity was likely to be limited. This included implementing the recommendations in the reports by Mario Draghi and Enrico Letta, and projects under the European savings and investment union. These measures would not only bring benefits in their own right, but could also strengthen the international role of the euro and enhance the resilience of the euro area economy more broadly.

    It was widely underlined that the present geopolitical environment made it even more urgent for fiscal and structural policies to make the euro area economy more productive, competitive and resilient. In particular, it was considered that the European Commission’s Competitiveness Compass provided a concrete roadmap for action, and its proposals, including on simplification, should be swiftly adopted. This included completing the savings and investment union, following a clear and ambitious timetable. It was also important to rapidly establish the legislative framework to prepare the ground for the potential introduction of a digital euro. Governments should ensure sustainable public finances in line with the EU’s economic governance framework, while prioritising essential growth-enhancing structural reforms and strategic investment.

    With regard to price developments, members largely concurred with the assessment presented by Mr Lane. The fact that the latest release showed that headline inflation – at 1.9% in May – was back in line with the target was widely welcomed. This flash estimate (released on Tuesday, 3 June, well after the cut-off point for the June projections) showed a noticeable decline in services inflation, to 3.2% in May from 4.0% in April. The drop was reassuring, as it supported the argument that the timing of Easter and its effect on travel-related (air transport and package holiday) prices had been behind the 0.5 percentage point uptick in services inflation in April. The rate of increase in non-energy industrial goods prices had remained contained at 0.6% in May. Accordingly, core inflation had decreased to 2.3%, from 2.7% in April, more than offsetting the 0.3 percentage point increase observed in that month. Some concern was expressed about the increase in food price inflation to 3.3% in May, from 3.0% in April, but it was also noted that international food commodity prices had decreased most recently. It was widely acknowledged that consumer energy prices, which had declined by 3.6% year on year in May, were continuing to pull down the headline rate of inflation and were the key drivers of the downward revision of the inflation profile in the June projections compared with the March projections.

    Looking ahead, according to the June projections headline inflation was set to average 2.0% in 2025, 1.6% in 2026 and 2.0% in 2027. It was underlined that the downward revisions compared with the March projections, by 0.3 percentage points for both 2025 and 2026, mainly reflected lower assumptions for energy prices and a stronger euro. The projections for core inflation, which was expected to average 2.4% in 2025 and 1.9% in 2026 and 2027, were broadly unchanged from the March projections.

    While energy prices and exchange rates were likely to lead to headline inflation undershooting the target for some time, inflation dynamics would over the medium term increasingly be driven by the effects of fiscal policy. Hence headline inflation was on target for 2027, though this was partly due to a sizeable contribution from the implementation of ETS2. Overall, it was considered that the euro area was currently in a good place as far as inflation was concerned. There was increasing confidence that most measures of underlying inflation were consistent with inflation settling at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis, even as domestic inflation remained high. While wage growth remained elevated, there was broad agreement that wages were set to moderate visibly. Furthermore, profits were assessed to be partially buffering the impact of wage growth on inflation. However, it was also remarked that firms’ profit margins had been squeezed for some time, which increased the likelihood of cost-push shocks being passed through to prices. While short-term consumer inflation expectations had edged up in April, this likely reflected the impact of news about trade tensions. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations continued to stand at around 2%.

    Regarding wage developments, it was noted that both hard data and survey data suggested that moderation was ongoing. This was supported particularly by incoming data on negotiated wages and available country data on compensation per employee. Furthermore, the ECB wage tracker pointed to a further easing of negotiated wage growth in 2025, while the staff projections saw wage growth falling below 3% in 2026 and 2027. It was noted that the projections for the rate of increase in compensation per employee – 2.8% in both 2026 and 2027 – would see wages rising just at the rate of inflation, 2.0%, plus trend productivity growth of 0.8%. It was commented, however, that compensation per employee in the first quarter of 2025 had surprised on the upside and that the decline in negotiated wage indicators was partly driven by one-off payments.

    Turning to the Governing Council’s risk assessment, it was considered that the outlook for euro area inflation was more uncertain than usual, as a result of the volatile global trade policy environment. Falling energy prices and a stronger euro could put further downward pressure on inflation. This could be reinforced if higher tariffs led to lower demand for euro area exports and to countries with overcapacity rerouting their exports to the euro area. Trade tensions could lead to greater volatility and risk aversion in financial markets, which would weigh on domestic demand and would thereby also lower inflation. By contrast, a fragmentation of global supply chains could raise inflation by pushing up import prices and adding to capacity constraints in the domestic economy. A boost in defence and infrastructure spending could also raise inflation over the medium term. Extreme weather events, and the unfolding climate crisis more broadly, could drive up food prices by more than expected.

    Regarding the trade scenarios, a key issue in the risk assessment for inflation was the relative roles of demand-side and supply-side effects. It was broadly felt that the potential demand-side effects of tariffs were relatively well understood in the context of standard models, where they were typically treated as equivalent to a tax on cross-border goods and services. At the same time, uncertainties remained about the magnitude of these demand factors, with milder or more severe effects relative to the baseline both judged as being plausible. It was also argued that growth and sentiment had remained resilient despite extraordinarily high uncertainty. This suggested that the persistence of uncertainty, or its effects on growth and inflation, in the severe scenario might be overstated, especially given the current positive confidence effect in the euro area visible in financial markets. The relatively small impact on inflation even in the severe scenario, which pushed GDP growth to 0% in 2026, suggested that the downside risks to inflation were limited.

    Furthermore, it was noted that, while the trade policy scenarios and sensitivity analyses resulted in some variation in numbers depending on tariff assumptions, the effects were dwarfed by the impact of the assumptions for energy prices and the exchange rate, which were common to all scenarios. In this context, it was suggested that the impact of the exchange rate on inflation might be more muted than projected. First, the high level of the use of the euro as an invoicing currency limited the impact of the exchange rate on inflation. Second, the pass-through from exchange rate changes to inflation might be asymmetric, i.e. weaker in the case of an appreciation as firms sought to boost their compressed profit margins. Moreover, the analysis might be unable to properly capture the positive impact of higher confidence in the euro area, of which the stronger euro exchange rate was just one reflection. The positive effects had also been visible in sovereign bond markets, with lower spreads and reduced term premia bringing down financing costs for sovereigns and firms.

    On potential supply-side effects, the experiences in the aftermath of the pandemic and Russia’s unjustified invasion of Ukraine were mentioned as pointing to risks of strong adverse supply-side effects, which could be non-linear and appear quickly. In this context, it was noted that supply-side indicators, particularly concerning supply chains and potential bottlenecks, were being monitored and tracked very closely by staff. However, sufficient evidence had not so far been collected to substantiate these factors playing a major role.

    Moreover, attention was also drawn to potential disinflationary supply-side effects, for example arising from trade diversion from China. However, it was suggested that this effect was quantitatively limited. Moreover, it was argued that any large-scale trade diversion could prompt countermeasures from the EU, as was already the case in specific instances, which should attenuate disinflationary pressures.

    There was some discussion of whether energy commodity prices were weak because of demand or supply effects. It was noted that this had implications for the inflation risk assessment. If the weakness was primarily due to demand effects, then inflation risks were tied to the risks to economic activity and going in the same direction. If the weakness was due to supply effects, as suggested by staff analysis, in particular to oil production increases, then risks from energy prices could go in the opposite direction. Thus if the changes to oil production were reversed, energy prices could surprise on the upside even if economic activity surprised on the downside.

    Turning to the monetary and financial analysis, risk-free interest rates had remained broadly unchanged since the Governing Council’s previous monetary policy meeting on 16-17 April. Market participants were fully pricing in a 25 basis point rate cut at the current meeting. Broader financial conditions had eased in the euro area since the April meeting, with equity prices fully recovering their previous losses over the past month, corporate bond spreads narrowing and sovereign bond spreads declining to levels not seen for a long time. This was in response to more positive news about global trade policies, an improvement in global risk sentiment and higher confidence in the euro area. At the same time, it was highlighted that there had still been significant negative news about global trade policies over recent weeks. In this context, it was argued that market participants might have become slightly over-optimistic, as they had become more accustomed both to negative news and to policy reversals from the United States, and this could pose risks. It was seen as noteworthy that overall financial conditions had continued to ease recently without markets expecting a substantial further reduction in policy rates. It was also contended that the fiscal package in the euro area’s largest economy might push up the neutral rate of interest, suggesting that the recent loosening of financial conditions was even more significant when assessed against this rate benchmark.

    The euro had stayed close to the level it had reached following the announcement of the German fiscal package in March and the deepening trade and financial tensions in April. In this context, structural factors could be influencing exchange rates, possibly including greater confidence in the euro area and an adverse outlook for US fiscal policies. These developments could explain US dollar weakness despite the recent increase in long-term government bond yields in the United States and their decline in the euro area. Portfolio managers had also started to rebalance away from the US dollar and US assets. If this were to continue, the euro might experience further appreciation pressures. In addition, there had recently been a significant increase in the issuance of “reverse Yankee” bonds – euro-denominated bonds issued by companies based outside the euro area and in particular in the United States – partly reflecting wider yield differentials.

    In the euro area, the transmission of past interest rate cuts continued to make corporate borrowing less expensive overall, and interest rates on deposits were also still declining. At the same time, lending rates were flattening out. The average interest rate on new loans to firms had declined to 3.8% in April, from 3.9% in March, while the cost of issuing market-based debt had been unchanged at 3.7%. The average interest rate on new mortgages had stayed at 3.3% in April but was expected to increase in the near future owing to higher long-term yields since the cut-off date for the March projections.

    Bank lending to firms had continued to strengthen gradually, growing by an annual rate of 2.6% in April after 2.4% in March, while corporate bond issuance had been subdued. The growth in mortgage lending had increased to 1.9%. The sustained recovery in credit was welcome, with the annual growth in credit to both firms and households now at its highest level since June 2023. It was remarked that credit growth had seemingly become resilient even though the recovery had started from, on average, higher interest rates than in previous cycles. Households’ demand for mortgages had continued to increase swiftly according to the bank lending survey. This seemed to be a natural consequence of interest rates on housing loans being already below their historical average, with mortgage demand much more sensitive to interest rates than corporate loan demand. With interest rates on corporate loans still declining, although remaining above their historical average, the latest Survey on the Access to Finance of Enterprises had also shown that firms did not see access to finance as an obstacle to borrowing, as loan applications had increased and many companies not applying for loans appeared to have sufficient internal funds. At the same time, loan demand was picking up from still subdued levels and credit growth remained fairly muted by historical standards. Furthermore, elevated uncertainty due to trade tensions and geopolitical risks was still not fully reflected in the available hard data. It was also observed that by reducing external competitiveness, the recent appreciation of the euro could affect exporters’ credit demand.

    In their biannual exchange on the links between monetary policy and financial stability, members concurred that while euro area banks had remained resilient, broader financial stability risks remained elevated, in particular owing to highly uncertain and volatile global trade policies. Risks in global sovereign bond markets were also discussed, and it was noted that the euro area sovereign bond market was proving more resilient than had been the case for a long time. Macroprudential policy remained the first line of defence against the build-up of financial vulnerabilities, enhancing resilience and preserving macroprudential space.

    Monetary policy stance and policy considerations

    Turning to the monetary policy stance, members assessed the data that had become available since the last monetary policy meeting in accordance with the three main elements that the Governing Council had communicated in 2023 as shaping its reaction function. These comprised (i) the implications of the incoming economic and financial data for the inflation outlook, (ii) the dynamics of underlying inflation, and (iii) the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    Starting with the inflation outlook, members welcomed the fact that headline inflation was currently at around the 2% medium-term target, and that this had occurred earlier than previously anticipated as a result of lower energy prices and a stronger exchange rate. Lower energy prices and a stronger euro would continue to put downward pressure on inflation in the near term, with inflation projected to fall below the target in 2026 before returning to target in 2027. Most measures of longer-term inflation expectations continued to stand at around 2%, which also supported the stabilisation of inflation around the target.

    Members discussed the extent to which the projected temporary undershooting of the inflation target was a concern. Concerns were expressed that following the downward revisions to annual inflation for both 2025 and 2026, inflation was projected to be below the target for 18 months, which could be considered as extending into the medium term. It was argued that 2026 would be an important year because below-target inflation expectations could become embedded in wage negotiations and lead to downside second-round effects. It was also contended that the risk of undershooting the target for a prolonged period was due not only to energy prices and the exchange rate but also to weak demand and the expected slowdown in wage growth. In addition, the timing and effects of fiscal expansion remained uncertain. It was important to keep in mind that the inflation undershoot remaining temporary was conditional on an appropriate setting of monetary policy.

    At the same time, it was highlighted that, despite the undershooting of the target in the relatively near term, which was partly due to sizeable energy base effects amplified by the appreciation of the euro, from a medium-term perspective inflation was set to remain broadly at around 2%. In view of this, it was important not to overemphasise the downside deviation, especially since it was mainly due to volatile external factors, which could easily reverse. Therefore, the risk of a sustained undershooting of the inflation target was seen as limited unless there was a sharp deterioration in labour market conditions. The return of inflation to target would be supported by the likely emergence of upside pressures on inflation, especially from fiscal policy. So, as long as the projected undershoot did not become more pronounced or affect the return to target in 2027, and provided that inflation expectations remained anchored, the soft inflation figures foreseen in the near term should be manageable.

    Turning to underlying inflation, members concurred that most measures suggested that inflation would settle at around the 2% medium-term target on a sustained basis. While core inflation remained elevated, it was projected to decline to 1.9% in 2026 and remain there in 2027. This was seen as consistent with the stabilisation of inflation at target. Some other measures of underlying inflation, including domestic inflation, were still elevated but were also moving in the right direction. The projected decline in underlying inflation was expected to be supported by further deceleration in wage growth and a reduction in services inflation. Although the pace of wage growth was still strong, it had continued to moderate visibly, as indicated by incoming data on negotiated wages and available country data on compensation per employee, and profits were also partially buffering its impact on inflation. Looking ahead, underlying inflation could come under further downward pressure if the projected near-term undershooting of headline inflation lowered wage expectations, and also because large shocks to energy prices typically percolated across the economy. At the same time, fiscal policy and tariffs had the potential to generate new upward pressure on underlying inflation over the medium term.

    Finally, transmission of monetary policy continued to be smooth. Looking back over a long period, it was observed that robust and data-driven monetary policy had made a significant contribution to bringing inflation back to the 2% target. The removal of monetary restriction over the past year had also been timely in helping to ensure that inflation would stabilise sustainably at around the target in the period ahead. Its transmission to lending rates had been effective, contributing to easier financing conditions and supporting credit growth. Some of the transmission from rate cuts remained in the pipeline and would continue to provide support to the economy, helping consumers and firms withstand the fallout from the volatile global environment. Concerns that increased uncertainty and a volatile market response to the trade tensions in April would have a tightening impact on financing conditions had eased. On the contrary, financial frictions appeared low in the euro area, with limited risk premia and declining term premia supporting transmission of the monetary impulse and bringing down financing costs for sovereign and corporate borrowers. At the same time, elevated uncertainty could weaken the transmission mechanism of monetary policy, possibly because of the option value of deferring consumption and investment decisions in such an environment. There also remained a risk that a deterioration in financial market sentiment could lead to tighter financing conditions and greater risk aversion, and make firms and households less willing to invest and consume.

    It was contended that, after seven rate cuts, interest rates were now firmly in neutral territory and possibly already in accommodative territory. It was argued that this was also suggested by the upturn in credit growth and by the bank lending survey. However, it was highlighted that, although banks were lending more and demand for loans was rising, credit origination remained at subdued levels when compared with a range of benchmarks based on past regularities. Investment also remained weak compared with historical benchmarks.

    Monetary policy decisions and communication

    Against this background, almost all members supported the proposal made by Mr Lane to lower the three key ECB interest rates by 25 basis points. Lowering the deposit facility rate – the rate through which the Governing Council steered the monetary policy stance – was justified by its updated assessment of the inflation outlook, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission.

    A further reduction in interest rates was seen as warranted to protect the medium-term inflation target beyond 2026, in an environment in which inflation was currently at target but projected to fall below it for a temporary period. In this context, it was recalled that the staff projections were conditioned on a market curve that embedded a 25 basis point rate cut in June and about 50 basis points of cuts in total by the end of 2025. It was also noted that the staff scenarios and sensitivity analyses generally pointed to inflation being below the target in 2026. Moreover, while inflation was consistent with the target, the growth projection for 2026 had been revised slightly downwards.

    The proposed reduction in policy rates should be seen as aiming to protect the “on target” 2% projection for 2027. It should ensure that the temporary undershoot in headline inflation did not become prolonged, in a context in which further disinflation in core measures was expected, the growth outlook remained relatively weak and spare capacity in manufacturing made it unlikely that slightly faster growth would translate into immediate inflationary pressures. It was argued that cutting interest rates by 25 basis points at the current meeting would leave rates in broadly neutral territory. This would keep the Governing Council well positioned to navigate the high uncertainty that lay ahead, while affording full optionality for future meetings to manage two-sided inflation risks across a wide range of scenarios. By contrast, keeping interest rates at their current levels could increase the risk of undershooting the inflation target in 2026 and 2027.

    At the same time, a few members saw a case for keeping interest rates at their current levels. The near-term temporary inflation undershoot should be looked through, since it was mostly due to volatile factors such as lower energy prices and a stronger exchange rate, which could easily reverse. It remained to be seen whether and to what extent these factors would translate into lower core inflation. It was necessary to avoid reacting excessively to volatility in headline inflation at a time when domestic inflation remained high and there might be new upward pressure on underlying inflation over the medium term – from both tariffs and fiscal policy. This was especially the case after a period of above-target inflation and when the inflation expectations of firms and households were still above target, with short-term consumer inflation expectations having increased recently and inflation expectations standing above 2% across horizons. This implied that there was a very limited risk of a downward unanchoring of inflation expectations.

    There were also several reasons why the projections and scenarios might be underestimating medium-term inflationary pressures. There could be upside risks from underlying inflation, in part because services inflation remained above levels compatible with a sustained return to the inflation target. The exceptional uncertainty relating to trade tensions had reduced confidence in the baseline projections and meant that there could be value in waiting to see how the trade war unfolded. In addition, although growth was only picking up gradually and there were risks to the downside, the probability of a recession was currently quite low and interest rates were already low enough not to hold back economic growth. The point was made that the labour market had proven very resilient, with the unemployment rate at a historical low and employment expanding despite prospects of higher tariffs. Given the recent re-flattening of the Phillips curve, the risk of a sustained undershooting of the inflation target was seen as limited in the absence of a sharp deterioration of labour market conditions. It was also argued that adopting an accommodative monetary policy stance would not be appropriate. In any case, the evidence suggested that such accommodation would not be very effective in an environment of high uncertainty.

    In this context, it was also contended that interest rates could already be in accommodative territory. An argument was made that the neutral rate of interest had undergone a shift since early 2022, increasing substantially, and it was still likely to increase further owing to fiscal expansion and the shift from a dearth of safe assets to a government bond glut. However, it was pointed out that while expected policy rates and the term premium had increased in 2022, there was an open question as to the extent to which that reflected an increase in the neutral rate of interest or simply the removal of extraordinary policy accommodation. It was argued that the recent weakness in investment, strength of savings and still subdued credit volumes suggested that there probably had not been a significant increase in the neutral rate of interest.

    With these considerations in mind, these members expressed an initial preference for keeping interest rates unchanged to allow more time to analyse the current situation and detect any sustained inflationary or disinflationary pressures. However, in light of the preceding discussion, they ultimately expressed readiness to join the consensus, with the exception of one member, who upheld a dissenting view.

    Looking ahead, members reiterated that the Governing Council remained determined to ensure that inflation would stabilise sustainably at its 2% medium-term target. The Governing Council’s interest rate decisions would continue to be based on its assessment of the inflation outlook in light of the incoming economic and financial data, the dynamics of underlying inflation and the strength of monetary policy transmission. Exceptional uncertainty also underscored the importance of following a data-dependent and meeting-by-meeting approach to determining the appropriate monetary policy stance.

    Given the pervasive uncertainty, the possibility of rapid changes in the economic environment and the risk of shocks to inflation in both directions, it was important for the Governing Council to retain a two-sided perspective and avoid tying its hands ahead of any future meeting. The nature and focus of data dependence might need to evolve to place more emphasis on indicators speaking to future developments. This possibly suggested placing a greater premium on examining high-frequency data, financial market data, survey data and soft information such as from corporate contacts, for example, to help gauge any supply chain problems. It was also underlined that scenarios would continue to be important in helping to assess and convey uncertainty. Against this background, it was maintained that the rate path needed to remain consistent with meeting the target over the medium term and that agility would be vital given the elevated uncertainty. At the same time, the view was expressed that monetary policy should become less reactive to incoming data. In particular, only large shocks would imply the need for a monetary policy response, as the Governing Council should be willing to tolerate moderate deviations from target as long as inflation expectations were anchored.

    Turning to communication, members concurred that, in view of the latest inflation developments and projections, it was time to refer to inflation as being “currently at around the Governing Council’s 2% medium-term target” rather than saying that the disinflation process was “well on track”. It was also agreed that external communication should make clear that the alternative scenarios to be published were prepared by staff, that they were illustrative in that they only represented a subset of alternative possibilities, that they only assessed some of the mechanisms by which different trade policies could affect growth and inflation, and that their outcomes were conditional on the assumptions used.

    Taking into account the foregoing discussion among the members, upon a proposal by the President, the Governing Council took the monetary policy decisions as set out in the monetary policy press release. The members of the Governing Council subsequently finalised the monetary policy statement, which the President and the Vice-President would, as usual, deliver at the press conference following the Governing Council meeting.

    Monetary policy statement

    Monetary policy statement for the press conference of 5 June 2025

    Press release

    Monetary policy decisions

    Meeting of the ECB’s Governing Council, 3-5 June 2025

    Members

    • Ms Lagarde, President
    • Mr de Guindos, Vice-President
    • Mr Centeno
    • Mr Cipollone
    • Mr Demarco, temporarily replacing Mr Scicluna
    • Mr Elderson
    • Mr Escrivá*
    • Mr Holzmann
    • Mr Kazāks
    • Mr Kažimír*
    • Mr Knot
    • Mr Lane
    • Mr Makhlouf
    • Mr Müller
    • Mr Nagel
    • Mr Panetta
    • Mr Patsalides
    • Mr Rehn*
    • Mr Reinesch
    • Ms Schnabel
    • Mr Šimkus
    • Mr Stournaras
    • Mr Villeroy de Galhau
    • Mr Vujčić
    • Mr Wunsch*
    • Ms Žumer Šujica, Vice Governor of Banka Slovenije

    * Members not holding a voting right in June 2025 under Article 10.2 of the ESCB Statute.

    Other attendees

    • Ms Senkovic, Secretary, Director General Secretariat
    • Mr Rostagno, Secretary for monetary policy, Director General Monetary Policy
    • Mr Winkler, Deputy Secretary for monetary policy, Senior Adviser, DG Monetary Policy

    Accompanying persons

    • Ms Bénassy-Quéré
    • Ms Brezigar
    • Mr Debrun
    • Mr Gavilán
    • Mr Gilbert
    • Mr Horváth
    • Mr Kaasik
    • Mr Koukoularides
    • Mr Lünnemann
    • Mr Madouros
    • Mr Markevičius
    • Ms Mauderer
    • Mr Nicoletti Altimari
    • Mr Novo
    • Ms Raposo
    • Mr Rutkaste
    • Ms Schembri
    • Mr Šošić
    • Ms Stiftinger
    • Mr Tavlas
    • Mr Välimäki

    Other ECB staff

    • Mr Proissl, Director General Communications
    • Mr Straub, Counsellor to the President
    • Ms Rahmouni, Director General Market Operations
    • Mr Arce, Director General Economics
    • Mr Sousa, Deputy Director General Economics

    Release of the next monetary policy account foreseen on 28 August 2025.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: WTO monitoring highlights sharp rise in tariffs alongside search for negotiated solutions

    Source: World Trade Organization

    Released on 3 July, the mid-year update to the Secretariat’s now-annual Trade Monitoring Report provides an overview of trade and trade-related policy developments from mid-October 2024 to mid-May 2025.

    Commenting on the findings, WTO Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala said: “This Trade Monitoring Update reflects the disruptions we have been seeing in the global trading environment, with a sharp increase in tariffs. Only six months ago, about 12.5 per cent of world merchandise imports were impacted by sucheasures that had accumulated since 2009. That share has now jumped to 19.4 per cent. Yet amid the current trade crisis, we see encouraging signs of dialogue in pursuit of negotiated solutions. I urge WTO members to keep engaging to lower the temperature, to push for WTO-consistent approaches, and most fundamentally, to address the underlying problems by delivering on deep WTO reform.”

    The WTO Trade Monitoring Update points to a marked shift in the global trading environment in the review period, with new tariff measures in particular affecting a large amount of trade.

    The value of global merchandise trade covered by new tariffs and other such measures implemented during the seven-month review period was estimated at US$ 2,732.7 billion (more than triple the US$ 887.6 billion in the 12-month period covered by the previous report, issued in late 2024). This amount represents the highest level of trade coverage by such new measures recorded in one reporting period since the WTO Secretariat started monitoring trade policy developments in 2009.

    Since WTO monitoring started in 2009, many such measures have been introduced and never withdrawn. This gave rise over time to a growing stockpile of measures which, in recent years, has affected between 10 and 12.5 per cent of world merchandise imports. The WTO Secretariat estimates that as of mid-May, the figure had jumped to 19.4 per cent.

    At the same time, after a series of trade actions by the United States since early 2025 – many of which it justified on national security and economic emergency grounds – there has been increased dialogue and intense efforts to find negotiated solutions, the Update notes. This includes the US-China agreement reached on 14 May 2025 in Geneva, which curtailed certain mutual tariff hikes, and was followed by further talks in London on 11 June. The United States and the United Kingdom announced a deal on 8 May, following it up on 16 June later with details on implementation.

    Despite the challenging economic and trade policy environment, the Update notes, many members continue their efforts to facilitate trade, including in services.

    Specific findings

    1. The Trade Monitoring Update reveals a total of 644 trade measures on goods undertaken by WTO members and observers between mid-October 2024 and mid-May 2025.
    2. Trade remedy initiations and terminations, such as anti-dumping measures, accounted for 296 of these measures. But while they accounted for 46 per cent of trade measures introduced during the review period – the highest number of new investigations in over a decade – their total trade coverage was narrow. Trade remedy investigations covered US$ 63.9 billion in trade (down from US$ 100.0 billion in the previous monitoring report), or 0.26 per cent of world merchandise trade; meanwhile, trade remedy terminations covered US$ 16.3 billion (up from US$ 7.6 billion), or 0.07 per cent of world trade.
    3. In addition, 141 other trade-related actions (including tariff increases and export restrictions) were recorded, as were 207 trade-facilitating measures.
    4. The trade coverage of the other trade-related actions implemented during the review period was estimated at US$ 2,732.7 billion (up from US$ 887.6 billion in the previous reportmonitoring report). This represents the highest level of trade coverage recorded in the WTO Trade Monitoring Report since its inception in 2009. The increase was largely driven by a sharp rise in import tariffs. About 83 per cent of this higher trade coverage, equivalent to US$ 2,261.3 billion, is directly linked to trade policy developments since early 2025.
    5. The trade coverage of trade-facilitating measures introduced during the review period was estimated at US$ 1,038.6 billion (down from US$ 1,440.4 billion in the previous report). Examples of trade-facilitating measures include the elimination of import tariffs and the elimination or relaxation of quantitative restrictions affecting imports or exports.
    6. The stockpile of tariff increases and other such import measures in force has grown steadily since 2009, when the WTO Secretariat began monitoring. At the end of May 2025, the value of trade covered by such measures was estimated at US$ 4,604.1 billion, representing 19.4 per cent of world imports. This represents an increase of 6.9 percentage points from 12.5 per cent at the end of 2024.
    7. In the services sector, 69 new measures were adopted during the review period by 34 members and four observers, a significant decrease compared to the same period in 2024. Most of these measures demonstrated members’ clear commitment to facilitate services trade, either by liberalizing conditions for service suppliers or by enhancing the regulatory framework, despite the challenging global trade environment.
    8. Economic support measures, such as subsidies, stimulus packages, state aid or export incentives, have remained a key component of industrial policies. However, since April 2025, as trade barriers have risen, the relative use of direct support measures has declined and has been overtaken by regulatory tools. Initially focused on economic objectives, these support measures have increasingly shifted toward broader objectives, such as climate change mitigation, security of supply and national security. 

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    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Academic collaboration in focus as WTO Chairs Programme looks ahead to MC14

    Source: WTO

    Headline: Academic collaboration in focus as WTO Chairs Programme looks ahead to MC14

    Since its launch in 2010, the WTO Chairs Programme has supported academic institutions in trade-related research, curriculum development and policy outreach. This year, the programme welcomed five new universities – from the Dominican Republic, Nigeria, Qatar, Togo and Vanuatu – bringing the total number of institutions in the network to 39 Chairs worldwide.  
    Opening the conference, WTO Deputy Director-General (DDG) Zhang thanked the programme’s donors – France, Austria and the Republic of Korea – and emphasized the WCP’s significance in contributing to trade policymaking and multilateral cooperation. “The WTO Chairs Programme is a powerful platform for empowering academic institutions in developing countries to elevate the role of academia in driving policy change and creating multilateral cooperation between the different stakeholders involved in international trade, as well as on a personal level between the members of the network,” he said.
    France’s Permanent Representative to the WTO, Ms. Emmanuelle Ivanov-Durand, highlighted the importance of academic research: “Through research, we don’t just observe. We test, we compare, we adapt. And above all, we look together for concrete solutions to complex problems. It is this approach that gives full meaning to the academic work undertaken by the Chairs through the WTO Chairs Programme.”
    Emphasizing the importance of technical assistance in enabling all members to participate effectively at the multilateral level, Austria’s Permanent Representative to the WTO, Ambassador Desirée Schweitzer, stated: “Through capacity-building initiatives such as the Chairs Programme, members can engage in rigorous analysis and make informed decisions on issues of trade, allowing them to participate meaningfully in the multilateral trading system.”
    Deputy Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea to the United Nations and other International Organizations in Geneva Ambassador Sung-yo Choi expressed hope that the WCP would continue to grow: “As multilateralism faces new challenges, the importance of a cooperative, rules-based system becomes even clearer. […] Korea, as part of this vibrant community [of the WCP network], remains firmly committed to supporting the values and vision this programme represents. And we hope it will continue to grow as a dynamic and respected pillar of the global trading system.”
    Over the three-day conference, participants will discuss issues on the agenda for MC14, digital trade, fisheries subsidies, trade and micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), trade finance and dispute settlement. They will also discuss avenues for collaboration within the WCP network to support multilateral work in those areas at MC14 and beyond.
    Fireside chat with Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala
    During a fireside chat with the WTO Director-General, participants discussed the challenges of navigating the global trade landscape and difficulties and opportunities offered by global and regional value chains, digital, innovation and green trade, and explored ways forward for developing economies and regions, with a focus on MSMEs, investment and businesses led by women.
    Concerning the relevance of the WTO in the current global environment, DG Okonjo-Iweala issued a clarion call to the Chairs. “The WTO is beyond tariffs. Work on customs valuation, TRIPS, SPS and TBT remain strong. Rally your domestic business community to speak up in support. Many criticisms levelled at the WTO are legitimate and WTO members must listen – and the work of WCP Chairs can help identify potential solutions to the challenges members face, and find win-win outcomes,” she said.
    More information on the WTO Chairs Programme is available here.

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    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Economics: WTO announces new cohort of Young Trade Leaders for 2025

    Source: World Trade Organization

    Aim of the Young Trade Leaders Programme

    The Young Trade Leaders Programme was launched in 2024 to bring young people closer to the work of the WTO. By creating a global network of enthusiastic young trade leaders, it aims at promoting a better understanding of the WTO’s role in supporting international trade.

    The Young Trade Leaders are invited to bring fresh ideas about the role of trade and the WTO, while also having the opportunity to learn about the organization’s work and advance its mission.

    More information on the programme is available here.

    About the participants

    Following a rigorous selection process, seven candidates were selected from more than 1,200 applications from around the world to form the second cohort of WTO Young Trade Leaders. The selected participants were chosen on the basis of their background and experience, and the strength of their application.

    The selected candidates are:

    • Atyia Al-Hammud, Ukraine, bachelor’s student in international relations
    • Paola Flores Carvajal, Bolivia, industrial engineer specializing in supply chain management
    • Serena Indij da Costa, Brazil, master’s student in development and economics
    • Karo Harutyunyan, Armenia, bachelor’s student in economics and political science
    • Olexa Heshima, Rwanda, consultant and business analyst
    • Alexandra Kaiss, United States, lawyer specializing in international trade
    • Aarushi Shrivastav, India, graduate in trade law

    You can find more information on the participants here.

    Benefits

    Participants will have the opportunity to take advantage of training courses organized by the WTO, to benefit from WTO Secretariat advice and mentoring, and to receive support when organizing WTO-related activities in their home countries.

    Participants will also travel to Geneva for the 2025 WTO Public Forum in September, where they will attend a full-day workshop and participate actively in Forum activities.

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    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Russia: A new special economic zone “Khorgos – Eastern Gate” has been created in Kazakhstan

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Almaty, July 3 /Xinhua/ — The special economic zone /SEZ/ “Khorgos – Eastern Gate” was created by the decree of the government of Kazakhstan dated July 1, 2025, its regulations and target indicators were approved, the Kazinform news agency reported on Thursday.

    The SEZ is located in the Zhetysu region in the southeast of Kazakhstan. Its total area is 5431.5 hectares, including a port zone /air hub/ with an area of 840 hectares, a logistics zone with an area of 483.4 hectares and an industrial zone with an area of 230.4 hectares.

    According to target indicators, the total volume of investments in the SEZ is planned to reach 522.7 billion tenge (about 1.01 billion US dollars) by 2030, and to 715.5 billion tenge (about 1.38 billion dollars) by 2035.

    The volume of foreign investment by 2030 should amount to 10.2 billion tenge (about 19.6 million dollars), and by 2035 – 15.5 billion tenge (about 29.8 million dollars).

    The number of SEZ residents is expected to reach 85 companies in 2030 and 95 in 2035. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Direct talks between US and Iran could be held in Oslo next week – media

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    HOUSTON, July 3 (Xinhua) — U.S. Special Presidential Envoy for the Middle East Steven Witkoff plans to meet Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi in Oslo, Norway next week to resume talks on Iran’s nuclear program, according to a report published by U.S. news portal Axios on Thursday.

    Neither country has publicly confirmed the meeting, and a final date for the talks has not yet been set. “We have no announcements regarding international travel at this time,” a White House spokesman told Axios.

    If held, the talks would be the first direct US-Iranian talks since Israel and the US launched strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities in June. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Russia officially recognized the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan — Russian Foreign Ministry

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Moscow, July 3 /Xinhua/ – Russia has officially recognized the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, TASS reported on Thursday, citing the Russian Foreign Ministry.

    “The Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirms,” the Russian diplomatic agency stated, commenting on the information about the recognition of the state.

    The Afghan Foreign Ministry earlier said that Russian Ambassador to Kabul Dmitry Zhirnov had officially announced the Russian government’s decision to recognize the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.

    On July 1, the new Ambassador of Afghanistan to Russia, Gul Hasan, arrived in Moscow; on Thursday, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Andrei Rudenko received copies of his credentials from him. –0–

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: In Dialogue with Spain, Experts of the Human Rights Committee Commend Measures Making Abortion More Accessible, Ask about Accountability for Past Rights Violations and Overcrowding in Migrant Reception Centres

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Human Rights Committee today concluded its consideration of the seventh periodic report of Spain on how it implements the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.  Committee Experts commended revisions to the State’s abortion law promoting increased access, while raising issues concerning its efforts to address accountability for past human rights violations and overcrowding in offshore migrant reception centres.

    A Committee Expert said there had been positive changes in legislation on sexual and reproductive health and voluntary termination of pregnancy, with the removal of requirements for parental consent and the mandatory three-day reflection period.

    Another Committee Expert said serious human rights violations were committed during the Civil War and the Franco dictatorship.  Did the 2022 law on democratic memory overturn the 1977 law on amnesty?  How many high-ranking officials had been tried and sentenced for crimes committed during the dictatorship?

    A Committee Expert said that in Ceuta, Melilla and the Canary Islands, migrants had been forced to sleep on the streets due to the lack of capacity in reception centres.  The Committee had also received disturbing reports about overcrowding and abuse of unaccompanied children in detention, particularly in the Canary Islands.  What progress had been made in redistributing migrants held in the Canary Islands to other areas of Spain?

    Marcos Gómez Martínez, Permanent Representative of Spain to the United Nations Office at Geneva and head of the delegation, presenting the report, said Spain remained firmly committed to the promotion and protection of human rights. Since the presentation of the previous report in 2015, Spain had adopted important legislative, institutional and political measures to strengthen the protection of human rights in the country, in particular civil and political rights.

    Mr. Gómez Martínez said Law 20/2022 on Democratic Memory consolidated the right to truth, justice and reparation for the victims of the Civil War and the dictatorship.  A national census of victims, a map of graves and a State plan for exhumations had been created, with the participation of the autonomous communities and civil society.

    The delegation added that work was underway to create a DNA database of disappeared individuals.  There was a unit in the Prosecutor’s Office that specialised in identifying the whereabouts of disappeared persons, and an information service for persons affected by the kidnapping of babies, which facilitated access to birth certificates and genetic records.

    In response to the influx of arrivals to the Spanish islands, particularly in the Canary Islands, the Government was working to strengthen resources and support access to the asylum procedure, the delegation said.  It had opened four large reception centres on the Canary Islands, and had moved some asylum seekers from the Canary Islands to Madrid to allow them to submit asylum applications.  Detainment in migrant holding centres was a last resort.

    In concluding remarks, Mr. Gómez Martínez thanked the Committee for the dialogue and the quality of its questions.  The full guarantee of civil and political rights was an ongoing process.  The Committee helped the State party to guarantee these rights domestically.

    Changrok Soh, Committee Chairperson, in concluding remarks, said the dialogue had addressed key topics related to implementation of the Covenant. The Committee urged the State party to implement its recommendations to strengthen implementation of the Covenant.

    The delegation of Spain was made up of representatives of the Ministry of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, European Union and Cooperation; Ministry of the Presidency, Justice and Relations with the Courts; Ministry of the Interior; Ministry of Health; Ministry of Equality; Ministry of Inclusion, Social Security and Migration; Ministry of Youth and Children; and the Permanent Mission of Spain to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

    The Human Rights Committee’s one hundred and forty-fourth session is being held from 23 June to 17 July 2025.  All the documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage.  Meeting summary releases can be found here.  The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

    The Committee will next meet in public at 3 p.m., Thursday 3 July to begin its consideration of the second periodic report of Haiti (CCPR/C/HTI/2).

    Report

    The Committee has before it the seventh periodic report of Spain (CCPR/C/ESP/7).

    Presentation of the Report

    MARCOS GÓMEZ MARTÍNEZ, Permanent Representative of Spain to the United Nations Office at Geneva and head of the delegation, said Spain remained firmly committed to the promotion and protection of human rights.  Since the presentation of the previous report in 2015, Spain had adopted important legislative, institutional and political measures to strengthen the protection of human rights in the country, in particular civil and political rights.

    In June 2023, the second national human rights plan (2023-2027) was approved, which expanded the protection of political and civil rights; incorporated the equality of women and men, as well as non-discrimination; and advanced measures to guarantee the universality of human rights for all people. There was a structure responsible for monitoring and supervising implementation of the plan, which followed up on the opinions and recommendations of the human rights treaty bodies.  The plan recognised the importance of the national human rights institution, the Ombudsman, as an independent institution, with its own resources and competences in the field of human rights monitoring.

    Spain had made significant progress in the fight against discrimination.  In 2023, a law was approved that guaranteed of the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people, eliminating the requirement of medical intervention for changing information on sex in the civic registry, as well as the age requirement.  Conversion therapies and unnecessary surgical interventions on intersex people under 12 years of age were also prohibited.

    Law 15/2022 facilitated the creation of the Independent Authority for Equal Treatment and Non-Discrimination.  The criminal framework against hate crimes had also been strengthened, expanding the recognised causes of discrimination, including age, social exclusion and ethnicity.  The Attorney General’s Office had consolidated a network of prosecutors specialising in hate crimes and discrimination, and specific police units were created for prevention and investigation.

    The Strategy for Equality, Inclusion and Participation of the Gitanos [Spanish Romani] (2021-2030) had been renewed, with specific measures addressing education, employment, health, housing, essential services, poverty, and gender equality.  In addition, studies and awareness-raising campaigns on racism and xenophobia had been promoted, and the Spanish Observatory on Racism and Xenophobia had been strengthened, as had the Council for the Elimination of Racial or Ethnic Discrimination.  Judicial mechanisms for dealing with victims of hate crimes had been strengthened, as well as the detection and reporting of hate speech on social networks, including a specific protocol to combat it online.

    In 2024, Spain took a decisive step towards the effective recognition of the rights of persons with disabilities through the reform of article 49 of the Constitution.  The new wording guaranteed that all persons with disabilities could exercise their rights in conditions of freedom and equality.  In addition, in Spain the right to vote was fully guaranteed to all persons with disabilities.

    Organic Law 10/2022 on the Comprehensive Guarantee of Sexual Freedom expanded prevention, care and reparation measures.  Within the Ministry of the Interior, the National Office against Sexual Violence was created in 2023.  Organic Law 1/2023 guaranteed access to voluntary termination of pregnancy free of charge, including for minors and women with disabilities.  Organic Law 8/2021 on the comprehensive protection of children and adolescents against violence strengthened the framework for the protection of minors. 

    In July 2023, Spain approved the new protocol for the forensic medical examination of detainees.  In 2022, the Ministry of the Interior created the National Office for Human Rights Guarantees, a body responsible for ensuring compliance with national and international standards against torture by the State security forces.

    Spain’s prison population had decreased in recent years and detention conditions had improved, including through increased access to health and care for people with disabilities and a reduction of the use of mechanical restraints. Incommunicado detention was applied on an exceptional basis and could not be applied to minors under 16 years of age.  In Temporary Stay Centres for Immigrants, specific modules had been set up for women and families, eliminating situations of overcrowding.

    A contingency plan implemented since 2022 called on child protection services in all the country’s territories to take in unaccompanied minors.  Royal Decree Law 2/2025 implemented urgent measures to guarantee the rights and best interests of migrant children and adolescents. The Government was preparing a Royal Decree that set minimum quality standards in terms of reception centres’ size, resources and accessibility.  

    Law 2/2023 regulated the protection of people who reported regulatory breaches and created the Independent Authority for the Protection of Whistleblowers.  This was one of the actions included in the Action Plan for Democracy of 2024, which aimed to expand and improve the quality of Government information, and strengthen the transparency and accountability of the media, the legislative branch and the electoral system.  

    Law 20/2022 on Democratic Memory consolidated the right to truth, justice and reparation for the victims of the Civil War and the dictatorship.  A national census of victims, a map of graves and a State plan for exhumations had been created, with the participation of the autonomous communities and civil society.

    Spain reiterated its commitment to the international human rights system and to the effective implementation of the Covenant.  

    Questions by Committee Experts

     

    A Committee Expert said reports revealed positive steps had been taken by the State party, however challenges remained in implementing the Convention.  Was there an oversight mechanism assessing implementation of the Committee’s recommendations and Views?  What was the jurisprudence of the State’s courts regarding the Committee’s Views? The Supreme Court had issued a decision asserting the binding nature of human rights treaty bodies’ Views.  Was this decision being applied?  Could the delegation give some examples of court cases that had referenced the Covenant?

    The 2022 law on equality, which recognised the right of all persons to non-discrimination, had no bearing on the legislation on immigration, which inhibited access to public services for migrants.  Would the State party address this issue?  There had been major delays in the establishment of the proposed Authority for Equal Treatment; when would this be completed?  What was the status of the proposed Organic Act against Racism?

    The Criminal Code did not address hate crimes based on language, political opinion or economic status. How did the State party tackle such hate crimes?  There had been a disturbing rise in hate crimes recently; how was the State party working to prosecute and prevent these crimes?

    What remedies had the State party provided for newborns and intersex children subjected to unnecessary medical treatments?  The State party had made steps forward in promoting self-determination of gender with the adoption of the recent law on the topic, however this did not recognise the rights of non-binary persons.  Did the State party plan to amend the law to recognise non-binary persons? Had it considered expanding the options for declaring sex in the civil registry beyond simply “male” and “female”?

    Another Committee Expert said that Spain had concluded its first national action plan on human rights.  How did the consultative commission work with the Ombudsperson’s Office to assess implementation of the plan?  The Ombudsperson’s Office had “A” status under the Paris Principles.  What efforts had been made by the State to implement the recommendations of the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions to strengthen the role of                               Ombudsperson?  Was the Ombudsperson mandated to investigate complaints of torture and ill-treatment by security forces?

    There had been positive changes in legislation on sexual and reproductive health and voluntary termination of pregnancy, with the removal of requirements for parental consent and the mandatory three-day reflection period.  How did the State party promote access to abortions for women with disabilities and minority women?  What measures would the State party take to address conscientious objections by doctors to abortions?  How did the State party fight against obstetric violence?

    Serious human rights violations were committed during the Civil War and the Franco dictatorship.  Positive progress had been made with the 2022 law on democratic memory, but the right to truth, justice and reparation of the family members of victims had not been guaranteed and the Law of Amnesty of 1977 had not been overturned.  Did the 2022 law overturn the 1977 law on amnesty?  Were there efforts to overturn the law on State secrets related to the Franco dictatorship?  There had been a proposal to create a DNA database of babies stolen during the dictatorship.  How many high-ranking officials had been tried and sentenced for crimes committed during the dictatorship?  What would the makeup of the proposed Truth Commission be, and how would it promote access to truth, justice and reparation for victims of historical human rights violations?

    One Committee Expert welcomed the strategy for equality and inclusion for the Gitanos, and institutions set up to tackle discrimination and racism.  The quality of education provided to Gitano people was lower than that of the rest of the population, and the community had lower employment levels. What measures were in place to address these issues?  The Council for the Elimination of Racial and Ethnic Discrimination had recommended increasing persons from diverse backgrounds in public institutions and measures to redress discrimination.  Had the State party implemented these recommendations?  What measures were in place to prevent discrimination against people of African descent?

    Law enforcement officials reportedly continued to engage in discriminatory identity checks.  Did the State party plan to adopt a law explicitly prohibiting racial and ethnic profiling?  Challenges to proving discrimination resulted in underreporting of racial and ethnic profiling.  Who investigated such reports and how were perpetrators held accountable?  Internal accountability mechanisms lacked transparency and data was not publicly available.  How were people disciplined for infractions?

    The Committee was concerned by the reported increase in hate speech in Spain, particularly neo-fascist hate speech, and a reduction in the budgets of Government mechanisms to combat this phenomenon.  How would the State party tackle this issue?  The Committee was also concerned by the rise in hate crimes against minorities. The State party had launched several initiatives to tackle hate crimes, but their effects appeared to be limited. How was the State party collecting data on and working to ensure the implementation of measures to tackle hate crimes?

    A Committee Expert welcomed Organic Law 10/2022 and other measures to tackle gender-based violence.  There had been an increase in femicides, and women faced barriers in reporting violence.  What measures were in place to ensure implementation of Law 10/2022?  What resources had been allocated to services for victims of violence and programmes tackling gender-based violence?  Were there oversight mechanisms that monitored the treatment of women in courts?  How was the State party tackling online discrimination against women and gender biases in artificial intelligence tools?

    Another Committee Expert welcomed recent amendments to the Criminal Code removing an article that justified forced sterilisation in certain circumstances.  Had past cases of forced sterilisation been exempt from prosecution by this article?  What measures had the State party taken to ensure specialised training for health workers related to the prohibition of forced sterilisation?

    Acts of torture in Spain were subject to a statute of limitations if they did not qualify as crimes against humanity.  Were there plans to amend the definition of torture to bring it in line with international standards and remove the statute of limitations?  Time bars prevented many victims of past political violence in Basque accessing remedies and justice.  How was this issue being addressed?  What steps had been taken to identify and prosecute historic allegations of torture?  The State party did not make video recordings of interrogations; would it consider making such recordings?

     

    Responses by the Delegation

     

    The delegation said Spain had implemented the recommendations in the Views issued by the Committee and all treaty bodies.  The Views being implemented were referred to in the preambles of the relevant laws.  The Supreme Court and lower courts applied the provisions of these Views in their interpretations of Spanish law.  A July 2024 Royal Decree established a monitoring committee tasked with drafting follow-up reports on the implementation of the Views of treaty bodies.

    The Ombudsperson had the mandate to submit recommendations to the Government related to complaints it received, including complaints from the Spanish autonomous communities.

    There were no limitations on foreigners’ access to the police to report human rights violations.  The immigration law suspended deportation procedures involving victims of trafficking and minors.  Foreigners were assisted in criminal proceedings, and all victims were treated equally before the law, regardless of their migration status. New immigration regulations implemented this year protected foreign victims of crimes, who were permitted to live and work in Spain.  There were specific norms for victims of sexual and gender-based violence and trafficking in persons.

    Implementation of the law on racism and intolerance continued to be a priority.  There had been delays in implementation of the draft law on equal treatment.  The chair of the independent authority on equal treatment had been appointed and the body was fully operational.

    A Royal Decree of 2024 promoted equality and non-discrimination of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex individuals, and the Government planned to adopt State strategies for the inclusion of this group.  A mechanism had been set up for reporting hate crimes against this community. Spanish laws prohibited conversion therapy.  The State party had made progress in conducting a study on non-binary people.

    Organic Law 1/2023 strengthened inclusion for women with disabilities.  All women could access voluntary interruption of pregnancy from 16 years of age, including women with disabilities.  The State party was promoting access to abortion services in autonomous communities.  Each autonomous community needed to ensure that they had sufficient personnel to promote access to abortions.  The Organic Law set out concrete measures to eradicate obstetric violence.  Autonomous communities ensured that health care centres could report malpractice.  Legal exceptions which allowed for sterilisation of persons with disabilities without their consent had been removed in 2020.  Specialised training on legislation related to abortion and sterilisation was being provided to medical staff.

    Spain had a decentralised governance structure, and the Central Government did not have the authority to address some issues that were the purview of autonomous community governments. 

    The law on democratic memory sought to ensure victims’ right to truth.  It would be implemented in line with international law.  The law on investigations into human rights violations occurring during the Civil War and dictatorship had established a Centre of Memory. Court cases involving crimes occurring during the Civil War had failed due to the statute of limitations.  The Prosecutor’s Office had worked to create a DNA database of victims of these human rights violations.  Autonomous communities’ laws on historical violations were being challenged by the State in the Constitutional Court.  Spain had a law on transparency and a working group was seeking to expand transparency in access to information involving historic rights violations.  Parliament was addressing cases of children stolen during the dictatorship, and the law on democratic memory recognised these rights of these children.

    The State party had a national strategy on the Gitanos, which promoted social inclusion, equal opportunities and empowerment of this group, as well as their access to education, housing and healthcare services.

    The State party had conducted an analysis on racism and xenophobia to inform related policies.  It had established strategies promoting the inclusion of migrants.  The national action plan on preventing racism and xenophobia ran until 2026 and had already achieved tangible results.  The State party had been working with the European Commission to monitor and address online hate speech, and was drafting a strategy to address hate speech in sport.  Artificial intelligence was used in social networks to fight discrimination; it had led to increased detections of hate speech.  Data was collected on different forms of hate speech, including in sport. A working group was developing strategic plans promoting the inclusion of ethnic minorities.  Spain had been issuing subsidies to civil society organizations working to prevent hate speech and hate crimes.  The State party was promoting coordination between the police and other agencies to ensure the reporting of hate crimes.

    The Ministry of Interior had a zero-tolerance policy for hate speech and hate crimes.  There had been a rise in reports of these crimes, but this indicated that barriers to reporting had been addressed.  Police officers had been trained in combatting hate speech.  The State had implemented measures for protecting the Gitanos from hate speech.

    There was a robust legal framework governing police checks.  The police had committed to guaranteeing public security. There was an internal oversight body that investigated complaints related to racial profiling.

    Some 1.5 billion euros had been invested in the State Pact, and responsibilities for its implementation had been delineated.  Under the Pact, the State was working to combat all forms of violence against women.  The Constitutional Court had granted all victims of sexual aggression the right to appeal court cases.  There were 51 shelters for victims of violence, who also had access to compensation.  Budget had been allocated to improving care in rural areas.  Measures had been implemented to combat macho attitudes.  There was a comprehensive victim protection system that ensured appropriate protections for victims.  A campaign on psychological violence would be carried out by the State party this year.  Systems had been set up within the Ministry of the Interior to address sexual and gender-based violence.

    The definition of torture in the Criminal Code was not fully aligned with that of the Convention against Torture. However, the Code and other legislation sufficiently addressed the crime of torture, and did not need to be amended. The Code provided for the non-application of the statute of limitations for crimes of torture that were deemed to be crimes against humanity.  The statute of limitations was 15 years; this was sufficient time for the prosecution to act. Police practices needed to be aligned with international standards.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts

    One Committee Expert welcomed specific measures to address online hate speech and hate speech at sporting events.  What measures were in place to address other forms of hate speech?

    Committee Experts asked follow-up questions on the legal status of the Committee’s recommendations regarding compensation; national policies promoting sexual and reproductive health education; whether the 2022 law on memory brought an end to the amnesty imposed by the 1977 amnesty law; how the State party reconciled its obligations to guarantee access to justice and the concordia laws being adopted by the autonomous communities; measures to repeal amnesty laws to deal with enforced disappearance and to adopt a State plan for search and identification of the disappeared; and the legal framework on public access to archives on historic human rights violations.

    Experts also asked questions on whether the State party was considering adopting a law on racial profiling; the functions to be carried out by the body mandated to implement the recommendations of treaty bodies; whether all foreigners who were victims of serious crimes were provided with residency permits; whether the State’s efforts to prevent forced sterilisation were sufficient; the role of the Office of Human Rights Guarantees in implementing international standards on preventing torture; and investigations into numerous reports of torture and excessive use of force in a 2017 incident in Catalonia.

     

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said persons could go before the courts to claim financial compensation based on treaty bodies’ Views and recommendations.

    Spain had an educational curriculum on sexual and reproductive health, which promoted mutual respect and the prevention of violence.  The Ministry of Education and Health was also providing online training on sexual and reproductive health for teachers and families.

    The concordia laws drafted by three autonomous communities had been challenged in the Constitutional Court.

    Video recordings of interrogations could be used in certain kinds of investigations; however, they could not be used when they undermined investigations.

    There had been a clear drop in hate speech crimes, from over 2,000 cases in 2023 to 1,900 in 2024.  This had been influenced by training provided to public officials and civil society on hate speech.  The number of cases of hate speech against the Gitanos had also fallen over this period.  There were laws on police ethics; if police did not abide by these laws, they were sanctioned and could possibly be released from service.

    The right to truth, reparation and non-repetition was enshrined in the law on democratic memory.  A map of disappeared persons had been created, and work was underway to create a DNA database of disappeared individuals. There was a unit in the Prosecutor’s Office that specialised in identifying the whereabouts of disappeared persons.  In one cemetery, the remains of up to 120 victims of human rights violations from the Civil War had been found.  There was an information service for persons affected by the kidnapping of babies, which facilitated access to birth certificates and genetic records.

    The police oversight body within the Ministry of Justice took actions in response to reports of police misconduct and conducted preventative activities.  It complemented internal police oversight units.

    A 2024 Royal Decree regulated the second national human rights plan, which included a measure establishing a commission for following up on the recommendations of human rights treaty bodies. It addressed all of Spain, including the autonomous communities.

    Last year, the Constitutional Court decided that the 2022 law on democratic memory did not affect the 1977 amnesty law.  The 1977 law provided a broad amnesty to those persons who were arrested under the dictatorship, as part of the transition from the dictatorship to a democracy.  Court rulings extended the amnesty to victims of forced labour and military personnel. The prosecutor’s office was opening investigations into alleged cases of human rights violations which had taken place in the dictatorship-era.  The aim of the investigations was to provide redress to victims.  Thus far, around 7,000 human remains had been identified and more would be exhumed soon.

    The Commission for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination was working with the private sector, unions and civil society to promote equality.  It held events related to racism, conducted studies and aided victims of racial discrimination.  Its funds had been increased in 2023, allowing it to expand its remit, which had led to an increase in reports of discrimination.

    Legal amendments had been made to make forced sterilisation a crime in all circumstances.  Since the amendments were enacted, there had been no reports of forced sterilisation.  The Government had held an event in which it offered an apology to victims.  The National Council for Disabilities was working to rectify this historic harm and support the sexual and reproductive health of women and girls with disabilities.

    Questions by Committee Experts

     

    A Committee Expert said the national preventive mechanism had identified material deficiencies in the oldest prisons, a dearth of psychiatric and healthcare professionals, and the use of mechanical subjugation.  How had authorities responded to these observations?  Electric shocks had been used against detainees as part of a study on aggressiveness.  Why was this allowed and how would the State party prevent repetition?

    Isolation was used in prisons, with prior authorisation for up to 14 days, with the possibility of extension. Why did the State party maintain this regime of incommunicado detention?  Had it seriously considered the possibility of its elimination? Legislation allowed for incommunicado detention of minors aged 16 to 18.  Would the State cease this practice?  There were no laws establishing maximum time limits for incommunicado detention; would limits be established?

    Were there alternatives to migratory detention?  To what extent were they applied?  What measures had the State party taken to respond to reports of ill-treatment of migrant children by officials in holding facilities?

    One Committee Expert said Spain was a country of destination and transit for migrants.  What was the nature and scope of the ongoing study on trafficking in persons?  What challenges remained in harmonising regional legislation on trafficking?  Was there a timeline for the adoption of the draft anti-trafficking law?  What did it cover?  Was the State party considering developing a more comprehensive national referral mechanism?

    Spain had no formal age determination procedure for migrants.  Would this be developed?  There were reports of abuse in migrant reception centres and of minors being held with adults.  How did the State party ensure that unaccompanied minors received legal assistance, protection and family reunification opportunities?

    To what extent was legislation on slander and libel compatible with international standards?  Was the State party considering decriminalising defamation? What was the rationale for maintaining the defamation law?  The transparency law did not cover judicial bodies and did not impose penalties on public officials for non-compliance.  Was the current legal system sufficient for securing transparency in public information? What measures were in place to promote increased application of the law?

    Between 2017 and 2020, at least 65 Catalan politicians, activists, and public figures had reportedly been targeted with Pegasus spyware, allegedly linked to the National Intelligence Centre, and there had been no investigations into these reports.  Did the State party intend to launch investigations into these allegations?  The 2024 amnesty law granted amnesty to individuals involved in recent pro-independence activities in Catalonia.  What progress had been made in applying the law?  What was the impact of the recent Constitutional Court ruling on the law?  Was the law compatible with international standards?

    A Committee Expert said migrant intake facilities could detain migrants for up to 60 days.  Did the State party provide consistent access to medical care and legal support for migrants in these centres?  In Ceuta, Melilla and the Canary Islands, migrants had been forced to sleep on the streets due to the lack of capacity in reception centres.  The Committee had also received disturbing reports about overcrowding and abuse of unaccompanied children in detention, particularly in the Canary Islands.  What progress had been made in redistributing migrants held in the Canary Islands to other areas of Spain?

    There were long wait times for the assessment of asylum applications; there were over 240,000 applications pending as of 2024.  How was this being addressed?  There were pushbacks at the border preventing migrants from entering the State, forcing them to swim or jump fences.  At least 15 migrants had died in an incident in a border area in 2014, and 23 had died in 2022.  What measures were in place to prevent deaths of migrants and promote effective and timely investigations of deaths?  When would the State party cease the practice of pushbacks?  A 2022 agreement with Morocco authorised Spain to send migrants back to Morocco.  How did the State party ensure that migrants who were sent back to Morocco had the right to apply for asylum?

    Another Committee Expert said the public security act of 2015 had a dissuasive impact on the activities of journalists and human rights defenders.  The Constitutional Court had issued a decision stating that the prohibition to film officials needed to be limited to cases where there was a threat to the official.  What measures were in place to amend the law in line with the Constitutional Court’s ruling? Did the State party still use the dangerous practice of undercover police agents?  The offence of glorification of terrorism had been used in 2024 against two Palestinian activists.  What was the status of proposed reforms to restrict the application of this offence?

    Limited progress had been made in combatting corruption in the judiciary.  In 2025, after five years of deadlock, an agreement was reached on establishing the General Council of the Judiciary.  Was fully operational?  How would the State party ensure that it functioned independently?  Judges and prosecutors had gone on strike this week to protest recent judicial reforms, fearing that it would harm their independence.  What was the purpose of these reforms?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said there were shortages of medical professionals in prisons.  Healthcare was the mandate of the autonomous communities, but the Central Government continued to provide resources to support healthcare.  Remote doctors were always available, and the State coordinated with the police to facilitate transfers of inmates to hospitals in cases of medical emergencies. Rosters for nurses and other medical professionals in prisons had been 95 per cent completed.

    Experimentation on inmates was prohibited, but voluntary scientific studies could be conducted in prisons.  Mechanical subjugation, such as the use of handcuffs, straps and tranquilisers in extreme cases, was regulated in the law on penitentiaries.  All guarantees were in place to ensure legality and proportionality in the use of these devices.  These devices were used as a last resort.

    The European Council had not established infractions related to Spain’s use of incommunicado detention.  Persons in incommunicado detention needed to be visited twice daily by medical authorities and visits by consular authorities were not restricted.  Legislation on incommunicado detention was fully aligned with European standards.  The State’s isolation regime had received the support of the Council of Europe’s torture body.  Typically, isolation was used for short periods of a few minutes or hours to prevent conflicts.

    The Government had conducted a study on trafficking in persons in 2024; its results had been published online.  The study identified that there were around 9,000 women in prostitution at risk of being trafficked.  A draft bill had been developed that sought to prevent trafficking and ensure support for victims.  A public hearing on the bill had been concluded, and it would go through the legislature in September.  The bill would establish a national referral mechanism.  Several training courses for the security forces promoted identification of trafficking victims using objective, streamlined criteria.

    Detainment in migrant holding centres was a last resort, applied only in cases of irregular residency.  Migrants could be held for up to 72 hours in these centres.  The legal regime for these centres aligned with that of detention in police centres. Detainees had the right to food and drinks.  The average occupation rate in these centres did not exceed 30 per cent.

    Between November 2023 and January 2024, there had been a mass arrival of asylum seekers at Madrid Airport.  Holding rooms at the airport were expanded and a room for women and girls was established.  The Government had expedited the processing of asylum claims for these people. 

    There had been an influx of arrivals to the Spanish islands, particularly in the Canary Islands, during the last two years.  In response, the Government was working to strengthen resources and support access to the asylum procedure.  A specific plan to support minors had been developed.  The Government had opened four large reception centres on the Canary Islands.  One centre that opened in 2023 had housed more than 37,000 people to date.

    The Government was committed to defending child migrants’ rights; it had developed a protection framework for these children.  Royal Decree 2/2025 introduced measures to ensure the best interests of the child in cases of irregular migration, regulating when unaccompanied minors could be welcomed by autonomous communities.  The State party was trying to redistribute these minors across the territory to ensure that the capacities of communities were not exceeded.  A draft Royal Decree on minimum standards had been developed, which would ensure a basic level of care for migrant children, establish training for officials on migrant children’s rights and support migrants’ inclusion in communities.  There were minors who wished to be considered as adults so that they could work in the country.  Specialised prosecutors had established standard criteria for determining migrants’ age.  A draft bill would amend civil procedures to establish a formal age determination process, including the assumption that migrants were minors until proven otherwise.

    Spain worked in step with European instruments in regulating its border in national territories bordering Africa. Investigations into the cases of migrant deaths in 2022 were ongoing.

    In 2020, the criteria evaluated by judges when determining acts that glorified terrorism were revised.  In all prosecuted cases of acts of glorification of terrorism, limits on the freedom of expression had been exceeded. 

    The Organic Law on the protection of citizens’ safety was an administrative law that did not have a criminal aspect.  There had been an increase an administrative sanctions after the implementation of this law, which related to restrictions on the freedom of movement implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic.  The law was currently being revised by the parliament.

    There were women’s penitentiaries in Spain, and large prison facilities had wings that were exclusively for women.  The penitentiary administration had developed programmes that supported women after their release from prison.

    In June 2024, an agreement was reached on the appointment of magistrates to Spanish courts, which resulted in the filling of 120 vacancies. Strikes by prosecutors and judges were related to the appointment process.  Individuals could lodge complaints with oversight mechanisms regarding issues with transparency in the judiciary.  These mechanisms ensured that prosecutors and judges did not have links to political groups.  Specialised units had been established in the prosecutor’s office that were fighting public corruption, and draft laws on transparency in the public administration had been developed.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts

     

    Committee Experts asked follow-up questions on reasons why police officers found guilty of human rights violations had not had their medals withdrawn; the treatment of people of African descent in Spain; efforts to investigate human rights violations involving migrants at the border more seriously; the number of autonomous communities involved in accommodating unaccompanied minors; efforts to standardise the process of determining minority across regions and increase the efficiency of the assessment process for minors’ asylum applications; how the State party had given effect to the national preventive mechanism’s recommendations regarding mechanical constraints; the law that determined the maximum duration of solitary confinement; the justification for the incommunicado detention regime; why the Constitutional Court had empty posts; and reforms that would be made by the forthcoming Organic Law on the judiciary.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said legal provisions were in place that allowed for the withdrawal of medals from officers who were found guilty of human rights violations.

    Tackling discrimination against people of African descent was a high priority for the State party.  It had developed policies and awareness raising campaigns that promoted the rights of this group.

    The Ministry of the Interior had moved some asylum seekers from the Canary Islands to Madrid to allow them to submit asylum applications.  Deportations to Morocco were processed in line with Spanish law.  Communities that shared a land border with Africa were saturated.  The budget for asylum processing had been significantly increased recently but was still not sufficient.  A draft bill had been developed to ensure that communities with the greatest demand were given greater priority in budgeting.  The State presumed that migrants subject to age determination procedures were minors until proven otherwise.

    Activities by undercover agents and “infiltrators” were regulated by State legislation.  They were mandated to gather information that contributed to public safety.

    There were around 300 cases in which had been necessary to use mechanical or chemical restraints between 2018 and 2025.  The use of such restraints was always filmed.

    Detainees who committed specific crimes, such as terrorist crimes or crimes related to organised crime, were subjected to the incommunicado detention regime.  Some 390 people, including 15 women, had been subjected to the regime.  There was a five-day maximum duration for such detention.

    Closing Statements

    MARCOS GÓMEZ MARTÍNEZ, Permanent Representative of Spain to the United Nations Office at Geneva and head of the delegation, thanked the Committee for the dialogue and the quality of its questions.  The full guarantee of civil and political rights was an ongoing process.  The Committee helped the State party to guarantee these rights domestically.

    CHANGROK SOH, Committee Chairperson, said that, over the past two days, the dialogue had addressed key topics related to implementation of the Covenant. The Committee commended progress in several areas, but was concerned by issues in other areas.  It urged the State party to implement its recommendations to strengthen implementation of the Covenant.  Mr. Soh closed by thanking the delegation for its participation and all those who had contributed to the dialogue.

    ____________

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

    CCPR25.014E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – NGO funding through the LIFE programme – E-002493/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002493/2025/rev.1
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Christine Singer (Renew), Joachim Streit (Renew), Engin Eroglu (Renew), Filip Turek (PfE), Georgiana Teodorescu (ECR), Malika Sorel (NI), Ondřej Krutílek (ECR), Fernand Kartheiser (NI), Petr Bystron (ESN), Roman Haider (PfE), Friedrich Pürner (NI), Petar Volgin (ESN), Nicolas Bay (ECR), Jan-Peter Warnke (NI), António Tânger Corrêa (PfE), Michael McNamara (Renew), François-Xavier Bellamy (PPE), Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă (NI), Miriam Lexmann (PPE), Alexandr Vondra (ECR), Ciaran Mullooly (Renew), Mariusz Kamiński (ECR), Sander Smit (PPE), Céline Imart (PPE), Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR), Katarína Roth Neveďalová (NI), Vasile Dîncu (S&D), Laurence Trochu (ECR), Marion Maréchal (ECR), Mathilde Androuët (PfE), René Aust (ESN), Hans Neuhoff (ESN), Jana Nagyová (PfE), Rada Laykova (ESN)

    Given the recent reports about work programmes, allegedly coordinated by the Commission and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), which include political activities such as combating coal-fired power plants and free trade agreements, we request answers to the following questions:

    • 1.To what extent are the work programmes submitted by funded NGOs made publicly accessible to enable independent review and oversight by the public and the relevant supervisory authorities?
    • 2.What steps does the Commission plan to take to reform the awarding practices of the LIFE programme to avoid potential conflicts of interest and ensure the independence of the NGOs funded?

    We would appreciate a swift response on this issue.

    Submitted: 20.6.2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Horrific terrorist attack on the Greek Orthodox Church in Damascus – P-002561/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Priority question for written answer  P-002561/2025/rev.1
    to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
    Rule 144
    Elissavet Vozemberg-Vrionidi (PPE), Georgios Aftias (PPE), Vangelis Meimarakis (PPE), Fredis Beleris (PPE), Eleonora Meleti (PPE), Emmanouil Kefalogiannis (PPE), Dimitris Tsiodras (PPE)

    On Sunday 22 June 2025, at least 22 people were killed and 63 injured in a terrorist attack on the Greek Orthodox church of the Prophet Elias in the outskirts of Damascus, when a suicide bomber opened fire and set off an explosive device in the presence of 350 worshippers. The 8th century church – considered to be one of the most important for the Greek Orthodox community in Damascus, a place of social gatherings on Sundays and religious festivities – suffered extensive damage.

    Although no organisation has claimed responsibility so far, the spokesperson of the Syrian Ministry of Interior, Noureddine al-Baba, said at a press conference that the preliminary investigation showed the extremist organisation Islamic State to be responsible. This is the first terrorist attack in Syria since al-Assad fell from power, which raises concerns about the safety of religious minorities in the region and intensifies the need for effective protection of civilians and vulnerable communities in post-war Syria under the new transitional government.

    Given the extremely worrying international geopolitical situation in the Middle East and following the massacres of religious minorities carried out by the new Syrian regime last March, can the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy say:

    • 1.Does she intend to react promptly by condemning the horrific terrorist suicide bomb attack on the Greek Orthodox Church of the Prophet Elias?
    • 2.What measures could she take to help guarantee the protection and safety of Christian populations in Syria and of the Christian monuments of Orthodox Christianity in the Middle East?

    Submitted: 25.6.2025

    Last updated: 3 July 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Actions on regulating third-party election campaigning and financing – E-002462/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002462/2025/rev.1
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Arkadiusz Mularczyk (ECR), Kosma Złotowski (ECR), Tomasz Froelich (ESN), Michał Dworczyk (ECR), Alexander Jungbluth (ESN), Małgorzata Gosiewska (ECR), Branko Grims (PPE), Anna Zalewska (ECR), Volker Schnurrbusch (ESN), Daniel Obajtek (ECR), Georgiana Teodorescu (ECR), Petr Bystron (ESN), Jacek Ozdoba (ECR), Marlena Maląg (ECR), Patryk Jaki (ECR), Tobiasz Bocheński (ECR), Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR), Waldemar Buda (ECR), Jadwiga Wiśniewska (ECR), Bogdan Rzońca (ECR), Adam Bielan (ECR), Piotr Müller (ECR), András László (PfE)

    The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe / Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) report on Poland’s election campaign highlights unregulated third-party activities. Akcja Demokracja funded 600 digital billboards and ads on Meta and Google. The Committee for the Defence of Democracy rented a train and buses for a Rafał Trzaskowski support rally (25 May 2025). Fat Frogs Media spent PLN 131 000 on Google ads. Spontaniczny Sztab Obywatelski promoted Trzaskowski, denigrating Karol Nawrocki. Wiesz Jak Nie Jest paid PLN 321 484 for 104 ads, Stół Dorosłych – PLN 165 958 for 32, and ‘Wybierzmy Przyszłość’ – PLN 804 000 from 24 April to 28 May 2025.

    The ODIHR notes that the lack of regulation over third-party campaigns breaches international standards and recommendations. These entities, including civic organisations, supported Trzaskowski, incurring significant costs.

    • 1.What steps could the Commission take to regulate third-party campaigns in line with ODIHR recommendations?
    • 2.Will the Commission investigate the matter on its own initiative?
    • 3.How will the Commission support Member States in ensuring fair elections?

    Submitted: 18.6.2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Physical aggression towards an EU diplomat in Russia and protection measures for EU personnel – E-002471/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002471/2025/rev.1
    to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
    Rule 144
    Victor Negrescu (S&D)

    According to information in the international media which has been confirmed by the Commission’s spokesperson, an employee of the Delegation of the EU to the Russian Federation was physically attacked in Vladivostok at the end of May 2025 during an official mission. According to diplomatic sources, the attack was carried out by persons associated, or suspected of being affiliated, with the Russian security services.

    This unprecedentedly serious incident is an unacceptable escalation of the systematic harassment to which European diplomats are subjected in the Russian Federation. This act not only constitutes a flagrant breach of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, but also endangers the safety of European diplomats and directly affects the EU’s ability to maintain a minimal level of institutional dialogue with Russia.

    • 1.What concrete measures have been taken to protect the Romanian diplomat, or are being planned to guarantee the safety of EU diplomats in Russia and other high-risk regions?
    • 2.What official steps have been taken vis-à-vis the Russian authorities in the wake of this serious incident, and what have been the outcomes of the discussions with Russia?
    • 3.Is the European Union prepared to reassess the level of its diplomatic presence in Russia and take firm action, including sanctions, if no credible guarantees of respect for the status of EU personnel are given?

    Submitted: 18.6.2025

    Last updated: 3 July 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Highlights – Exchange of views on the foreign policy priorities of the Danish Presidency – Committee on Foreign Affairs

    Source: European Parliament

    Danish Presidency_AFET 15 July 2025.jpg © Media Gallery – Danish Presidency

    On Tuesday, 15 July 2025 in Brussels (room Antall 2Q2), the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) will discuss the priorities of the Danish Presidency of the Council of the European Union (July-December 2025) with Marie Bjerre, Danish Minister for European Affairs.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Report on the Muslim Brotherhood – E-002563/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002563/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Sophie Wilmès (Renew), Benoit Cassart (Renew), Urmas Paet (Renew), Olivier Chastel (Renew), Malik Azmani (Renew), Karin Karlsbro (Renew), Sandro Gozi (Renew), Hilde Vautmans (Renew), Lucia Yar (Renew), Nathalie Loiseau (Renew), João Cotrim De Figueiredo (Renew), Petras Auštrevičius (Renew)

    On 21 May 2025, a report requested by the French government entitled ‘The Muslim Brotherhood and Political Islamism in France’ was released.

    Described as ‘damning’ by the French Minister of the Interior, the report highlights the threats posed by the Muslim Brotherhood in France, but also in Europe. Indeed, its influence is exerted through a network of organisations that are often located in close proximity to European institutions, to the point of becoming ‘regular interlocutors’. The report thus highlights a coordinated strategy of foreign interference through digital platforms, calling for increased vigilance to preserve democratic values in Europe. The creation of the ‘Special committee on the European Democracy Shield’ within the European Parliament was precisely intended to address the EU’s shortcomings in the area of malicious interference.

    In this context:

    • 1.How will the Democratic Shield address the threats mentioned in this report?
    • 2.How does the Commission intend to engage in dialogue with the non-EU countries mentioned in relation to their alleged influence in Europe?
    • 3.What tools already exist to counter this foreign interference? Has an assessment been carried out on the implementation and effectiveness of Regulation (EU) 2021/784 on combating the dissemination of terrorist content online?

    Submitted: 25.6.2025

    Last updated: 3 July 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – The recent annulment of the presidential election in Romania – E-000147/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    Democracy is a founding value of the EU. The essence of democracy is that citizens can freely express their views and participate in democratic life, choose their political representatives, and have a say in their future.

    Freedom of expression and freedom of information are both enshrined in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights[1] and respected across EU legislation.

    EU law and policies do not aim to regulate the content of messages. On the contrary, they promote transparent access to an open democratic space.

    As long as legal boundaries are respected (such as respect for hate speech prohibitions and national defamation rules), citizens and political actors should be able to express themselves freely.

    Citizens have a right to seek and receive information and should be able to form their own opinions in a public space where a plurality of views can be expressed, where they have a right to disagree and where they can take part in elections which are free from interference, whether foreign or domestic.

    Foreign interference in the context of elections and democratic debate happens when a foreign state or foreign actor undertakes or triggers a covert operation, directly or through proxies, which aims to harm the integrity of the democratic debate, institutions or processes.

    • [1] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=celex%3A12016P%2FTXT.
    Last updated: 3 July 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on preserving the memory of the victims of the post-war communist period in Slovenia – B10-0322/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    B10‑0322/2025

    European Parliament resolution on preserving the memory of the victims of the post-war communist period in Slovenia

    (2025/2575(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to the Treaty on European Union, particularly Article 2 thereof, which upholds respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality and human rights,

     having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and related United Nations resolutions,

     having regard to Resolution 1481 of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe of 26 January 2006 on the need for international condemnation of crimes of totalitarian communist regimes,

     having regard to the Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism of 3 June 2008, which calls for Europe-wide condemnation of, and education about, the crimes of communism,

     having regard to its declaration of 23 September 2008 on the proclamation of 23 August as European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism[1],

     having regard to the Vilnius Declaration of the OSCE of July 2009 condemning totalitarianism and supporting the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism,

     having regard to its resolution of 2 April 2009 on European conscience and totalitarianism[2],

     having regard to the Commission report of 22 December 2010 entitled ‘The memory of the crimes committed by totalitarian regimes in Europe’ (COM(2010)0783),

     having regard to its resolution of 19 September 2019 on the importance of European remembrance for the future of Europe[3],

     having regard to its resolution of 17 January 2024 on European historical consciousness[4],

     having regard to Petition No 0718/2023,

     having regard to Rule 233(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas European history, in all its complexity, should be respected and addressed through an objective, inclusive and evidence-based dialogue that promotes understanding and reconciliation and that should be conducted by professional historians and not be subject to political influence;

    B. whereas preserving the memory of Europe’s tragic past and remembering all victims of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes is essential for honouring the dignity of those victims, promoting reconciliation, human rights and the rule of law, and fostering a culture of peace and mutual respect;

    C. whereas Parliament has adopted a resolution on European consciousness and totalitarianism and has always been committed to preserving the memory of victims of all totalitarian regimes;

    D. whereas the crimes committed during the Second World War in Slovenia and other republics of the former Yugoslavia must never be forgotten;

    E. whereas in the aftermath of the Second World War, more than 100 000 Slovenian residents who resisted the communist system and its ideological repression were victims of violence in various forms; whereas these acts constituted serious violations of fundamental human rights, including the right to life, a fair trial and a decent burial;

    F. whereas tens of thousands of civilians and prisoners of war were extrajudicially executed by the Yugoslav communist regime in Slovenia; whereas in 1945 alone, thousands were executed right after the end of the war;

    G. whereas the Slovenian Government Commission on Concealed Mass Graves has identified over 750 locations of hidden gravesites, revealing a systematic effort to conceal these crimes, yet the places of execution have not been located and the victims have not been properly buried;

    H. whereas mass graves were covered up for decades and public discussion of these crimes was strictly prohibited under the totalitarian regime, thus burying historical truth and hindering the process of reconciliation;

    I. whereas the Slovenian Government abolished the National Day of Remembrance for victims of communist violence in 2023, which represents a serious backward step in efforts to ensure historical justice, reconciliation and respect for victims;

    J. whereas European history should be remembered and discussed objectively, and whereas the victims of the communist massacres in Slovenia therefore deserve remembrance and respect; whereas respect for the historical memory of the victims of all totalitarian regimes contributes to the building of a just and democratic society;

    K. whereas the Slovenian National Assembly passed a law in December 2024 banning the use of symbols of Nazism, fascism and their collaborationist organisations from the Second World War, but not the symbols of communism;

    L. whereas forced labour camps existed in all former Yugoslav republics; whereas these camps were used by the totalitarian communist regime in the country as a tool for suppressing all political opposition;

    1. Takes the view that the memory of crimes committed by totalitarian regimes should form part of the collective memory that makes up modern European history; acknowledges the crimes committed by Nazi, fascist and communist totalitarian regimes and the role these crimes have played in shaping historical perceptions in Europe;

    2. Underlines the importance of including historical facts in educational programmes and history textbooks to ensure that young people understand the importance of democracy and human rights;

    3. Reaffirms its condemnation of all forms of totalitarianism and authoritarianism, including communism, in line with its previous resolutions on historical memory and human rights;

    4. Reaffirms that crimes against humanity have no statute of limitations and should all be judged and handled against the same scale; reaffirms its unequivocal condemnation of historical revisionism and the glorification of Nazi collaborators and other wartime actors responsible for atrocities during and after the Second World War, including the trivialisation of crimes perpetrated by the Nazi and Fascist regimes and their allies, as well as the actions of collaborationist forces and the Yugoslav communist authorities; reiterates the importance of accurate and inclusive historical remembrance that recognises the full scale of totalitarian violence; emphasises the moral responsibility to preserve the memory of all innocent victims of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in a spirit of reconciliation, truth and democratic values, while rejecting any exploitation of history for political gain and urging continued scholarly engagement with this complex legacy;

    5. Calls for the preservation of the memory of all innocent victims of the communist regime in Slovenia, from its inception to its downfall;

    6. Underlines the importance of the dedicated work taking place on the full disclosure of historical facts, and the continuation of the official investigative mission to uncover the sites of mass graves in Slovenia in order to document and verify historical evidence of crimes committed;

    7. Highlights that many of those responsible for post-war crimes were not held accountable for their actions;

    8. Believes that the victims of Second World War and post-war retribution violence by the Yugoslav communist authorities in Slovenia must be buried properly and with dignity; calls on the Slovenian authorities to continue to do their utmost to guarantee the universal right to burial, and to maintain supporting institutions that contribute to a scholarly and evidence-based understanding of historical events;

    9. Notes that Member States have established memorials to commemorate totalitarian atrocities; calls on Slovenian authorities to continue investigating concealed graves, conduct dignified burials, and establish memorial sites to serve as reminders for future generations;

    10. Reiterates that the official day of remembrance for the millions of victims of totalitarian regimes, known as the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of All Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes, is 23 August;

    11. Stresses the importance of keeping the memory of crimes committed by totalitarian regimes alive, as there can be no reconciliation without remembrance; recalls that remembrance policies fall under the competence of the Member States and therefore do not fall within the scope of EU law; encourages all Member States to actively support remembrance policy projects that foster reconciliation rather than division or political instrumentalisation;

    12. Recalls that the Commission is providing funding under the citizens, equality, rights and values programme to support remembrance actions and research and education projects that reflect on the causes of totalitarian regimes, in particular Nazism, but also fascism, Stalinism and communist regimes, and to commemorate the victims of their crimes;

    13. Believes that a National Day of Remembrance in Slovenia should commemorate victims of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, including communism, to respect historical justice and contribute to reconciliation;

    14. Calls on the Commission to continue the programme of historical remembrance taking into account all tragedies, to support projects across Europe that address the history of totalitarian crimes, encourage remembrance and serve reconciliation; Reiterates that the crimes of the totalitarian Yugoslav communist regime are not limited to Slovenia and that victims exist in all former Yugoslav republics and autonomous regions;

    15. Calls for a comprehensive examination of the archives of the Yugoslav secret services, in particular KOS and UDBA;

    16. Underlines that all totalitarian regimes should be condemned and that their symbols should not be promoted;

    17. Calls on Slovenia and the other Member States to strive to strengthen historical memory, mutual understanding and reconciliation based on truth and respect for all victims of totalitarian regimes;

    18. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the European Commission, the Council of the European Union, the Slovenian Government and parliament, and the governments and parliaments of the other Member States.

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Latest news – 9 July 2025 – meeting – Delegation to the Caribbean-EU Parliamentary Assembly – Delegation to the Africa-EU Parliamentary Assembly

    Source: European Parliament

    On Wednesday, 9 July 2025, 15.00-16.30, the DCAB delegation will hold an ordinary meeting in Strasbourg (room: CHURCHILL 200).

    The two main points of the agenda will be:

    • Exchange of views with H.E Senator the Honourable Kamina Johnson Smith, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade of Jamaica, following the on the 49th Regular Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) from 6-8 July 2025 in Montego Bay (Jamaica)
    • Exchange of views on Jamaica’s perspective of the Caribbean-EU Partnership: prospects and challenges under the Samoa Agreement in the presence of: Duccio Bandini, Deputy Head of Division for Mexico, Central America and Caribbean, EEAS

    The meeting will webstreamed.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Press release – Press briefing on next week’s plenary session

    Source: European Parliament

    Spokespersons for Parliament and for the political groups will hold a briefing on the 7 – 10 July plenary session, on Friday at 11.00 in Parliament’s Anna Politkovskaya press room.

    When: Friday 4 July at 11.00

    Where: Anna Politkovskaya press room in Brussels and via Interactio

    Key topics next week include:

    • Debate on the priorities if the Danish Council Presidency with Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen
    • Debate on the results of the 26 June European Council with Presidents Costa and von der Leyen
    • Debate on the upcoming EU-China summit and the need to tackle China’s export restrictions on critical raw materials, followed by a vote on a resolution
    • Debate and vote on a motion of censure against the European Commission
    • Debate on EU-US trade negotiations
    • Debate on the situation in the Middle East
    • Debate on the post-2027 EU long-term budget and Parliament’s expectations ahead of the Commission’s proposal
    • Debate on the new EU 2040 climate target
    • Vote on managing the influx of substandard goods into the EU

    Interpretation of the press briefing will be available in English and French.

    Journalists wishing to participate actively and ask questions, please connect via Interactio using this link: https://ep.interactio.eu/link/pressconfp1611820

    You can follow it live from 11.00 on Friday in Parliament’s Anna Politkovskaya press room or via Parliament’s webstreaming and EbS.

    Information for the media – Use of Interactio to ask questions

    Interactio is only supported on iPads (with the Safari browser) and Mac/Windows (with the Google Chrome browser).

    When connecting, enter your name and the media you are representing in the first name / last name fields. For better sound quality, use headphones and a microphone. Interpretation is only possible for questions asked on video.

    Journalists who have never used Interactio before are asked to connect 30 minutes before the start of the press conference to perform a connection test. IT assistance can be provided if necessary. When connected, open the chat window (upper right corner) to be able to see the service messages.

    For more details, check the connection guidelines and recommendations for remote speakers.

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Highlights – Vote on draft opinion on EU strategy for the rights of persons with disabilities – Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality

    Source: European Parliament

    On 16 Jul 2025, the FEMM committee will vote on the draft opinion on EU strategy for the rights of persons with disabilities post-2024 (2025/2057(INI)) and on the question for oral answer, followed by a resolution, on Declaration of principles for a gender-equal society (2025/2780(RSP)). The Committee Members will also hold an exchange of views with Danish Minister for Gender Equality on the priorities of the Danish Presidency.

    Further, the Members will consider the draft opinion on Developing a new EU anti-poverty strategy (2025/2095(INI)).

    They will also consider draft opinion, amendments and budgetary amendments to the General budget of the European Union for the financial year 2026 – all sections.

    Finally, they will hear reporting back on the negotiations (Rule 75(3)) on Victims Rights Directive (2023/0250(COD)).

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Seafood imports from the Russian Federation – P-001903/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    In response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the EU has adopted an unprecedented set of sanctions. With these measures the EU, in close cooperation with its like-minded allies, aims to cripple Russia’s ability to finance its war effort.

    Sanctions are carefully designed to maximise their impact on Russia and its economy, while limiting to the extent possible any negative consequences on EU businesses and citizens.

    The Council adopted its 17th Russia sanctions package on 20 May 2025[1]. This package further restricts Russia’s access to battlefield technologies and cuts Russia’s energy revenues by targeting an unprecedented number of its shadow fleet vessels.

    The package also expands the number of individuals and entities subject to sanctions. While this package did not include any further import restrictions on seafood products, it is important to recall that imports of crustaceans and caviar are subject to restrictive measures since April 2022.

    The Commission is closely monitoring imports of seafood from Russia. Last year, the volume of EU imports decreased by 9% (down to 180 000 tonnes) and their value by 19% (down to around EUR 700 million).

    It is important to note that certain existing dependencies on Russian fisheries products, such as Alaska pollock or cod, have not increased. In light of the stable import flows, the Commission is currently not considering additional tariffs on imports of Russian seafood products, but it continues to monitor the situation.

    Moreover, as of 2024 Russia is excluded from the autonomous tariff quotas for fisheries products, meaning that such products cannot be subject to any tariff reductions when imported in the EU.

    • [1] https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/news/eu-adopts-17th-sanctions-package-against-russia-2025-05-20_en.
    Last updated: 3 July 2025

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Moldovan legislature’s worrying attack on the rule of law and its impact on European aid to Moldova – P-000798/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    The Commission is aware of the head of Moldova’s Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office’s resignation and of the draft law to merge the current specialised prosecutor’s offices on anti-corruption and organised crime in a new Anti-Corruption and Organised Crime Prosecution Office.

    Ensuring effective institutional arrangements and capacity for the fight against corruption and organised crime is essential, and delivering a track record of results in this field is a requirement in the EU accession process.

    Moldovan authorities are advised to ensure the compliance with European standards of any new arrangement they put in place. To this end, the Commission is working with the Moldovan authorities to strengthen the rule of law and fight against corruption and organised crime.

    The Commission will continue to closely monitor developments in Moldova. The progress of Moldova in rule of law will continue to be reflected in the Commission’s annual reporting as part of the enlargement process.

    The Reform and Growth Facility[1] for Moldova includes a strong focus on audit and controls systems and the Commission will carefully assess the situation and ensure that requirements in this respect are met before taking any decisions regarding the disbursement of the financial support, in line with the agreed conditions.

    • [1] Regulation (EU) 2025/535 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 March 2025 establishing the Reform and Growth Facility for the Republic of Moldova, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/reg/2025/535/oj/eng.
    Last updated: 3 July 2025

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Common agricultural policy (CAP) budget and the multiannual financial framework 2028-2034 – E-001605/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    In line with the communication of 11 February 2025 on ‘The road to the next multiannual financial framework’[1] (MFF), the Commission will ensure that the upcoming MFF is simpler, more focused and aligned with EU priorities.

    Food security and nature protection are recognised as vital for Europe’s quality of life and the communication emphasises, in line with the ‘Vision on Agriculture and Food’[2] the need for a fit-for-purpose Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) that provides support to farmers who need it most, enhance environmental and social outcomes and foster thriving rural areas.

    In doing so, it should become simpler, targeted and find the right balance b etween incentives, investment and regulation while ensuring that farmers have a fair and sufficient income.

    As per the political guidelines 2024-2029 of the Commission[3] and the mentioned Communication, at the core of this modernised budget there would be a plan for each country with key reforms and investments, focusing on EU joint priorities, including promoting economic, social and territorial cohesion, and designed and implemented in partnership with national, regional and local authorities. The next MFF will continue to support Cohesion policy and CAP to deliver on their respective objectives in the most effective way.

    The European Parliament will have an important role in shaping the next MFF. Its consent is required for the Council to adopt the MFF Regulation at unanimity.

    As a co-legislator and as per the Interinstitutional agreement on cooperation in budgetary matters[4], the European Parliament will also be able to influence the future instruments during the negotiation of the sectoral basic acts, in the same way as it did for the current MFF.

    • [1] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:52025DC0046.
    • [2] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:52025DC0075.
    • [3] https://commission.europa.eu/document/download/e6cd4328-673c-4e7a-8683-f63ffb2cf648_en.
    • [4] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:32020Q1222(01).
    Last updated: 3 July 2025

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Pre-removal detention centres (CPRs) in Albania and compliance with EU rules, principles and standards – E-001425/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    In accordance with the information available to the Commission, one of the centres established on Albanian territory on the basis of the bilateral protocol with Albania can be used as a pre-removal detention centre subject to Italian law and jurisdiction. This is an intermediate step before an illegally staying third-country national is returned to a third country.

    The Return Directive[1] sets out common standards and procedures for the return of illegally staying third-country nationals, including on detention for the purpose of removal, in accordance with the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU and international law, including the right to asylum and the principle of non-refoulement.

    • [1] Directive 2008/115/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 December 2008 on common standards and procedures in Member States for returning illegally staying third-country nationals, OJ L 348, 24.12.2008, p. 98-107.
    Last updated: 3 July 2025

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Energy sovereignty and Turkish interference – how is Greece being protected? – E-001887/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    The EU has a strategic interest in stability and security in the Eastern Mediterranean and in maintaining a cooperative and mutually beneficial relationship with Türkiye.

    A stable and secure environment in the Eastern Mediterranean requires unequivocal commitment to good neighbourly relations, to international agreements and to the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with the United Nations Charter as well as abstaining from unilateral actions that violate international law and the sovereign rights of Member States.

    Türkiye is a candidate country and a key EU partner. In the 2024 enlargement report[1], the Commission emphasised that Türkiye must avoid actions that damage good neighbourly relations and respect the sovereignty of all Member States and their sovereign rights.

    This includes the right to explore and exploit natural resources in accordance with EU and international law, in particular the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

    In its Council Conclusions of December 2024[2], the EU noted the improvements in relations between Greece and Türkiye and expressed its expectations that these improvements will be sustained.

    • [1] https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/turkiye-report-2024_en.
    • [2] https://data.consilium.europa.eu/doc/document/ST-16983-2024-INIT/en/pdf.
    Last updated: 3 July 2025

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – The promotion and protection of the rights of traditional national and linguistic minorities within the European Union and beyond – P-002630/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Priority question for written answer  P-002630/2025
    to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
    Rule 144
    Loránt Vincze (PPE)

    While the Commission has consistently replied to parliamentary questions and in its communication on the European Citizens’ Initiative ‘Minority SafePack – one million signatures for diversity in Europe’[1], that the EU has no general legislative competence for the protection of national minorities, press reports[2] indicate that the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (VP/HR) stated, in the context of future enlargement, that ‘we are protecting minority rights within the EU and not outside of it’.

    The European neighbourhood policy is grounded in shared values such as democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights.

    • 1.While EU candidate countries must meet the Copenhagen criteria, including for the protection of minorities, could the VP/HR confirm whether these criteria apply equally to all candidate countries, including Ukraine, and indicate how the VP/HR assesses their consistent application?
    • 2.Which specific European Union instruments and measures did the VP/HR reference in relation to the protection of national and linguistic minorities within the EU?

    Submitted: 30.6.2025

    • [1] https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=intcom:C(2021)171.
    • [2] https://europeanconservative.com/articles/news-corner/hungarian-fm-szijjarto-slams-kaja-kallas-over-scandalous-remarks/.
    Last updated: 3 July 2025

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – ‘ReArm Europe’ package and the use of cohesion programmes and funding for defence – E-001065/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    The ReArm Europe Plan foresees the possibility to incentivise defence-related investments in the EU budget. This has been deemed necessary to support Member States’ defence readiness as underlined in the Joint White Paper for European Defence — Readiness 2030[1].

    The ReArm Europe Plan has been devised, in light of the current geopolitical tensions, by the Commission to respond to a European Council tasking, notably to present a set of ‘developed options […] for public and private funding to strengthen the defence technological and industrial base and address critical capability gaps’[2].

    As part of this plan, the Commission adopted on 1 April 2025 measures to address strategic challenges in the context of the mid-term review[3] of cohesion policy funds via amendments to existing cohesion policy regulations.

    Those aims at incentivising Member States to voluntarily adjust their cohesion programmes to invest in the EU’s emerging strategic priorities.

    In particular, the proposal enables Member States to make better use of current possibilities to build resilient infrastructures to foster military mobility and to support and enhance productive capacities of small and large enterprises in the defence sector. Furthermore, the proposal will also encourage skills development in the defence industry to narrow the existing skills gap.

    All proposals by the Commission respect the procedures foreseen in terms of impact assessment and stakeholder consultations, as outlined in the appropriate Commission Staff Working Document[4].

    Rules for adoption of cohesion policy programme amendments are not modified and therefore will be subject to approval by the monitoring committees as applicable to ensure scrutiny by stakeholders.

    • [1] https://commission.europa.eu/document/download/e6d5db69-e0ab-4bec-9dc0-3867b4373019_en?filename=White%20paper%20for%20European%20defence%20%E2%80%93%20Readiness%202030.pdf.
    • [2]  European Council conclusions, 27 June 2024 (conclusion 26, p. 8).
    • [3]  COM(2025)123 final; https://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/sources/communication/mid-term-review-2025/communication-mid-term-review-2025_en.pdf.
    • [4] https://commission.europa.eu/document/download/d0bbd77f-bee5-4ee5-b5c4-6110c7605476_en?filename=swd2021_305_en.pdf.
    Last updated: 3 July 2025

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION OF CENSURE ON THE COMMISSION – B10-0319/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    pursuant to Rule 131 of the Rules of Procedure

    Gheorghe Piperea, Adrian‑George Axinia, Claudiu‑Richard Târziu, Georgiana Teodorescu, Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza, Fidias Panayiotou, Daniel Obajtek, Ivan David, Patryk Jaki, Zsuzsanna Borvendég, Fernand Kartheiser, Nikolaos Anadiotis, Volker Schnurrbusch, Katarína Roth Neveďalová, Irmhild Boßdorf, Virginie Joron, Ondřej Dostál, Cristian Terheş, Christine Anderson, António Tânger Corrêa, Emmanouil Fragkos, Milan Mazurek, Alexander Jungbluth, Siegbert Frank Droese, Petar Volgin, Rada Laykova, Stanislav Stoyanov, Arno Bausemer, Arkadiusz Mularczyk, Bogdan Rzońca, Milan Uhrík, Mary Khan, Tomasz Froelich, Hans Neuhoff, Alexander Sell, René Aust, Petr Bystron, Jacek Ozdoba, Galato Alexandraki, Kosma Złotowski, Waldemar Buda, Tobiasz Bocheński, Małgorzata Gosiewska, Marlena Maląg, Mariusz Kamiński, Dominik Tarczyński, Anna Zalewska, Jadwiga Wiśniewska, Maciej Wąsik, Michał Dworczyk, Alvise Pérez, Luis‑Vicențiu Lazarus, Erik Kaliňák, Judita Laššáková, Waldemar Tomaszewski, Ewa Zajączkowska‑Hernik, Jaak Madison, Anja Arndt, Marcin Sypniewski, Markus Buchheit, Filip Turek, Friedrich Pürner, Kateřina Konečná, Ľuboš Blaha, Thierry Mariani, Jan‑Peter Warnke, Thomas Geisel, Branislav Ondruš, Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă, Monika Beňová, Marc Jongen, Nikola Bartůšek, Grzegorz Braun, Sarah Knafo, Petras Gražulis, Piotr Müller, Gerald Hauser

    B10‑0319/2025

    Motion of censure on the Commission by the European Parliament

    (2025/2140(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to Article 17(8) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), Article 234 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and Article 106a of the Euratom Treaty,

     having regard to the request submitted under Regulation (EC) No 1049/2001 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 30 May 2001 regarding public access to European Parliament, Council and Commission documents[1] by Matina Stevi, a journalist employed by The New York Times, seeking access to all text messages exchanged between President Ursula von der Leyen and Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla between 1 January 2021 and 11 May 2022,

     having regard to the Commission’s refusal of this request on the grounds that it does not possess the requested documents,

     having regard to the judgment of the General Court of 14 May 2025, in Case T-36/23 Stevi – The New York Times / Commission[2], which found that the Commission has not given a plausible explanation to justify the non- possession of the requested documents concerning its dealings with Pfizer/BioNTech in the procurement of COVID-19 vaccines and which clarified that the Commission’s duty of transparency is fundamental and that refusal to disclose documents must be strictly justified with compelling reasons,

     having regard to Article 10(3) TEU, which guarantees the right of citizens to participate in the democratic life of the Union and calls for decisions to be taken openly and as closely as possible to the citizen,

     having regard to Rule 131 of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) opened an investigation in 2022 into the European Commission’s conduct in the negotiation and conclusion of COVID-19 vaccine procurement contracts with Pfizer, which remains ongoing as of 2025 and raises credible concerns regarding potential legal and ethical breaches, as well as potential irregularities in the management of Union financial resources;

    B. whereas the General Court of the European Union, in its order of 5 October 2023 in Case T- 36/23, Stevi – The New York Times/ Commission, ruled that the Commission had failed to provide legally sufficient justification for its refusal to disclose the requested documents related to the Pfizer vaccine negotiations;

    C. whereas the Commission contravened its obligations under Regulation (EC) No 1049/2001 on public access to documents and violated the principles of transparency, good administration, and institutional accountability stipulated in the Treaties;

    D. whereas the Commission allocated EUR 35 billion in public funds for COVID-19 vaccines, yet failed to ensure transparency and accountability, especially as EUR 4 billion worth of doses remained unused, raising serious concerns over financial oversight and administrative failure;

    E. whereas the General Court, in its judgment of 14 May 2025, annulled the European Commission’s decision to deny access to text messages between Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla, exchanged between 1 January 2021 and 11 May 2022, concerning the procurement of COVID-19 vaccines;

    F. whereas the Court of Auditors, in its Special Report No. 22/2024 adopted on 26 September 2024, identified serious shortcomings in the implementation of the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF), including insufficient linkages between disbursed funds and actual costs, weak verification mechanisms, risks of double funding, and delays in achieving investment targets, raising significant concerns over the Commission’s oversight of one of the largest post-COVID financial instruments;

    G. whereas the Court of Auditors has pointed out that the lack of robust controls and the reliance on self-reporting by Member States increase the risk of double funding’, a situation in which the same actions may be financed multiple times, leading to inefficiencies and potential misuse of funds;

    H. whereas, transparency and accountability are fundamental principles of the Union’s democratic legitimacy, as per Article 10(3) of the TEU, ensuring public trust in the institutions of the European Union, particularly in contexts involving major public health challenges and substantial financial commitments;

    I. whereas, its Committee on Legal Affairs, on 23 April 2025, unanimously adopted a non-binding opinion rejecting the European Commission’s use of Article 122 TFEU as the legal basis for the proposal for a Regulation establishing the Security Action for Europe (SAFE), a EUR 150 billion defence financing initiative;

    J. whereas the opinion of the Committee on Legal Affairs asserts that the Commission’s invocation of Article 122 TFEU lacks a valid emergency justification, in view of the fact that the provision is intended for short-term measures addressing immediate crises, not for long-term defence investments;

    K. whereas serious concerns have been raised regarding the Commission’s unlawful interference in elections in Member States such as Romania and Germany through a distorted application of Regulation (EU) 2022/2065 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 19 October 2022 on a Single Market For Digital Services and amending Directive 2000/31/EC (Digital Services Act)[3], which is intended to protect consumers but has been misused to justify vote restrictions and election annulments;

    1. Concludes that the Commission led by President Ursula von der Leyen no longer commands the confidence of Parliament to uphold the principles of transparency, accountability, and good governance essential to a democratic Union;

    2. Concludes that the Commission’s unlawful interference in Member States’ elections, via a misapplication of the Digital Services Act, represents a serious breach of its mandate to uphold democratic principles and respect national sovereignty;

    3. Notes that the Commission’s abusive use of Article 122 TFEU as the legal basis for the SAFE Regulation, a EUR 150 billion defence financing initiative, constitutes a serious breach of competence and a distortion of the article’s intended purpose, which is reserved for economic emergency situations;

    4. Considers that this procedural abuse undermines trust in the Union’s institutions and threatens the integrity of the Union’s legal framework;

    5. Calls on the Commission to resign due to repeated failures to ensure transparency and to its persistent disregard for democratic oversight and the rule of law within the Union;

    6. Instructs its President to forward this motion of censure to the President of the Council and the President of the Commission and to notify them of the result of the vote on it in plenary.

     

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Possible suspension of the Association Agreement with Israel – E-002512/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002512/2025
    to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
    Rule 144
    Erik Kaliňák (NI)

    On 17 June 2025, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Kaja Kallas, made a statement that received wide media coverage, indicating that the EU would review its Association Agreement with Israel due to Israel’s human rights violations in the Gaza Strip[1] [2]. There is no doubt that human rights violations by a specific state also constitute a violation of international law.

    In this connection:

    • 1.Does the Vice-President / High Representative consider the suspension of the agreement to be a sufficient measure?
    • 2.Does she also plan to submit a proposal for EU sanctions against Israeli officials responsible for these human rights violations? In similar cases, sanctions have been proposed against officials of other states and regimes.
    • 3.What further steps (diplomatic efforts, etc.) does the EU plan to take in the Middle East?

    Submitted: 23.6.2025

    • [1] https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/eu-will-review-trade-deal-with-israel-kallas-says-2025-05-20/
    • [2] https://epthinktank.eu/2025/06/12/review-of-the-eu-israel-association-agreement/
    Last updated: 3 July 2025

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  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Implementation of emergency communication systems – E-002572/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-002572/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Pascal Arimont (PPE), Liesbet Sommen (PPE), Željana Zovko (PPE), Andrzej Buła (PPE), Lena Düpont (PPE), Joachim Streit (Renew), Hélder Sousa Silva (PPE), Olivier Chastel (Renew), Paulo Do Nascimento Cabral (PPE), Grégory Allione (Renew)

    The preparedness union strategy stresses the need to strengthen Europe’s crisis resilience through, among other factors, more effective public warning systems. New strategies will only add value if they are implemented by the Member States. Almost five years after the deadline for implementation, eight Member States have not yet fulfilled the EU requirements laid down in the European Electronic Communications Code (EECC) to improve safety during emergencies.

    – Article 109 EECC required Member States to implement advanced caller location by December 2020. Poland, Cyprus and Malta still have not done so.

    – Article 110 EECC required Member States to implement a mobile-based public warning system by June 2022. Ireland, Slovakia, Cyprus, Slovenia, Finland, Latvia and Italy have not implemented such a system.

    Both technologies play a critical role in improving public safety by helping to quickly locate people in need and by allowing civil protection authorities to send people warnings about imminent threats.

    • 1.Does the Commission agree that advanced caller location and mobile-based public warning systems improve public safety and societal resilience?
    • 2.Will the Commission initiate proceedings against the Member States that have not fulfilled their obligations under Articles 109 and 110 EECC?
    • 3.If not, how will the Commission ensure that its future preparedness laws will be implemented effectively if Member States face no consequences for non-compliance?

    Submitted: 25.6.2025

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