Category: Europe

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Scottish Greens unveil candidates ahead of crucial election for our planet

    Source: Scottish Greens

    Ahead of next year’s Holyrood election the Scottish Greens have unveiled their regional list candidates

    The Scottish Greens have announced their slate of candidates for regional lists ahead of next year’s Holyrood election. The party hopes to return a record number of MSPs at the ballot box next May

    The Scottish Greens are aiming to return a record number of MSPs, building on the eight elected in 2021. A recent poll indicated that the party could secure 15 MSPs, giving the Scottish Greens a stronger voice in Parliament to push for bold, fair and progressive policies that champion people and planet above corporate greed. 

    The lead candidates in each region are:

    Central Scotland & Lothians West

    1. Gillian Mackay MSP

    Edinburgh & Lothians East

    1. Lorna Slater MSP
    2. Kate Nevens
    3. Q Manivannan

    Glasgow

    1. Patrick Harvie MSP
    2. Ellie Gomersall
    3. Cllr Holly Bruce

    Highlands & Islands

    1. Ariane Burgess MSP
    2. Cllr Kristopher Leask

    Mid Scotland & Fife

    1. Mark Ruskell MSP
    2. Mags Hall

    North East Scotland

    1. Guy Ingerson

    South Scotland

    1. Laura Moodie

    West Scotland

    1. Ross Greer MSP
    2. Cara McKee

    Reacting to the announcement, Scottish Greens Co-Leader, Lorna Slater MSP said:

    “Next year’s election is pivotal for the future of Scotland and our planet, that’s why I am delighted that Scottish Green members have selected such a strong group of lead candidates who will deliver real change in Holyrood.

    “Greens have been the only influential left-wing force in the Scottish Parliament for decades, delivering free bus travel for young people, scrapping peak rail fares, and securing tax reforms to ensure the richest in society pay their fair share to support the services we all rely on, like our NHS. 

    “With more Green MSPs, we can continue to push for the climate emergency to be taken seriously by other parties who want to protect corporate profits rather than our planet, and to fight back against the toxic climate change denialism from the far-right. Scottish Greens won’t give up on our planet’s future.

    “Electing a record number of Scottish Greens is the only way to secure the pro-independence majority in Holyrood, and to continue advancing the case to rejoin the European Union. It is a cause that Scottish Green MSPs will continue to make on the doorsteps across the country and in the chamber at Holyrood.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: TRA publishes Annual Report and Accounts 2024-25

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    News story

    TRA publishes Annual Report and Accounts 2024-25

    TRA releases 2024-25 Annual Report and Accounts and outlines how it is building stronger trade defences.

    The Trade Remedies Authority (TRA) has today published its Annual Report and Accounts for 2024-25, highlighting its work protecting UK businesses from unfair trading practices.

    Trade remedies (also known as trade defence instruments), are measures put in place to help protect UK businesses from unfair imports. Trade remedies include anti-dumping, countervailing and safeguard measures.

    The report details how the organisation has continued to investigate and review cases involving imported goods being sold at unfair prices (dumping) or subsidised imports that could harm UK industry.

    During 2024-25, the TRA has:

    • initiated reviews on schedule for the last of the 43 trade remedy measures the UK transitioned from the EU system. So far, after carrying out its reviews, the TRA have retained 25 of 30 of those transitioned measures to protect UK businesses against unfair international trading practices.
    • successfully completed five new dumping and subsidy cases on behalf of UK industries which had approached them to make an investigation into possible unfair imports.
    • begun preparing industries for the expiry of current measures that will reach their final year in 2026, so that they can seek extensions if they believe the measures are still needed.

    Newly appointed Chief Executives Carmen Suarez and Jessica Blakely said:

    This year’s report demonstrates our ongoing commitment to supporting fair trade for UK businesses. By conducting thorough and impartial investigations, we are helping to create a level playing field in international trade and defend the UK’s economic interests.

    The report also outlines the TRA’s financial performance and governance arrangements for the year and how the TRA has adapted to new challenges and demands as a still young organisation. The TRA is exploring further improvements to its investigations processes which will bring efficiencies in the coming years and ensure the organisation continues to support a thriving UK economy.

    The full Annual Report and Accounts 2024-25 can be found here.

    Notes to editors

    • As an independent body operating at arm’s length from the Department for Business & Trade, the TRA is guided in its work by its principles of proportionality, impartiality, transparency, and efficiency.
    • The TRA welcomes applications for trade remedies investigations from any business operating in the UK. Read our online guidance to find out more about how to apply and what information to provide.
    • The TRA’s Trade Remedies Advisory Service can be contacted on: contact@traderemedies.gov.uk. Previously known as the Pre-Application Office, it will provide support not only at the pre-application stage, but throughout the life of the case to interested parties who have questions about our investigation process.

    Updates to this page

    Published 21 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Strategy will boost steps to create safer, healthier communities

    Source: City of Wolverhampton

    The Safer Wolverhampton Partnership Strategy sets out a clear and ambitious vision to create safer, healthier communities where people feel empowered and protected.

    It features strategic priorities across 5 themes agreed by key stakeholders from across the city. They are:

    • Public Place Violence: Using intelligence to identify hot spot areas, deliver targeted interventions and reduce repeat offending
    • Anti Social Behaviour: Expanding prevention measures, strengthening reporting channels and pursuing robust enforcement where necessary
    • Safety of Women and Girls: Improving public spaces, educating young people on healthy behaviours, and simplifying pathways for reporting harassment or violence
    • Alcohol and Substance Related Crime: Disrupting supply chains, enhancing support services, and enforcing public protection measures
    • Neighbourhood Crime: Addressing robbery, burglary and theft through community vigilance, education, and coordinated policing

    The strategy will be delivered through a monitored action plan which will be refreshed annually to ensure it adapts to any new crime trends and emerging local challenges.

    As well as identifying the key priorities for the year ahead, the draft strategy also reflects on achievements made through the previous strategy.

    In the past year alone, reported crime has fallen by 9.5%, with marked declines in serious youth violence, domestic abuse, theft, robbery and burglary, anti social behaviour and adult reoffending rates. There has also been significant work to prevent serious youth violence by investing in programmes in schools and the community, with a significant reduction in the number of young people entering the youth justice system.

    Meanwhile, the establishment of a new Public Space Protection Order (PSPO) in the city centre last summer has helped bring about a 16% reduction in recorded crime within its perimeter, including a 50% drop in the number of robberies.

    Councillor Obaida Ahmed, the City of Wolverhampton Council’s Cabinet Member for Health, Wellbeing and Community, said: “Preventing and tackling crime and promoting community safety are very complex and require an integrated partnership response. Working alongside the West Midlands Police and Crime Plan, this strategy sets out our plans for the next 4 years – to ensure residents feel safe and can live healthy lives in their community.

    “We’re proud of the partnership’s achievements over the last few years and remain fully committed to early intervention, community empowerment, and collective responsibility. This strategy is not just a plan – it’s a promise to our residents that Wolverhampton will continue to be a safe, thriving place to live, work, and grow.”

    The draft strategy will be presented to members of the council’s Cabinet on Wednesday (23 July).

    The Safer Wolverhampton Partnership is the statutory Community Safety Partnership and Local Police and Crime Board in Wolverhampton.

    It not only develops and delivers strategic plans for the city, but also works to implement section 17 of the Crime and Disorder Act, which places a duty on all statutory partners to consider issues of community safety at the centre of their delivery.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI: From 401(k) to cloud mining: CryptoMiningFirm launches new APP, opening up a new strategy for stable value-added digital pension

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Seattle, Washington, July 21, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) —  As the global economic structure transforms, traditional retirement plans such as 401(k)s face challenges such as sluggish growth and volatile returns. During “Crypto Week”, the U.S. Congress passed a number of bills to clarify the legal status of digital assets and provide a stable regulatory environment for digital pension investments.

    In this context, CryptoMiningFirm cloud mining platform recently announced the launch of a new version of its mobile APP. As a zero-threshold digital value-added method, it is becoming an ideal choice for retired investors and digital pension planning. Users can participate in the mining activities of mainstream currencies remotely without purchasing mining machines, obtain stable daily income, and help achieve steady value-added of assets.

    Cloud Mining: Building a Robust Digital Pension Path

    Cloud mining is known for its zero threshold and everyone can participate. After users register, they can participate in the mining of mainstream currencies such as Bitcoin, Ethereum, Dogecoin, etc. remotely for free, obtain stable income, and achieve long-term and stable asset appreciation.

    CryptoMiningFirm: A secure, compliant, and transparent cloud mining pioneer

    As the world’s leading compliant cloud mining platform, CryptoMiningFirm closely follows regulatory trends and relies on compliant computing resources in multiple locations around the world to provide users with:

    Multi-currency support: covers mainstream assets such as BTC, ETH, XRP, DOGE, etc.

    Enterprise-level security: uses military-grade data encryption and multiple identity authentication;

    Automatic income distribution system: mining pool income is settled daily and automatically credited;

    Global node deployment: computing power is distributed in North America, Iceland, Asia-Pacific and other regions, stable and efficient;

    Compliance and transparent operation: audit reports are open and operation data can be checked in real time.

    How to participate: Three easy steps to start your profit journey

    1: One-click registration – Create an account in 1 minute through the official website or official APP, and immediately receive a $10-100 reward for free.

    2: Choose a plan that matches your goals – short-term, long-term or high-yield plan – and watch your balance grow every day

    Popular contract examples: {Supports multiple mainstream currencies}

    Trial contract: Investment amount: $100, contract period: 2 days, daily income: $4, total income: $100 + $8 upon expiration

    BTC Classic computing power: Investment amount: $500, contract period: 7 days, daily income: $6.5, total income: $500 + $45.5 upon expiration

    BTC Classic computing power: Investment amount: $1,000, contract period 7 days, daily income: $13.5, total income: $1,000 + $94.5 upon expiration

    BTC advanced computing power: Investment amount: $5,000, contract period: 15 days, daily income: $72.5, total income: $5,000 + $1,087.5 upon expiration

    BTC advanced computing power: Investment amount: $10,000, contract period: 25 days, daily income: $160, total income: $10,000 + $4,000 upon expiration

    Click here to view more contract types

    3: Real-time income – income can be withdrawn to the bound wallet at any time or reinvested to accelerate income growth

    As traditional pensions face challenges, cryptocurrencies are becoming an innovative tool for wealth growth. CryptoMiningFirm injects new vitality into pension funds through safe and reliable cloud mining technology, achieving steady appreciation of digital assets. With strict security protection and transparent operations, investors can not only enjoy high returns in the crypto market, but also ensure the long-term security of retirement funds, providing solid protection for future retirement life.

    Join now and start a new chapter of digital retirement wealth!

    Official email: info@cryptominingfirm.com

    Official APP download: supports iOS and Android

    Official website: https://cryptominingfirm.com

    Attachment

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Africa’s minerals are being bartered for security: why it’s a bad idea

    Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Hanri Mostert, SARChI Chair for Mineral Law in Africa, University of Cape Town

    A US-brokered peace deal between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda binds the two African nations to a worrying arrangement: one where a country signs away its mineral resources to a superpower in return for opaque assurances of security.

    The peace deal, signed in June 2025, aims to end three decades of conflict between the DRC and Rwanda.

    A key part of the agreement binds both nations to developing a regional economic integration framework. This arrangement would expand cooperation between the two states, the US government and American investors on “transparent, formalized end-to-end mineral chains”.

    Despite its immense mineral wealth, the DRC is among the five poorest countries in the world. It has been seeking US investment in its mineral sector.

    The US has in turn touted a potential multi-billion-dollar investment programme to anchor its mineral supply chains in the traumatised and poor territory.

    The peace that the June 2025 deal promises, therefore, hinges on chaining mineral supply to the US in exchange for Washington’s powerful – but vaguely formulated – military oversight.

    The peace agreement further establishes a joint oversight committee – with representatives from the African Union, Qatar and the US – to receive complaints and resolve disputes between the DRC and Rwanda.

    But beyond the joint oversight committee, the peace deal creates no specific security obligations for the US.

    The relationship between the DRC and Rwanda has been marred by war and tension since the bloody First (1996-1997) and Second (1998-2003) Congo wars. At the heart of much of this conflict is the DRC’s mineral wealth. It has fuelled competition, exploitation and armed violence.

    This latest peace deal introduces a resources-for-security arrangement. Such deals aren’t new in Africa. They first emerged in the early 2000s as resources-for-infrastructure transactions. Here, a foreign state would agree to build economic and social infrastructure (roads, ports, airports, hospitals) in an African state. In exchange, it would get a major stake in a government-owned mining company. Or gain preferential access to the host country’s minerals.

    We have studied mineral law and governance in Africa for more than 20 years. The question that emerges now is whether a US-brokered resources-for-security agreement will help the DRC benefit from its resources.

    Based on our research on mining, development and sustainability, we believe this is unlikely.

    This is because resources-for-security is the latest version of a resource-bartering approach that China and Russia pioneered in countries such as Angola, the Central African Republic and the DRC.

    Resource bartering in Africa has eroded the sovereignty and bargaining power of mineral-rich nations such as the DRC and Angola.

    Further, resources-for-security deals are less transparent and more complicated than prior resource bartering agreements.

    DRC’s security gaps

    The DRC is endowed with major deposits of critical minerals like cobalt, copper, lithium, manganese and tantalum. These are the building blocks for 21st century technologies: artificial intelligence, electric vehicles, wind energy and military security hardware. Rwanda has less mineral wealth than its neighbour, but is the world’s third-largest producer of tantalum, used in electronics, aerospace and medical devices.

    For almost 30 years, minerals have fuelled conflict and severe violence, especially in eastern DRC. Tungsten, tantalum and gold (referred to as 3TG) finance and drive conflict as government forces and an estimated 130 armed groups vie for control over lucrative mining sites. Several reports and studies have implicated the DRC’s neighbours – Rwanda and Uganda – in supporting the illegal extraction of 3TG in this region.

    The DRC government has failed to extend security over its vast (2.3 million square kilometres) and diverse territory (109 million people, representing 250 ethnic groups). Limited resources, logistical challenges and corruption have weakened its armed forces.

    This context makes the United States’ military backing enormously attractive. But our research shows there are traps.

    What states risk losing

    Resources-for-infrastructure and resources-for-security deals generally offer African nations short-term stability, financing or global goodwill. However, the costs are often long-term because of an erosion of sovereign control.

    Here’s how this happens:

    Examples of loss or near-loss of sovereignty from these sorts of deals abound in Africa.

    For instance, Angola’s US$2 billion oil-backed loan from China Eximbank in 2004. This was repayable in monthly deliveries of oil, with revenues directed to Chinese-controlled accounts. The loan’s design deprived Angolan authorities of decision-making power over that income stream even before the oil was extracted.

    These deals also fragment accountability. They often span multiple ministries (such as defence, mining and trade), avoiding robust oversight or accountability. Fragmentation makes resource sectors vulnerable to elite capture. Powerful insiders can manipulate agreements for private gain.

    In the DRC, this has created a violent kleptocracy, where resource wealth is systematically diverted away from popular benefit.

    Finally, there is the risk of re-entrenching extractive trauma. Communities displaced for mining and environmental degradation in many countries across Africa illustrate the long-standing harm to livelihoods, health and social cohesion.

    These are not new problems. But where extraction is tied to security or infrastructure, such damage risks becoming permanent features, not temporary costs.

    What needs to change

    Critical minerals are “critical” because they’re hard to mine or substitute. Additionally, their supply chains are strategically vulnerable and politically exposed. Whoever controls these minerals controls the future. Africa must make sure it doesn’t trade that future away.

    In a world being reshaped by global interests in critical minerals, African states must not underestimate the strategic value of their mineral resources. They hold considerable leverage.

    But leverage only works if it is wielded strategically. This means:

    • investing in institutional strength and legal capacity to negotiate better deals

    • demanding local value creation and addition

    • requiring transparency and parliamentary oversight for minerals-related agreements

    • refusing deals that bypass human rights, environmental or sovereignty standards.

    Africa has the resources. It must hold on to the power they wield.

    Hanri Mostert receives funding from the National Research Foundation (NRF) of South Africa. She is a member of the Expropriation Expert Group and a steering committee member of the International Bar Association’s (IBA) Academic Advisory Group (AAG) in the Sector for Energy, Environmental, Resources and Infrastructure Law (SEERIL).

    Tracy-Lynn Field receives funding from the Claude Leon Foundation. She is a non-executive director of the Wildlife and Environment Society of South Africa.

    ref. Africa’s minerals are being bartered for security: why it’s a bad idea – https://theconversation.com/africas-minerals-are-being-bartered-for-security-why-its-a-bad-idea-260594

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: NATO Secretary General highlights new opportunity for support at Ukraine Defence Contact Group meeting

    Source: NATO

    On Monday (21 July 2025) NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte took part in an online meeting of the Ukraine Defence Contact Group (UDCG). The meeting was hosted by the German Minister of Defence, Boris Pistorius, and the UK Defence Secretary, John Healey.

    Speaking to Defence Ministers who joined for the meeting, the Secretary General highlighted the initiative that he and US President Donald J Trump announced last week to boost support for Ukraine by opening additional US assets to Ukraine through investment by Allies in Europe and Canada. This new initiative is open-ended and has already seen numerous Allies express interest in contributing. It complements a range of other initiatives through which Allies support Ukraine and provides new access to US equipment and technology that Ukraine has requested for urgent delivery. This voluntary effort will be coordinated by NATO, given the experience and infrastructure the Alliance provides, including through its command in Wiesbaden, Germany – NATO Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine (NSATU) – that is already coordinating support for Ukraine and has logistical hubs in the eastern part of the Alliance. The UDCG will also continue to play a vital role.

    This initiative and others bring together the three key decisions made by leaders at the NATO Summit in The Hague just a few weeks ago: increasing defence investment, ramping up defence production, and supporting Ukraine. The aim of all Allied security assistance to Ukraine is to bring the conflict to a just and lasting end as quickly as possible.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI: As XRP Crosses $200 Billion Market Cap – HASHJ Launches Expanded XRP Mining Tools

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    London, United Kingdom, July 21, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — As XRP breaks past the $200 billion market cap milestone (as per CoinMarketCap), MGPD Finance Limited, doing business as HASHJ Cloud Mining, is expanding its XRP mining infrastructure with new tools, contracts, and DeFi utility—offering users a smarter, greener, and more liquid path to participate in the XRP ecosystem.

    With more than 9.3 million users across 96 countries, HASHJ continues to deliver institutional-grade mining services to everyday users. The newly enhanced XRP platform arrives just as XRP becomes one of the fastest-growing assets in the crypto space, used by over 50 global banks and backed by near-instant settlement and ultra-low transaction fees.

    Introducing the Turbo-Yield Dual-Engine™ for XRP

    HASHJ’s newly launched Turbo-Yield Dual-Engine Cloud Lane now supports high-frequency participation in XRP consensus operations, enabling:

    • Daily XRP payouts (T+0 settlements)
    • Real-time AI-based hash power routing to the highest-yielding nodes
    • Integration with DeFi tools for compounding or stablecoin conversion
    • Powered entirely by green energy (solar, wind, and hydro)

    This system dynamically shifts computing power across XRP and Solana nodes for optimal yield performance—delivering compounding rewards without user setup or hardware.

    Getting Started with XRP Mining on HASHJ

    New users receive a $118 starter pack ($18 cash + $100 hash power), activating XRP income within minutes. Simply:

    To begin:

    1. Register at www.hashj.com or download the HASHJ app.
    2. Claim Your $118 Bonus Now and $100 in trial hash power.
    3. Select a mining contract (2, 7, or 30 days).
    4. Start earning daily rewards on mined BTC, ETH, and more.

    No hardware or prior experience is required.

    XRP contracts include:

    Contract Tier Investment Duration Daily Yield Total Return
    Free Trial $0 1 day $1.00 Up to $365/year
    Starter $100 5 days $3.00 $115 total
    Advanced $500 10 days $12.00 $620 total
    Enterprise $12,000 32 days $204.00 $6,528 total

    Withdraw earnings once your balance hits $100, or reinvest with one tap to maximize compound gains.

    Security, Speed & Sustainability

    HASHJ’s infrastructure offers:

    • Cold wallet security and multi-signature protection
    • AI-optimized energy usage across 100+ green-powered data centers
    • Real-time earnings dashboard to track profits in XRP, BTC, ETH, DOGE, SOL, USDT, and more
    • 99.99% uptime across all global nodes

    With XRP surging in global adoption, HASHJ helps users turn price momentum into real-time cash flow.

    Market Context: Why XRP Now?

    Recent forecasts by CryptoVision and BlockSignals project XRP to reach $1.80+ by year-end. XRP-related searches are up 190% in the last 90 days, per Google Trends, reflecting growing global interest.

    HASHJ’s XRP cloud mining suite translates this demand into daily returns—letting users capitalize on XRP’s growth with ease, transparency, and zero hardware.

    About MGPD Finance Limited (doing business as HASHJ)

    Founded in 2018, HASHJ is a global leader in AI-powered, renewable-energy-backed cloud mining. With support for XRP, BTC, ETH, DOGE, SOL, LTC, and USDT, HASHJ provides a frictionless gateway into multi-chain mining and passive income. From mobile contracts to advanced yield tools, HASHJ transforms proof-of-work complexity into one-tap simplicity.

    For more information, visit: www.hashj.com
    App Download: Available on iOS and Android
    Business Inquiries: pr@hashj.com

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: As XRP Crosses $200 Billion Market Cap – HASHJ Launches Expanded XRP Mining Tools

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    London, United Kingdom, July 21, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — As XRP breaks past the $200 billion market cap milestone (as per CoinMarketCap), MGPD Finance Limited, doing business as HASHJ Cloud Mining, is expanding its XRP mining infrastructure with new tools, contracts, and DeFi utility—offering users a smarter, greener, and more liquid path to participate in the XRP ecosystem.

    With more than 9.3 million users across 96 countries, HASHJ continues to deliver institutional-grade mining services to everyday users. The newly enhanced XRP platform arrives just as XRP becomes one of the fastest-growing assets in the crypto space, used by over 50 global banks and backed by near-instant settlement and ultra-low transaction fees.

    Introducing the Turbo-Yield Dual-Engine™ for XRP

    HASHJ’s newly launched Turbo-Yield Dual-Engine Cloud Lane now supports high-frequency participation in XRP consensus operations, enabling:

    • Daily XRP payouts (T+0 settlements)
    • Real-time AI-based hash power routing to the highest-yielding nodes
    • Integration with DeFi tools for compounding or stablecoin conversion
    • Powered entirely by green energy (solar, wind, and hydro)

    This system dynamically shifts computing power across XRP and Solana nodes for optimal yield performance—delivering compounding rewards without user setup or hardware.

    Getting Started with XRP Mining on HASHJ

    New users receive a $118 starter pack ($18 cash + $100 hash power), activating XRP income within minutes. Simply:

    To begin:

    1. Register at www.hashj.com or download the HASHJ app.
    2. Claim Your $118 Bonus Now and $100 in trial hash power.
    3. Select a mining contract (2, 7, or 30 days).
    4. Start earning daily rewards on mined BTC, ETH, and more.

    No hardware or prior experience is required.

    XRP contracts include:

    Contract Tier Investment Duration Daily Yield Total Return
    Free Trial $0 1 day $1.00 Up to $365/year
    Starter $100 5 days $3.00 $115 total
    Advanced $500 10 days $12.00 $620 total
    Enterprise $12,000 32 days $204.00 $6,528 total

    Withdraw earnings once your balance hits $100, or reinvest with one tap to maximize compound gains.

    Security, Speed & Sustainability

    HASHJ’s infrastructure offers:

    • Cold wallet security and multi-signature protection
    • AI-optimized energy usage across 100+ green-powered data centers
    • Real-time earnings dashboard to track profits in XRP, BTC, ETH, DOGE, SOL, USDT, and more
    • 99.99% uptime across all global nodes

    With XRP surging in global adoption, HASHJ helps users turn price momentum into real-time cash flow.

    Market Context: Why XRP Now?

    Recent forecasts by CryptoVision and BlockSignals project XRP to reach $1.80+ by year-end. XRP-related searches are up 190% in the last 90 days, per Google Trends, reflecting growing global interest.

    HASHJ’s XRP cloud mining suite translates this demand into daily returns—letting users capitalize on XRP’s growth with ease, transparency, and zero hardware.

    About MGPD Finance Limited (doing business as HASHJ)

    Founded in 2018, HASHJ is a global leader in AI-powered, renewable-energy-backed cloud mining. With support for XRP, BTC, ETH, DOGE, SOL, LTC, and USDT, HASHJ provides a frictionless gateway into multi-chain mining and passive income. From mobile contracts to advanced yield tools, HASHJ transforms proof-of-work complexity into one-tap simplicity.

    For more information, visit: www.hashj.com
    App Download: Available on iOS and Android
    Business Inquiries: pr@hashj.com

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Crypto Futures Made Simple: BexBack Offers No KYC, 100x Leverage and Double Deposit Bonus to All New Users

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    SINGAPORE, July 21, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — With Bitcoin’s price fluctuating above $120,000, many analysts predict a prolonged period of high volatility in the crypto market. Holding spot positions may struggle to generate short-term profits in such conditions. As a result, 100x leverage futures trading has become the preferred tool for seasoned investors looking to maximize potential gains in this volatile market. BexBack Exchange is ramping up its efforts to offer traders unmatched promotional packages. The platform now features a 100% deposit bonus, a $50 welcome bonus for new users, and 100x leverage on cryptocurrency trading, providing exceptional opportunities for investors.

    What Is 100x Leverage and How Does It Work?

    Simply put, 100x leverage allows you to open larger trading positions with less capital. For example:

    Suppose the Bitcoin price is $100,000 that day, and you open a long contract with 1 BTC. After using 100x leverage, the transaction amount is equivalent to 100 BTC.

    One day later, if the price rises to $105,000, your profit will be (105,000 – 100,000) * 100 BTC / 100,000 = 5 BTC, a yield of up to 500%.

    With BexBack’s deposit bonus

    BexBack offers a 100% deposit bonus. If the initial investment is 2 BTC, the profit will increase to 10 BTC, and the return on investment will double to 1000%.

    Note: Although leveraged trading can magnify profits, you also need to be wary of liquidation risks.

    How Does the 100% Deposit Bonus Work?
    The deposit bonus from BexBack cannot be directly withdrawn but can be used to open larger positions and increase potential profits. Additionally, during significant market fluctuations, the bonus can serve as extra margin, effectively reducing the risk of liquidation.

    About BexBack?

    BexBack is a leading cryptocurrency derivatives platform that offers 100x leverage on BTC, ETH, ADA, SOL, and XRP futures contracts. It is headquartered in Singapore with offices in Hong Kong, Japan, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Argentina. It holds a US MSB (Money Services Business) license and is trusted by more than 500,000 traders worldwide. Accepts users from the United States, Canada, and Europe. There are no deposit fees, and traders can get the most thoughtful service, including 24/7 customer support.

    Why recommend BexBack?

    No KYC Required: Start trading immediately without complex identity verification.

    100% Deposit Bonus: Double your funds, double your profits.

    High-Leverage Trading: Offers up to 100x leverage, maximizing investors’ capital efficiency.

    Demo Account: Comes with 10 BTC in virtual funds, ideal for beginners to practice risk-free trading.

    Comprehensive Trading Options: Feature-rich trading available via Web and mobile applications.

    Convenient Operation: No slippage, no spread, and fast, precise trade execution.

    Global User Support: Enjoy 24/7 customer service, no matter where you are.

    Lucrative Affiliate Rewards: Earn up to 50% commission, perfect for promoters.

    Take Action Now—Don’t Miss Another Opportunity!

    If you missed the previous crypto bull run, this could be your chance. With BexBack’s 100x leverage and 100% deposit bonus and $50 bonus for new users , you can be a winner in the new bull run.

    Sign up on BexBack now, claim your exclusive bonus and start accumulating more BTC today!

    Website: www.bexback.com

    Contact: business@bexback.com

    Contact:
    Amanda
    business@bexback.com

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    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Africa’s minerals are being bartered for security: why it’s a bad idea

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Hanri Mostert, SARChI Chair for Mineral Law in Africa, University of Cape Town

    A US-brokered peace deal between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda binds the two African nations to a worrying arrangement: one where a country signs away its mineral resources to a superpower in return for opaque assurances of security.

    The peace deal, signed in June 2025, aims to end three decades of conflict between the DRC and Rwanda.

    A key part of the agreement binds both nations to developing a regional economic integration framework. This arrangement would expand cooperation between the two states, the US government and American investors on “transparent, formalized end-to-end mineral chains”.

    Despite its immense mineral wealth, the DRC is among the five poorest countries in the world. It has been seeking US investment in its mineral sector.

    The US has in turn touted a potential multi-billion-dollar investment programme to anchor its mineral supply chains in the traumatised and poor territory.

    The peace that the June 2025 deal promises, therefore, hinges on chaining mineral supply to the US in exchange for Washington’s powerful – but vaguely formulated – military oversight.

    The peace agreement further establishes a joint oversight committee – with representatives from the African Union, Qatar and the US – to receive complaints and resolve disputes between the DRC and Rwanda.

    But beyond the joint oversight committee, the peace deal creates no specific security obligations for the US.

    The relationship between the DRC and Rwanda has been marred by war and tension since the bloody First (1996-1997) and Second (1998-2003) Congo wars. At the heart of much of this conflict is the DRC’s mineral wealth. It has fuelled competition, exploitation and armed violence.

    This latest peace deal introduces a resources-for-security arrangement. Such deals aren’t new in Africa. They first emerged in the early 2000s as resources-for-infrastructure transactions. Here, a foreign state would agree to build economic and social infrastructure (roads, ports, airports, hospitals) in an African state. In exchange, it would get a major stake in a government-owned mining company. Or gain preferential access to the host country’s minerals.

    We have studied mineral law and governance in Africa for more than 20 years. The question that emerges now is whether a US-brokered resources-for-security agreement will help the DRC benefit from its resources.

    Based on our research on mining, development and sustainability, we believe this is unlikely.

    This is because resources-for-security is the latest version of a resource-bartering approach that China and Russia pioneered in countries such as Angola, the Central African Republic and the DRC.

    Resource bartering in Africa has eroded the sovereignty and bargaining power of mineral-rich nations such as the DRC and Angola.

    Further, resources-for-security deals are less transparent and more complicated than prior resource bartering agreements.

    DRC’s security gaps

    The DRC is endowed with major deposits of critical minerals like cobalt, copper, lithium, manganese and tantalum. These are the building blocks for 21st century technologies: artificial intelligence, electric vehicles, wind energy and military security hardware. Rwanda has less mineral wealth than its neighbour, but is the world’s third-largest producer of tantalum, used in electronics, aerospace and medical devices.

    For almost 30 years, minerals have fuelled conflict and severe violence, especially in eastern DRC. Tungsten, tantalum and gold (referred to as 3TG) finance and drive conflict as government forces and an estimated 130 armed groups vie for control over lucrative mining sites. Several reports and studies have implicated the DRC’s neighbours – Rwanda and Uganda – in supporting the illegal extraction of 3TG in this region.

    The DRC government has failed to extend security over its vast (2.3 million square kilometres) and diverse territory (109 million people, representing 250 ethnic groups). Limited resources, logistical challenges and corruption have weakened its armed forces.

    This context makes the United States’ military backing enormously attractive. But our research shows there are traps.

    What states risk losing

    Resources-for-infrastructure and resources-for-security deals generally offer African nations short-term stability, financing or global goodwill. However, the costs are often long-term because of an erosion of sovereign control.

    Here’s how this happens:

    Examples of loss or near-loss of sovereignty from these sorts of deals abound in Africa.

    For instance, Angola’s US$2 billion oil-backed loan from China Eximbank in 2004. This was repayable in monthly deliveries of oil, with revenues directed to Chinese-controlled accounts. The loan’s design deprived Angolan authorities of decision-making power over that income stream even before the oil was extracted.

    These deals also fragment accountability. They often span multiple ministries (such as defence, mining and trade), avoiding robust oversight or accountability. Fragmentation makes resource sectors vulnerable to elite capture. Powerful insiders can manipulate agreements for private gain.

    In the DRC, this has created a violent kleptocracy, where resource wealth is systematically diverted away from popular benefit.

    Finally, there is the risk of re-entrenching extractive trauma. Communities displaced for mining and environmental degradation in many countries across Africa illustrate the long-standing harm to livelihoods, health and social cohesion.

    These are not new problems. But where extraction is tied to security or infrastructure, such damage risks becoming permanent features, not temporary costs.

    What needs to change

    Critical minerals are “critical” because they’re hard to mine or substitute. Additionally, their supply chains are strategically vulnerable and politically exposed. Whoever controls these minerals controls the future. Africa must make sure it doesn’t trade that future away.

    In a world being reshaped by global interests in critical minerals, African states must not underestimate the strategic value of their mineral resources. They hold considerable leverage.

    But leverage only works if it is wielded strategically. This means:

    • investing in institutional strength and legal capacity to negotiate better deals

    • demanding local value creation and addition

    • requiring transparency and parliamentary oversight for minerals-related agreements

    • refusing deals that bypass human rights, environmental or sovereignty standards.

    Africa has the resources. It must hold on to the power they wield.

    – Africa’s minerals are being bartered for security: why it’s a bad idea
    – https://theconversation.com/africas-minerals-are-being-bartered-for-security-why-its-a-bad-idea-260594

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: British Muslim Trust appointed as new partner to monitor and tackle anti-Muslim hatred

    Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

    News story

    British Muslim Trust appointed as new partner to monitor and tackle anti-Muslim hatred

    The Combatting Hate Against Muslims Fund was established this year to tackle the record levels of anti-Muslim hate.

    • British Muslim Trust will receive funding as part of a new government drive against record levels of anti-Muslim hate.
    • Funding will boost victim support and strengthen hate crime reporting nationwide.
    • The Trust unites decades of expertise from Aziz Foundation and Randeree Charitable Trust.

    The British Muslim Trust (BMT) has been selected as the recipient of the government’s new Combatting Hate Against Muslims Fund, a key initiative to address the rise in anti-Muslim hatred across England.

    The fund was established this year to respond to the evolving nature of religious intolerance and targeted hate incidents faced by Muslim communities, which are at the highest level on record.

    BMT will use the funding to develop a robust reporting system that captures both online and offline incidents of anti-Muslim hatred, including those that may go unreported to the police.

    It will also enable the organisation to provide direct support to victims, raise awareness of what constitutes a hate crime, and encourage greater reporting from affected communities.

    Lord Khan, Minister for Faith, said:

    The rise of anti-Muslim hatred in this county is alarming and deeply concerning.

    That’s why we established this new fund: to ensure we’re doing everything we can to deeply understand the situation our Muslim communities are facing, provide them with the support they need and give us the tools needed to tackle this unacceptable hatred.

    I look forward to working with the British Muslim Trust on our shared ambition to create a safer, more tolerant society for everyone as part of our Plan for Change.

    By analysing the data collected, the BMT will help identify the trends and drivers behind these incidents, providing the government with the evidence needed to shape effective policy and inform action to tackle anti-Muslim hate moving forward, helping to deliver on our Safer Streets mission as part of our Plan for Change.

    The BMT brings together the Aziz Foundation and Randeree Charitable Trust to form a comprehensive organisation, combining their expertise and strong community foundations, gained from over twenty-years of work, to meet the demands of today’s landscape.

    Shabir Randeree, CBE, will serve as the Chair of the Board of Directors, bringing with him a wealth of cross-sector experience, knowledge and a firm commitment to championing the welfare of ethnic minorities in Britain.

    Shabir Randeree, Chair of the Board of Directors at the British Muslim Trust, said:

    Tackling anti-Muslim hatred is essential to building safer, more inclusive communities – and we are proud to have been appointed to deliver this important work.

    The British Muslim Trust will work closely with partners across the country to support victims, listen to communities, and help ensure that every person can live free from fear and hatred.

    Notes to Editors:

    • The British Muslim Trust will begin receiving reports and monitoring incidents from early autumn.
    • In establishing the BMT, The Aziz Foundation and Randeree Charitable Trust have also worked closely with Akeela Ahmed MBE, who they intend to appoint as CEO, drawing on her decades of experience in working with grassroots organisations and policy-level anti-hate work.
    • Incidents of hate crime directed towards Muslims is at a record high in England and Wales – as set out in recent government statistics: Hate crime, England and Wales, year ending March 2024 – GOV.UK
    • The window to bid for this funding under the Combatting Hate Against Muslims Fund ran from 7 April for six weeks. More information about the assessment criteria used to select the grant partner can be found in the fund’s prospectus, linked here: Combatting Hate Against Muslims fund: prospectus – GOV.UK
    • The Randeree Charitable Trust has spent decades supporting and funding organisations which work to empower young people, support interfaith dialogue, religious understanding and community cohesion. Through this work, the Trust has built a deep and widespread network which will support in establishing the British Muslim Trust’s within communities across the country.
    • The Aziz Foundation supports individuals from British Muslim communities by empowering them to advance their careers and make valuable contributions to society through providing Master’s scholarships and other resources. The foundation has spent a decade nurturing confident leaders of Muslim background to address social challenges and promote positive change within their communities and beyond.

    • NPCC’s National Police Advisor for Hate Crime Paul Giannasi said:

    “The Crime Survey for England and Wales demonstrates that hate crime has a greater impact on victims when compared to non-targeted crime. It damages our society, creating fear and division in communities that are targeted. 

    “We also know that hate crime has traditionally been underreported and have seen evidence that this is a particular challenge with those affected by anti-Muslim hatred.

    “The police will not tolerate hate crime and would encourage all victims to report crimes, whether direct to the police or through third-party facilities provided by community groups. 

    “We welcome the funding that government has committed to address this issue and any initiative that helps victims to seek and receive the services they deserve.”

    • Imam Qasim, Exec. Chairman & Founder, Al-Khair Foundation, said:

    “Al Khair Foundation welcomes the establishment of the British Muslim Trust as a dedicated platform through which members of the public may report hate crimes. 

    “This timely and much-needed initiative constitutes a significant milestone in the advancement of community cohesion and the restoration of trust and confidence among affected communities.”

    Updates to this page

    Published 21 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Russia: SPbPU representatives took part in the cross-university examination of the Priority-2030 program

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Peter the Great St. Petersburg Polytechnic University –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    The Sociocenter, with the support of the Ministry of Education and Science of Russia, has completed the selection of experts to conduct a cross-university examination of the implementation of the Priority-2030 program. Among them are the head of the SPbPU Office of Technological Leadership Oleg Rozhdestvensky, Vice-Rector for Continuing and Pre-University Education Dmitry Tikhonov and Director of the Department of Economics and Finance Elena Vinogradova.

    In total, 156 representatives of universities participating in the Priority 2030 program and scientific organizations will be involved in the cross-university examination of the Priority 2030 program.

    The selection of experts was a multi-stage process. At the correspondence stage, the selection committee assessed the professional experience and motivation of candidates based on their resumes and essays. As a result, 225 people received an invitation to an educational intensive course at Bauman Moscow State Technical University. There, the candidates’ leadership qualities, teamwork skills, ability to analyze information and formulate constructive proposals were assessed. The final stage was an online meeting with the participation of expert candidates, representatives of the Sociocenter and the Ministry of Education and Science of Russia, at which five strategically important areas of modern higher education were formulated:

    target model and strategic positioning; university development management; strategic technology projects and change projects; knowledge production, transfer and application system for technological leadership; leadership and development team.

    After the final list of experts was approved, the Sociocenter team began the final preparation of a large-scale expert work that will cover 113 universities participating in the Priority 2030 program. From September, experts will begin visiting universities across the country to assess their condition and develop recommendations for further development.

    Cross-university assessment is an innovative format for assessing the activities of universities, in which the assessment is carried out by representatives of the professional community of university specialists themselves. This mechanism allows combining the principles of objective assessment with the possibility of mutual learning and dissemination of best practices.

    “This is an excellent expert tool that has not only proven its effectiveness over the past couple of years, but has also ensured the formation of a community of qualified specialists in the field of university development,” commented Oleg Rozhdestvensky, Head of the SPbPU Office of Technological Leadership. “And the main difference this year is that such expert work is becoming systemic — more and more people and universities are getting involved. This is extremely important given the focus of most universities on the federal agenda of achieving technological leadership and the upcoming changes in the higher education system in the country.”

    The Russian Ministry of Education and Science has been implementing the Priority 2030 program since 2021. Since 2025, the program has become part of the federal project Universities for a Generation of Leaders of the national project Youth and Children.

    Based on materials from the Federal State Autonomous Institution “Sociocenter”

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: 2,139 freight trains passed through Manzhouli checkpoint in January-June this year

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    BEIJING, July 21 (Xinhua) — A total of 2,139 freight trains passed through Manzhouli Port on China-Europe international freight routes in the first half of this year, the press service of the people’s government of the city of the same name in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region said Monday.

    These trains transported about 228 thousand standard containers /twenty-foot equivalent unit, TEU/. In particular, 1,360 similar trains passed through this border crossing in the opposite direction, delivering more than 141 thousand TEU to China. Compared to the same period last year, both indicators increased by 7.4 percent and 5.4 percent, respectively.

    As of last month, in terms of the volume of freight train transportation on return trips through the Manzhouli border crossing, this border crossing has been ranked first in the country for six months in a row.

    The Manzhouli checkpoint is located on the border of China with the Zabaikalsky Krai of Russia. Currently, China-Europe freight trains entering China connect Manzhouli with more than 60 cities in the country, including Harbin, Shanghai and Guangzhou. The range of products imported to China through this checkpoint includes essential goods, electronics, cars, edible oil, lumber, etc. -0-

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: CPC launches new round of disciplinary inspections

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: People’s Republic of China in Russian – People’s Republic of China in Russian –

    An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    BEIJING, July 21 (Xinhua) — China has launched the sixth round of routine disciplinary inspections by the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC Central Committee). As of Sunday, teams of inspectors had been dispatched to 16 provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the central government, according to an official statement released Monday.

    In addition, joint inspections will be carried out in 10 sub-provincial cities in cooperation with relevant inspection authorities at the provincial level.

    According to the statement, the work under the new round of disciplinary inspections will focus on violations of political and organizational discipline, as well as discipline in following the principles of honesty and integrity, discipline in relation to the masses, labor and everyday discipline.

    Teams of inspectors will be deployed to designated units for a period of approximately two and a half months. Access to duty telephone lines and mailboxes will be open to receive messages and complaints from the public until September 23 this year. -0-

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Rosneft held a corporate festival “Energy of Talents” in Moscow

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Rosneft – An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    The final of Rosneft’s corporate creative festival “Energy of Talents” was held in Moscow at the Mosproducer conference center, in which employees of 44 of the Company’s enterprises from all over the country took part.

    Rosneft has been holding annual creative festivals for its employees since 2011. In 2025, more than 7,000 people from 59 Group Companies applied to participate in the Energy of Talents selection round, which was held online. The jury members viewed hundreds of creative numbers in various nominations.

    Participants who qualified for the final competed over two days in dancing, singing, playing musical instruments, original genre, fine art and photography. Winners in six nominations were selected by a professional jury, with voting in two nominations taking place online.

    Between performances, participants and spectators had the opportunity to take master classes under the guidance of professional teachers in choreography, vocals, acting, public speaking and instrumental genres.

    The company supports significant projects in Russian cultural life that are aimed at reviving and preserving spiritual and national values. With the support of the Company, the State Hermitage Museum has been holding various exhibitions and expositions since 2018. Thus, in 2024, the museum opened an updated permanent exhibition “Culture and Art of China”.

    With the Company’s support, the Mariinsky Theatre artists under the direction of Valery Gergiev performed in Qatar with the production of “A Thousand and One Nights”; a concert dedicated to the 95th anniversary of Alexandra Pakhmutova was held in Volgograd; a number of exhibitions were organized at the Jewish Museum and Tolerance Center in Moscow. In 2023-2024, Tatyana Navka’s ice shows “Evenings on a Farm” and “The Nutcracker” were held in Moscow, and the show “The Love Story of Scheherazade” toured in the Indian city of Ahmedabad.

    Department of Information and AdvertisingPJSC NK RosneftJuly 21, 2025

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

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    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Rosneft sums up the results of the polar bear field research season

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Rosneft – An important disclaimer is at the bottom of this article.

    Specialists from the Rosneft Arctic Research Center, together with scientists from the country’s leading research institutes, have summed up the results of the polar bear field season as part of the Tamura corporate biodiversity conservation program. Three expeditions were conducted in the spring to study the Arctic predator population.

    Representatives of the Company, the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment of the Russian Federation, the A.N. Severtsov Institute of Ecology and Evolution of the Russian Academy of Sciences, as well as specialists from the Biotechnology Campus (BTC) Center for Whole-Genome Sequencing, spoke about scientific work in the north of Krasnoyarsk Krai at a press breakfast.

    In 2025, scientists were faced with the task of conducting the first full-scale aerial survey of the Kara subpopulation of polar bears in Russian practice. Specialists made 25 flights, the total length of air routes was almost 24 thousand km. During the expeditions, about 170 thousand photographs were taken, as well as 540 thousand infrared photographs, which will be processed using artificial intelligence.

    According to the expedition participants, 8 flights of the laboratory aircraft were made from the village of Sabetta in Yamal for a comprehensive survey of the inner delta of the Gulf of Ob and the southeastern part of the Kara Sea. During the aerial visual observations, 22 polar bears, 23 walruses, 616 seals, 77 belugas, and rare bird species were recorded.

    Ten helicopter flights were made from the village of Dikson to survey the ice of a number of islands, as well as the ice in the Yenisei Gulf to Sever Bay and along the northern coast of the Taimyr Peninsula to the mouth of the Uboynaya River. During the work, 37 polar bears of various ages and both sexes were registered. 10 animals were tagged with satellite collars and ear tags for remote tracking of migration routes. Scientists also took samples of the polar bears’ fur and blood to study their health and genetic affiliation to a particular subpopulation – the samples are already being studied by BTK specialists. The location of two abandoned polar bear maternity dens and the habitat of the bears’ main food source – the ringed seal – were also determined.

    Also from the village of Dikson, scientists surveyed the central and south-eastern waters of the Kara Sea. Specialists carried out 7 flights and registered 12 polar bears, 16 belugas and 420 seals. Specialists noted that based on the results of the work, the number and distribution density of polar bears and their food sources in the Kara Sea will be determined.

    Rosneft pays special attention to environmental issues and biodiversity conservation and is implementing the largest comprehensive Arctic region study program since Soviet times. The goal of the new Tamura research program, which started in 2024, is to update information on the state of key animal species in the northern region. The Tamura program includes studying the Kara subpopulation of polar bears, wild reindeer populations in western Taimyr, and valuable bird and fish species in the Yenisei estuary. The data obtained will allow scientists to draw conclusions about the state of ecosystems and develop measures to preserve the region’s biodiversity. In 2024, scientists conducted five expeditions, and ten expeditions will be held in total over four years.

    Department of Information and AdvertisingPJSC NK RosneftJuly 21, 2025

    Please note: This information is raw content obtained directly from the source of the information. It is an accurate report of what the source claims and does not necessarily reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    .

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Occupied Palestinian Territories: joint statement, 21 July 2025

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments 3

    News story

    Occupied Palestinian Territories: joint statement, 21 July 2025

    The UK and 25 international partners gave a joint statement on the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

    Joint statement by:

    • foreign ministers of Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and the UK
    • EU Commissioner for Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management

    We, the signatories listed below, come together with a simple, urgent message: the war in Gaza must end now.

    The suffering of civilians in Gaza has reached new depths. The Israeli government’s aid delivery model is dangerous, fuels instability and deprives Gazans of human dignity. We condemn the drip feeding of aid and the inhumane killing of civilians, including children, seeking to meet their most basic needs of water and food. It is horrifying that over 800 Palestinians have been killed while seeking aid. The Israeli Government’s denial of essential humanitarian assistance to the civilian population is unacceptable. Israel must comply with its obligations under international humanitarian law.

    The hostages cruelly held captive by Hamas since 7 October 2023 continue to suffer terribly. We condemn their continued detention and call for their immediate and unconditional release. A negotiated ceasefire offers the best hope of bringing them home and ending the agony of their families.

    We call on the Israeli government to immediately lift restrictions on the flow of aid and to urgently enable the UN and humanitarian NGOs to do their life saving work safely and effectively.

    We call on all parties to protect civilians and uphold the obligations of international humanitarian law. Proposals to remove the Palestinian population into a “humanitarian city” are completely unacceptable. Permanent forced displacement is a violation of international humanitarian law.

    We strongly oppose any steps towards territorial or demographic change in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The E1 settlement plan announced by Israel’s Civil Administration, if implemented, would divide a Palestinian state in two, marking a flagrant breach of international law and critically undermine the two-state solution. Meanwhile, settlement building across the West Bank including East Jerusalem has accelerated while settler violence against Palestinians has soared. This must stop.

    We urge the parties and the international community to unite in a common effort to bring this terrible conflict to an end, through an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire. Further bloodshed serves no purpose.  We reaffirm our complete support to the efforts of the US, Qatar and Egypt to achieve this.

    We are prepared to take further action to support an immediate ceasefire and a political pathway to security and peace for Israelis, Palestinians and the entire region.

    This statement has been signed by: 

    • The Foreign Ministers of Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and the UK 

    • The EU Commissioner for Equality, Preparedness and Crisis Management

    Media enquiries

    Email newsdesk@fcdo.gov.uk

    Telephone 020 7008 3100

    Email the FCDO Newsdesk (monitored 24 hours a day) in the first instance, and we will respond as soon as possible.

    Updates to this page

    Published 21 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: ‘Democratizing space’ is more than just adding new players – it comes with questions around sustainability and sovereignty

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Timiebi Aganaba, Assistant Professor of Space and Society, Arizona State University

    A group of people gaze up at the Moon in Germany. AP Photo/Markus Schreiber

    India is on the Moon,” S. Somanath, chairman of the Indian Space Research Organization, announced in August 2023. The announcement meant India had joined the short list of countries to have visited the Moon, and the applause and shouts of joy that followed signified that this achievement wasn’t just a scientific one, but a cultural one.

    India’s successful lunar landing prompted celebrations across the country, like this one in Mumbai.
    AP Photo/Rajanish Kakade

    Over the past decade, many countries have established new space programs, including multiple African nations. India and Israel – nations that were not technical contributors to the space race in the 1960s and ‘70s – have attempted landings on the lunar surface.

    With more countries joining the evolving space economy, many of our colleagues in space strategy, policy ethics and law have celebrated the democratization of space: the hope that space is now more accessible for diverse participants.

    We are a team of researchers based across four countries with expertise in space policy and law, ethics, geography and anthropology who have written about the difficulties and importance of inclusion in space.

    Major players like the U.S., the European Union and China may once have dominated space and seen it as a place to try out new commercial and military ventures. Emerging new players in space, like other countries, commercial interests and nongovernmental organizations, may have other goals and rationales. Unexpected new initiatives from these newcomers could shift perceptions of space from something to dominate and possess to something more inclusive, equitable and democratic.

    We address these emerging and historical tensions in a paper published in May 2025 in the journal Nature, in which we describe the difficulties and importance of including nontraditional actors and Indigenous peoples in the space industry.

    Continuing inequalities among space players

    Not all countries’ space agencies are equal. Newer agencies often don’t have the same resources behind them that large, established players do.

    The U.S. and Chinese programs receive much more funding than those of any other country. Because they are most frequently sending up satellites and proposing new ideas puts them in the position to establish conventions for satellite systems, landing sites and resource extraction that everyone else may have to follow.

    Sometimes, countries may have operated on the assumption that owning a satellite would give them the appearance of soft or hard geopolitical power as a space nation – and ultimately gain relevance.

    Small satellites, called CubeSats, are becoming relatively affordable and easy to develop, allowing more players, from countries and companies to universities and student groups, to have a satellite in space.
    NASA/Butch Wilmore, CC BY-NC

    In reality, student groups of today can develop small satellites, called CubeSats, autonomously, and recent scholarship has concluded that even successful space missions may negatively affect the international relationships between some countries and their partners. The respect a country expects to receive may not materialize, and the costs to keep up can outstrip gains in potential prestige.

    Environmental protection and Indigenous perspectives

    Usually, building the infrastructure necessary to test and launch rockets requires a remote area with established roads. In many cases, companies and space agencies have placed these facilities on lands where Indigenous peoples have strong claims, which can lead to land disputes, like in western Australia.

    Many of these sites have already been subject to human-made changes, through mining and resource extraction in the past. Many sites have been ground zero for tensions with Indigenous peoples over land use. Within these contested spaces, disputes are rife.

    Because of these tensions around land use, it is important to include Indigenous claims and perspectives. Doing so can help make sure that the goal of protecting the environments of outer space and Earth are not cast aside while building space infrastructure here on Earth.

    Some efforts are driving this more inclusive approach to engagement in space, including initiatives like “Dark and Quiet Skies”, a movement that works to ensure that people can stargaze and engage with the stars without noise or sound pollution. This movement and other inclusive approaches operate on the principle of reciprocity: that more players getting involved with space can benefit all.

    Researchers have recognized similar dynamics within the larger space industry. Some scholars have come to the conclusion that even though the space industry is “pay to play,” commitments to reciprocity can help ensure that players in space exploration who may not have the financial or infrastructural means to support individual efforts can still access broader structures of support.

    The downside of more players entering space is that this expansion can make protecting the environment – both on Earth and beyond – even harder.

    The more players there are, at both private and international levels, the more difficult sustainable space exploration could become. Even with good will and the best of intentions, it would be difficult to enforce uniform standards for the exploration and use of space resources that would protect the lunar surface, Mars and beyond.

    It may also grow harder to police the launch of satellites and dedicated constellations. Limiting the number of satellites could prevent space junk, protect the satellites already in orbit and allow everyone to have a clear view of the night sky. However, this would have to compete with efforts to expand internet access to all.

    The amount of space junk in orbit has increased dramatically since the 1960s.

    What is space exploration for?

    Before tackling these issues, we find it useful to think about the larger goal of space exploration, and what the different approaches are. One approach would be the fast and inclusive democratization of space – making it easier for more players to join in. Another would be a more conservative and slower “big player” approach, which would restrict who can go to space.

    The conservative approach is liable to leave developing nations and Indigenous peoples firmly on the outside of a key process shaping humanity’s shared future.

    But a faster and more inclusive approach to space would not be easy to run. More serious players means it would be harder to come to an agreement about regulations, as well as the larger goals for human expansion into space.

    Narratives around emerging technologies, such as those required for space exploration, can change over time, as people begin to see them in action.

    Technology that we take for granted today was once viewed as futuristic or fantastical, and sometimes with suspicion. For example, at the end of the 1940s, George Orwell imagined a world in which totalitarian systems used tele-screens and videoconferencing to control the masses.

    Earlier in the same decade, Thomas J. Watson, then president of IBM, notoriously predicted that there would be a global market for about five computers. We as humans often fear or mistrust future technologies.

    However, not all technological shifts are detrimental, and some technological changes can have clear benefits. In the future, robots may perform tasks too dangerous, too difficult or too dull and repetitive for humans. Biotechnology may make life healthier. Artificial intelligence can sift through vast amounts of data and turn it into reliable guesswork. Researchers can also see genuine downsides to each of these technologies.

    Space exploration is harder to squeeze into one streamlined narrative about the anticipated benefits. The process is just too big and too transformative.

    To return to the question if we should go to space, our team argues that it is not a question of whether or not we should go, but rather a question of why we do it, who benefits from space exploration and how we can democratize access to broader segments of society. Including a diversity of opinions and viewpoints can help find productive ways forward.

    Ultimately, it is not necessary for everyone to land on one single narrative about the value of space exploration. Even our team of four researchers doesn’t share a single set of beliefs about its value. But bringing more nations, tribes and companies into discussions around its potential value can help create collaborative and worthwhile goals at an international scale.

    Tony Milligan receives funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (Grant agreement No. 856543).

    Adam Fish, Deondre Smiles, and Timiebi Aganaba do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. ‘Democratizing space’ is more than just adding new players – it comes with questions around sustainability and sovereignty – https://theconversation.com/democratizing-space-is-more-than-just-adding-new-players-it-comes-with-questions-around-sustainability-and-sovereignty-257306

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: ‘Democratizing space’ is more than just adding new players – it comes with questions around sustainability and sovereignty

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Timiebi Aganaba, Assistant Professor of Space and Society, Arizona State University

    A group of people gaze up at the Moon in Germany. AP Photo/Markus Schreiber

    India is on the Moon,” S. Somanath, chairman of the Indian Space Research Organization, announced in August 2023. The announcement meant India had joined the short list of countries to have visited the Moon, and the applause and shouts of joy that followed signified that this achievement wasn’t just a scientific one, but a cultural one.

    India’s successful lunar landing prompted celebrations across the country, like this one in Mumbai.
    AP Photo/Rajanish Kakade

    Over the past decade, many countries have established new space programs, including multiple African nations. India and Israel – nations that were not technical contributors to the space race in the 1960s and ‘70s – have attempted landings on the lunar surface.

    With more countries joining the evolving space economy, many of our colleagues in space strategy, policy ethics and law have celebrated the democratization of space: the hope that space is now more accessible for diverse participants.

    We are a team of researchers based across four countries with expertise in space policy and law, ethics, geography and anthropology who have written about the difficulties and importance of inclusion in space.

    Major players like the U.S., the European Union and China may once have dominated space and seen it as a place to try out new commercial and military ventures. Emerging new players in space, like other countries, commercial interests and nongovernmental organizations, may have other goals and rationales. Unexpected new initiatives from these newcomers could shift perceptions of space from something to dominate and possess to something more inclusive, equitable and democratic.

    We address these emerging and historical tensions in a paper published in May 2025 in the journal Nature, in which we describe the difficulties and importance of including nontraditional actors and Indigenous peoples in the space industry.

    Continuing inequalities among space players

    Not all countries’ space agencies are equal. Newer agencies often don’t have the same resources behind them that large, established players do.

    The U.S. and Chinese programs receive much more funding than those of any other country. Because they are most frequently sending up satellites and proposing new ideas puts them in the position to establish conventions for satellite systems, landing sites and resource extraction that everyone else may have to follow.

    Sometimes, countries may have operated on the assumption that owning a satellite would give them the appearance of soft or hard geopolitical power as a space nation – and ultimately gain relevance.

    Small satellites, called CubeSats, are becoming relatively affordable and easy to develop, allowing more players, from countries and companies to universities and student groups, to have a satellite in space.
    NASA/Butch Wilmore, CC BY-NC

    In reality, student groups of today can develop small satellites, called CubeSats, autonomously, and recent scholarship has concluded that even successful space missions may negatively affect the international relationships between some countries and their partners. The respect a country expects to receive may not materialize, and the costs to keep up can outstrip gains in potential prestige.

    Environmental protection and Indigenous perspectives

    Usually, building the infrastructure necessary to test and launch rockets requires a remote area with established roads. In many cases, companies and space agencies have placed these facilities on lands where Indigenous peoples have strong claims, which can lead to land disputes, like in western Australia.

    Many of these sites have already been subject to human-made changes, through mining and resource extraction in the past. Many sites have been ground zero for tensions with Indigenous peoples over land use. Within these contested spaces, disputes are rife.

    Because of these tensions around land use, it is important to include Indigenous claims and perspectives. Doing so can help make sure that the goal of protecting the environments of outer space and Earth are not cast aside while building space infrastructure here on Earth.

    Some efforts are driving this more inclusive approach to engagement in space, including initiatives like “Dark and Quiet Skies”, a movement that works to ensure that people can stargaze and engage with the stars without noise or sound pollution. This movement and other inclusive approaches operate on the principle of reciprocity: that more players getting involved with space can benefit all.

    Researchers have recognized similar dynamics within the larger space industry. Some scholars have come to the conclusion that even though the space industry is “pay to play,” commitments to reciprocity can help ensure that players in space exploration who may not have the financial or infrastructural means to support individual efforts can still access broader structures of support.

    The downside of more players entering space is that this expansion can make protecting the environment – both on Earth and beyond – even harder.

    The more players there are, at both private and international levels, the more difficult sustainable space exploration could become. Even with good will and the best of intentions, it would be difficult to enforce uniform standards for the exploration and use of space resources that would protect the lunar surface, Mars and beyond.

    It may also grow harder to police the launch of satellites and dedicated constellations. Limiting the number of satellites could prevent space junk, protect the satellites already in orbit and allow everyone to have a clear view of the night sky. However, this would have to compete with efforts to expand internet access to all.

    The amount of space junk in orbit has increased dramatically since the 1960s.

    What is space exploration for?

    Before tackling these issues, we find it useful to think about the larger goal of space exploration, and what the different approaches are. One approach would be the fast and inclusive democratization of space – making it easier for more players to join in. Another would be a more conservative and slower “big player” approach, which would restrict who can go to space.

    The conservative approach is liable to leave developing nations and Indigenous peoples firmly on the outside of a key process shaping humanity’s shared future.

    But a faster and more inclusive approach to space would not be easy to run. More serious players means it would be harder to come to an agreement about regulations, as well as the larger goals for human expansion into space.

    Narratives around emerging technologies, such as those required for space exploration, can change over time, as people begin to see them in action.

    Technology that we take for granted today was once viewed as futuristic or fantastical, and sometimes with suspicion. For example, at the end of the 1940s, George Orwell imagined a world in which totalitarian systems used tele-screens and videoconferencing to control the masses.

    Earlier in the same decade, Thomas J. Watson, then president of IBM, notoriously predicted that there would be a global market for about five computers. We as humans often fear or mistrust future technologies.

    However, not all technological shifts are detrimental, and some technological changes can have clear benefits. In the future, robots may perform tasks too dangerous, too difficult or too dull and repetitive for humans. Biotechnology may make life healthier. Artificial intelligence can sift through vast amounts of data and turn it into reliable guesswork. Researchers can also see genuine downsides to each of these technologies.

    Space exploration is harder to squeeze into one streamlined narrative about the anticipated benefits. The process is just too big and too transformative.

    To return to the question if we should go to space, our team argues that it is not a question of whether or not we should go, but rather a question of why we do it, who benefits from space exploration and how we can democratize access to broader segments of society. Including a diversity of opinions and viewpoints can help find productive ways forward.

    Ultimately, it is not necessary for everyone to land on one single narrative about the value of space exploration. Even our team of four researchers doesn’t share a single set of beliefs about its value. But bringing more nations, tribes and companies into discussions around its potential value can help create collaborative and worthwhile goals at an international scale.

    Tony Milligan receives funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (Grant agreement No. 856543).

    Adam Fish, Deondre Smiles, and Timiebi Aganaba do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. ‘Democratizing space’ is more than just adding new players – it comes with questions around sustainability and sovereignty – https://theconversation.com/democratizing-space-is-more-than-just-adding-new-players-it-comes-with-questions-around-sustainability-and-sovereignty-257306

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Inquiry to uncover truth of Orgreave

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    News story

    Inquiry to uncover truth of Orgreave

    Inquiry into violent confrontation at Orgreave to be established this year, with the Rt Revd Dr Pete Wilcox, Bishop of Sheffield, appointed as chair.

    The Home Secretary visiting the site alongside campaigners and the National Union of Mineworkers

    An inquiry into the violent confrontation between police, picketers and subsequent protesters at Orgreave 41 years ago will be established as the government delivers its manifesto commitment to uncover the truth.

    The inquiry, expected to launch in the autumn, will investigate the events surrounding clashes at the Orgreave Coking Plant in 1984, causing 120 injuries. In total, 95 picketers were arrested and initially charged with riot and violent disorder, but all charges were later dropped after evidence was discredited.

    The inquiry will be statutory, with the appropriate powers to compel people to provide information where necessary.

    The Rt Revd Dr Pete Wilcox, the Bishop of Sheffield, has agreed to chair the inquiry, which is intended to aid the public’s understanding of how the events on the day, and immediately after, came to pass.

    The event has left a lasting impact on those present that day and their families, as well as undermining the wider mining community’s confidence in policing for decades.

    That is why, as the government looks to rebuild public confidence in policing as part of its Plan for Change, it is delivering on this manifesto commitment to bring to light what happened at Orgreave, with the Home Secretary visiting the site alongside the campaigners and the National Union of Mineworkers who have fought for years for answers.

    Home Secretary Yvette Cooper said: 

    Every community should have confidence in their police, but we know what happened at Orgreave cast a shadow over communities in Yorkshire and other mining areas.

    The violent scenes and subsequent prosecutions raised concerns that have been left unanswered for decades, and we must now establish what happened.

    I pay tribute to the campaigners who never stopped in their search for truth and justice, and I look forward to continuing to work with them as we build an inquiry that gets the answers they and their communities deserve.

    The Rt Revd Dr Pete Wilcox said:

    I am extremely grateful to the Home Secretary for the opportunity to chair this inquiry and for the support I shall be given in doing so. I do not underestimate the weight of expectation or the significance of the task. 

    I look forward to engaging with stakeholders in the coming weeks over the draft terms of reference, and to working with the government to identify experts to support me on the independent panel.

    I expect the panel to begin its work in the autumn, and we will endeavour to deliver an inquiry which is thorough and fair, and which will uncover what happened at Orgreave as swiftly as possible.

    The government has engaged with campaign groups throughout the process of designing the inquiry to ensure their concerns and experiences are considered.

    Formal consultation between the Home Secretary and the Rt Revd Dr Pete Wilcox on the inquiry’s terms of reference has already begun, and further engagement with key stakeholders will be an important part of that process. The inquiry will aim to deliver swiftly to ensure the wellbeing of those searching for answers is not unduly impacted.

    A final copy of the terms of reference will then be published at the earliest opportunity.

    Orgreave Truth and Justice Campaign Secretary, Kate Flannery, said: 

    We have waited a long time for this day and this is really positive news. All these years of hard work by the OTJC and our many supporters has helped to influence this constructive announcement. We appreciate the Home Secretary’s commitment to holding some kind of Orgreave inquiry. 

    We now need to be satisfied that the inquiry is given the necessary powers to fully investigate all the aspects of the orchestrated policing at Orgreave, and have unrestricted access to all relevant information including government, police and media documents, photos and films.

    The National Union of Mineworkers General Secretary, Chris Kitchen, said:

    The NUM welcome the announcement the Home Secretary, Yvette Cooper, has made to hold a statutory inquiry into the policing at Orgreave and subsequent court case abandoned after police evidence was discredited.

    It is hugely welcome to see this government fulfil its pledge made in the Labour Party Manifesto to the mining community. The events at Orgreave, and throughout the strike, destroyed the trust between the police and mining communities even now, 41 years later. It is vital that this trust is won back and the NUM believe this inquiry will go some way to rebuilding that trust.

    The NUM will offer the Rt Revd Dr Pete Wilcox, Bishop of Sheffield, any assistance that he requires to ensure that the inquiry uncovers the truth about who orchestrated the events at Orgreave and the failed court case so that precautions can be put in place, so it never happens again.

    South Yorkshire’s Mayor, Oliver Coppard, said:

    What happened at Orgreave remains one of the most controversial episodes in policing history. The violent clashes, the arrest of 95 miners, the collapse of the subsequent trial after revelations about police conduct, and the absence of any investigation or accountability scarred those involved, and people across our entire community.

    So, the announcement of a public inquiry into the events at Orgreave is a landmark moment for justice and accountability. We wouldn’t have got this without the sheer determination of the campaigners and a government and Home Secretary who have listened to the long-held concerns.

    The inquiry represents an opportunity to examine not only the actions of South Yorkshire Police and other forces on that day, but also the broader role of government at the time. It’s a step towards setting the historical record straight, ensuring lessons are learned, and restoring public trust.

    We owe it to the miners, their families, and our communities to ensure that the events of Orgreave are finally understood. My hope is that the public inquiry is completed at pace and that at the end of the process it brings closure and a sense of justice for those involved and their families in particular, and that we are finally able to turn the page on the events of that moment in our history.

    Updates to this page

    Published 21 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI China: Russia makes group raids on Ukraine

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Russian forces launched an overnight group strike on Ukraine’s military-industrial complex and the infrastructure of military airfields, the Russian Defense Ministry said Monday.

    The raid involved long-range high-precision weapons launched from air, land and sea-based platforms, including “Kinzhal” air-launched hypersonic ballistic missiles and combat drones, the ministry said in a statement.

    Meanwhile, Russia’s air defense intercepted 74 Ukrainian drones overnight, including 23 in the Moscow Region, it added.

    Airports in Moscow introduced air restrictions in the early hours of Monday for flight safety reasons, which were subsequently lifted, according to Russia’s Federal Air Transport Agency.

    Downed drone debris caused a fire on the roof of the railway station in the village of Kamenolomni in the Rostov Region, and more than 50 trains were delayed, said Russian Railways.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Comparing ICE to the Gestapo reveals people’s fears for the US – a Holocaust scholar explains why Nazi analogies remain common, yet risky

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel H. Magilow, Professor of German, University of Tennessee

    U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers gather for a briefing before an enforcement operation on Jan. 27, 2025, in Silver Spring, Md. Associated Press

    Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz recently sparked controversy by comparing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to Nazi Germany’s notorious secret police, the Gestapo.

    “Donald Trump’s modern-day Gestapo is scooping folks up off the streets,” Walz said during a May 2025 speech at the University of Minnesota Law School’s commencement ceremony.

    “They’re in unmarked vans, wearing masks, being shipped off to foreign torture dungeons, no chance to mount a defense, not even a chance to kiss a loved one goodbye, just grabbed up by masked agents, shoved into those vans, and disappeared,” Walz added.

    ICE, tasked with enforcing immigration policies, has dramatically increased the number of nationwide arrests of immigrants since President Donald Trump returned to office in January 2025. ICE’s arrests of immigrants have more than doubled in 38 states since then.

    In recent months, other Democratic politicians, including U.S Rep. Dan Goldman of New York, have also compared ICE to the Gestapo, or Adolf Hitler’s “secret police,” as Rep. Seth Moulton of Massachusetts said in April.

    But do ICE’s tactics actually resemble those of the Gestapo?

    Because I am a scholar of modern Germany and the Holocaust, people regularly ask me if this analogy is accurate. The answer is complicated.

    The Gestapo arrests a group of Jewish men hiding in a cellar in Poland in 1939, in what was possibly a staged German propaganda photo.
    Keystone/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

    Understanding the Gestapo

    The Nazi regime established the Gestapo, short for the German phrase Geheime Staatspolizei, meaning secret state police, soon after Hitler became chancellor of Germany in January 1933. Among other responsibilities, the Gestapo was tasked with investigating political crimes and monitoring opposition activity. It later enforced racial laws in Germany and across occupied Europe.

    As part of its daily work, the Gestapo identified and monitored the regime’s political enemies. It arrested, interrogated, detained and tortured suspects and sent others to concentration camps. To identify suspects, it often relied on anonymous denunciations that came not only from zealous Nazis, but also from disgruntled neighbors or business competitors who tipped off the Gestapo to Jews and other people.

    While the Gestapo was relatively small in terms of personnel, it projected an image of being, as one scholar wrote, “omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent.”

    It enforced the regime’s will and suppressed dissent not through sheer manpower but by creating a pervasive sense of fear. This aura of menace and terror has long outlived the Nazi regime itself.

    ICE’s operations

    ICE, with around 21,000 officers and staff operating in a country of more than 340 million, is smaller both in absolute terms and on a per capita basis. At its height between 1943 and 1945, the Gestapo had between 40,000 and 50,000 personnel in a country of 79 million.

    ICE is set to expand its work in the next few years with an additional US$75 billion in funding that Congress appropriated in July as part of Trump’s tax and spending bill.

    And while ICE focuses on immigration, the Gestapo had a more expansive role. It was responsible for suppressing all forms of political dissent, not just violations of immigration law.

    ICE operates with vastly more advanced technologies that did not exist in the 1940s, including facial recognition and social media monitoring.

    There is technically more transparency around ICE’s work than the Gestapo’s, since ICE is a federal agency that is subject to its work and information being reviewed by politicians and the public alike. But in June 2020, the first Trump administration reclassified ICE, which is part of the Department of Homeland Security, as a “security/sensitive agency.” This designation makes it harder for people to request and receive information about ICE’s work through Freedom of Information Act records requests.

    Like the Gestapo, ICE can seem performative in its work, like when it carried out a dramatic July raid of a cannabis farm in California in which balaclava-wearing officers used tear gas against protesters.

    The Gestapo in today’s world

    Since World War II and the fall of the Nazi regime, the term Gestapo has become shorthand in the United States to describe police repression.

    Using the word Gestapo to describe the worst possible authoritarian oppression has been popularized in popular movies in everything from the 1943 film “Casablanca” and “The Black Gestapo” in 1975 to “Inglourious Basterds” in 2009 and “Jojo Rabbit” in 2019.

    Walz’s remarks in May, though provocative, were also far from isolated in politics. Politicians from both sides of the aisle, as well as political observers, regularly use Gestapo and Nazi metaphors to attack their opponents.

    In 2022, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia famously confused the term Gestapo with gazpacho soup in a gaffe that went viral. “Now we have Nancy Pelosi’s gazpacho police spying on members of Congress,” she said.

    In 2024, Trump accused President Joe Biden of running a “Gestapo administration” as the Justice Department prosecuted Trump for attempting to overturn the 2020 election.

    Overall, mentions of the word Gestapo in social media increased by 184% between 2017 and 2024, according to the nonprofit group Foundation to Combat Antisemitism.

    The U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum is among the organizations that have condemned making comparisons to the Holocaust and the Nazis for many reasons, including their historical inaccuracy and because they are insulting to people whose families remain scarred by the Holocaust.

    A Paraguayan woman whose relative was detained by ICE agents scuffles with officers in the halls of an immigration court in New York City on July 16, 2025.
    Spencer Platt/Getty Images

    What historical comparisons really say

    Analogies can be useful for clarifying complex ideas. But especially when they stretch across decades and vastly different political contexts, they risk oversimplifying and trivializing history.

    I believe that comparing ICE to the Gestapo is less a historical judgment than a reflection of modern anxiety – a fear that the U.S. is veering toward authoritarianism reminiscent of 1930s Germany.

    If politicians and other public figures are looking for historical comparisons to modern law enforcement agencies that use severe tactics, there is, unfortunately, no shortage of options: the Soviet Union’s secret police agencies NKVD and KGB, Iran’s former secret police and intelligence agency SAVAK or East Germany’s Stasi, to name just a few.
    All of those organizations denied suspects due process and grossly violated human rights in order to protect political regimes – but they don’t necessarily easily compare to ICE, either.

    Still, politicians and political observers alike most often turn to the Gestapo and other Nazi references instead.

    Ultimately, the Gestapo, Nazi Germany and the Holocaust serve as a powerful, shared cultural reference point. The catastrophes of World War II epitomize the worst possible outcomes of evil left unchecked.

    They have become the master moral paradigm and an ethical compass for the world today. In an age of polarization, World War II and the Holocaust remain the mirror in which Americans examine their present.

    Daniel H. Magilow received funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities (although DOGE cancelled the grant in April 2025).

    He serves as Co-Editor-in-Chief of Holocaust and Genocide Studies, the journal of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s Jack, Joseph and Morton Mandel Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies

    ref. Comparing ICE to the Gestapo reveals people’s fears for the US – a Holocaust scholar explains why Nazi analogies remain common, yet risky – https://theconversation.com/comparing-ice-to-the-gestapo-reveals-peoples-fears-for-the-us-a-holocaust-scholar-explains-why-nazi-analogies-remain-common-yet-risky-260767

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: BBC Verify largely factchecks international stories – what about UK politics?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stephen Cushion, Professor, Cardiff School of Journalism, Media and Culture, Cardiff University

    In a world of fake news and disinformation, factchecking claims and the veracity of images has become an important part of impartial journalism. People invest their trust in information sources they believe are accurate.

    With this in mind, the BBC launched its Verify service in May 2023. Its more than 60 journalists routinely factcheck, verify videos, counter disinformation, analyse data and explain complex stories.

    Then in June 2025, the BBC launched Verify Live, a blog that tells audiences in real time what claims they are investigating and how they are being checked.

    At the Cardiff School of Journalism, Media and Culture at Cardiff University we have been monitoring BBC Verify since its launch. And we have systematically tracked the first month of BBC Verify Live from June 3-27 this year, examining all 244 blog posts as well as the hundreds of claims and sources that featured.

    We’ve found that the service places a heavy emphasis on foreign affairs. We argue that it could (and should) be used more to factcheck UK politics, enhancing the quality of the BBC’s impartiality journalism and serving the public service broadcaster’s domestic audiences.


    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.


    Our analysis found international stories made up 71% of all BBC Verify Live coverage. The coverage largely focused on verifying international conflicts and humanitarian crises, from the Middle East and Ukraine to the recent plane crash in India.

    This might reflect the large number of major international stories that occurred over the first month of BBC Verify Live’s launch. But the emphasis on foreign news was also evident in our analysis of the main BBC Verify service over the last 18 months. We monitored how much the factchecking service appeared on the BBC’s News at Ten, and found it was used more often in coverage of foreign affairs.

    One exception was during the 2024 general election campaign, when BBC Verify was used to challenge politicians’ claims, and scrutinise policies around migration and the economy. BBC Verify has also covered recent major political developments, like the budget and announcements of flagship government policy.

    The emphasis on covering international conflicts is consistent with its editorial mission to “analyse satellite imagery, investigate AI-generated content, factcheck claims and verify videos when news breaks”. BBC Verify regularly uses satellite mapping and geolocation data, which most newsrooms do not have at their disposal, to factcheck images and social media posts.

    However, the resources and expertise Verify has could also be used to more regularly factcheck false or misleading claims in domestic political issues. This could be important to building audience trust at a time when the BBC’s impartiality is regularly questioned, while helping people better understand political debates in the UK.

    Our past research with media users suggests they want journalists to be bolder and more transparent when assessing the credibility of politicians’ competing claims. BBC Verify is a logical tool to do this.

    Two years after it launched, Verify is considered one of the most trusted factchecking sources in the UK by the University of Oxford’s Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism and the most used by media regulator Ofcom.

    BBC Verify has proved it can effectively use its resources and expertise to unpack and challenge domestic political claims – covering the spending review and party manifestos ahead of the 2024 general election. We have previously analysed how BBC Verify robustly challenged a misleading Conservative party claim about a future Labour government raising taxes during the election campaign.

    Interrogating real-time claims

    BBC Verify Live takes a variety of approaches to its analysis of real-time claims. We assessed all claims appearing in blogs throughout most of June 2025 and discovered that 22% were challenged to some extent (found to be inaccurate), while 23% were upheld (considered accurate) and 13% partially upheld.

    Meanwhile, 10% were still being verified at the time the blog was posted (but may have been upheld or challenged in subsequent coverage), and 12% had additional context added to them. One fifth of all claims were not subject to any clear judgement about their accuracy.

    BBC Verify Live most often used the UK or official foreign governments, and their militaries or agencies, as the main corroborating sources to factcheck claims, or the focus of the claim being investigated in some stories. These made up well over three quarters of sources in factchecking coverage. There was, comparatively, limited use of think tanks, policy institutes, nongovernmental organisations, experts, academics or eyewitnesses.

    Just over one in ten claims had additional context added to them (as opposed to verifying or challenging a claim). This was most often the case in blogs about domestic affairs and rival political claims.

    Given the recent cuts to the BBC’s World Service, Verify’s international news agenda will bolster the public service broadcaster’s worldwide profile and credibility. Yet, for BBC Verify to enhance impartiality and trust with domestic audiences, we would argue it should play a more prominent role in routine political reporting, not just during elections or high-profile stories.

    Stephen Cushion has received funding from the BBC Trust, Ofcom, AHRC, BA and ESRC.

    Nathan Ritchie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. BBC Verify largely factchecks international stories – what about UK politics? – https://theconversation.com/bbc-verify-largely-factchecks-international-stories-what-about-uk-politics-260615

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: I watched a simulated oil spill in the Indian Ocean – here’s how island and coastal countries worked together to avoid disaster

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kate Sullivan de Estrada, Associate Professor in the International Relations of South Asia, University of Oxford

    Preparing to react to a maritime ’emergency’. Romuald Robert, CC BY

    The coils of black hose, drum skimmers designed to collect oil from the ocean’s surface, and orangey-red containment booms all looked out of place on the white sand of Mombasa’s touristy Nyali beach. But on July 9, dozens of emergency responders in red and orange hi-vis gear took over a portion of this beach. They were braving the wind and choppy Indian Ocean waves as they mock up the onshore response to a simulated oil spill at sea.

    I research how countries in the western Indian Ocean cooperate to make the seas around them safer, and I was there to observe a field training exercise that brought together around 200 participants from ten coastal and island states for one week in east Africa’s largest port city. Codenamed MASEPOLREX25, it put two types of emergency response to the test.

    The first was Kenya’s national-level response to marine oil pollution, guided by its national contingency plan. The second was a regional-level response that can bring in outside help from other nations. The organiser of the exercise, the Indian Ocean Commission (IOC) – an intergovernmental group of Western Indian Ocean islands headquartered in Mauritius – wanted the countries of the region to rehearse a joint response to marine pollution.

    Preparations begin on Kenya’s Nyali beach for the emergency exercise.
    Romuald Robert., CC BY

    The exercise put two IOC-designed regional centres through their paces. Think of them like a pair of regional helpdesks for ocean security, each with a distinct purpose.

    How does it unfold?

    The exercise began the day before with a briefing on the marine pollution scenario. The Kenyan authorities had received a distress call from the fictional captains of two damaged vessels.

    An oil tanker with a deadweight tonnage of 50,000 had collided with a feeder ship in Tanzanian waters, just south of Kenya’s maritime zone. The captain of the tanker suspected that 3,000-to-4,000 metric tonnes of intermediate fuel oil (persistent, thick oil that won’t evaporate by itself) had spilled into the ocean.

    Such an incident is plausible. A 2023 IOC-commissioned internal study pinpointed the Kenya-Tanzania border as a hotspot for marine pollution risk. Two major ports sit in close proximity in a busy maritime transit corridor.

    Clustered around an incident board, Kenya’s incident management team mounted their national response. Nuru Mohammed, liaison officer for the Kenya Maritime Authority, explained that the assessment of the size of the spill and expectations of its behaviour had already led the team to anticipate the need for regional support. At this time of year, the sea current would carry the slick northward into Kenyan waters.

    At the back of everyone’s minds was the 2020 Wakashio incident, in which a bulk carrier owned by a Japanese shipping company but flagged to Panama ran aground to the southeast of Mauritius. An estimated 800-to-1,000 tonnes of fuel oil spilled into the sea, affecting 30km of Mauritian coastline. The cost to marine life, food security and human health were compounded by economic and connectivity challenges posed by the COVID pandemic.

    Responders prepare oil-spill equipment on the beach near Mombasa.
    Romuald Robert, CC BY-SA

    For the exercise, aerial surveillance of the mock spill triggered the first attempt at containment. A live video feed of the offshore national response showed rice husks, a substitute for the oil, afloat on the waves. Two vessels sprayed simulated oil-spill dispersants in challenging winds.

    In real life, as in this exercise, oil properties determine how the spill will behave. IOC consultant Peter Taylor warned that churning waves could mix with the oil forming emulsions that were viscous and not dispersible.

    We turned our attention to the chat feed on SeaVision, an information-sharing platform. A notification popped up. The Regional Maritime Information Fusion Centre (RMIFC) in Madagascar had shared mapped and timestamped projections of the drift of the oil slick for the following 72 hours. The centre’s director, Alex Ralaiarivony, later explained how it could provide other technical support such as satellite imagery, and could calculate the proportions of oil that were likely to become submerged, evaporate, remain adrift and reach the shoreline.

    By July 9, the fictional oil spill had reached the coast. The team on Nyali beach hurried to deploy an oil containment boom, a floating barrier that can shield sensitive areas such as shorelines.

    Back at headquarters, SeaVision was busy with messages. The other centre, the Regional Coordination of Operations Centre (RCOC) in Seychelles, was urgently requesting more shoreline equipment to help with oil spills, such as booms, from regional partners. Mauritius and Madagascar both made offers to help that Kenya accepted, and the RCOC coordinated a Dornier aircraft from Seychelles for collection and delivery.

    How does the emergency response work?

    The two centres help countries in the Western Indian Ocean secure their maritime zones against threats such as piracy, illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing, the trafficking of illicit goods – and marine pollution incidents.

    In Madagascar, the RMIFC gathers and analyses maritime data from multiple sources to detect potential threats at sea. This enables early warning of threats like oil spills, as well as suspicious ships or boats engaged in illicit maritime activities.

    The RCOC in Seychelles responds to these threats. It draws on a shared pool of aircraft and ships belonging to its members, using these to coordinate joint responses – whether through sea patrols, boarding and inspecting ships, or laying the legal groundwork to prosecute offenders.

    The two regional centres serve seven states: IOC island members Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius, Seychelles and France — through its island territory of La Réunion — as well as East African coastal states Kenya and Djibouti.

    On July 10, the exercise ended with an evaluation. One takeaway was that the two regional centres could have been used even more – for instance, to coordinate technical assistance from different partners. But a key purpose of the exercise was to help participating countries understand what the centres offer, and get them used to a regional-level response.

    Coastal and island states thousands of kilometres apart are being brought closer by maritime threats in their shared ocean. And the two centres are building their operational capacity to support the whole region, while also creating trust among countries. This matters in a geopolitical context of strategic competition in the Indian Ocean, where islands and East African coastal states sometimes want to put their own needs first.

    At the end of the exercise, IOC officer-in-charge Raj Mohabeer reminded participants that the island and coastal states of the Western Indian Ocean have vast maritime zones and face multiple seaborne security threats to their economies, ecologies and livelihoods. “No developing country can deal with a significant marine pollution event alone.”

    Kate Sullivan de Estrada receives funding from Research England’s Policy Support Fund allocation to the University of
    Oxford via the Public Policy Challenge Fund. Her project under the Fund is titled “Balancing ‘Sovereignty Trade-offs’ in Small-State Maritime Security Co-operation: The Case of the Indian Ocean Commission.”

    ref. I watched a simulated oil spill in the Indian Ocean – here’s how island and coastal countries worked together to avoid disaster – https://theconversation.com/i-watched-a-simulated-oil-spill-in-the-indian-ocean-heres-how-island-and-coastal-countries-worked-together-to-avoid-disaster-260895

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: A potted history of fermented foods – from pickles to kimchi

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Serin Quinn, PhD Candidate, Department of History, University of Warwick

    Are you a pro at pickling? How about baking sourdough bread or brewing your own kombucha? If the answer is yes, you’ve probably picked up on one of the recent trends promoting fermented foods, which promise to boost your gut health and save both you and the planet from the scourge of food waste.

    For the uninitiated, fermented foods include anything that uses bacteria to break down organic matter into a new product. Look around an ordinary kitchen and you’ll almost certainly find something fermented: yoghurt (milk), beer and wine (grain/fruit) or vinegar (alcohol). Not all of these will give you the promised health boost, however, which comes from “live” ferments containing probiotic microbes, usually lactic acid bacteria. In alcohol and vinegar the fermenting bacteria die during the process.

    The health benefits of fermented foods are widely promoted. Some advocates, like epidemiologist Tim Spector, suggest the gut microbiome is the key to our health, while others are more cautious: in essence, although kefir is certainly good for your gut, it isn’t a cure-all. Still, the research is ongoing and diversifying: one study has even suggested that probiotics could fight the less pleasant recent phenomenon of microplastics in our stomachs.

    The future of fermented foods is definitely something to keep an eye on, but equally interesting is their long past and the different fermented food fashions we see over time.


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    People have been fermenting food since before the written word. Thanks to archaeological discoveries, we know that 13,000 years ago ancient Natufian culture in the Levant was fermenting grain into beer and that around the globe in Jiahu, Northern China, 9,000 years ago, a mixture of rice, honey and fruit was fermented to make early “wines”.

    In fact, most cultures have at some point in their history fermented plants into alcohol, from agave pulque in Mesoamerica to gum-tree way-a-linah in Australia.

    Mosaic depicting a garum jug with a titulus reading ‘from the workshop of the garum importer Aulus Umbricius Scaurus’.
    Claus Ableiter, CC BY-SA

    As to preserving food, archaeologists have found that nearly 10,000 years ago fish was fermented by the Mesolithic inhabitants of Sweden. Today nam pla (fish sauce made from fermented anchovies) is very popular, but fermented fish sauces were a major commodity in the ancient world, including the garum of the Romans. This was made from the blood and guts of mackerel, salt-fermented for two months. Although it might not sound very appealing, garum was an expensive condiment for the Roman nobility and was shipped all the way from Spain to Britain.

    Garum eventually lost its popularity in Europe during the Middle Ages, but fermented fish made a comeback in the 18th century. In Asia fish sauces had continued strong, and colonialism brought the south Asian fish sauce kê-chiap to Europe, alongside soy sauce (fermented soybeans). Salt-fermenting oysters and anchovies in this style became popular in England and North America, and people eventually branched out to preserving tomatoes – giving us modern ketchup.

    Cabbage cultures

    No discussion of fermentation would be complete without pickled vegetables. Today, the most talked-about fermented vegetable is the cabbage, in the form of kimchi and sauerkraut, thanks to its strong probiotic and vitamin C content.

    The historical origins of these dishes are unclear. Online articles might tell you that pickled cabbage was first eaten by the builders of the Great Wall of China 2,000 years ago and brought to Europe in Genghis Khan’s saddlebags. These kinds of apocryphal stories should be taken with more than a grain of salt.

    An illustration of the cultivation of grapes and winemaking in Ming dynasty China (1368–1644).
    Wellcome Collection

    So should the apparent connection to Roman author Pliny the Elder, who made no mention of “salt cabbage” anywhere in his works. While the Greeks and Romans loved cabbage and considered it a cure for many illnesses, they almost always boiled it, which would kill the lactobacillus.

    Still, as Jan Davison, author of Pickles: A Global History, writes, literary evidence suggests that salt pickling in general does have a long precedence. Pickled gourds were eaten in Zhou dynasty China around 3,000 years ago.

    It’s hard to say when sauerkraut became a common dish, but the term was in use by the 16th century and was associated with Germany by the 17th. As to Korean kimchi, research suggests this style of preservation was practised by the 13th century, only using turnips rather than cabbage.

    The popularity of radish and cabbage kimchi only came about in the 16th century, alongside the use of chilli peppers. Now an iconic aspect of this bright-red dish, peppers were not part of “Old World” diets before the Columbian exchange.

    History reveals our long relationship with fermented food. Our pickling ancestors were more interested in food preservation than in their bacterial microbiome – a very modern concept. Looking to past practices might even help us innovate fermentation technologies, as recent research from the Vrije Universiteit Brussels shows. I’m not sure about bringing back fermented fish guts, but more pickled turnips doesn’t sound half bad.


    This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

    Serin Quinn does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. A potted history of fermented foods – from pickles to kimchi – https://theconversation.com/a-potted-history-of-fermented-foods-from-pickles-to-kimchi-260132

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  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Amid fragile ceasefire, violence in southern Syria brings Druze communities’ complex cross-border ties to the fore

    Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Asher Kaufman, Professor of History and Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame

    Druze from Syria hug relatives from the Israeli Druze community before crossing the border in the Israeli-controlled Golan Heights on July 17, 2025. AP Photo/Leo Correa

    A fragile ceasefire was put in place in southern Syria on July 19, 2025, after days of violence between Druze militias and Bedouin tribes that drew in government forces and prompted Israeli strikes on the capital, Damascus, as a warning to pull back from Druze areas. The United States helped broker the latest agreement, fearing a spillover of violence to other parts of Syria.

    The conflict’s quick escalation brings to the fore multiple layers of politics and identity in the region – particularly among the Druze, who form an important minority in several countries and make up about 2% of Israel’s population. As a historian of the Middle East, I have researched Druze cross-border communal ties and followed closely their predicaments since the start of the Syrian civil war in March 2011.

    Bedouin fighters deploy in Mazraa village on the outskirts of Sweida, as smoke rises from clashes with Druze militias, on July 18, 2025.
    AP Photo/Ghaith Alsayed

    Cross-border brotherhood

    The Druze are a monotheistic religious community that split from a branch of Shiite Islam in the 11th century. Today, they live mainly in three countries: Lebanon, Syria and Israel, with a small presence in northern Jordan.

    Despite their geographical dispersion, they have managed to retain a strong sense of communal identity. One of the most important creeds of their faith is “protection of brothers of the faith.”

    Another article of faith that helps to buttress shared communal solidarity is belief in reincarnation: that with physical death, the soul is transferred to the body of a newly born Druze.

    Although Druze history shows that the community is not always united, the belief in and practice of cross-border solidarity is very strong. According to their popular saying, “the Druze are like a copper tray. Wherever you hit it, the whole tray reverberates.”

    National identity

    After World War I, the creation of the modern states in the Middle East divided the Druze community between Syria, Lebanon and the British mandate of Palestine, which is now Israel.

    A young member of the Druze community in the Golan Heights waves to Syrian Druze clerics while they cross the border back to Syria on March 15, 2025.
    AP Photo/Leo Correa

    In Israel, they have largely integrated into the Jewish state. Like Jewish citizens, Druze men are required to serve in the military, and many have attained leadership positions in the security sector and politics.

    A popular cliché has developed about their “blood oath” with the Jewish state. In a July 15 statement, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz cited Israel’s “deep covenant of blood with our Druze citizens” and their connections to Druze in Syria.

    Their integration has been marred by discrimination, a prime example of which is the 2018 law that defines Israel as the nation-state for Jews. Still, many retain a strong sense of Israeli identity that sets them apart from Arab Palestinian citizens of Israel.

    An additional Druze community lives in the Golan Heights, territory that Israel seized from Syria in 1967 and has occupied since. Most Druze there declined to receive Israeli citizenship, and remained loyal to Syria until the outbreak of the civil war there. Since then, there has been a notable change in their relationship with Israel, marked by increased numbers who have acquired Israeli citizenship.

    Druze communities elsewhere in the region have also adopted aspects of their countries’ culture, including Arab nationalism and Syrian or Lebanese national sentiments. Still, cross-border solidarity among Druze has remained strong – and often resurfaced in times of crisis.

    War in Syria

    When the Syrian civil war erupted in March 2011, Syrian Druze were targeted at times by both the Assad regime, which pressured them to support it, and by Islamist rebel groups that regarded them as infidels. The Druze straddled a fine line throughout the war, seeking, not always successfully, to be left on their own.

    In 2015, that tension came to a boiling point. Druze regions throughout Syria became sites of military confrontations, involving Druze militias, the Syrian army and opposition fighters.

    Israeli Druze organized mass rallies in support of their brothers in Syria and called on the Israeli government to intervene. Israel, in turn, protected Syrian Druze villages close to its border with Syria in the Golan Heights. The Israeli government covertly supported Druze areas deeper in Syria, and sent clear messages to combatants on all sides not to harm the Druze.

    Since the fall of the Assad regime in Damascus in December 2024, Ahmad al-Sharaa, the new Syrian leader, has attempted to bring divided and ruined Syria together under his authority.

    However, religious and ethnic minorities have been highly suspicious of the new government. Many of its members hail from al-Sharaa’s own militia during the civil war, Hayat Tahrir al Sham, which targeted religious minorities and enforced its own interpretation of Islam on the population under its control.

    Spiraling crisis

    The most recent violence took place in Mount Druze, a region in Sweida province that is home to most of the community in Syria. It was sparked by an incident where a local Bedouin band robbed and killed a Druze man. The incident quickly became a catalyst for major fighting between Druze, Bedouins and dispatched units of the Syrian army.

    Syrian government forces in Mazraa village, on the outskirts of Sweida, pass by a dead Druze militia fighter on July 14, 2025.
    AP Photo/Ghaith Alsayed

    State security forces tried to impose their authority, but in the process killed scores of Druze. They also violated Druze cultural norms by filming the forced shaving of Druze men’s mustaches, including respected religious men, and posting the clips on social media. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, more than 1,100 people have been killed in the fighting.

    The fragile agreement that the Sweida Druze signed with the new government in May, as part of the government’s efforts to solidify authority over the divided country, collapsed following these incidents.

    Befitting the saying about the reverberation of the copper tray, Israeli Druze immediately mobilized, joined by Druze in the Golan Heights. Hundreds crossed the border to Syria. Many called on the government in Jerusalem to intervene, though others were opposed.

    On July 16, the Israeli military targeted the Syrian army by striking Damascus – sending a clear threat to al-Sharaa. Israel also struck military targets in southern Syria.

    Later that day, the Syrian government reached a ceasefire agreement with the Druze in Sweida, which collapsed soon after. On July 19, following more fighting and violence – and mediation by the United States, Turkey and Jordan – a new ceasefire was put in place, though new fighting has been reported.

    A changing Middle East

    Even before these recent incidents, Israel became a key player in post-Assad Syria by occupying areas close to their shared border. Now, Israel has deepened its involvement by defending the Druze population in the country – as many Israeli Druze had hoped it would since the start of the civil war in 2011.

    Apart from supporting the Druze, Israel’s military actions are also tied to its efforts to project power amid the tectonic shifts in the Middle East since the Hamas attacks on Oct. 7, 2023. In Syria, it seeks to guarantee its influence on the reshaping of the country after civil war. Domestically, Netanyahu is interested in prolonging Israel’s state of emergency, as it extends the survival of his far-right and unpopular government. Syria provides him with another front to maintain this state of emergency.

    For many Israeli Druze, meanwhile, this still-unfolding episode constitutes another example in their history of seeking to protect their brothers in faith. Among Druze in the Middle East, they are uniquely positioned, with many serving in the region’s most powerful military.

    On July 19, Israel’s public broadcaster, Kan news, reported that 2,000 Israeli Druze, including reserve soldiers, signed a petition that said: “we are getting ready to volunteer to fight alongside our brothers in Sweida. It is our time to defend our brothers, our land and our religion.”

    Asher Kaufman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Amid fragile ceasefire, violence in southern Syria brings Druze communities’ complex cross-border ties to the fore – https://theconversation.com/amid-fragile-ceasefire-violence-in-southern-syria-brings-druze-communities-complex-cross-border-ties-to-the-fore-261337

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Filipino sailors dock in Mexico … and help invent tequila?

    Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Stephen Acabado, Professor of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles

    Bottles of tequila now command premium prices in trendy bars. On Instagram, celebrity-backed brands of the agave-based Mexican spirit jostle for attention. And debates over cultural appropriation and agave sustainability swirl alongside booming tourism in Jalisco, the western Mexican state that serves as the world’s tequila distillation hub.

    But behind the spirit’s flash of marketing and growing popularity lies a rarely asked question: Where did the knowledge to distill agave come from in the first place?

    In recent years, scholars studying how Indigenous communities responded to colonialism and global trade networks have begun to look more closely at the Pacific world. One key focus is the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade route, which linked Asia and the Americas for 250 years, from 1565 to 1815.

    The Manila-Acapulco galleon trade route.
    Jesse Nett/Oregon Encylopedia

    After Spain colonized the Philippines in 1565, Spanish galleons – towering, multidecked sailing ships – carried Chinese silk and Mexican silver across the ocean. But far more than goods traveled aboard those ships. They moved people, ideas and technologies.

    Among them was the craft of distillation.

    This overlooked connection may help explain how distilled agave spirits such as tequila came into being. While tequila is unmistakably a Mexican creation, the techniques used to produce it may owe something to Filipino sailors, who brought with them deep knowledge of transforming coconut sap into a potent spirit known as lambanog.

    3 competing theories

    For centuries, the rise of tequila has been credited to the Spanish. After the conquest of Mexico in the 16th century, colonizers introduced alembic stills, which are based on Moorish and Arabic technology. Unlike simple boiling, distillation requires managing heat and capturing purified vapor. These stills represented a major technological leap, allowing people to transform fermented drinks into distilled spirits.

    Agave, long used to make the fermented drink pulque, soon became the base for something new: tequila and mezcal.

    Colonial records, including the “Relaciones Geográficas,” a massive data-gathering project initiated by the Spanish Crown in the late 16th century, describe local Mesoamerican communities learning distillation from Spanish settlers. This version is well documented. But it assumes that technology moved in only one direction, from Europe to the Americas.

    A second idea suggests that Mesoamerican communities already had some understanding of vapor condensation. Archaeologists have found ceramic vessels in western Mexico that may have been used to capture steam. While distillation requires additional steps, this prior knowledge may have primed Indigenous groups to more readily adopt new techniques.

    As Mexican ethnobotanists Patricia Colunga-GarcíaMarín and Daniel Zizumbo-Villarreal have argued, “The adoption of distillation was likely not simply imposed, but creatively adapted to local knowledge systems.”

    A third perspective, which other researchers and I are exploring, traces a potential Filipino influence. The galleon trade brought thousands of Filipino sailors and laborers to Mexico, particularly along the Pacific coast. In places such as Guerrero, Colima and Jalisco, Filipino migrants introduced methods for fermenting and distilling coconut sap into lambanog, the coconut-based spirit.

    The stills they used, sometimes called Mongolian stills, were built with clay and bamboo and included a condensation bowl. Historian Pablo Guzman-Rivas has noted that these stills more closely resemble the earliest Mexican agave distillation setups than European alembics. He has also documented oral traditions in some coastal Mexican communities to link local distillation practices to their Filipino ancestors.

    The still on the left in Jalisco, Mexico, has similarities to the lambanog on the right from Infanta, Quezon, Philippines.
    Photo on left courtesy of Patricia Colunga-GarcíaMarín and Daniel Zizumbo-Villarreal; photo on right courtesy of Sherry Ann Angeles and Rading Coronacion, CC BY-SA

    Beyond the bottle

    Filipino influence extends beyond the distilling pot.

    In Colima and other Pacific port towns, traces of the Manila galleon trade ripple through daily life – in kitchens, cantinas and even in architecture. The word “palapa,” used in Mexico and Central America today to describe rustic thatched roofs, is exactly the same as the term for coconut fronds that’s primarily used in the Bicol Region of the Philippines.

    Filipino migrants in Mexico also shared knowledge of boatbuilding, fermentation and food preservation. Coconut vinegar, fish sauce and palm sugar-based condiments became part of Mexican cuisine. One of the most enduring legacies is tuba, the fermented coconut sap still popular in coastal areas of the Mexican state of Guerrero, where Filipino sailors once settled. Known locally by the same name, tuba is sold in markets and along roadsides, often enjoyed as a refreshing drink or as a cooking ingredient.

    A replica of a galleon, the Spanish trading ship that traversed the world’s oceans from the 16th century to the 18th century.
    Dennis Jarvis/flickr, CC BY-SA

    Exchange moved both ways. Filipino vessels carried corn, peanuts, sweet potatoes and cacao back across the Pacific, reshaping food in the Philippines. These exchanges took place under the shadow of colonialism and forced labor, but their legacies endure in language, in taste and even in the roofs over people’s heads.

    Technical knowledge rarely travels through official channels alone. It moves with cooks in ship galleys, with carpenters below deck, with laborers who desert ships to settle in unfamiliar ports. Sometimes it was a way to build a roof or preserve a flavor. Other times, it was a method for turning a fermented plant into a spirit that could keep for long voyages. And by the early 1600s, new types of distilled agave spirits were being made in Mexico.

    Tequila is unmistakably a product of Mexico. But it is also a product of movement. Whether Filipino migrants directly introduced distillation methods or whether they emerged from a mix of Indigenous experimentation and European tools, every time you sip tequila, you’re tasting an echo of those long ocean crossings from many centuries ago.

    Stephen Acabado receives funding from the Henry Luce Foundation and the National Science Foundation.

    ref. Filipino sailors dock in Mexico … and help invent tequila? – https://theconversation.com/filipino-sailors-dock-in-mexico-and-help-invent-tequila-258166

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: Foreign National Sentenced for Conspiring to Export U.S.-Made Drill Rigs to Iran in Violation of U.S. Sanctions Laws

    Source: United States Department of Justice Criminal Division

    Brian Assi, also known as Brahim Assi, 63, of Beirut, Lebanon, was sentenced to 44 months in prison for conspiring to violate the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) and the Iranian Transactions and Sanctions Regulations (ITSR), attempted unlawful export of goods from the United States to Iran without a license, attempted smuggling goods from the United States, submitting false or misleading export information, and conspiracy to commit money laundering.

    “The defendant conspired to export millions of dollars of U.S.-made heavy machinery to Iran, a leading state sponsor of terrorism,” said John A. Eisenberg, Assistant Attorney General for National Security. “The National Security Division will find and prosecute those who illegally sell American products to our adversaries.”

    “The defendant threatened U.S. economic and national security by conspiring and concealing his efforts to circumvent our export controls to provide heavy machinery to Iran, a designated state sponsor of terrorism for the past 40 years,” said U.S. Attorney John P. Heckin for the Northern District of Florida. “My office will continue to aggressively pursue anyone who violates our laws and offers material support to America’s enemies.”

    Assi was convicted of the charges in October 2024. According to evidence presented at trial, Assi was a Middle East-based salesman of a multinational heavy machinery manufacturer with a U.S.-based subsidiary and production plant located in Alachua, Florida. Assi conspired with individuals affiliated with Sakht Abzar Pars Co. (SAP-Iran), based in Tehran, Iran, to export U.S.-made heavy machinery indirectly to Iran without first obtaining the required licenses from the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC).

    Assi and his Iranian co-conspirators orchestrated the scheme by locating an Iraq-based distributor to serve as the forward-facing purchaser of two U.S.-origin blasthole drills from the U.S. subsidiary of Assi’s employer. The drills are a type of heavy machinery used to create holes in the ground that are then filled with controlled explosives for mining.

    Assi facilitated the sale of the drills and attempted export them to Iran and used freight forwarding companies to ship the heavy equipment from the U.S. to Turkey. In doing so, Assi concealed any Iranian involvement in the transaction from his employer, claiming the drills were ultimately destined for use in Iraq. But in truth, Assi intended for his Iranian co-conspirators to transship or reexport those items from Turkey to Iran, in circumvention of the U.S. export control and sanction laws.

    In furtherance of the conspiracy, Assi concealed his activities with his Iranian co-conspirators by causing false information to be entered into the Automated Export System (AES), a U.S.-government database containing information about exports from the United States. The U.S.-based plant hired a U.S. freight forwarder to arrange the drill’s export from the U.S. to Iraq. As part of the shipping process, the freight forwarder submitted information to AES about the shipment, including the ultimate consignee’s name and the ultimate delivery destination. Assi misled his employer by claiming that the Iraqi distributor was the ultimate consignee, and that the ultimate delivery destination was Iraq. In fact, Assi knew that his co-conspirators in Iran were the true intended recipients, and Iran was the ultimate intended delivery destination.

    In furtherance of the illicit transaction, Assi and his co-conspirators caused the transfer of approximately $2.7 million from Turkey to pass through the United States.

    The Commerce Department Bureau of Industry and Security’s Office of Export Enforcement investigated the case.

    Assistant U.S. Attorneys Andrew J. Grogan and Harley W. Ferguson for the Northern District of Florida and Trial Attorney Ahmed Almudallal of the National Security Division’s Counterintelligence and Export Control Section prosecuted the case.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Sir Jon Cunliffe: Speech on the Independent Water Commission final report

    Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

    Speech

    Sir Jon Cunliffe: Speech on the Independent Water Commission final report

    Chair of the Independent Water Commission spoke at the London Museum of Water & Steam

    Thank you for coming today to this wonderful museum.

    We are at one of the birthplaces of the British water industry, one which predates the Victorian age. The Grand Junction Waterworks Company was actually formed in 1811, while the Napoleonic war was still raging, to supply clean drinking water from the junction of the grand union canal in Paddington to households for Londoners. In need of cleaner sources of water, the company moved its operation to Kew, then outside London in 1838, and built this magnificent pumping station with its huge steam engines to pump the water to London. As London grew and needed more water, the company grew and became more profitable until, in 1905, it was taken over by the Metropolitan Water Board along with several other private water suppliers to provide a unified public water supply system for London.  

    The reliable supply of water that is clean and safe to drink – or to give it the description the Victorians put into law and that we still use today, the supply of water that is “wholesome”, is a prerequisite of modern life and it is something that we have become used to and take for granted. 

    And the same is true of that other prerequisite of modern life, effective sanitation. 20 years after this pumping house opened, London experienced the ‘Great Stink’ of 1858. After years of suffering a cesspit and sewer system that could not cope with London’s growth, with the Thames a “pestiferous and reeking abomination” to quote a newspaper of the time, a decision to close the cesspits followed by a hot dry summer brought matters to a head as the Thames became, to quote Disraeli, “a Stygian pool reeking with ineffable and intolerable horrors”. Parliament, literally disabled by the stench, woke up and finally acted. It gave clear direction to the newly formed London Board of Works which in turn adopted the plan of its chief engineer, Joseph Bazalgette. Over the next 15 years, he oversaw the construction of over 1,100 miles of sewers and massive pumping stations that transformed the health of London.   

    I have more than once thought of the ‘Great Stink’ when leading the Independent Commission on Water over the last 9 months. While today we enjoy safe water and clean sanitation to a level that would have been unimaginable 165 years ago, there are many parallels:  a system under huge pressure from economic and population growth, years of discussion and competing plans as the problem grew, government that did not give clear direction, a level of pollution in our waterways that the public will not tolerate and a point at which it became apparent to all that a fundamental reset was needed. And actually, there is a parallel there – that a bonus for Bazalgette was blocked because it was deemed to too high. 

    Today the Commission publishes its report which I hope will contribute to that ‘reset’ that the Government has committed to and that we sorely need. The report is long and detailed – some 460 pages with 88 recommendations covering everything from strategic direction and planning to regulator reform to the water industry supply chain. In an earlier speech I paraphrased Tolstoy to observe that ‘while all are unhappy with the current situation, everyone is unhappy in his own way’. Now, looking at the length and scope of the final report I wonder if we have written a Russian novel in response!   

    But I would defend that length and scope on two grounds. First, and most obviously, the Terms of Reference set asked the Commission to answer these questions, which we have tried to do. But second, and more importantly, if we are to achieve the water sector we need, we need to look at all the factors that have contributed to our ‘Great Stink’ moment and recognise that those factors, if not addressed, will hamper us going forward. 

    The water industry, of course, is at the heart of this. And the industry, as a whole, has not met public expectations or maintained public trust in recent years. Some companies have manifestly acted in their private interest but against the public interest. That must be prevented in future. But the industry does not exist in a vacuum. It sits within a framework of law and regulation that operates under the strategic direction of government. And it is not the only demand on our water systems, or the only contributor to the current state of our waterways. 

    The Commission’s report is long and detailed with multiple recommendations because – as I have said – there is no one, single reform, no matter how radical, that will deliver what is needed: we need to act on all of the failures that have brought us to the present pass. 

    Now, you will be very relieved to hear that I do not intend here to go through all 460 pages and 88 recommendations. But I will highlight, if you permit me, the main themes of the report and pull out some of key recommendations.   

    First, we need truly strategic direction from government. Barely a week goes by without someone calling for ‘a strategy’ from you, so it is important to set out I mean by this and the challenges it will entail.   

    We need to guide the use and development of our water systems and the restoration of our water environment as a whole and over the longer term. We need to chart a path for the delivery of the environmental improvements that the public want to see: to restore ecosystems and sustain our precious waterways for decades to come. However, there are many competing demands on our water systems. Demands to abstract water, demands to discharge into water and demands to enjoy water for recreation.   

    Only government can set the overall objectives for water and the timescale for achieving them. Only government can set the broad priorities, balance demands when they compete and coordinate the different elements of the system. And only government can decide who should pay and how much the nation can afford. It is relatively easy to set down a list of objectives. Effective strategic governance and guidance is much, much harder. It requires striking difficult balances, making difficult choices, and taking a long-term view.   

    In the report we recommend government in England and government in Wales produce a National Water Strategy. We set out in detail what it should cover, how it should be produced, and how it should be enshrined in statute to ensure consistent direction can be maintained over the long term. I have no illusions that it will be easy to produce: to govern is to choose but to govern is hard. But, as with the ‘Great Stink’ in 1858, without such direction from the very top, we will not achieve the change we need. 

    To connect that high level strategy to action, we need to learn how to manage and plan for water as a system or rather, as a set of regional water systems. Our river basins, aquifers and coasts and the demands upon them constitute complex systems and they need to be managed as such. The water industry, agriculture, transport, local development and land use, and environmental regulation all affect the regional water system and the water catchments that it comprises. 

    As many respondents to the Commission observed, we are very poor at system planning for water. There are huge, confusing and overlapping planning processes for water industry processes – the industry produces at least nine plans in a process that costs hundreds of millions. These plans drive water industry investment. But there are no such processes driving action in the other sectors that have an impact on the water system. And some water industry plans are not connected to local government development plans or to local voices or those sectors that also have an impact.   

    Opportunities for local government, agriculture, and water companies and other actors to work together are missed. Opportunities, for example, to implement sustainable drainage schemes that avoid storm water overloading our sewers and causing sewage spills into rivers, or opportunities to balance the nutrient loads that cause such unsightly and destructive algae to bloom in water bodies. And heavy engineering – concrete – solutions to environmental problems are pursued despite local preference for more natural solutions.   

    Drawing on experience from other countries, the Commission is recommending that regional water system planning bodies are established in England and a national system planner is established in Wales. These would not be advisory bodies or ‘talking shops’.  Rather, they would take over the role played by the Environment Agency and Natural Resources Wales at present with real authority over water industry investment and real influence over other funding streams that can be directed achieving regional water system objectives, such as agricultural grants.   

    To be clear, this would not be the creation of a new level of bureaucracy. Rather it would bring existing functions together on a regional water system basis, in England, and a national basis in Wales. It would streamline existing planning processes (the current water industry processes will be streamlined into two plans – one for drinking water and one for wastewater) and most importantly, it would link local development to water system investment, avoiding the situations we see at present where housing and economic development projects are blocked because the regional water systems cannot cope with them. 

    Alongside strategic direction and regional water system planning, the legislative framework for water is key a part of determining the overall framework for the management of water in England and Wales. The current framework has driven great improvements in certain areas. Drinking water and sanitation standards are now world-leading. Bathing water quality has considerably improved. But the current framework is also complex, inconsistent and out of date and highly prescriptive. The Commission has therefore recommended that it be reviewed to bring the legislation up to date, particularly with regard to the Water Framework Directive which sets the high-level objectives for the environmental quality of water bodies.   

    The Water Framework Directive sets a target to be achieved by 2027 – at a minimum – and the review will need to consider what targets should be set for after that date. We recommend, however, that the government use the opportunity to consider the scope of the legislation. One area in which we see there is a strong case for broadening the scope of the legislation is to include public health, given the increase in the recreational use of water in recent years.  We recommend in England and Wales the Chief Medical Officers are asked to chair task forces to consider how to effectively bring public health into the water quality legislation.    

    Over the last 9 months I have heard consistent criticism not of the ambition of the environmental legislation, which must be preserved in any review,  but about the inflexibility that requires and drives regulators to focus on narrow, engineering solutions rather than being able to take a broader view of  overall environmental and other benefits such as may be found in nature based solutions. We recommend also that the review should aim to make the legislation less prescriptive and provide for ‘constrained discretion’ to enable regulators and local system planning bodies to take decisions in the round on how best to meet environmental objectives. 

    Strategic guidance, systems planning and legislation – they can set the broad framework. But delivering the outcomes we want for water depends most importantly on having not just the right strategy, legislation and plans. It depends crucially on having the right regulators, regulators that command public confidence and industry respect, regulators that have the capacity and the capability to do their job effectively.  And, most important in the Commission’s view, in the same way as strategic guidance, system planning and legislation,  a structure of regulation that can focus on the water system in the round.    

    Our assessment is that the current environmental and economic regulators have not achieved what is needed and will not achieve what is needed. There are many reasons for this. It is clear that the Environment Agency has not had the resources, the people, skills, technology to hold the water industry and other sectors that impact the water environment to account. And it is beginning to change I am pleased to say. We’re calling for reform of Operator Self Monitoring – moving from water company sampling to digitalised, automated systems – ensuring real-time, accurate data. Crucially, this must sit alongside tightened enforcement of abstraction limits, sludge management, and drinking-water standards.  

    And on the economic side, for much of the last 20 years, Ofwat was encouraged to regulate with a lighter touch and to focus on keeping bills down. And it did not have the powers or the capability to supervise the financial structure of much of the industry, which allowed some companies and their owners to take decisions which reflected their private interests but badly damaged both their companies and in the longer term the public interest. We are seeing some of the consequences of that failure to defend the public interest in the news every day. I will return later to this question of how in an industry of private monopoly companies the private interest can be brought into alignment with the public interest and whether the regulator has sufficient powers to ensure that this happens. 

    When the water industry was privatised Ofwat was established to protect consumers from monopoly power by setting the prices that the water companies charge, to incentivise investment, and to create proxies for competition through financial incentives to drive efficiency. In line with other privatised utilities, Ofwat’s approach to regulation was built around econometric modelling of the notionally efficient company to provide the benchmarks for setting prices and financial incentives and sanctions. And the decades immediately following privatisation, investment and efficiency grew. The quality of treated wastewater and bathing water have improved. There has been a 41% decrease in leakage in England since privatisation, driven particularly in the 1990s. 

    But in more recent decades performance of the industry has plateaued as the public goods demanded of the water industry have grown. In response Ofwat has developed and intensified its use of econometric tools and industry wide benchmarks. The Commission recognises the motivation behind this. But our assessment is that this has taken this approach beyond the limits of its effectiveness and, indeed, to a point where it may have become counterproductive in terms of the performance of the industry as a whole and its ability to attract investment.   

    In the Commission’s view, it is important to have an objective framework for setting prices and incentives based on modelled outputs and based on comparability between companies, this approach alone, no matter how aggressively pursued, cannot drive the improvement of the sector to deliver the public goods that are necessary nor to attract the. There needs to be a fundamental rebalancing of the approach to economic regulation and oversight of water companies towards a closer, judgment-based, supervisory engagement with individual water companies. This will require an equally fundamental shift in capability and also in regulatory culture, which in the Commission’s view has become too adversarial on both sides. 

    The Commission’s report sets out how a new ‘duty to supervise’ should be enshrined in statute, how a judgement based supervisory approach might be implemented and the expert capability it would need in financing and engineering that would be necessary. We also make several important recommendations as to how the price review process – which should be retained alongside and informed by supervisory engagement – might be simplified and reformed. These include changes to the framework of delivery incentives, the allocation of bill revenues to infrastructure renewal, operational maintenance and enhancement expenditure, to the calculation of the return on capital and debt and to the appeals process.    

    While changes to economic regulation are necessary, however, they will not address the fragmented regulatory landscape for the water industry. Water companies’ costs, investments, plans and performance are overseen by four regulators at present in England – Ofwat, the Environment Agency, Natural England and the Drinking Water Inspectorate. Each has a different focus, different objectives and different requirements that overlap and are often in tension. The Environment Agency determines much of the industry’s investment needs but the industry’s revenues are determined by Ofwat. Companies can be sanctioned by both Ofwat and the EA for the same pollution incidents. Funding of maintenance and infrastructure renewal are the responsibility of Ofwat but the environmental consequences of ageing infrastructure are the responsibility of the EA, as we saw from the report that was published last week. 

    The regulatory structure at privatisation was set up with separate regulators. As the overlaps have grown and the environmental and other standards have been raised, the need for coordination and resolution of different objectives has grown. 

    The Commission has not approached the option of major structural change lightly. It is never an easy option. I am all too aware, after many years in the public service, of the costs and risks of breaking up and reforming institutional structures. These costs and risks go beyond the financial: they include the human costs of organisational change, the deflection of management time and focus, the risk of dropping the ball on key objectives, and the breaking up of internal synergies and the need to create new interfaces between organisations.   

    The Commission has looked hard at potential for coordination mechanisms to address the tensions and overlaps we have identified.  Our conclusion, however, is that if the primary objective is securing the reset and long-term change that we need in the water sector, we need an integrated regulator for water. 

    The Commission recommends, therefore, that in England, Ofwat, the water related environmental protection functions of the EA, the Drinking Water Inspectorate, and the water related function of Natural England, be brought together into a new integrated Regulator for Water. For Wales, which has a different institutional structure, we recommend that the economic regulatory functions now carried out for Wales by Ofwat be transferred to a Welsh economic regulation function located in Natural Resources Wales.  

    The new regulator for water will become responsible for Ofwat’s current duties and roles to protect consumers. But, in line with its Terms of Reference, the Commission has also looked at the broader arrangements for vulnerable customers and those for consumer redress and consumer advocacy currently carried out by CCW.  

    We have to recognise that the cost of producing water and wastewater services is likely to increase over the medium and longer term as the industry has to replace ageing assets, respond to higher environmental and public health standards and continue to adapt to the challenges of rising population growth and climate change.  Against that likely background of rising costs and rising bills, there is a need for a stronger safety net for the most vulnerable who are exposed to water poverty. Water companies already operate social tariffs, spreading the cost of supporting vulnerable customers across their customer base. But the effects of higher costs of water in different parts of the country have different impacts and there is already significant variation in bills that vulnerable customers pay, even taking into account local social tariffs.   

    It is for government to decide whether and how far to equalise support for the vulnerable in different parts of the country and it is for government to decide to what extent this should be done through water bills as part of a national social tariff, or through other means of support such as the social security system. It is of course for elected government rather than the Commission to decide between those options. The Government has now taken the powers to introduce a national social tariff, and in line with our assessment that stronger support will be needed for the most vulnerable, the Commission recommends that such a tariff be implemented. However, we make no recommendation on the design, the level of support and the degree to which there should be cross subsidy between customers of different water companies. These are highly distributional decisions, and such decisions are not for technocrats but for government to make.  

    We have also made a number of recommendations on consumer redress and consumer advocacy. On redress, unlike other regulated sectors, there is no mandatory dispute mechanism for customers.  The Commission believes that water company customers should have the protection of a statutory ombudsman as exists, for example, in energy. And given the CCW’s expertise in this area, the Commission recommends it be upgraded to become the Ombudsman for Water, with Citizens Advice, which has proved to be a powerful consumer advocate and advisory service for customers in other regulated sectors, taking over the role of consumer advocacy for water customers.  

    In addition, changes we have recommended to the water company Price Review process will also allow appeals against the price determination to be brought by consumers as well as by water companies – again as is possible in other regulated sectors. 

    Taken as a whole, the changes the Commission proposes should lead to more effective, joined-up regulation and stronger protections for consumers. In the Commission’s judgement, if implemented effectively, they will address the shortcomings in regulation that lie at the heart of the poor performance, underinvestment and the failure to protect the public interest that we have seen over recent years. 

    Regulation must be a key line of defence to protect the public interest. A system of private regulated monopoly utilities – as I have said – will only work if private interests of water companies and their owners are aligned with the public interest in the production of public goods.  That is the job of regulation, economic and environmental, to ensure that alignment so that companies are incentivised to produce public goods and avoid public harms.   

    But, taking the sector as a whole, water companies themselves and their owners must bear a large part of the responsibility for the failures we have seen. Water companies are private companies and their owners are entitled to a return on their investment. But those returns must not come at the expense of the public interest. Water companies operate under licence and the public purpose of their operations is inherent in those licences. Sadly, we have over recent decades seen examples in which companies have pursued their short term private interest at the expense of the public interest and of the long term resilience of the company. 

    A large number of the responses to the Commission’s Call for Evidence expressed disquiet and concern at the inclusion of the profit motives in the provision of water. And I do understand the concerns raised by many about profit in the provision of water and wastewater given some of the experiences we’ve heard. Some proposed nationalisation or municipalisation or the transfer of for-profit water companies to not-for-profit or similar models. The Commission considered these in line with our Terms of Reference which focus on a privately owned regulated sector and rule out nationalisation or the purchase of companies with public funds for transfer to other ownership models.  

    But we also examined the performance of different ownership and operational models, public and private, in other jurisdictions. We published our initial analysis in the Call for Evidence, and we invited respondents to submit further analysis and evidence. We have refined our analysis and have published it in full in the final report. I have to say, on the data and comparable metrics available, the truth is that we did not see evidence of a causal link between ownership models and a range of environmental and other performance indicators. 

    We took from this work two conclusions. First, the regulatory model is key to performance and we need to address regulation. Second, where companies are privately owned it is the business model of the owners, the level of return they seek on their investment, their time horizon for that return, their preference for dividends or capital gain and their willingness to invest further in their company for a fair return. Those are the things that make the difference.   

    At privatisation it was envisaged that water companies would be owned by long-term investors looking for relatively low risk, low return investments as might be expected form a regulated monopoly utility.  Investment vehicles have changed markedly since privatisation. Many investors, including institutional investors, now prefer private, whether listed or unlisted, it remains the case that the industry and the public interest is best served by long term, low risk, low return investors. 

    The changes to regulation, particularly to economic regulation, are intended in part to lower regulatory risk and to reduce the variability of returns that deter such investors. The Commission has also recommended that Government make the stability of the regulatory system an objective in the National Water Strategy and that maintaining the investability of the sector becomes one of the duties of new regulator for water.    

    But, just as we need to attract longer term investors to the sector with more predictable regulation, we will need to ensure that owners and managers do not act against the public interest and damage the financial resilience of companies.  

    So the Commission is recommending giving the new regulator the power where necessary to block changes of ownership, to set gearing levels and, in certain circumstances, to give direction to the ultimate controller of the company.  These powers exist in other regulated sectors and they are necessary guardrails in water.  We are also recommending making the public purpose of companies clear in the licence condition, bringing company governance in line with the governance code for listed companies and bringing in a statutory for the very senior management cadre, drawing on the experience of the senior managers regime in the financial sector.   

    I am, you will be pleased to hear, coming to the end.  I hope it will not seem like a Russian novel of a report.  The final area that all these changes have to address – from strategic guidance to planning to regulation to company performance – is the health of our water industry infrastructure and of the resilience of our water and wastewater systems.   

    We simply do not know the overall health of the system.  Ofwat last oversaw a full assessment over 20 years ago.  The asset health measures used in price reviews have been backward-looking, measuring past failure rates to determine and fund the amount and the rate of renewal and other capital maintenance necessary to keep the system operating.  Much of water industry infrastructure is underground and very difficult to assess and different companies have different ways of assessing asset health.  Not all water company assets are mapped. 

    We do not know whether enough replacement and renewal has been funded and carried out over the past.  But there is strong evidence that we may be considerably behind the game.   

    When the Scottish regulator switched from using backward-looking indicators, similar to those Ofwat have used, to a forward-looking in-depth assessment, the conclusion was that there had been material underfunding of capital maintenance. Other countries replace and renew at much faster rates than we have maintained.  And, as we heard last week from the Environment Agency, infrastructure failure is a major reason for the pollution incidents we are seeing.   

    So, the Commission is recommending that a forward-looking assessment of our infrastructure is carried out and that national resilience standards are developed for water. 

    The massive steam pumping engines that filled this engine house operated for over a hundred years and were retired only when steam gave way to diesel and electricity. A couple of weeks ago I visited a much more modern pumping engine hall, just over 50 years old filled with electric pumps that supply drinking water for one third of Londoners.  It is a single point of failure for the water supply of all of Canary Wharf. And it is on its last legs. A £400m project to replace the entire facility has finally been approved and work is about to begin on the replacement.  Given the limited space and need to keep the facility operating, it is a hugely complex project that will take at least 7 years. 

    I raise this example not merely to contrast the standard of Victorian engineering with its more modern successors, absolutely humbling though that is.  It is also an example of the forethought, timescale, planning and funding necessary to ensure that our water infrastructure continues to serve us into the future, and of the dangers of a patch and mend approach. 

    I started this speech with the Great Stink of 1858 and the reset it triggered.  Change did not happen overnight; it took Bazalgette over 15 years to complete his sewer network and for London’s health to be transformed.  I hope, following our own Great Stink moment, that the recommendations in the Commission’s report will launch the reset that is required. Likewise, change will not happen overnight, and trust will take time to come back.  But I very much hope we are now at the beginning of the road. 

    Finally, it has been a real privilege to lead this work, and as I conclude I would like to thank the Commission Advisory Group for their help, their insight and support and, most of all, the amazingly committed and hard-working Commission Secretariat team for all they’ve done.  Any credit for this report goes to them; any criticism resides with me.   

    Thank you.

    Updates to this page

    Published 21 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Statement by CSPL Chair, Doug Chalmers CB DSO OBE

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    Statement by CSPL Chair, Doug Chalmers CB DSO OBE

    A statement by the Chair of the Committee on Standards in Public Life regarding the government’s announcement of the Ethics and Integrity Commission.

    “The Committee is pleased that its work over the last 30 years has been recognised and that the government wants to retain and build on this model.

    Reporting annually to the Prime Minister on the health of the standards landscape and the government’s commitment to respond to the Ethics and Integrity Commission’s recommendations within a reasonable timeframe are both welcome and important changes, creating a more regular and visible dialogue on ethical issues across public life. 

    The other new role of engaging with public sector bodies on their codes of conduct and oversight mechanisms will take time to devise and implement as the EIC takes shape.

    We look forward to further discussions with the government on the Terms of Reference and the resources needed to deliver the ambition set out for the Ethics and Integrity Commission”.

    Updates to this page

    Published 21 July 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom