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Category: Evening Report

  • MIL-Evening Report: Surviving swamps on South Australia’s parched Fleurieu Peninsula are a lifeline to wildlife – and farmers

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Christopher Auricht, Visiting Research Fellow in Natural Resources Management, University of Adelaide

    Yundi Nature Conservancy, CC BY-NC-ND

    South Australia is famously the driest state on the driest inhabited continent.

    But even for South Australia, the current drought is extreme. Rainfall has been the lowest on record across large areas.

    When drought strikes and water sources dry up, life becomes hard for wildlife. In these conditions, perennial water sources become enormously valuable.

    Dotted across the drought-stricken Fleurieu Peninsula south of Adelaide are more than 850 swampy wetlands. When the landscape dries out, these swamps act as refuges. Animals, birds, insects and reptiles come from far and wide, drawn by permanent spring-fed water, good habitat, diverse plant species and cooler, more humid micro-climates. These swamps are vital habitat for the critically endangered Mount Lofty Ranges southern emu-wren.

    Drainage channels were cut through many of these swamps in the early days of settlement, in an effort to turn them into pasture. The Fleurieu swamps are now considered an endangered ecological community. More than 90% of the remaining swamps are located on private property.

    Keeping these swamps intact and restoring dried out wetlands comes with real benefits for farmers. Birds and insects seek refuge in the swamps, but feed on pest species on nearby farmland.

    As drought tightens its grip on South Australia, these swamps will only become more important to wildlife. Restoring these swamps by bringing back the water and restoring plants and pollinators could go some way to help.

    Important for nature – and humans

    The swamps of the Fleurieu are some of the most diverse and productive habitats on Earth. Many species of plants, birds, frogs, fish, insects, mammals and reptiles rely on them to survive.

    Before colonisation, swamps and wetlands covered large areas of the Fleurieu Peninsula. Three First Nations language groups lived in these areas on the central and eastern peninsula. The importance of these wetlands is recorded in the shared story of Tjilbruki, a Kaurna ancestor whose tears at the death of his nephew gave rise to six freshwater springs.

    Over the last 200 years, most of this region has been cleared for pasture, crops and vineyards. Only 4% of the swamps are conserved. They are now listed as a critically endangered ecological community. These swamps are still declining due to threats such as more human settlement, land clearance, water extraction and invasive species such as blackberries.

    Many were drained to make way for agriculture. We don’t fully know how many remain, as many are not well captured in current maps.

    But we know these wetlands are vital, not just for nature but for farmers too. Farmers would miss them if they were gone.

    We can see this most clearly during droughts. As the land gets drier and ephemeral water sources evaporate, ibises, eastern great egrets, white-faced herons and masked lapwings move into these swamps, seeking water. During the days, though, they spread out and feed on pasture pests such as grasshoppers and cockchafer beetle grubs.

    Similarly, these wetlands act as a haven for important insect pollinators and predators. Hoverflies and native bees help farmers by pollinating pasture legumes such as clover, while predators keep down the numbers of pest species.

    As adults, parasitic wasps rely on the nectar from swamp plants such as woolly teatree. But they lay their eggs on common pasture pests such as caterpillars and grubs. When their larvae hatch, they eat these pests. Carnivorous insects such as ladybirds and assassin bugs eat other insects which can trouble farmers.

    Ibises and other bird species base themselves in the swamps during drought, but fan out to eat insects which can trouble farmers.
    Yundi Nature Conservancy, CC BY-NC-ND

    Restoration is possible

    Swamps don’t have a great reputation. Throughout human history, they have been seen as sources of foul air and a haven for insects and disease. A common response was to dig channels to drain them.

    We now know much more about how important swamps and other wetlands for the natural world – and for humans. Wetlands naturally store water and carbon, tame floods and offer refuges during drought. Correcting these historic mistakes will take time.

    Wetlands are home to many species of plants, insects and animals.
    Yundi Nature Conservancy, CC BY-NC-ND

    Peatlands like these store huge volumes of carbon in their waterlogged soils. Our research estimated the carbon storage of a peat swamp at Yundi at more than 2,500 tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent per hectare. The depth of carbon-rich organic peat was up to three metres in places. By contrast, a healthy woodland stores around 650 tonnes per hectare.

    This natural carbon sink will remain as long as the peat remains moist and annual increments from plant growth and decay add to the stock.

    When an agricultural drain is cut through a swamp, water gradually leaches out of the peat profile. Over time, enough water leaves to dry out the peat, beginning with the surface layer. This means long-stored carbon and methane can be released back to the atmosphere.

    Conserving remaining peatlands and restoring those already drained is essential if the climate goals of the Paris Agreement are to be achieved, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization.

    On the Fleurieu Peninsula, there’s huge potential to return water to the soils and expand these once-thriving wetlands.

    The good news? Community groups and farmers have already embarked on several restoration projects. Around 50 farmers in the region have formed the Fleurieu Swamp Restoration Network. To date, in cooperation with Yundi Nature Conservancy, 25 swamp restoration plans have been developed and 15 are under way. If successful, these will restore more than 100 hectares of swamp.

    Christopher Auricht is a director of environmental consultancy Auricht Projects Pty Ltd. He receives funding from both state and federal governments for wetland related consulting and research.

    – ref. Surviving swamps on South Australia’s parched Fleurieu Peninsula are a lifeline to wildlife – and farmers – https://theconversation.com/surviving-swamps-on-south-australias-parched-fleurieu-peninsula-are-a-lifeline-to-wildlife-and-farmers-256238

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Fish driving cars and chimps doing maths: what teaching animals ‘irrelevant’ skills reveals about our own minds

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Scarlett Howard, Research Fellow, School of Biological Sciences, Monash University

    VixtorPhoto / Shutterstock

    Did you know goldfish can learn to drive cars? Have you heard bumblebees can learn to pull on a string? Would you believe some primates can perform calculations with Arabic numerals?

    These tasks seem completely irrelevant to these animals in their natural environment, so why are researchers interested in them?

    As someone who studies the intelligence of insects, much of my own research has been labelled as “ecologically irrelevant”.

    However, as I have argued in Trends in Cognitive Sciences, there are plenty of reasons to study this kind of animal intelligence.

    Finding relevance in irrelevance

    The study of animal intelligence often seeks to form a better understanding of the animal’s ecology. However, there are also many studies that aim to push the limits of animal cognition beyond what we would expect in their everyday life.

    This honeybee has been trained to find sugar water where there are an even number of shapes.

    Ecologically irrelevant research can help us understand the limits of animal intelligence and develop bio-inspired technology. It can also help us explore behavioural responses to environmental change, and advance our understanding of the evolution of intelligence.

    Understanding how animals respond to ecologically irrelevant tasks sheds light on how our own intelligence has evolved. We frequently use comparisons between humans and non-human primates to understand whether a cognitive capacity has evolved in modern humans, or if we observe similar abilities in other primates and animals.

    For example, children as young as 24 months old can find a hidden object in a room when its location is pointed out to them in a photograph. This ability is known as representational insight.

    Some chimpanzees can also pass this test. Do these results mean a chimpanzee has the same level of intelligence as a two-year-old child?

    Furthermore, this test may allow us to estimate when representational insight evolved. It may have been before humans and chimpanzees split into different lineages.

    Researchers trained goldfish to steer a tank on wheels.

    Imitating nature, comparing species

    Biologically inspired (bio-inspired) solutions to modern computing problems use technology based on biology. Some bio-inspired technologies can cope well with uncertainty by using brain-like computations to process and solve real-world problems. Many animals are considered models for bio-inspired technologies based on their vision, behaviour and movement.

    For example, the flight mechanics of dragonflies have been studied to build micro aerial vehicles. Since bio-inspired technology will undoubtedly be used in unnatural situations, it is useful to know how animals would respond in these same scenarios to build more accurate technology.

    Comparing the behaviour and intelligence of different species can pose a huge challenge to scientists. To enable accurate comparisons we need to have a task of equal difficulty for both species.

    If we use a task that animals perform regularly in their natural environments, we run the risk that one species may have an advantage from performing the task more frequently. However, if we use a task that neither animal is likely to ever need to perform, we can “level the playing field” for an accurate comparison.

    Animals must often adapt to new and unfamiliar situations. Environmental changes such as urbanisation, climate change, habitat loss and invasive species introductions cause animals to encounter new challenges that may have previously been ecologically irrelevant.

    A puzzle box may be seem irrelevant to many animals. However, cockatoos in Australia have learned how to open rubbish bins to forage. The cockatoos have then adapted to solve new puzzles as humans attempt to make bins harder to open.

    This “innovation arms race” between humans and cockatoos shows how an initially ecologically irrelevant task may become relevant to an animal.

    Does a true test of ecologically irrelevant intelligence exist?

    One major question is whether we have been able to create a truly ecologically irrelevant task for animals to complete.

    For example, bees have been trained to recognise images of human faces. This task may appear ecologically irrelevant to a bee.

    However, to the bee, an image of a human face may actually represent an unfamiliar but rewarding flower, particularly when the correct option is paired with a reward of sugar water, which imitates a flower’s nectar. Is this task relevant or irrelevant to a bee? The answer is: it depends.

    Many experiments provide food rewards. Therefore, animals may interpret these experiments as a foraging task, thus making even the most complex and arbitrary tasks during tests of intelligence still somewhat ecologically relevant to the animal. Other rewards for animals participating in experiments include shelter, social interactions, and play.

    While the task itself may appear ecologically irrelevant, the reward may be highly relevant to animals looking for food, mating opportunities, safety, or fun. This leads us to question if any task we give animals is completely bereft of ecological relevance.

    Scarlett Howard currently has funding from the Australian Research Council and the Hermon Slade Foundation.

    – ref. Fish driving cars and chimps doing maths: what teaching animals ‘irrelevant’ skills reveals about our own minds – https://theconversation.com/fish-driving-cars-and-chimps-doing-maths-what-teaching-animals-irrelevant-skills-reveals-about-our-own-minds-253938

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Former Canberra diplomat Ali Kuzak dies on the way to Palestine

    Ali Kazak: born Haifa, 1947; died May 17 2025, Thailand

    By Helen Musa in Canberra

    Former Palestinian diplomat and long-time Canberra identity Ali Kazak died on Saturday en route to Palestine.

    Sources at the Canberra Islamic Centre report that he was recovering from heart surgery and died during a stopover in Thailand.

    Kazak was born in Haifa in 1947 and grew up in Syria as a Palestinian refugee. He and his mother were separated from his father when Israel was created in 1948 and Kazak was only reunited with his father in 1993.

    In 1968, while at Damascus University, Kazak had been invited to join the Palestine National Liberation Movement (Fateh) and joined its political wing.

    He migrated to Australia in 1970 where he became the founder, publisher and co-editor of the Australian newspaper, Free Palestine, also authoring among many books, The Jerusalem Question and Australia and the Arabs.

    Kazak was the driving force behind the establishment in 1981 of the Palestine Human Rights Campaign and was appointed by the PLO executive committee as the PLO’s representative to Australia, NZ and the Pacific region.

    In 1982, he established the Palestine Information Office, which was recognised by the Australian government in 1989 as the office of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, and then further recognised in 1994 as the General Palestinian Delegation.

    As Palestinian Ambassador, Kazak initiated the establishment of the NSW State and Australian Federal Parliamentary Friends of Palestine, as well as the Victorian, South Australian and NZ Parliamentary Friends of Palestine.

    Always a passionate advocate, in 1986 he became the first person to call for adjudication by the Australian Press Council of stereotyped reporting of Palestinians.

    After retiring from diplomacy, he became the managing director of the consultancy company Southern Link International, but continued to comment on Palestinian affairs and Gaza.

    His most recent article was published in the Pearls and Irritations: John Menadue’s Public Policy journal on May 16, titled The third Nakba in Israel’s war of genocide: Why does the Albanese government shirk its responsibility?

    Arrangements are being made to return his body from Thailand to Australia for internment.

    Helen Musa is the Canberra City News arts editor. This article was first published by City News.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Environmentalists question Henry Puna’s role in deep sea mining firm

    By Caleb Fotheringham, RNZ Pacific journalist

    Environmentalists in the Cook Islands have criticised former Prime Minister and Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) head Henry Puna for joining the board of a deep sea mining company.

    Puna, who finished his term as PIF secretary-general in May last year, played a pivotal part in the creation of multi-use marine park, Marae Moana, in 2017.

    The marine protected area extends over the entire country’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ), covering an area roughly the size of Mexico.

    It prohibits large-scale commercial fishing and seabed mining within 50 nautical miles of each of the 15 islands.

    Puna has now joined the board of deep sea mining company Cobalt Seabed Resources (CSR) — a joint venture between the Cook Islands government and the Belgian company Global Sea Mineral Resources.

    CSR is currently undertaking exploration in the Cook Islands EEZ, along with two other companies. It also has an exploration licence in the Clarion-Clipperton Zone, located in the high seas in the central Pacific Ocean.

    Environmental advocates say Puna’s new role conflicts with his conservation work.

    Simultaneously pushing for Marae Moana
     The Te Ipukarea Society said Puna was interested in the deep sea mining industry while simultaneously pushing for the creation of Marae Moana during his time as Prime Minister.

    “It is something to be wary about with his new role and maybe how he will go about green washing how the deep sea mining company operates within our waters and their actions,” the environmental charity’s director Alana Smith said.

    While in Parliament, Puna was an MP for the Northern Group atoll Manihiki.

    Manihiki resident Jean-Marie Williams said Puna was a good man

    However, Williams believes the benefits of deep sea mining will not be seen on his island.

    “We could make money out of it,” he said. “But who’s going to make money out of it? Definitely not the people of Manihiki.

    “The corporat[ions] will make money out of it.”

    ‘First to know’
    However, William Numanga, who previously worked for Puna as a policy analyst, does not view it like that.

    “Remember, Henry lives on an atoll, up north, so if there is any effect on the environment, he would be first to know,” Numanga said.

    “I do not think he will be putting aside a lot of the environmental concerns or challenges. He will be making sure that those environmental concerns are factored into this development process,” he added.

    Henry Puna ended his term as the PIF secretary general in May 2024 . . . a “passion for environmental protection”. Image: RNZ Pacific/Eleisha Foon

    He believes Puna’s “passion for environmental protection”, coupled with his desire for economic development, makes him a good fit for the role.

    Auckland doctoral student Liam Koka’ua said the company, which has the aim of extracting valuable minerals from the seabed, went against the purpose of Marae Moana.

    “If you truly believe Marae Moana is a place that must be protected at all costs and protected for our sustained livelihood and future and be protected for generations to come, then I don’t think rushing into an experimental industry that could potentially have huge impacts is aligned with those intentions,” Koka’ua said.

    RNZ Pacific has made multiple attempts to reach Puna for comment, but has yet to receive a response.

    However, in a statement, he said CSR was “uniquely placed to make advances for the people of the Cook Islands”.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Climate scientists are trusted globally, just not as much as other scientists – here’s why

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Omid Ghasemi, Research Associate in Behavioural Science at the Institute for Climate Risk & Response, UNSW Sydney

    I. Noyan Yilmaz, Shutterstock

    Societies increasingly rely on scientists to guide decisions in times of uncertainty, from pandemic outbreaks to the rise of artificial intelligence.

    Addressing climate change is no different. For governments wanting to introduce ambitious climate policies, public trust in climate scientists is pivotal, because it can determine whether voters support or resist those efforts.

    So do people trust climate scientists, and what affects levels of trust? Our new study shows climate scientists are less trusted than other types of scientists globally. But there are profound variations in this trust gap between countries, and within them.

    Finding ways to increase trust in climate scientists is crucial if the world is to implement effective policies to avert dangerous global warming.

    Low trust in climate scientists may hinder effective climate science communication and reduce public engagement with climate solutions.
    Mozgova, Shutterstock.

    Examining trust in science

    We collaborated with an international team of researchers to analyse data from one of the largest cross-national surveys of public attitudes toward science. The dataset includes responses from nearly 70,000 people across 68 countries. It offers a rare global snapshot of how people perceive scientists in general, and climate scientists in particular.

    Each of these people rated their trust in climate scientists on a five-point scale, with a five indicating very high trust and a one being not trusted at all.

    Trust in scientists more generally was assessed using a 12-item questionnaire that measured perceptions of expertise, integrity, benevolence and openness. The responses were averaged to create a composite trust score. Higher scores reflected higher levels of trust.

    We found trust in scientists was moderately strong worldwide, as it was above the midpoint of the scale (averaging 3.6 out of 5). But trust in climate scientists was slightly lower (averaging 3.5). The difference between the two scores is what we call the “trust gap”.

    In 43 of the 68 countries, the trust gap was statistically significant, with people reporting lower trust in climate scientists than in scientists in general.

    The size of the trust gap varied between countries. In Europe, Oceania (including Australia and New Zealand) and North America the gap tended to be smaller. Larger gaps emerged in parts of Latin America and Africa.

    The Democratic Republic of the Congo had the widest gap, with climate scientists trusted less than in any other country. This may reflect local concerns that global climate agendas — often supported by international scientists — prioritise resource extraction for foreign renewable energy demands over local interests. Such feelings may be particularly acute in regions where mining has brought limited community benefit.

    Six countries bucked the trend. Climate scientists were more trusted than scientists overall in China, Taiwan, South Korea, Egypt, Israel and Germany.

    In China and Germany, this may reflect strong investment in green energy, high levels of public support for climate action, and the visible role climate scientists play in shaping policy.

    What’s going on here?

    Not surprisingly, people with more positive views of science tended to express higher trust in scientists and even more so, climate scientists. But people with dim views of scientists were less trusting of climate scientists.

    Age also played a role. Older people tended to trust scientists more than younger people. But younger people were more likely to trust climate scientists.

    Climate scientists were generally less trusted than scientists regardless of gender. While men reported slightly lower trust in scientists than women did, the difference was not statistically significant.

    Among all the variables we examined, political orientation emerged as one of the strongest factors associated with trust in climate scientists. People with right-leaning or conservative views reported lower trust in climate scientists compared with those with more left-leaning or liberal views.

    However, the meaning of terms such as “liberal” and “conservative” can vary considerably between countries. For example, in Australia, the Liberal Party is politically right-leaning. But in the United States, “liberal” typically refers to left-leaning or progressive views. This variation makes cross-national comparisons complex and requires careful interpretation of results.

    As a particular person’s political orientation shifted further to the right, the trust gap between climate scientists and scientists widened.

    In 28 countries across the Americas, Europe and Oceania, right-leaning orientation was associated not only with lower trust in climate scientists than people who leaned to the left, but also with a larger gap between trust for scientists generally and trust for climate scientists.

    In a smaller subset of countries, particularly in parts of Asia, Africa and Eastern Europe, the pattern reversed – right-leaning individuals expressed greater trust in climate scientists than their left-leaning counterparts.

    These findings suggest it is not political orientation alone that drives public trust, but how climate issues are framed in political discourse. In many Western countries, public messaging around climate change — particularly from conservative parties and media — has cast doubt on the credibility of climate science. This politicisation, often amplified by vested interests such as fossil fuel lobbies, may help explain the erosion of trust among some conservative groups.

    Closing the trust gap

    Trust alone will not solve the climate crisis, but it plays a crucial role in shaping how societies respond to scientific guidance.

    Ambitious, evidence-based policies require public support to succeed. A persistent trust gap — no matter how small — can undermine that support and help explain why many governments continue to fall short of their climate targets.

    Closing the trust gap through transparent communication, inclusive public engagement, and consistent political leadership is essential for turning awareness into action.

    Omid Ghasemi receives funding from the Australian Academy of Science.

    Ben Newell receives funding from The Australian Research Council.

    – ref. Climate scientists are trusted globally, just not as much as other scientists – here’s why – https://theconversation.com/climate-scientists-are-trusted-globally-just-not-as-much-as-other-scientists-heres-why-256441

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Open letter from John Cusack: ‘The children of Gaza need your outrage – end the siege’

    Pacific Media Watch

    American film star celebrity John Cusack, who describes himself on his x-page bio as an “apocalyptic shit-disturber”, has posted an open letter to the world denouncing the Israeli “mass murder” in Gaza and calling for “your outrage”.

    While warning the public to “don’t stop talking about Palestine/Gaza”, he says that the “hollow ‘both sides’ rhetoric is complicity with power”.

    “This is not a debate with two sides that can be normalised — and all the hired bullshit in print and on tv will never change the narrative,” he said.

    Palestinian freelance photojournalist Fatma Hassouna . . . murdered in an Israeli air strike on after it was announced about her film on Gaza being screened at the Cannes Film Festival. Image: Fatma Hassouna

    His statement comes as hundreds of directors, writers, actors have denounced Israeli genocide in Gaza and the film industry’s “silence,” “indifference” and “passivity” coinciding with the Cannes Film Festival.

    More than 350 prominent directors, writers and actors signed an open letter condemning the genocide and the “official inaction” of the film industry in regard to the mass suffering.

    The industry open letter was published on the first day of the Cannes festival. It began by calling attention to the fate of 25-year-old Fatma Hassouna, a Palestinian freelance photojournalist, who was murdered in an Israeli air strike on April 16.

    She was assassinated after it was announced that Iranian director Sepideh Farsi’s film Put Your Soul on Your Hand and Walk, in which she Hassouna was the star, had been selected in the ACID parallel, independent film section of the festival.

    She was about to get married.

    Cusack’s own open letter, offered as a template at X@JohnCusack last week, said:

    “To Whom it May Still Concern

    “There is a genocide unfolding before our eyes in Gaza. Not a metaphor, not a tragedy in the abstract — a genocide. Carried out in real time, in front of satellites, smartphones, and sanitized press conferences. And what has the so-called “land of the free” done? Applauded. Armed. Rationalised. Looked away.


    London protest: ‘No to another Nakba”    Video: Al Jazeera

    “The blood in Gaza does not just stain the hands of those launching the missiles. It stains every hand that signs off on the bombs, every hand that wrings itself in liberal anguish but does nothing, and every hand that beats its chest in right-wing bloodlust cheering it all on.

    “The American far right sees in this mass killing a projection of its own fantasies — walls, camps, and the unrelenting dehumanisation of the “other.” No surprise there. And where are the liberals? Their silence is violence. Their hollow “both sides” rhetoric is complicity with power. And mass murder. And the machine of empire—greased with our taxes, shielded by our media, and excused by our moral debauchery .
    How’s everybody at the Met gala doing tonight ?

    American actor John Cusack . . . “If you claim to care about justice – if you ever marched, ever lit a candle for any cause – then your voice should be raised now.” Image: Wikipedia

    “If you claim to care about justice — if you ever marched, ever lit a candle for any cause — then your voice should be raised now. Or it means nothing. The children of Gaza do not need your sorrow. They need your outrage. Your pressure. Your courage.

    “End the siege. End the weapons shipments. End the lies. Call this what it is: a genocide.

    “And if your politics cannot confront that—then your politics are worthless.

    “In furious solidarity

    “John Cusack”

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Joe Biden has advanced prostate cancer with a Gleason score of 9. What does this mean?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sarah Diepstraten, Senior Research Officer, Blood Cells and Blood Cancer Division, WEHI (Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research)

    Former US President Joe Biden has been diagnosed with an aggressive form of prostate cancer that has already spread to his bones.

    A statement Biden’s office issued on Sunday revealed Biden was diagnosed after experiencing urinary issues.

    Biden’s office said his cancer has a Gleason score of nine out of ten. It also said his cancer “appears to be hormone-sensitive, which allows for effective management”.

    So what is a Gleason score? And what does it mean for a cancer to be hormone-sensitive?

    What is prostate cancer?

    Prostate cancer is any cancer that begins in the prostate, part of the male reproductive system. This small golf ball-sized gland is located below the bladder.

    The prostate is below the bladder.
    izunna/Shutterstock

    Prostate cancer is the second most common cancer in men worldwide. In Australia, one in six men will be diagnosed with prostate cancer by the age of 85.

    Some types of prostate cancer are low risk, grow very slowly, and may not require immediate treatment. Others are highly aggressive and can spread to other tissues and organs.

    What are the symptoms of prostate cancer?

    Early prostate cancers do not usually cause symptoms, and therefore can be difficult to detect.

    At later stages, prostate cancer symptoms can include frequent urination, pain and/or a weak stream while urinating, blood in urine/semen, back/pelvic pain, and weakness in the legs or feet.

    Advanced prostate cancer which has spread to bones can cause pain, fatigue and weight loss.



    Read more:
    How does cancer spread to other parts of the body?

    What is the Gleason score?

    The Gleason score is one way of measuring the aggressiveness of prostate cancers. It assists doctors in categorising prostate cancers into different groups and in selecting appropriate treatments for patients.

    To calculate the Gleason score, clinicians take multiple samples of the tumour, called biopsies. To obtain each sample, a small needle is inserted into the tumour and a sliver of tissue (usually around 12 millimetres long) is extracted for testing.

    Because the different regions of the tumour can have different cancer cells present, pathologists then pick two different sections of the tumour biopsy they think best represent the whole tumour.

    Then, they grade each of the two sections with a score from 1 to 5. Grade 1 means the cancer cells present look a lot like normal, healthy cells. Grade 5 means the cancer cells look very abnormal. To get a patient’s Gleason score, the two grades are added together.

    Patients with a Gleason score of 6 or less are considered low risk and may not require immediate treatment.

    A Gleason score of 8–10 indicates a highly aggressive prostate cancer that will likely grow quickly.

    In Australia, 67.9% of men at diagnosis have a Gleason score of 7 or less.

    It’s not the only tool

    The Gleason score is only one tool health-care professionals use to guide the diagnosis and treatment of patients.

    Other tools include blood tests for prostate-specific antigen (PSA, which is often elevated in prostate cancer patients), physical examinations (such as a digital rectal examination), and imaging of the tumour (such as via CT scans, MRI, or ultrasounds).

    While we don’t have all of the information about Biden’s diagnosis, a Gleason score of 9 indicates that his cancer is very aggressive.

    What is hormone-sensitive prostate cancer?

    Hormones are chemical signals made by various glands in our bodies. They are released into the bloodstream and can activate different processes in different cells and tissues.

    Hormones are very important for the normal functioning of our bodies, but some types of cancers also need hormones in order to grow.

    Prostate cancers that are “hormone-sensitive” need male sex hormones (also called androgens) to grow. Testosterone, which is primarily produced in the testicles, is an example of an androgen.

    How are hormone-sensitive cancers treated?

    Hormone therapies work either by reducing androgen levels, or by blocking the function of androgens. This can slow down or even kill hormone-sensitive prostate cancers, since they depend on androgens for their continued growth and survival.

    Androgen-deprivation therapy is usually the first hormone therapy those with prostate cancer will receive. It aims to reduce the levels of androgen produced by the testicles, either through surgical or chemical castration.

    Other types of hormone therapy, which can also be used in combination with androgen-deprivation therapy, include androgen-receptor blockers. These drugs bind to cell receptors, blocking the interaction between the androgens and the cancer cells. This means the cancer cells can’t access the androgens they need to grow.



    Read more:
    Every cancer is unique – why different cancers require different treatments, and how evolution drives drug resistance

    Of course, hormones are also necessary for normal bodily functions, meaning blocking them has side effects. Hormone therapies for prostate cancer commonly have side effects such as erectile dysfunction, weight gain, fatigue and osteoporosis, which causes bones to become weak and brittle.

    While hormone therapy may not be pleasant, it is an effective treatment option. Prostate cancers which become insensitive to hormone therapies are much more difficult to treat and generally considered incurable.

    Besides hormone therapy, prostate cancer may also be treated with surgery, radiotherapy and chemotherapy – it depends on the patient.

    In addition, many new treatments for prostate cancers are currently under investigation, including laser procedures to remove cancer cells and CAR T therapy, which involves transforming a patient’s own immune cells into cancer-fighting cells.

    For patients whose prostate cancer has spread to their bones, treatments are usually aimed at stopping the cancer from spreading further and reducing symptoms.

    Biden and his family are now said to be reviewing treatment options.

    Sarah Diepstraten receives funding from Cure Cancer Australia and My Room Children’s Cancer Charity.

    John (Eddie) La Marca receives funding from Cancer Council Victoria. He is affiliated with the Olivia Newton-John Cancer Research Institute and the Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research.

    – ref. Joe Biden has advanced prostate cancer with a Gleason score of 9. What does this mean? – https://theconversation.com/joe-biden-has-advanced-prostate-cancer-with-a-gleason-score-of-9-what-does-this-mean-256998

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Russia is labelling Oscar Jenkins a ‘mercenary’, not a prisoner of war. What’s the difference – and why does this matter?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shannon Bosch, Associate Professor (Law), Edith Cowan University

    Oscar Jenkins, a 33-year-old former teacher from Melbourne, was one of many foreigners who responded to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s call in 2022 for volunteers to join Ukraine’s armed forces to help repel Russia’s invasion.

    In early 2024, Jenkins joined Ukraine’s International Legion of Territorial Defence, which has attracted some 20,000 fighters from 50 countries since the war began. He had no previous military experience, but this wasn’t a requirement to join.

    In December, Jenkins was captured by Russian forces in Russian-occupied eastern Ukraine and accused of serving as a “mercenary” in Ukraine’s 66th Mechanised Brigade’s 402nd Rifle Battalion. He was tried in a Russian court and sentenced on May 16 to 13 years imprisonment in a maximum-security penal colony.

    When a foreigner volunteers to fight in a war, their legal status under international law can be complicated.

    Are they a soldier with the full authorisation of one of the warring parties to engage in hostilities? Or are they an illegal mercenary?

    And what happens if they are captured?

    Why legal status matters

    The answers to these questions have very real importance to the thousands of foreigners who have joined Ukraine’s International Legion since 2022.

    Russian authorities have classified all of Ukraine’s foreigner fighters as “mercenaries”. They’ve used this label to deny foreign fighters the status of “prisoner of war” (POW), with the requisite protections that come along with that under international humanitarian law.

    While foreigners are permitted under international law to enlist in the armed forces of a state for political or moral reasons, mercenaries have historically been outlawed due to their sole motivation being financial gain.

    International humanitarian law (the rules that govern war) define mercenaries as individuals who are not nationals or residents of a state engaged in war and are recruited to fight outside that state’s official armed forces.

    They are motivated solely by private gain (like money or promises of reward), often well in excess of what the traditional armed forces are paid. Mercenaries are essentially professional soldiers who sell their services to a state without any real ties to that country.

    Once a fighter is classified as a “mercenary”, they lose all the legal protections that are traditionally afforded lawful combatants.

    This includes prisoner of war status if they are captured and immunity from prosecution for fighting in a conflict. Prisoners of war are also entitled to humane treatment and access to food and medical care. And they cannot be subjected to sham trials or torture.

    According to my research, many of the foreign nationals who joined the International Legion were motivated by a desire to defend Ukraine against Russia’s aggression. They were sworn into Ukraine’s armed forces and paid the same as a Ukrainian soldier of equal rank.

    Once enlisted in the armed forces, they were immediately exempt from “mercenary” status, irrespective of their motivation for joining.

    As such, these foreign fighters should be entitled to the full range of protections guaranteed to members of Ukraine’s armed forces under the Geneva Conventions.

    Labelling lawful foreign members of the Ukrainian armed forces as “mercenaries”, and denying them their protections, is an abuse of international law.

    How can Australia protect its nationals?

    If an Australian enlists in Ukraine’s armed forces and is captured by Russian forces, there is a limited toolkit the Australian government can use to help him or her. However, it is not powerless.

    Through its embassy in Moscow, Australia can request access to detainees to assess their welfare while in prison. Russia can, however, decline this access. Details of a detainee’s capture may also be withheld.

    Australia can also apply diplomatic pressure to ensure humane treatment of prisoners and their full POW rights.

    This can be done by working with international bodies, such as the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention or organisations like the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC), which can request access to detainees.

    It appears the government is already doing some of these things. According to Foreign Minister Penny Wong, the government has been working with Ukraine and the ICRC to advocate for Jenkins’ welfare and release, and providing consular support to Jenkins’ family.

    Australia also has an obligation to warn its citizens they will likely face severe consequences if they travel to Ukraine to fight and are captured by Russian forces, given Russia’s misuse of the “mercenary” label.

    Through back-channel negotiations, Australia could also push Ukraine or its allies to include Australians being held by Russia in future prisoner swaps.

    In January of this year, Ukraine and Russia carried out such an exchange of 470 prisoners from both nations. And in talks last week in Turkey, both sides agreed to release another 1,000 prisoners on each side.

    Such exchanges have involved foreign fighters in the past. In 2022, 10 foreign citizens were included in a prisoner swap, including five Britons, two Americans, a Croatian, a Swede and a Moroccan. Several of them had been convicted of being mercenaries and sentenced to death after a Russian sham trial.

    There is no guarantee Jenkins would qualify for such an exchange, however, if Russia continues to classify him as a mercenary.

    Shannon Bosch does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Russia is labelling Oscar Jenkins a ‘mercenary’, not a prisoner of war. What’s the difference – and why does this matter? – https://theconversation.com/russia-is-labelling-oscar-jenkins-a-mercenary-not-a-prisoner-of-war-whats-the-difference-and-why-does-this-matter-256996

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Politics, protest and some seriously inappropriate songs: who gets censored at Eurovision, and who doesn’t?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Catherine Strong, Associate Professor, Music Industry, RMIT University

    As always, Eurovision 2025 was full of glitter, costume reveals, divas, spectacle and, of course, controversy. From ongoing calls to ban Israel from participating, to one song that had to be edited since it was too inappropriate, here’s what you may have missed from this year’s contest.

    A milkshake meltdown

    For Australian viewers, the final may have been a bit of a letdown because, for the second year in a row, our contestant failed to get past the semis.

    Go-Jo’s Milkshake Man seemed like a strong offering, with its daft and suggestive lyrics, huge energy and oversized blender prop – but some weak vocals on the night left us in the cold.

    Other wacky entries of the uniquely Eurovision variety fared better, though. Sweden’s ode to saunas, Bara Bada Bastu, started the night as the favourite to win and ended high with a fourth placing, just behind Estonia’s rubbery-legged Tommy Cash, whose love song to coffee may have just been more relatable to voters.

    Serving what?

    More controversial was Miriana Conte’s song for Malta, originally titled Serving Kant, with kant being the Maltese word for singing. But this thinly disguised attempt to celebrate “serving cunt” was deemed inappropriate by the European Broadcasting Union, and reworked as simply Serving.

    This performance is part of a long Eurovision tradition of celebrating queer culture. Each year, multiple entries use LGBTQIA+ imagery, tropes and lyrics to celebrate the theme of being who you are.

    Last year’s event marked the first time two non-binary performers were featured in the contest. One of them, Switzerlans’s Nemo, won. As a side note, Nemo’s return performance this year may be one of the best things to ever grace the Eurovision stage.

    But it seems Malta’s cheeky play on the theme didn’t pay off, as it landed them in 17th place by the end of the voting.

    Other stand-out performances included Finland’s Erika Vikman, who outperformed a whole crop of big-voiced divas in sparkly body suits by riding a giant flaming microphone to the roof of the stadium during the, ahem, climax to Ich Komme (which translates to “I’m coming”).

    Less in your face, yet strangely compelling, were the women of Latvia’s folk band Tautumeitas. In their forest-nymph-axolotl (?) costumes, they delivered a flawless and gentle performance.

    A heated, close race to the top

    The winner was, as is often the case at Eurovision, a more serious song that showcased a high level of musicianship and vocal ability. Austria’s JJ performance of Wasted Love was stripped-back compared to most of the rivals.

    JJ took to the stage alone, using a completely black and white palette that stood out against the reds that dominated the rest of the night. The way he used his body onstage, and the dynamism of his soprano voice – moving from a conventional pop vocal style to a more operatic delivery – was compellingly dramatic, and was rewarded by the juries and public voters.

    It was a close race for the top spot however. I imagine the broadcasting union breathed a sigh of relief when Austria knocked Israel into second place at the last moment.

    Israel’s presence in the contest has been a source of division and conflict since the events of October 7. For two years there have been highly publicised calls to expel Israel from the competition, in light of the extreme atrocities and human rights abuses taking place on the ground in Gaza.



    Read more:
    1 in 5 Gazans face starvation. Can the law force Israel to act?

    Multiple pro-Palestinian rallies took to the streets in the host city, Basel, and protesters trying to disrupt the Israeli performance found their way into the arena during the rehearsals and final. While they did not make it into the broadcast, there were reports of audience members being removed, staff being hit with paint, and violent clashes with security and police.

    Beyond this, 70 ex-competitors and, separately, more than 4,000 Nordic music workers put their names on open letters protesting Israel’s inclusion in the contest. But these attempts failed, partly because the countries involved did not threaten to withdraw themselves if Israel participated (which was how Russia was expelled from the 2022 contest, in the wake of its invasion of Ukraine).

    What can we expect moving forward

    It’s worth considering what Israel’s inclusion in the contest does allow. In recently published work, my coauthors and I consider what it means to face up to some of the uglier aspects of music and music-making – and to sit with the discomfort, rather than ignore it.

    If Israel had been excluded, those calling for its exclusion may have achieved a sense that a certain wrong had been righted, and the Eurovision party could go on, free from worry.

    Yet the realities of events in Gaza would not have disappeared. Viewers at home would simply not have to think about them.

    Israel’s inclusion – and the opposition to it – forces us to ask what role, if any, cultural institutions can play in helping put a stop to what the International Court of Justice has said can plausibly be called a genocide.

    While the broadcasting union could perhaps put pressure on Israel with a ban, the fissures of Israel’s continued inclusion have shone a spotlight on other types of pressure and resistance – and the power music has in bringing people together for the explicit purpose of being political.

    Catherine Strong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Politics, protest and some seriously inappropriate songs: who gets censored at Eurovision, and who doesn’t? – https://theconversation.com/politics-protest-and-some-seriously-inappropriate-songs-who-gets-censored-at-eurovision-and-who-doesnt-256447

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The re-emergence of polio in Papua New Guinea shows global eradication remains elusive

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Toole, Associate Principal Research Fellow, Burnet Institute

    Last week the World Health Organisation (WHO) declared a polio outbreak in Papua New Guinea (PNG).

    The highly infectious virus was found in two healthy, polio-vaccinated children who were screened following detection of the virus during routine wastewater sampling in Lae, PNG’s second largest city. Wastewater samples are also positive in the capital Port Moresby, indicating the potential of spread around the country.

    The strain has been identified as circulating vaccine-derived poliovirus type 2, similar genetically to a strain circulating in Indonesia.

    So what does this mean? And what will happen now in PNG?

    First, what is polio?

    Polio, or poliomyelitis, is a highly contagious disease caused by the poliovirus. It primarily affects children.

    Most infections don’t cause significant symptoms and go largely unnoticed. But less than 1% of infections result in paralysis.

    Poliovirus is spread by person-to-person contact or the ingestion of contaminated virus from faeces. The virus multiplies in the gut of people who are infected, and they shed the virus in their stool for several weeks. In this way it can spread through a community, especially in areas with poor sanitation.

    A recent review also suggested a greater role for transmission via respiratory particles than we previously thought.

    Wild poliovirus (as distinct from vaccine-derived poliovirus, which we’ll discuss shortly) was a major public health issue prior to the rollout of vaccination in 1950s. This campaign led to the virtual elimination of the disease in rich countries such as Australia.

    Since the Global Polio Eradication Initiative was launched in 1988, cases have decreased by 99% globally. Wild poliovirus remains endemic only in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

    Polio is caused by the poliovirus.
    Kateryna Kon/Shutterstock

    Polio vaccines

    There are two types of vaccines – the oral polio vaccine and the inactivated polio vaccine.

    Delivered as two drops in the mouth at least four times in early childhood, the oral vaccine contains a live-attenuated (weakened) form of the poliovirus. It triggers a strong immune reaction in the gut that slows the replication of wild poliovirus, and reduces shedding in the stool, limiting transmission.

    The oral vaccine does carry a small risk of the weakened vaccine strain causing paralysis. This occurs in
    roughly one in 2.7 million doses of the oral vaccine administered, usually at the first dose.

    The inactivated polio vaccine (part of the routine immunisation program in Australia) contains an inactivated or dead form of the poliovirus, which is unable to cause polio in the recipient.

    Given as an injection, this vaccine stimulates the immune system to produce protective antibodies in the blood against poliovirus. Three doses of the inactivated vaccine are highly protective against developing symptoms and paralysis from polio.

    However, this vaccine is thought not to be as effective as the oral vaccine at preventing infection and shedding in the gut. Therefore, it doesn’t prevent transmission.

    What is vaccine-derived poliovirus?

    As the weakened poliovirus in the oral vaccine is still shed in the stool, it can spread in communities with poor sanitation. The vaccine strain can mutate to a form that can cause paralysis, like wild poliovirus. The result, circulating vaccine-derived poliovirus, is a problem particularly when polio immunisation rates are low.

    The risk of international spread of vaccine-derived poliovirus has been assessed as high by the WHO and United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. There were outbreaks in 39 countries in 2023–24.

    A novel oral polio vaccine, nOPV2, which is less likely to mutate, has been used in outbreaks of vaccine-derived poliovirus since 2021.

    Routine vaccination with the inactivated polio vaccine is key to preventing vaccine-derived poliovirus, and is recommended by WHO. The polio endgame will involve this transition from the oral vaccine to the inactivated vaccine.

    In 2019, all countries had introduced the inactivated vaccine. However uptake remains low because of a lack of resources and inadequate access to health services in poor countries.

    What happens now in PNG?

    The PNG government has responded swiftly to activate its polio emergency response plan, supported by partners including WHO, UNICEF and the Australian government.

    Notably, PNG’s vaccination rate is among the lowest in the world, with only about 50% of children born each year receiving the recommended childhood vaccines, including the oral polio vaccine. To induce herd immunity and prevent outbreaks of disease, coverage should be at least 95%.

    PNG was declared polio free in 2000. But there was an outbreak in 2018 of vaccine-derived polio type 1 with 26 cases across nine provinces. The outbreak was brought under control through supplementary rounds of vaccination, enhanced surveillance, and expanded communication and community engagement.

    There are many lessons to be learned from the successful response to the 2018 polio outbreak. These three pillars of the response remain relevant:

    • mass vaccination (using nOPV2)
    • enhanced surveillance for cases and wastewater sampling
    • communication (through traditional and social media) and localised community engagement.

    Further research will be crucial to understand where transmission is occurring and target the response accordingly. This includes the question of potential for spread between Indonesia and PNG – a neglected health security issue.

    How about the risk in Australia?

    While the risk of spread of polio in Australia is low, the virus does not respect borders, and we cannot become complacent.

    Australia’s overall coverage with the inactivated vaccine is close to 95% but there has been a concerning decline in childhood immunisation since the COVID pandemic. Australia must address this and maintain its polio wastewater monitoring system.

    Supporting PNG and working with other countries towards global polio eradication is the best way Australia can protect itself.

    This outbreak is a timely reminder that the last mile in the global eradication of polio remains elusive. As we emerge from a pandemic, the need for international cooperation, strengthening health systems and responding swiftly to health emergencies such as polio couldn’t be stronger.

    Michael Toole has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council.

    Suman Majumdar, through the Burnet Institute receives grant funding from the Victorian Government and the Australian Government via the National Health & Medical Research Council of Australia, the Medical Research Future Fund and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.

    Fredrick Charles does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The re-emergence of polio in Papua New Guinea shows global eradication remains elusive – https://theconversation.com/the-re-emergence-of-polio-in-papua-new-guinea-shows-global-eradication-remains-elusive-256899

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: An online travel company just collapsed. Here’s how to avoid being left stranded by an online deal

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Madalyn Scerri, Senior Lecturer in Tourism and Hospitality, Torrens University Australia

    Viacheslav Lopatin/Shutterstock

    Traveldream.com.au sold discounted holidays – curated hiking tours, boutique cruises and cultural getaways through a slick website and polished social media ads. But news emerged last week that the Melbourne-based travel company has collapsed into administration, leaving customers out of pocket by thousands of dollars, and in some cases, stranded overseas.

    What many didn’t know was that Traveldream hadn’t been formally accredited with the leading industry body since 2020. Its status under the Australian Travel Accreditation Scheme, run by the Australian Travel Industry Association, had been cancelled.

    To make matters worse, most travel insurance policies don’t cover insolvency, meaning many customers have no way to recover their losses.

    Australians are expected to spend over A$2 billion booking holidays online in 2024–25.

    Big name platforms such as Booking.com and Expedia account for about 60% of this activity. But many travellers are also turning to smaller or lesser-known providers offering flashy deals and lower prices, often with fewer safeguards.

    So, how can you protect yourself? Start with these five checks.

    1. Don’t be swayed by slick websites or social media ads

    It’s a common tactic, and one that’s hard to resist. You’re scrolling, you see a dreamy image, the price is tempting, and suddenly you’re halfway through checkout.

    But a polished ad doesn’t guarantee legitimacy.

    Travel-related scams are on the rise, especially involving online-only sellers.

    Ads on social media for idyllic vacations can be tempting, but check the fine print.
    Song_about_summer/Shutterstock

    Check for a verifiable business address, phone number and customer support. If the deal feels vague, under-priced or overly urgent, that’s a red flag.

    Look for independent reviews (on Trustpilot, Tripadvisor or Google), and check Scamwatch for known issues.

    2. Look at how the company engages with customers

    A company’s reputation isn’t just about what it promises: it’s built on how it responds to questions and complaints. Before booking, take a moment to see how the business interacts with customers online.

    Do they reply constructively to complaints? Do they offer updates or explanations when issues arise?

    Also notice the tone. Does it feel human and responsive, or generic and hands-off? That can suggest how they’ll treat you after the sale.

    Small signs can speak volumes. A page with thousands of followers but no visible engagement may indicate a paid audience – and a company that vanishes when things get difficult.

    3. Check if the company is accredited

    Another way to assess a travel company’s credibility is to check if it holds formal accreditation. This signals the company has met standards in financial security, customer service and dispute resolution.

    Search the Australian Travel Accreditation Scheme register at https://www.atas.com.au, or look for Quality Tourism Accreditation. For overseas providers, check for recognised local schemes.

    Accreditation offers extra reassurance, but it’s not the whole picture. Some large, reputable companies, such as Expedia, operate without it. If a company isn’t accredited, proceed with caution and focus on how bookings and payments are handled.

    4. Scrutinise policies carefully

    Before booking, check what happens if the provider goes bust, whether you can cancel or reschedule, and how your booking will be confirmed. Where possible, follow up directly with the hotel, airline or tour operator to make sure reservations are secured.

    Booking directly with a hotel or tour provider can ensure you are getting up-to-date availability.
    Media_Photos/Shutterstock

    It’s also important to understand what travel insurance does – and doesn’t – cover.

    Company insolvency is one of the most common exclusions. Unless a policy includes “end supplier failure” or a similar clause (most don’t), you may not be able to claim a refund. Always read the Product Disclosure Statement to check exactly where you stand.

    Another safeguard is to pay with protection in mind. Although conditions vary by provider, credit cards may offer chargebacks if the goods or services aren’t delivered.

    5. Book direct where feasible

    While accredited travel agencies can be helpful for complex itineraries, like overseas trips with multiple stops or bundled services, it’s often worth booking directly with the provider when making travel arrangements online, whether that’s a hotel, airline or tour company.

    Cutting out the intermediary can offer better value, including complimentary extras, flexible cancellation and full access to loyalty programs.

    Direct bookings usually reflect real-time availability and pricing, reducing the risk of outdated information. You’ll benefit from direct communication and confirmation, making it easier to customise or resolve issues.

    If something goes wrong, there’s also greater clarity about who’s responsible – offering stronger recourse under Australian Consumer Law.

    The bottom line?

    As more Australians book holidays online, it’s becoming harder to tell what’s trustworthy and what could leave you out of pocket.

    Traveldream’s collapse is a reminder. Even in the world of digital travel deals, it pays to ask: is this company built to last, not just until your trip departs, but until you return home?

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. An online travel company just collapsed. Here’s how to avoid being left stranded by an online deal – https://theconversation.com/an-online-travel-company-just-collapsed-heres-how-to-avoid-being-left-stranded-by-an-online-deal-256878

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Ambition is not a dirty word: female politicians and the ‘Lady Macbeth bias’

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Professor Rebekah Russell-Bennett, Associate Dean Research, Faculty of Business, Government and Law, University of Canberra

    When the new parliament convenes after the recent election, it will feature a rarity in Australian politics. Women will lead two significant political parties at the same time: the Liberal Party’s Sussan Ley and the Greens’ Larissa Waters.

    When female political leaders show ambition, they are often portrayed in the media as grasping, selfish and power-seeking. In other words, they are the embodiment of Shakespeare’s Lady Macbeth.

    The recent negative media coverage of Jacinta Nampijinpa Price’s move to the Liberal Party was reminiscent of the depiction of Julia Gillard when she became Labor leader. Price’s ambition reportedly made her selfish, while Gillard’s ambition was framed as a “moral wrong”.

    The pervasive misrepresentation of female politicians who display ambition can be thought of as “the Lady Macbeth bias”. This negative framing of ambition associates female politicians with ruthlessness and power at any cost. The prejudice reflects the central character theme in Shakespeare’s tragic play, Macbeth, of a woman whose scheming was her undoing.

    Lady Macbeth’s ambition is depicted as morally suspect and unnatural. This ambition leads to her demise.

    Highly gendered ambition

    With two new women leaders rising to the top and a record number of new female politicians in the 48th parliament, how will they be portrayed as their ambition plays out?

    The media representation of women who aspire to leadership typically depicts female ambition as a negative. This is a distraction from any objective criticism of the person. This kind of gendered approach to female politicians could be a deterrent for women who have political aspirations.

    There is a significant evidence base in academic literature that demonstrates ambition is a social construct that is highly gendered. Women politicians who show ambition are seen as unrelatable and unfeminine, while ambitious male politicians are described as visionary or strong.

    Take, for example, this recent article on Paul Keating, whose ambition is lauded, making him a “rare leader”. Let us not forgot that Keating became prime minister by challenging Bob Hawke.

    Compare the praise of Keating to the demonising of Gillard, who also challenged a sitting prime minister (Kevin Rudd) and you will see the opposite commentary. Ambition featured strongly in analysis of Gillard’s rise to power. Instead of praise for her ambition, she was often vilified, with her morality called into question.

    Rudd’s comment to her in 2010 typifies this perspective: “Julia, you’re a good person, why are you doing this?”

    The double bind

    So what is the outcome of this negative media portrayal of women in politics?

    Female politicians with ambition are perceived as less likeable and take a hit in popularity and electoral success. This phenomena has been termed the double bind, which is a paradox experienced by women leaders. To be viewed as competent, they need to display traits typically associated with men, such as ambition, competitiveness and drive. However, when they do, this in turn makes them appear not feminine enough.

    The result of this violation of gender stereotypes ranges from negative perceptions to backlash. Women can be overlooked for roles, receive less money and in the case of politics, face electoral retaliation.

    So like Lady Macbeth, ambitious leaders are punished for defying the natural order of femininity. A lose-lose situation.

    Normalise female ambition

    So what should be done? First the media need to take responsibility for the language used in headlines and stories about female politicians. A more androgynous approach to reporting on political leaders would go a long way to addressing this problem.

    Second, we the public need to decry the use of overused stereotypes in media coverage, such as the Lady Macbeth tropes, when our female leaders are critiqued. While politicians should be held to high standards of accountability, transparency and ethics, a gendered approach undermines this scrutiny and weakens our democratic system.

    Finally, we can limit “the Lady Macbeth bias” by showcasing ambitious female politicians across the political spectrum. When we normalise ambition in women, we break the association between ambition and masculinity. It is time to decouple leadership qualities from gendered stereotypes, not just for current female politicians but for the girls who are our future politicians.

    Shifting perceptions

    The Lady Macbeth theme of ambitious women being unnatural, morally bankrupt, ruthless and manipulative is a serious misrepresentation of female politicians.

    This negative portrayal is a barrier to women entering politics. Or surviving in politics.

    Politicians such as Ley, Waters and Price should be held to account, but not on gendered terms. We must stop treating female politicians as Lady Macbeth. If we do not, gender inequality in politics will prevail.

    That would be a sad future for all Australians.

    Rebekah Russell-Bennett is affiliated with the Liberal party

    – ref. Ambition is not a dirty word: female politicians and the ‘Lady Macbeth bias’ – https://theconversation.com/ambition-is-not-a-dirty-word-female-politicians-and-the-lady-macbeth-bias-256681

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why it’s time to delay tackling in junior sports until the age of 12

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joel Garrett, Lecturer in Exercise Science and Physiology, Griffith University

    Paolo Bona/Shutterstock

    Many children across Australia have begun to play their favourite contact sports like rugby league, rugby union and Australian rules football.

    Many will be just starting out during their early years of primary school.

    Yet there are growing concerns these young athletes may be at heightened risk of sports-related concussions due to their more vulnerable developing brains.

    Our new opinion article, published in Sports Medicine, presents the case for delaying all full-contact tackling until the age of 12, based on the current body of evidence and ongoing debate in the field.

    Some see this as a necessary step to safeguard children’s brains. Others worry it might leave kids unprepared for more physical challenges as they grow.

    But children are not mini adults.

    Why age 12?

    Children have thinner cranial bones, proportionally larger heads and weaker neck muscles than adults, making them more vulnerable to rotational and linear forces during head impacts.



    Read more:
    A stronger neck can help young athletes reduce their risk of concussion

    Their neural pathways are still maturing, so repeated head knocks – referred to as “sub-concussive” impacts, which don’t produce obvious concussion symptoms – may pose greater risks for long-term brain development.

    Around the ages of eight to 12 is a sweet spot for children’s cognitive and motor development, as they make significant gains in physical fitness, motor coordination, body awareness and cognitive functions such as reaction time and decision-making.

    An eight-year-old, for instance, may struggle with the rapid judgements required to align their shoulder and brace their neck properly when tackling a moving player.

    However, by 12, many can execute these decisions with greater consistency.

    Aligning physical growth with cognitive readiness can allow young athletes to enter contact situations with a firmer grasp of safe techniques and the confidence to use them during games.

    Why this might be needed

    A common misconception is delaying full-body contact means not teaching it at all.

    Children should be gradually taught skills like body positioning, safe falling and correct shoulder placement before they are faced with high-intensity collisions.

    This means children get time to master core skills of the sport, such as catching, passing, kicking and tactics, free from the added demands of body-to-body contact.

    This dual focus on skill-based contact training and fundamental sport skills promotes a more holistic athlete development aligned with childhood development.

    Unsurprisingly, studies show non-contact versions of sports have fewer head impacts than those in full-contact leagues.

    Weight-based categories, such as those used in some junior rugby competitions, aim to lower injury risks by preventing physical mismatches. However, they don’t fully address poor technique or cognitive readiness.

    Many leagues across the world are modifying contact rules to reduce youth injuries, with ice hockey the best example.

    Some ice hockey competitions in North America raised the introduction of body checking (when players crash into each other with their hips or shoulders) to 13–14 years of age, resulting in significantly lower injury rates among younger players.

    Studies also found delaying body checking did not increase concussion risk in later years, supporting the idea that “later is safer”.

    The argument against

    Delaying full-body contact (such as tackling) in youth sport remains controversial.

    Some argue early contact fosters character and builds resilience and physical readiness despite the risk to a developing brain.

    But while early findings suggest delaying contact can reduce injuries, we still don’t have enough long-term studies to prove the full impact over time.

    Delaying tackling also poses a challenge, as modifying a sport’s contact rules is complex, and cultural resistance or limited coaching resources in community leagues can hinder change.

    Still, many believe that with appropriate formats, coach education and a phased introduction, it is possible to balance skill development with athlete safety.

    A way forward

    A potential way forward involves structured, progressive skill development, and gradually teaching young players how to give and receive contact, initially in controlled, low-intensity settings. The emphasis should be focused on safe falling, bracing, neck strengthening and correct head placement.

    Some experts also recommend a broader approach that makes safety part of everything in sport, including everything from how coaches teach to the rules of the game to the overall culture.

    By ensuring consistency across coaches, referees and administrators, this model helps reduce the risk of concussions.

    With a structured progression and strong safety culture, more children will be physically and cognitively prepared to participate in full-contact sports confidently, safely and with greater long-term enjoyment and retention.

    Growing evidence supports introducing contact in a developmentally appropriate way to improve safety.

    Earlier collisions may raise the risk of concussions without offering much benefit in the long run.

    A delayed approach, with progressive skill instruction, may be safer and allow children to develop core skills first.

    It’s a way to protect young brains and ensure every child can play confidently and safely once they transition to full-contact tackling, promoting long-term participation safely.

    Jonathon Headrick is affiliated with Exercise & Sports Science Australia (ESSA).

    Joel Garrett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why it’s time to delay tackling in junior sports until the age of 12 – https://theconversation.com/why-its-time-to-delay-tackling-in-junior-sports-until-the-age-of-12-256466

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 19, 2025

    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 19, 2025.

    What does it mean to ‘accept’ or ‘reject’ all cookies, and which should I choose?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ahmed Ibrahim, Senior Lecturer, Computing and Security, Edith Cowan University Shutterstock/The Conversation It’s nearly impossible to use the internet without being asked about cookies. A typical pop-up will offer to either “accept all” or “reject all”. Sometimes, there may be a third option, or a link to

    What causes ADHD? What we know, don’t know and suspect
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alison Poulton, Senior Lecturer, Brain Mind Centre Nepean, University of Sydney Sergey Novikov/Shutterstock Neurodevelopmental disorders are a diverse group of conditions that affect the brain from early development. They include attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), autism and learning disabilities, such as dyslexia. These conditions usually become more evident

    Pacific children as young as 6 adopted, made to work as house slaves
    By Gill Bonnett, RNZ immigration reporter This story discusses graphic details of slavery, sexual abuse and violence Pacific children as young as six are being adopted overseas and being made to work as house slaves, suffering threats, beatings and rape. Kris Teikamata — a social worker at a community agency — spoke about the harrowing

    Australia launches ‘landmark’ UN police peacekeeping course for Pacific region
    Australia has launched the world’s first UN Police Peacekeeping Training course tailored specifically for the Pacific region. The five-week programme, hosted by the Australian Federal Police (AFP), is underway at the state-of-the-art Pacific Policing Development and Coordination Hub in Pinkenba, Brisbane. AFP said “a landmark step” was developed in partnership with the United Nations, and

    AI is moving fast. Climate policy provides valuable lessons for how to keep it in check
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milica Stilinovic, PhD Candidate, School of Media and Communications; Managing Editor, Policy & Internet journal, University of Sydney cybermagician/Shutterstock Artificial intelligence (AI) might not have been created to enable new forms of sexual violence such as deepfake pornography. But that has been an unfortunate byproduct of the

    1 in 5 Gazans face starvation. Can the law force Israel to act?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Donald Rothwell, Professor of International Law, Australian National University As Israel continues to pound Gaza with airstrikes, killing scores of people a day, the two-month ceasefire that brought a halt to the violence earlier this year feels like a distant memory. Israel’s overall military and political objective

    More people are trying medicinal cannabis for chronic pain. But does it work?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Suzanne Nielsen, Professor and Deputy Director, Monash Addiction Research Centre, Monash University PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock More Australians than ever are being prescribed medicinal cannabis. Medicinal cannabis refers to legally prescribed cannabis products. These are either the plant itself, or naturally occurring ingredients extracted from the plant.

    Why is southern Australia in drought – and when will it end?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chiara Holgate, Senior Research Fellow, ARC Centre of Excellence for Weather of the 21st Century, Australian National University Artic_photo/Shutterstock Swathes of South Australia, Victoria, Tasmania and Western Australia are in the grip of drought as they experience some of the lowest rainfall totals on record. Farmers are

    Wine is still Australia’s most popular alcoholic drink – but many producers face an uncertain future
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Chad, Honorary Fellow, Faculty of Business and Law, School of Business, University of Wollongong kwest/Shutterstock Australia has become world-famous for its wine, but the industry faces an uncertain future. Too many grapes grown amid falling consumer demand, an oversupply of budget wine, and an undersupply of

    Something borrowed, something blue? Why the reign of the traditional wedding dress may be over
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jye Marshall, Lecturer, Fashion Design, School of Design and Architecture, Swinburne University of Technology Wedding Rebellion Workshop, London Ellie Cooper/unsplash The family and friends are all gathered, wedding bells are ringing, and the bride walks down the aisle in her beautiful bubblegum pink wedding dress. Twenty years

    NZ Budget 2025: economic forecasting is notoriously difficult, but global uncertainty is making it harder
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Ryan, Lecturer in Economics, University of Waikato Javier Ghersi/Getty Images This year’s budget will be one of the tightest in a decade, with the New Zealand government halving its operating allowance – the new money it has available to spend – from NZ$2.4 billion to $1.3

    Why the wall of silence on the Gaza genocide is finally starting to crack
    Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific. – As Israel unveils its final genocide push, and mass death from starvation looms in Gaza, Western media and politicians are tentatively starting to speak up ANALYSIS: By Jonathan Cook Who could have imagined 19 months ago that it would take more than a year and a

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Pacific children as young as 6 adopted, made to work as house slaves

    By Gill Bonnett, RNZ immigration reporter

    This story discusses graphic details of slavery, sexual abuse and violence

    Pacific children as young as six are being adopted overseas and being made to work as house slaves, suffering threats, beatings and rape.

    Kris Teikamata — a social worker at a community agency — spoke about the harrowing cases she encountered in her work, from 2019 to 2024, with children who had escaped their abusers in Auckland and Wellington.

    “They’re incredibly traumatised because it’s years and years and years of physical abuse, physical labour and and a lot of the time, sexual abuse, either by the siblings or other family members,” she said.

    “They were definitely threatened, they were definitely coerced and they had no freedom.

    “When I met each girl, [by then] 17, 18, 19 years old, it was like meeting a 50-year-old. The light had gone out of their eyes. They were just really withdrawn and shut down.”

    In one case a church minister raped his adopted daughter and got her pregnant.

    Teikamata and her team helped 10 Samoan teenagers who had managed to escape their homes, and slavery — two boys and eight girls — with health, housing and counselling. She fears they are the tip of the iceberg, and that many remain under lock and key.

    “They were brought over as a child or a teenager, sometimes they knew the family in Samoa, sometimes they didn’t — they had promised them a better life over here, an education and citizenship.

    Social worker Kris Teikamata . . . “They were brought over as a child or a teenager, sometimes they knew the family in Samoa, sometimes they didn’t .” Image: RNZ Pacific

    “When they arrived they would generally always be put into slavery. They would have to get up at 5, 6 in the morning, start cleaning, start breakfast, do the washing, then go to school and then after school again do cleaning and dinner and the chores — and do that everyday until a certain age, until they were workable.

    “Then they were sent out to factories in Auckland or Wellington and their bank account was taken away from them and their Eftpos card. They were given $20 a week.

    “From the age of 16 they were put to work. And they were also not allowed to have a phone — most of them had no contact with family back in Samoa.”

    ‘A thousand kids a year… and it’s still going on’
     Nothing stopped the abusive families from being able to adopt again and they did, she said.

    A recent briefing to ministers reiterated that New Zealanders with criminal histories or significant child welfare records have used overseas courts to approve adoptions, which were recognised under New Zealand law without further checks.

    “When I delved more into it, I just found out that it was a very easy process to adopt from Samoa,” she said.

    “There’s no checks, it’s a very easy process. So about a thousand kids [a year] are today being adopted from Samoa. It’s such a high number — whereas other countries have checks or very robust systems. And it’s still going on.”

    As children, they could not play with friends and all of their movements were controlled.

    Oranga Tamariki uplifted younger children, who were sometimes siblings of older children who had escaped.

    “The ones that I met had escaped and found a friend or were homeless or had reached out to the police.”

    Loving families
    When they were reunited with their birth parents on video calls, it was clear they came from loving families who had been deceived, she said.

    While some adoptive parents faced court for assault, only one has been prosecuted for trafficking.

    Government, police and Oranga Tamariki were aware and in talks with the Samoan government, she said.

    Adoption Action member and researcher Anne Else said several opportunities to overhaul the 70-year-old Adoption Act had been thwarted, and the whole legislation needed ripping up.

    “The entire law needs to be redone, it dates back to 1955 for goodness sake,” she said.

    “But there’s a big difference between understanding how badly and urgently the law needs changing and actually getting it done.

    “Oranga Tamariki are trying, I know, to work with for example Tonga to try and make sure that their law is a bit more conformant with ours, and ensure there are more checks done to avoid these exploitative cases.”

    Sold for adoption
    Children from other countries had been sold for adoption, she said, and the adoption rules depended on which country they came from. Even the Hague Convention, which is supposed to provide safeguards between countries, was no guarantee.

    Immigration minister Erica Stanford said other ministers were looking at what could be done to crack down on trafficking through international adoption.

    “If there are non-genuine adoptions and and potential trafficking, we need to get on top of that,” she sad.

    “It falls outside of the legislation that I am responsible for, but there are other ministers who have it on their radars because we’re all worried about it. I’ve read a recent report on it and it was pretty horrifying. So it is being looked at.”

    A meeting was held between New Zealand and Samoan authorities in March. A summary of discussions said it focused on aligning policies, information sharing, and “culturally grounded frameworks” that uphold the rights, identity, and wellbeing of children, following earlier work in 2018 and 2021.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: What causes ADHD? What we know, don’t know and suspect

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alison Poulton, Senior Lecturer, Brain Mind Centre Nepean, University of Sydney

    Sergey Novikov/Shutterstock

    Neurodevelopmental disorders are a diverse group of conditions that affect the brain from early development. They include attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), autism and learning disabilities, such as dyslexia.

    These conditions usually become more evident over time. This is because delays in the skills a child is expected to have developed at each age become more apparent.

    ADHD is the most common neurodevelopmental disorder. It affects around 8-10% of children and 2-5% of adults.

    ADHD affects a person’s efficiency at completing tasks (for example, because they get distracted) and their behaviour (such as losing things or struggling to pay attention).

    ADHD can affect all aspects of functioning including problems learning and maintaining friendships. If undiagnosed, the challenges are likely to persist and may lead to anxiety, depression and low self-esteem.

    How is it diagnosed?

    There is no specific genetic or brain abnormality that causes ADHD and no single reliable test to diagnose it.

    A formal diagnosis depends on whether a child shows at least six of the diagnostic criteria for inattention (at least five for adults) and/or at least six of the criteria for hyperactivity-impulsivity (at least five for adults). These have to persist for at least six months.

    The diagnostic criteria include:

    • difficulty concentrating (for example, trouble listening, poor attention to detail, not getting tasks finished)

    • hyperactivity (including fidgeting, feeling restless and running around, constantly chatting)

    • impulsivity (for example, interrupting conversations and games, difficulty waiting their turn).

    Not everyone with ADHD is hyperactive. For people with inattentive-type ADHD, their main difficulty is inattention, for example, concentrating consistently on everyday tasks that are not particularly interesting.

    If someone meets the criteria for hyperactivity-impulsivity and for inattention, they have combined-type ADHD.

    How reliable is diagnosis?

    One problem with these criteria is they’re not specific to ADHD. For example, difficulties concentrating can also be a symptom of depression.

    This is why it’s not enough to simply tick a symptom checklist. The formal diagnostic criteria emphasise these symptoms must interfere with daily functioning.

    The key question is: are ADHD symptoms causing day-to-day problems or holding this person back?

    What this means will vary from person to person, depending on what their everyday activities involve.

    For example, someone may struggle to concentrate at school but excel later on in a creative career such as photography, or in a high-intensity job with hard deadlines, such as journalism.

    It also means a person may only meet the full diagnostic criteria at certain stages of their life. Subthreshold ADHD – when someone meets some criteria but not enough for a diagnosis – can still cause significant difficulties.

    Gender differences

    Boys aged between four and 11 are up to four times more likely to be diagnosed with ADHD than girls.

    This may partly be because the diagnostic criteria are especially good at identifying hyperactive young boys. But they are not as effective for girls, particularly those who are not hyperactive or disruptive, or who try to hide their difficulties concentrating.

    Girls and women are likely to be diagnosed later and show more “internalising symptoms”, such as depression. However the rate of underdiagnosis in girls has been improving over the last four decades.

    The gender disparity also evens out with age. The female proportion of young adults diagnosed with ADHD is closer to half (38%).

    Adults may first notice symptoms of ADHD when managing significant life changes.
    Maria Svetlychnaja/Shutterstock

    What about genetics?

    There is also a strong genetic component. Heritability for ADHD is around 70–80%. This describes how much of the person-to-person differences in ADHD are due to genetics, rather than environmental influences.

    The more closely someone is related to a person with ADHD – in other words, the more genes they have in common – the more likely they are to have ADHD.

    However the genetics are complex. It’s not as simple as finding a gene or selection of genes “responsible” for ADHD.

    For example, early research linked ADHD to six genes that target neurotransmission (how the brain sends chemical signals). But the effect of each gene was small.

    ADHD is now understood to be a polygenic disorder, with thousands of common genetic variants involved.

    Each of these genes is capable of making a discrete but minuscule contribution to the overall expression of ADHD. Because these genes are common, the traits of ADHD are distributed throughout the population, with no clearly defined cut-off between those who do and do not have the condition.

    Within a family, the interaction between shared genetics and a shared environment (their household) make it difficult to study these separately.

    Does environment play a role?

    A supportive family can help a child with ADHD cope better with everyday tasks, as parents often adapt their parenting style to their child’s behaviour. This may mask the ADHD and delay diagnosis.

    But if one or both parents also has ADHD, this may affect their parenting style. It can be difficult to determine how much of that child’s behaviour is due to their inherited ADHD, and how much to the family environment and parenting.

    Studies have also shown children who are relatively young for their year when they start school have higher rates of treatment for ADHD. This points to their environment playing a role in when their ADHD is diagnosed, but not necessarily its cause.

    For more information about ADHD, as well as information about support groups, visit the ADHD foundation or ADHD Australia websites.

    Alison Poulton is a member of the Australasian ADHD Professionals Association and ADHD Australia. She has received personal fees and non-financial support from Shire/Takeda; and book royalties from Disruptive Publishing (ADHD Made Simple).

    – ref. What causes ADHD? What we know, don’t know and suspect – https://theconversation.com/what-causes-adhd-what-we-know-dont-know-and-suspect-241119

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: What does it mean to ‘accept’ or ‘reject’ all cookies, and which should I choose?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ahmed Ibrahim, Senior Lecturer, Computing and Security, Edith Cowan University

    Shutterstock/The Conversation

    It’s nearly impossible to use the internet without being asked about cookies. A typical pop-up will offer to either “accept all” or “reject all”. Sometimes, there may be a third option, or a link to further tweak your preferences.

    These pop-ups and banners are distracting, and your first reaction is likely to get them out of the way as soon as possible – perhaps by hitting that “accept all” button.

    But what are cookies, exactly? Why are we constantly asked about them, and what happens when we accept or reject them? As you will see, each choice comes with implications for your online privacy.

    What are cookies?

    Cookies are small files that web pages save to your device. They contain info meant to enhance the user experience, especially for frequently visited websites.

    This can include remembering your login information and preferred news categories or text size. Or they can help shopping sites suggest items based on your browsing history. Advertisers can track your browsing behaviour through cookies to show targeted ads.

    There are many types, but one way to categorise cookies is based on how long they stick around.

    Session cookies are only created temporarily – to track items in your shopping cart, for example. Once a browser session is inactive for a period of time or closed, these cookies are automatically deleted.

    Persistent cookies are stored for longer periods and can identify you – saving your login details so you can quickly access your email, for example. They have an expiry date ranging from days to years.

    What do the various cookie options mean?

    Pop-ups will usually inform you the website uses “essential cookies” necessary for it to function. You can’t opt out of these – and you wouldn’t want to. Otherwise, things like online shopping carts simply wouldn’t work.

    However, somewhere in the settings you will be given the choice to opt out of “non-essential cookies”. There are three types of these:

    • functional cookies, related to personalising your browsing experience (such as language or region selection)

    • analytics cookies, which provide statistical information about how visitors use the website, and

    • advertising cookies, which track information to build a profile of you and help show targeted advertisements.

    Advertising cookies are usually from third parties, which can then use them to track your browsing activities. A third party means the cookie can be accessed and shared across platforms and domains that are not the website you visited.

    Google Ads, for example, can track your online behaviour not only across multiple websites, but also multiple devices. This is because you may use Google services such as Google Search or YouTube logged in with your Google account on these devices.

    An example of cookie preferences offered by a website.
    The Conversation

    Should I accept or reject cookies?

    Ultimately, the choice is up to you.

    When you choose “accept all,” you consent to the website using and storing all types of cookies and trackers.

    This provides a richer experience: all features of the website will be enabled, including ones awaiting your consent. For example, any ad slots on the website may be populated with personalised ads based on a profile the third-party cookies have been building of you.

    By contrast, choosing “reject all” or ignoring the banner will decline all cookies except those essential for website functionality. You won’t lose access to basic features, but personalised features and third-party content will be missing.

    The choice is recorded in a consent cookie, and you may be reminded in six to 12 months.

    Also, you can change your mind at any time, and update your preferences in “cookie settings”, usually located at the footer of the website. Some sites may refer to it as the cookie policy or embed these options in their privacy policy.

    How cookies relate to your privacy

    The reason cookie consent pop-ups are seemingly everywhere is thanks to a European Union privacy law that came into effect in 2018. Known as GDPR (General Data Protection Regulation), it provides strict regulations for how people’s personal data is handled online.

    These guidelines say that when cookies are used to identify users, they qualify as personal data and are therefore subject to the regulations. In practice, this means:

    • users must consent to cookies except the essential ones
    • users must be provided clear info about what data the cookie tracks
    • the consent must be stored and documented
    • users should still be able to use the service even if they don’t want to consent to certain cookies, and
    • users should be able to withdraw their consent easily.

    Since a lot of website traffic is international, many sites even outside the EU choose to follow GDPR guidelines to avoid running afoul of this privacy law.

    Better privacy controls

    Cookie pop-ups are tiresome, leading to “consent fatigue” – you just accept everything without considering the implications.

    This defeats the purpose of informed consent.

    There is another way to address your online privacy more robustly – Global Privacy Control (GPC). It’s a tech specification developed by a broad alliance of stakeholders (from web developers to civil rights organisations) that allows the browser to signal privacy preferences to websites, rather than requiring explicit choices on every site.

    GPC is not universally available, and it’s not a legal requirement – a number of browsers and plugins support it, but broader adoption may still take time.

    Meanwhile, if you’re worried you may have accidentally consented to cookies you don’t want, you can find an option in your browser settings to delete cookies and get back to a clean slate (be warned, this will log you out of everywhere). If you want to learn even more, the non-profit Electronic Frontier Foundation has a project called Cover Your Tracks.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. What does it mean to ‘accept’ or ‘reject’ all cookies, and which should I choose? – https://theconversation.com/what-does-it-mean-to-accept-or-reject-all-cookies-and-which-should-i-choose-256219

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Australia launches ‘landmark’ UN police peacekeeping course for Pacific region

    Australia has launched the world’s first UN Police Peacekeeping Training course tailored specifically for the Pacific region.

    The five-week programme, hosted by the Australian Federal Police (AFP), is underway at the state-of-the-art Pacific Policing Development and Coordination Hub in Pinkenba, Brisbane.

    AFP said “a landmark step” was developed in partnership with the United Nations, and brings together 100 police officers for training.

    AFP Deputy Commissioner Lesa Gale said the programme was the result of a long-standing, productive relationship between Australia and the United Nations.

    Gale said it was launched in response to growing regional ambitions to contribute more actively to international peacekeeping efforts.

    Participating nations are Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Timor-Leste, Tonga, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu.

    “This course supports your enduring contribution and commitment to UN missions in supporting global peace and security efforts,” AFP Northern Command acting assistant commissioner Caroline Taylor said.

    Pacific Command commander Phillippa Connel said the AFP had been in peacekeeping for more than four decades “and it is wonderful to be asked to undertake what is a first for the United Nations”.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Something borrowed, something blue? Why the reign of the traditional wedding dress may be over

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jye Marshall, Lecturer, Fashion Design, School of Design and Architecture, Swinburne University of Technology

    Wedding Rebellion Workshop, London Ellie Cooper/unsplash

    The family and friends are all gathered, wedding bells are ringing, and the bride walks down the aisle in her beautiful bubblegum pink wedding dress.

    Twenty years ago, this would have raised some eyebrows. But not so much now, as a growing number of women opt to buck the traditional bridal gown for more unique and colourful finery.

    The origins of the white wedding dress

    The white wedding gown tradition wasn’t cemented in the West until the 19th century. Before then, brides across Europe wore all manner of hues on their wedding day, including reds, blues, yellows, and even black (often in cases where the bride was mourning a close family member).

    Diggers wedding in Melbourne, 1869.
    ST Gill 1852/State Library of Victoria, Melbourne, CC BY-NC

    During the Victorian era (1837–1901), fashion trends were heavily influenced by the wealthy, and especially by the royal families. So it was Queen Victoria’s 1840 wedding that truly kicked off the white wedding gown trend.

    In a bridal context, the colour white often came to be associated with “purity” – symbolism that can be traced back to ancient Rome, where white was worn by brides and by “vestal virgins” – the priestesses who served in the cult of Vesta, the goddess of the hearth.

    In the decades following Queen Victoria’s wedding, we continued to see British royal brides adorned in shades of white, and particularly ivory, cementing what a traditional wedding dress should look like.

    Breaking the mould

    That said, this tradition might now be on its way out, reflecting broader shifts in societal attitudes towards marriage.

    Figures from the Australian Bureau of Statistics show a steady long-term decline in the percentage of people getting married – as well as an increase in the median marriage age for both men and women.

    Australia has also become increasingly multicultural. And with more multicultural marriages comes a unique blend of marriage traditions and colour palettes. For instance, in many Asian cultures, including Chinese and Vietnamese, it is customary to wear red due to its positive associations with luck, joy and happiness.

    Religious adherence also has a role to play in the overall aesthetic of modern weddings. A growing number of young Australians are identifying as non-religious, which means they’re less likely to partake in a church wedding with a puffy white tulle dress.

    Without religious protocols to follow, young couples are expressing their own youthful values at their weddings – and this often includes a more laid-back approach to dressing.

    The legalisation of same-sex marriage in 2017 has also prompted bridal stores to cater to a wider market by offering a greater variety of non-traditional colours and silhouettes.

    Meanwhile, social media and the rise of celebrity culture adds pressure to think outside the box.

    For decades, celebrities have been innovators delivering shock value on their special day. Back in 1954, Marilyn Monroe wore a dark brown suit to her second wedding with Joe DiMaggio. Some 15 years later, Audrey Hepburn got married in a pink Givenchy minidress.

    Today’s stars are following suit. In 2018, singer Mandy Moore donned a pink dress on her wedding day, while model Emily Ratijowsky chose a bright yellow Zara pantsuit.

    In Australia, designers have spent decades distancing themselves from the typical European influence to forge their own fashion identity. One such person, Akira Isogawa, helped develop the bridal landscape throughout the 1990s, by pushing the boundaries of the “traditional bride”.

    The Japanese-born designer brings his own flavour to bridal dresses by infusing them with Eastern elements such as different coloured silks, hand-embroidered motifs, unique beading and even woven fabric. He has also showcased his designs internationally, helping expand Australia’s fashion identity on a world stage.

    Impacts on the industry

    Despite the move away from traditional wedding gowns, bridal stores are expected to grow their revenue over the next few years. And the industry as a whole will likely continue to contribute to overconsumption by capitalising on the shift away from tradition.

    Many stores have changed their business model to cater for more women picking off-the-rack gowns due to financial pressures. According to one industry report, about 17% of brides in 2024 had a custom wedding dress made, compared to 75% purchasing a dress off-the rack, and 7% purchasing a second-hand dress.

    At the same time, a number of new fashion technologies are supporting the next generation of onshore manufacturing by allowing the creation of hyper-personalised dresses. In the future, it may be common for brides to co-design their off-the-rack wedding dress.

    Recycled and upcycled bridal dresses
    have been slow to gain popularity, despite growing pressure on the industry to be more sustainable.

    A broader cultural shift

    This may just be the tip of the iceberg of the non-traditional bridal movement. Australian weddings are starting to take their own shape, becoming less about formality and more about celebrating what couples value the most.

    While we won’t see every bride walking down the aisle in colours like fuchsia pink, we can expect to see more brides opt for softer pastels over shades of white.

    Ideally, the bridal industry would slow down in adopting new trends and instead focus on “localism” practices, wherein consumers are looped into the process of how their clothes are made. This would emphasise sustainability through local production and consumption, while also contributing to local fashion cultures.

    Jye Marshall is a member of The Australian Fashion Council and Ethical Clothing Australia Accreditation.

    – ref. Something borrowed, something blue? Why the reign of the traditional wedding dress may be over – https://theconversation.com/something-borrowed-something-blue-why-the-reign-of-the-traditional-wedding-dress-may-be-over-254806

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Wine is still Australia’s most popular alcoholic drink – but many producers face an uncertain future

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Paul Chad, Honorary Fellow, Faculty of Business and Law, School of Business, University of Wollongong

    kwest/Shutterstock

    Australia has become world-famous for its wine, but the industry faces an uncertain future. Too many grapes grown amid falling consumer demand, an oversupply of budget wine, and an undersupply of premium wine are just some of the problems besetting the industry.

    There are still many small and medium-sized wineries across Australia. But the industry is dominated by a few large players, as well as “vertical integration” with ownership linkages between wineries and retailers.

    Just this month, a merger between global drinks giant Pernod Ricard’s Australian, New Zealand and Spanish wine brands and Accolade Wines (one of Australia’s largest winemakers) was completed, creating a new giant – Vinarchy – to be based in Adelaide with A$1.5 billion in annual revenue.

    This move will involve an estimated cull of up to 50 wine brands, which speaks to a broader story of growing concentration. Numerous Australian wine companies have come up for sale in recent years, and the industry is undergoing rationalisation.

    The current pressures will require an overall reduction in wine production, and a focus on premium over ordinary wines. Grape-growers and some smaller wineries are likely to be most affected.

    Still the top drop

    According to Wine Australia, the Australian wine industry currently has about 6,000 grape growers and 2,156 wineries. It employs 163,790 people (full- and part-time) and contributes $45 billion to the Australian economy each year.

    This large size shouldn’t come as too much of a surprise. Wine is the most popular alcoholic drink in Australia. But troubles have been brewing for the industry for years.

    Domestic wine consumption has been in steady decline, down 9% since 2016–17.

    This trend isn’t confined to Australia; it is global. The decline reflects cost-of-living pressures, growing health concerns about alcohol, and Gen Z questioning traditional drinking norms.

    Shifting tastes

    However, the picture is nuanced. Wine isn’t a staple product; it is a discretionary purchase. Prices in Australia can range from less than $5 to well over $1,000 per bottle, and palates vary significantly among consumers.

    Price is generally regarded as an indicator of quality. Wine selling in Australia in the “ordinary” price range of less than $15 per bottle is declining, but wine selling in the “premium” ($15 per bottle and above) price range is increasing.

    In the face of decreased global wine consumption, Australia’s shrinking domestic market has also been faced with a steady decline in wine exports. This is problematic for producers looking to exports to offset declines in domestic sales.

    A warm country

    These woes are impacting the wine industry in different ways at different points along the supply chain. Let’s start with grape-growing.

    The current challenge is for growers of “ordinary-quality” grapes in the shrinking marketplace. The Riverina and Riverland areas are the main grape-producing areas of Australia and achieve a low price per tonne.

    There is still high demand for “premium-quality” grapes but these are generally grown in select regions of Australia, typically with a cooler climate.

    Unsurprisingly, grapes from warm inland regions of Australia account for 72% of wine grape production, at an average price of $345 per tonne, whereas grapes from cool temperate regions achieve an average price of $1,531 per tonne.

    The future impacts of climate change need to be assessed, and are already playing into growers’ decisions. Cooler regions are becoming more highly sought after for grape-growing.

    Coupled with increased demand for premium grapes, this will make warm inland regions increasingly problematic. Unlike seasonally planted crops such as vegetables and grain, new grape vines require three years after planting before bearing decent levels of fruit. Farmers must determine the most appropriate long-term use of their land.

    Concerns about climate change are driving interest in cool regions – such as Tasmania’s Tamar Valley.
    Marcin Madry/Shutterstock

    The challenge of standing out

    Many of Australia’s 2,156 wineries are small-scale (typically privately owned). Other wineries are much larger, with extensive resources. Most consumers are largely unaware of most of these wineries – how many wine brands can you list?

    Such diversity already presents a challenge for various wineries trying to market themselves. Adding to this, a large number of Australian wine brands are owned by just a few large industry players, some with links to retailers via vertical integration.

    Retailers such as Endeavour Group (formerly part of Woolworths) and Coles own hundreds of wine brands. Some of these brands are marketed to look like independent wineries. Some commentators have even suggested a wine duopoly exists at the retail level.

    Standing out in a crowded market is a big challenge for small producers.
    Sirbouman/Shutterstock

    How can wineries survive?

    With the trend towards less consumption overall, and towards premium-quality wines instead of ordinary-quality wines, some wineries may need to shift their focus.

    On the challenges facing the industry, acclaimed Victorian winemaker Rick Kinzbrunner told me:

    We need a better balance of supply and demand and especially more emphasis on top quality wines at reasonable prices.

    Why this matters to you

    If you’re a wine drinker, current wine industry issues may seem irrelevant. But the ongoing oversupply of ordinary-quality wine for the near future offers plenty of price discounts.

    For consumers of premium wines, given current high demand, be wary: does what you’re getting quality-wise match the price? Some wines marketed at high prices don’t have the quality to match.

    Consumers may wish to increase direct contact with wineries (via cellar doors, websites and mailing lists) and independent retailers to expand their options.

    Winners and losers will emerge as inevitable industry change occurs.

    Paul Chad does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Wine is still Australia’s most popular alcoholic drink – but many producers face an uncertain future – https://theconversation.com/wine-is-still-australias-most-popular-alcoholic-drink-but-many-producers-face-an-uncertain-future-256320

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why is southern Australia in drought – and when will it end?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chiara Holgate, Senior Research Fellow, ARC Centre of Excellence for Weather of the 21st Century, Australian National University

    Artic_photo/Shutterstock

    Swathes of South Australia, Victoria, Tasmania and Western Australia are in the grip of drought as they experience some of the lowest rainfall totals on record.

    Farmers are spending eye-watering amounts of money buying feed, or selling stock to stay afloat.

    Some towns are already on water restrictions. Those not connected to the mains water system are in a perilous situation. In the Adelaide Hills, water is being trucked in to fill empty rainwater tanks and dams.

    The story playing out across southern Australia could be a glimpse of what’s to come. Our recent research suggests southern Australia may experience longer and more intense droughts in the future, as the climate changes.

    Parts of South Australia, Victoria, Tasmania and Western Australia are experiencing serious rainfall deficiencies.
    Australian Bureau of Meteorology

    How bad is this drought?

    Parts of southern Australia have been experiencing drier than normal conditions for well over a year.

    Conditions on the ground are worsening as the drought continues.

    In Adelaide, the desalination plant has ramped up to maintain water supply. Similarly, Victoria’s desal plant has fired up for the first time since 2022 as dam levels fall.

    Farmers are facing some of the driest conditions in decades, and financial pressures are mounting.

    Nature, too, is struggling. Waterways, wetlands and deep pools have dried up, leading to fears for endangered fish, insects and many other species.

    Where has the rain gone?

    In a drought-prone country such as Australia, there’s an age-old question: why do the rains sometimes disappear?

    Our recent research shows Australian scientists are getting closer to answering this question.

    We now know Australian droughts develop when weather systems that lift and carry moisture from the ocean – to fall as heavy rain on land – disappear. When these weather systems return, the droughts break.

    These kinds of weather systems have been notably absent from southern Australia in recent months. Instead, slow-moving high-pressure systems, which typically bring warm and dry conditions, have been the standout feature across southern Australia.

    For Australia, the driest inhabited continent, heavy rains are what keep drought at bay. Last spring and summer, drought conditions were building in parts of Queensland and northern New South Wales. But then Tropical Cyclone Alfred brought heavy rains, dumping up to four times as much rain as these areas usually get in February and March.

    Similarly, heavy rains at the end of last year helped parts of northern and central WA avoid drought conditions.

    Unfortunately, western Victoria and southern SA have had no such luck.

    Drought is more likely to break if weather systems and climate drivers are favorable, such as the Indian Ocean Dipole (IOD) in its negative phase, the Madden-Julian Oscillation (MJO) in its wet phase, the El Niño–Southern Oscillation in its La Niña phase, the Interdecadal Pacific Oscillation (IPO) in its negative phase and the Southern Annular Mode (SAM) active. Background climate change can affect all of these drivers.
    Holgate et al 2025 Communications Earth & Environment, CC BY-NC-ND

    How long will the drought last?

    If farmers, water authorities and policymakers knew how much longer this drought would last, they could make clear plans. Keep or sell livestock? Impose water restrictions or wait?

    Unfortunately, drought timing is very hard to predict. As our research shows, the climate processes that bring weather systems laden with heavy rain are complex.

    But we do know heavy and persistent rain is needed to break the drought. And the current forecast shows there’s a decent chance of that as we head towards spring. Though forecasts can change, and those with skin in the game will have their eyes glued to next month’s update to the Bureau of Meteorology’s rainfall outlook.

    It also helps that we’re heading into what’s usually the rainier time of year. This means the odds of receiving decent rain are higher at this time of year than if we were heading into summer.

    Climate and water long-range forecast, issued 15 May 2025 (Bureau of Meteorology)

    Dry and drier

    Over the past few decades, southern Australia has become drier. Drying has been most pronounced during the cooler months, between April and October. Some parts of southern Australia have also become more drought-prone, with the number of months spent in drought increasing over this time.

    Maps of the current dry conditions across southern Australia closely follow the regions projected to experience longer and more frequent drought conditions in future.

    It’s too early to draw a clear line between climate change and this particular drought. But the weight of evidence shows southern droughts are likely to strike more often in the future. The Tinderbox Drought from 2017–19, for instance, was the first Australian drought to show a possible worsening from climate change.

    The good news? We now know more about how Australian droughts work. This means we can now be more confident in the direction of Australia’s water future than in past decades.

    We must urgently use this new knowledge to develop innovative solutions that will allow Australia to thrive in a climate of increasingly variable water availability. Solutions will involve setting sustainable limits on water use, introducing water recycling and improving efficiency, among other measures.

    Though solutions may look different in different parts of Australia, one thing rings true everywhere: we all need to make every drop count.

    Chiara Holgate receives funding from the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for the Weather of the 21st Century.

    Ailie Gallant receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water.

    – ref. Why is southern Australia in drought – and when will it end? – https://theconversation.com/why-is-southern-australia-in-drought-and-when-will-it-end-256443

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: More people are trying medicinal cannabis for chronic pain. But does it work?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Suzanne Nielsen, Professor and Deputy Director, Monash Addiction Research Centre, Monash University

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    More Australians than ever are being prescribed medicinal cannabis.

    Medicinal cannabis refers to legally prescribed cannabis products. These are either the plant itself, or naturally occurring ingredients extracted from the plant. These ingredients, such as THC (tetrahydrocannabinol) and CBD (cannabidiol), are called cannabinoids. Some cannabinoids are also made in labs to act like the ones in the plant.

    Medicinal cannabis comes in different forms, such as oils, capsules, dried flower (used in a vaporiser), sprays and edible forms such as gummies.

    Since regulatory changes in 2016 made medicinal cannabis more accessible, Australia’s regulator has issued more than 700,000 approvals. (But approvals for medicinal cannabis don’t reflect the actual number of patients treated. One patient may have multiple approvals, and not all approved products are necessarily prescribed or supplied.)

    Around half of the approvals have been for chronic pain that isn’t caused by cancer.

    In Australia, chronic pain affects around one in five Australians aged 45 and over, with an enormous impact on people’s lives.

    So what does the current evidence tell us about the effectiveness of medicinal cannabis for chronic pain?

    What the evidence shows

    A 2021 review of 32 randomised controlled trials involving nearly 5,200 people with chronic pain, examined the effects of medicinal cannabis or cannabinoids. The study found a small improvements in pain and physical functioning compared with a placebo.

    A previous review found that to achieve a 30% reduction in pain for one person, 24 people would need to be treated with medicinal cannabis.

    The 2021 review also found small improvements in sleep, and no consistent benefits for other quality of life measures, consistent with previous reviews.

    This doesn’t mean medicinal cannabis doesn’t help anyone. But it suggests that, on average, the benefits are limited to a smaller number of people.

    Many pain specialists have questioned if the evidence for medicinal cannabis is sufficient to support its use for pain.

    The Faculty of Pain Medicine, the professional body dedicated to the training and education of specialist pain physicians, recommends medical cannabis should be limited to clinical trials.



    Read more:
    Medicinal cannabis to manage chronic pain? We don’t have evidence it works

    What does the regulator say?

    Guidance from Australia’s regulator, the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA), on medicinal cannabis for chronic non-cancer pain reflects these uncertainties.

    The TGA states there is limited evidence medicinal cannabis provides clinically significant pain relief for many pain conditions. Therefore, the potential benefits versus harms should be considered patient-by-patient.

    The TGA says medicinal cannabis should only be trialled when other standard therapies have been tried and did not provide enough pain relief.

    In terms of which type of medical cannabis product to use, due to concerns about the safety of inhaled cannabis, the TGA considers pharmaceutical-grade products (such as nabiximols or extracts containing THC and/or CBD) to be safer.

    Chronic pain affects around one in five Australians.
    Dusan Pektovic/Shutterstock

    What about people who say it helps?

    This evidence may feel at odds with the experiences of people who report relief from medicinal cannabis.

    In clinical practice, it’s common for individuals to respond differently based on their health conditions, beliefs and many other factors. What works well for one person may not work for another.

    Research helps us understand what outcomes are typical or expected for most people, but there is variation. Some people may find medicinal cannabis improves their pain, sleep or general well-being – especially if other treatments haven’t helped.

    What are the side effects and risks?

    Like any medicine, medicinal cannabis has potential side effects. These are usually mild to moderate, including drowsiness or sedation, dizziness, impaired concentration, a dry mouth, nausea and cognitive slowing.

    These side effects are often greater with higher-potency THC products. These are becoming more common on the Australian market. High-potency THC products represent more than half of approvals in 2025.

    In research studies, generally more people experience side effects than report benefits from medical cannabis.

    After using cannabis for a long time, some people need to take higher doses to get the same effect.
    Nuva Frames/Shutterstock

    Medical cannabis can also interact with other medications, especially those that cause drowsiness (such as opioids), medicines for mental illness, anti-epileptics, blood thinners and immunosuppressants.

    Even cannabidiol (CBD), which isn’t considered intoxicating like THC, has been linked to serious drug interactions.

    These risks are greater when cannabis is prescribed by a doctor who doesn’t regularly manage the patient’s chronic pain or isn’t in contact with their other health-care providers. Since medicinal cannabis is often prescribed through separate telehealth clinics, this fragmented care may increase the risk of harmful interactions.

    Another concern is developing cannabis use disorder (commonly understood as “addiction”). A 2024 study found one in four people using medical cannabis develop a cannabis use disorder. Withdrawal symptoms – such as irritability, sleep problems, or cravings – can occur with frequent and heavy use.

    For some people, tolerance can also develop with long-term use, meaning you need to take higher doses to get the same effect. This can increase the risk of developing a cannabis use disorder.

    How does it compare to other treatments?

    Like many medicines for chronic pain, the effectiveness of medicinal cannabis is modest, and is not recommended as a sole treatment.

    There’s good evidence that, for conditions like back pain, interventions such as exercise, cognitive behavioural therapy and pain self-management education can help and may have fewer risks than many medicines.

    But there are challenges with how accessible and affordable these treatments are for many Australians, especially outside major cities.

    So where does this leave patients?

    The growing use of medicinal cannabis for chronic pain reflects both a high burden of pain in the community and gaps in access to effective care. While some patients report benefits, the current evidence suggests these are likely to be small for most people, and must be weighed against the risks.

    If you are considering medicinal cannabis, it’s important to talk to your usual health-care provider, ideally one familiar with your full medical history, to help you decide the best approaches to help manage your pain.

    Suzanne Nielsen receives funding from the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council, alongside government and philanthropic organisations to conduct independent research.. She is the president-elect for the Australasian Professional Society on Alcohol and Other Drugs. She serves as a consultant for the World Health Organization. She has contributed to independent reviews of the evidence on medical cannabis for government organisations include Worksafe and the TGA.

    Myfanwy Graham receives funding from the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council, alongside government and university institutes. Myfanwy has served as a consultant for the UNODC, WHO and NASEM. She is an appointed member of the Therapeutic Goods Administration’s Medicinal Cannabis Expert Working Group. This article does not represent the views of the TGA or the Expert Working Group.

    – ref. More people are trying medicinal cannabis for chronic pain. But does it work? – https://theconversation.com/more-people-are-trying-medicinal-cannabis-for-chronic-pain-but-does-it-work-256471

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: 1 in 5 Gazans face starvation. Can the law force Israel to act?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Donald Rothwell, Professor of International Law, Australian National University

    As Israel continues to pound Gaza with airstrikes, killing scores of people a day, the two-month ceasefire that brought a halt to the violence earlier this year feels like a distant memory.

    Israel’s overall military and political objective in Gaza hasn’t changed after 19 months of war: it is still seeking the absolute defeat of Hamas and return of the remaining Israeli hostages.

    But it is unclear how Hamas will ever be militarily defeated unless there is a complete and unconditional surrender and the laying down of all arms. This appears unlikely, despite the success of Israel’s so-called “decapitation strategy” targeting the Hamas leadership.

    And Hamas continues to hold an estimated that 57 Israeli hostages in Gaza, of which up to 24 are believed to still be alive. The group is insisting on guarantees that Israel will end the war before releasing any more hostages.

    An ongoing blockade for 18 years

    With negotiations at a stalemate, Israel has not only maintained its blockade of Gaza, but strengthened it.

    Israel first imposed a land, sea and air blockade of Gaza in 2007 after Hamas came to power. These restrictions have severely limited the movement of people and vehicles across the border, as well as the amount of food, medicine and other goods that have been permitted to go into and out of Gaza.

    These controls increased significantly after Hamas’ attacks on Israel on October 7, 2023. They’ve been maintained at heightened levels ever since.

    The January ceasefire temporarily increased the flow of food, medical aid and other support into Gaza. However, this came to an end in early March when Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu cut off aid again to pressure Hamas to extend the ceasefire and release more hostages. Hostilities resumed soon after.

    The United Nations’ humanitarian efforts in Gaza have now come to a “near-standstill”. On May 13, Tom Fletcher, the UN emergency relief coordinator, addressed the UN Security Council, stating:

    For more than 10 weeks, nothing has entered Gaza – no food, medicine, water or tents. […] Every single one of the 2.1 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip face the risk of famine. One in five faces starvation.

    Israel denies there are food shortages in Gaza. It says it won’t permit any trucks to enter the strip until a new system is in place to prevent Hamas from siphoning supplies.

    International law is clear

    Both the 1949 Geneva Conventions and customary international law make clear:

    The use of starvation of the civilian population as a method of warfare is prohibited.

    In addition, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) makes starvation of civilians a war crime.

    Under international humanitarian law, Fletcher noted, Israel has the responsibility to ensure aid reaches people in territory it occupies. However, Israel’s method of distributing aid, he said, “makes aid conditional on political and military aims” and “makes starvation a bargaining chip”.

    What have the courts found?

    International courts have not ignored Israel’s obligations on this front.

    In November 2024, the ICC issued arrest warrants for Hamas leader Mohammed Deif (one of the masterminds of the October 7 attack), in addition to Netanyahu and former Israeli Defence Minister Yoav Gallant.

    In relation Netanyahu and Gallant, the ICC’s pre-trial chamber found:

    there are reasonable grounds to believe that both individuals intentionally and knowingly deprived the civilian population in Gaza of objects indispensable to their survival, including food, water, and medicine and medical supplies.

    As Israel is not a party to the Rome Statute, there is no obligation on the government to act on the arrest warrants. Both men remain free to travel as long as they do not enter the territory of a Rome Statute party. (Even then, their arrest is not guaranteed.)

    The ICC warrants will remain in effect unless withdrawn by the court. The arrest in March of former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte highlighted that while ICC investigations may take time, those accused of crimes can eventually be brought before the court to face justice.

    This is especially so if there is a change in political leadership in a country that allows an arrest to go ahead.

    Meanwhile, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) is hearing another case in which South Africa alleges Israel has committed genocide against the Palestinian population in Gaza.

    The case began with high-profile hearings last year when the court issued provisional measures, or orders, requiring Israel to refrain from engaging in any genocidal acts.

    The most recent of those orders, issued last May, called on Israel to immediately halt its offensive in Rafah (in southern Gaza) and maintain the opening of the Rafah border crossing with Egypt to allow “unhindered provision at scale of urgently needed basic services and humanitarian assistance”.

    These orders remain in effect. Yet, Rafah today is a “no-go zone” that Gazans have been ordered to evacuate. And Israel’s ongoing blockade of the strip and restrictions on aid and food entering the territory are clearly in defiance of the court.

    Late last month, the ICJ began hearings to form an opinion on Israel’s duties to allow aid to enter Gaza. Israel’s foreign minister, Gideon Saar, criticised the ICJ’s hearings as “another attempt to politicise and abuse the legal process in order to persecute Israel”.

    The court’s advisory opinion on this issue is not expected for several months. A final decision on South Africa’s broader case may take years.

    So, what can be done?

    Reflecting on the situation in Gaza, Fletcher observed at the UN:

    This degradation of international law is corrosive and infectious. It is undermining decades of progress on rules to protect civilians from inhumanity and the violent and lawless among us who act with impunity. Humanity, the law and reason must prevail.

    Yet, while the Security Council continues to have the situation in Gaza under review, it has proven incapable of acting decisively because of US support for Israel.

    The Biden Administration was prepared to use its veto power to block binding Security Council resolutions forcing Israel to respond to the humanitarian crisis. The Trump Administration would no doubt do the same.

    However, as Duterte’s arrest shows, international law sometimes does result in action. The finding by another UN body last week that Russia was responsible for the 2014 downing of Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 over Ukraine in 2014 is another case in point.

    As the Dutch foreign minister pointed out in that case, the finding sends a message that “states cannot violate international law with impunity”.

    Donald Rothwell receives funding from Australian Research Council

    – ref. 1 in 5 Gazans face starvation. Can the law force Israel to act? – https://theconversation.com/1-in-5-gazans-face-starvation-can-the-law-force-israel-to-act-256695

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: AI is moving fast. Climate policy provides valuable lessons for how to keep it in check

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Milica Stilinovic, PhD Candidate, School of Media and Communications; Managing Editor, Policy & Internet journal, University of Sydney

    cybermagician/Shutterstock

    Artificial intelligence (AI) might not have been created to enable new forms of sexual violence such as deepfake pornography. But that has been an unfortunate byproduct of the rapidly advancing technology.

    This is just one example of AI’s many unintended uses.

    AI’s intended uses are not without their own problems, including serious copyright concerns. But beyond this, there is much experimentation happening with the rapidly advancing technology. Models and code are shared, repurposed and remixed in public online spaces.

    These collaborative, loosely networked communities — what we call “underspheres” in our recently published paper in New Media & Society — are where users experiment with AI rather than simply consume it. These spaces are where generative AI is pushed into unpredictable and experimental directions. And they show why a new approach to regulating AI and mitigating its risks is urgently needed. Climate policy offers some useful lessons.

    A limited approach

    As AI advances, so do concerns about risk. Policymakers have responded quickly. For example, the European Union AI Act which came into force in 2024 classifies systems by risk: banning “unacceptable” ones, regulating “high-risk” uses, and requiring transparency for lower-risk tools.

    Other governments — including those of the United Kingdom, United States and China — are taking similar directions. However, their regulatory approaches differ in scope, stage of development, and enforcement.

    But these efforts share a limitation: they’re built around intended use, not the messy, creative and often unintended ways AI is actually being used — especially in fringe spaces.

    So, what risks can emerge from creative deviance in AI? And can risk-based frameworks handle technologies that are fluid, remixable and fast-moving?

    Sub communities within the larger Reddit platform often experiment with unintential uses of AI.
    Tada Images/Shutterstock

    Experimentation outside of regulation

    There are several online spaces where members of the undersphere gather. They include GitHub (a web-based platform for collaborative software development), Hugging Face (a platform that offers ready-to-use machine learning models, datasets, and tools for developers to easily build and launch AI apps) and subreddits (individual communities or forums within the larger Reddit platform).

    These environments encourage creative experimentation with generative AI outside regulated frameworks. This experimentation can include instructing models to avoid intended behaviours – or do the opposite. It can also include creating mashups or more powerful variations of generative AI by remixing software code that is made publicly available for anyone to view, use, modify and distribute.

    The potential harms of this experimentation are highlighted by the proliferation of deepfake pornography. So too are the limits of the current approach to regulation rapidly advancing technology such as AI.

    Deepfake technology wasn’t originally developed to create non-consensual pornographic videos and images. But this is ultimately what happened within subreddit communities, beginning in 2017. Deepfake pornography then quickly spread from this undersphere into the mainstream; a recent analysis of more than 95,000 deepfake videos online found 98% of them were deep fake pornography videos.

    It was not until 2019 – years after deepfake pornography first emerged – that attempts to regulate it began to emerge globally. But these attempts were too rigid to capture the new ways deepfake technology was being used by then to cause harm. What’s more, the regulatory efforts were sporadic and inconsistent between states. This impeded efforts to protect people – and democracies – from the impacts of deepfakes globally.

    This is why we need regulation that can march in step with emerging technologies and act quickly when unintended use prevails.

    Embracing uncertainty, complexity and change

    A way to look at AI governance is through the prism of climate change. Climate change is also the result of many interconnected systems interacting in ways we can’t fully control — and its impacts can only be understood with a degree of uncertainty.

    Over the past three decades, climate governance frameworks have evolved to confront this challenge: to manage complex, emerging, and often unpredictable risks. And although this framework has yet to demonstrate its ability to meaningfully reduce greenhouse gas emissions, it has succeeded in sustaining global attention over the years on emerging climate risks and their complex impacts.

    At the same time it has provided a forum where responsibilities and potential solutions can be publicly debated.

    A similar governance framework should also be adopted to manage the spread of AI. This framework should consider the interconnected risks caused by generative AI tools linking with social media platforms. It should also consider cascading risks, as content and code are reused and adapted. And it should consider systemic risks, such as declining public trust or polarised debate.

    Importantly, this framework must also involve diverse voices. Like climate change, generative AI won’t affect just one part of society — it will ripple through many. And the challenge is how to adapt with it.

    Applied to AI, climate change governance approaches could help promote preemptive action in the wake of unforeseen use (such as in the case of deepfake porn) before the issue becomes widespread.

    Over the past three decades, climate governance frameworks have evolved to manage complex, emerging, and often unpredictable risks.
    Alexandros Michailidis/Shutterstock

    Avoiding the pitfalls of climate governance

    While climate governance offers a useful model for adaptive, flexible regulation, it also brings important warnings that must be avoided.

    Climate politics has been mired by loopholes, competing interests and sluggish policymaking. From Australia’s shortcomings in implementing its renewable strategy, to policy reversals in Scotland and political gridlock in the United States, climate policy implementation has often been the proverbial wrench in the gears of environmental law.

    But, when it comes to AI governance, this all-too-familiar climate stalemate brings with it important lessons for the realm of AI governance.

    First, we need to find ways to align public oversight with self-regulation and transparency on the part of AI developers and suppliers.

    Second, we need to think about generative AI risks at a global scale. International cooperation and coordination are essential.

    Finally, we need to accept that AI development and experimentation will persist, and craft regulations that respond to this in order to keep our societies safe.

    Francesco Bailo has received funding from Meta and from Australia’s Department of Defence.

    Jonathon Hutchinson and Milica Stilinovic do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. AI is moving fast. Climate policy provides valuable lessons for how to keep it in check – https://theconversation.com/ai-is-moving-fast-climate-policy-provides-valuable-lessons-for-how-to-keep-it-in-check-255624

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: NZ Budget 2025: economic forecasting is notoriously difficult, but global uncertainty is making it harder

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michael Ryan, Lecturer in Economics, University of Waikato

    Javier Ghersi/Getty Images

    This year’s budget will be one of the tightest in a decade, with the New Zealand government halving its operating allowance – the new money it has available to spend – from NZ$2.4 billion to $1.3 billion.

    The cut reflects weaker than expected growth owing to global economic turmoil. It also highlights just how difficult it is to predict what is going to happen when it comes to the economy.

    Economies are dynamic systems where relationships between variables shift. Even the current state of the economy is uncertain due to data revisions and lags in reporting.

    Despite this uncertainty, governments have to assume paths for revenue and expenditure to make meaningful plans.

    Based on the Pre-election Economic and Fiscal Update (PREFU 2023), the National Party announced plans to achieve an operating surplus in the year ending June 2027 during the 2023 election campaign.

    As forecasts changed, so did those plans. By the Half-Year Economic and Fiscal Update (HYEFU 2024), released in December 2024, the goal of an operating surplus had been pushed back to 2029.

    The table below shows the change in the 2027 forecasts for key economic indicators between the two fiscal updates.

    Nominal gross domestic product (GDP) measures the value of goods and services produced within a country during a specific period. It is a key determinant of tax revenue. Real GDP measures the volume of output of the New Zealand economy.

    Ultimately, the 2027 nominal GDP forecast at the half-year update was weaker than expected. This weakness was driven by lower than expected output, not by changes in prices.

    The 2027 forecast tax revenue fell even more sharply than the nominal GDP forecast. This was in part due to the government’s personal income tax cuts which have been costed at $3.7 billion a year.

    Finance Minister Nicola Willis has warned that the 2025 budget will be very tight, reflecting uncertainty in the global economy.
    Hagen Hopkins/Getty Images

    More changes afoot

    We’re likely to see further downward revisions in economic growth. The Treasury has already lowered its economic growth forecasts for 2025 and 2026, in part due to the expected impact of global tariffs.

    While the direct effects of the tariffs on New Zealand may be limited, the indirect effects – particularly through increased global economic uncertainty – are likely to be substantial.

    Research has shown that United States-based uncertainty spills over into the New Zealand economy by making firms more pessimistic about the future. This pessimism leads to firms delaying investment, ultimately reducing potential output in the future.

    Potential output is important as it represents the economy’s capacity to grow without generating inflation. Potential GDP is affected by productivity, which has also been weaker than expected and one of the reasons Treasury lowered its forecasts after the pre-election fiscal update.

    The lesson from all of this

    New Zealand is running a structural budget deficit. That means the government is spending more than it earns, even accounting for the fact that governments automatically spend more and tax less in economic downturns.

    These deficits add to government debt, which can limit future spending and taxation choices. High debt can also hamper the government’s ability to assist in counteracting the next downturn if the Reserve Bank’s official cash rate is already near zero.

    It can also limit the ability of the government to respond to external shocks such as disasters or extreme weather events. These concerns are possibly behind the government’s goal of returning to surplus by 2029.

    But there are counter-arguments. With pressing needs in many areas, some argue the government should be spending more now to boost productivity and growth. These contrasting views reflect a legitimate debate about values and priorities.

    Still, one point is clear: weaker than expected economic growth since the pre-election update has made the trade-offs between present and future fiscal choices more acute.

    The takeaway is that economic growth is essential for expanding the resources available to both households and governments. This is so they can spend money on things they deem important both now and in the future.

    A growing economy is not just about producing more for prestige – it’s about creating the economic and fiscal resources to improve lives both now and in the future.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. NZ Budget 2025: economic forecasting is notoriously difficult, but global uncertainty is making it harder – https://theconversation.com/nz-budget-2025-economic-forecasting-is-notoriously-difficult-but-global-uncertainty-is-making-it-harder-256469

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why the wall of silence on the Gaza genocide is finally starting to crack

    Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific. –

    As Israel unveils its final genocide push, and mass death from starvation looms in Gaza, Western media and politicians are tentatively starting to speak up

    ANALYSIS: By Jonathan Cook

    Who could have imagined 19 months ago that it would take more than a year and a half of Israel slaughtering and starving Gaza’s children for the first cracks to appear in what has been a rock-solid wall of support for Israel from Western establishments.

    Finally, something looks like it may be about to give.

    The British establishment’s financial daily, The Financial Times, was first to break ranks last week to condemn “the West’s shameful silence” in the face of Israel’s murderous assault on the tiny enclave.

    In an editorial — effectively the paper’s voice– the FT accused the United States and Europe of being increasingly “complicit” as Israel made Gaza “uninhabitable”, an allusion to genocide, and noted that the goal was to “drive Palestinians from their land”, an allusion to ethnic cleansing.

    Of course, both of these grave crimes by Israel have been evidently true not only since Hamas’ violent, single-day breakout from Gaza on 7 October 2023, but for decades.

    So parlous is the state of Western reporting, from a media no less complicit than the governments berated by the FT, that we need to seize on any small signs of progress.

    Next, The Economist chimed in, warning that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ministers were driven by a “dream of emptying Gaza and rebuilding Jewish settlements there”.

    ‘Deafening silence on Gaza’
    At the weekend, The Independent decided the “deafening silence on Gaza” had to end. It was “time for the world to wake up to what is happening and to demand an end to the suffering of the Palestinians trapped in the enclave”.

    Actually much of the world woke up many, many months ago. It has been the Western press corps and Western politicians slumbering through the past 19 months of genocide.

    Then on Monday, the supposedly liberal Guardian voiced in its own editorial a fear that Israel is committing “genocide”, though it only dared do so by framing the accusation as a question.

    It wrote of Israel: “Now it plans a Gaza without Palestinians. What is this, if not genocidal? When will the US and its allies act to stop the horror, if not now?”

    The paper could more properly have asked a different question: Why have Israel’s Western allies — as well as media like The Guardian and FT — waited 19 months to speak up against the horror?

    And, predictably bringing up the rear, was the BBC. On Wednesday, the BBC Radio’s PM programme chose to give top billing to testimony from Tom Fletcher, the United Nation’s humanitarian affairs chief, to the Security Council. Presenter Evan Davis said the BBC had decided to “do something a little unusual”.

    Unusual indeed. It played Fletcher’s speech in full — all 12 and a half minutes of it. That included Fletcher’s comment: “For those killed and those whose voices are silenced: what more evidence do you need now? Will you act — decisively — to prevent genocide and to ensure respect for international humanitarian law?”

    ‘Genocide’ from taboo to mainstream
    We had gone in less than a week from the word “genocide” being taboo in relation to Gaza to it becoming almost mainstream.

    Cracks are evident in the British Parliament too. Mark Pritchard, a Conservative MP and life-long Israel supporter, stood up from the back benches to admit he had been wrong about Israel, and condemned it “for what it is doing to the Palestinian people”.

    He was one of more than a dozen Tory MPs and peers in the House of Lords, all formerly staunch defenders of Israel, who urged British Prime Minister Keir Starmer to immediately recognise a Palestinian state.

    Their move followed an open letter published by 36 members of the Board of Deputies, a 300-member body that claims to represent British Jews, dissenting from its continuing support for the slaughter. The letter warned: “Israel’s soul is being ripped out.”

    Pritchard told fellow MPs it was time to “stand up for humanity, for us being on the right side of history, for having the moral courage to lead.”

    Sadly, there is no sign of that yet. Research published last week, based on Israeli tax authority data, showed Starmer’s government has been lying even about the highly limited restrictions on arms sales to Israel it claimed to have imposed last year.

    Despite an ostensible ban on shipments of weapons that could be used in Gaza, Britain has covertly exported more than 8500 separate munitions to Israel since the ban.

    More weapons details
    This week more details emerged. According to figures published by The National, the current government exported more weapons to Israel in the final three months of last year, after the ban came into effect, than the previous Conservative government did through the whole of 2020 to 2023.

    So shameful is the UK’s support for Israel in the midst of what the International Court of Justice — the World Court — has described as a “plausible genocide” that Starmer’s government needs to pretend it is doing something, even as it actually continues to arm that genocide.

    More than 40 MPs wrote to Foreign Secretary David Lammy last week calling for him to respond to allegations that he had misled the public and Parliament. “The public deserves to know the full scale of the UK’s complicity in crimes against humanity,” they wrote.

    There are growing rumblings elsewhere. This week French President Emmanuel Macron called Israel’s complete blockade on aid into Gaza “shameful and unacceptable”. He added: “My job is to do everything I can to make it stop.”

    “Everything” seemed to amount to nothing more than mooting possible economic sanctions.

    Still, the rhetorical shift was striking. Italy’s Prime Minister, Giorgia Meloni, similarly denounced the blockade, calling it “unjustifiable”. She added: “I have always recalled the urgency of finding a way to end the hostilities and respect international law and international humanitarian law.”

    “International law”? Where has that been for the past 19 months?

    Similar change of priorities
    There was a similar change of priorities across the Atlantic. Democratic Senator Chris van Hollen, for example, recently dared to call Israel’s actions in Gaza “ethnic cleansing”.

    CNN’s Christiane Amanpour, a bellwether of the Beltway consensus, gave Israel’s deputy Foreign Minister, Sharren Haskel, an unusually tough grilling. Amanpour all but accused her of lying about Israel starving children.

    Meanwhile, Josep Borrell, the recently departed head of European Union foreign policy, broke another taboo last week by directly accusing Israel of preparing a genocide in Gaza.

    “Seldom have I heard the leader of a state so clearly outline a plan that fits the legal definition of genocide,” he said, adding: “We’re facing the largest ethnic cleansing operation since the end of the Second World War.”

    Borrell, of course, has no influence over EU policy at this point.

    This is all painfully slow progress, but it does suggest that a tipping point may be near.

    If so, there are several reasons. One — the most evident in the mix — is US President Donald Trump.

    It was easier for The Guardian, the FT and old-school Tory MPs to watch the extermination of Gaza’s Palestinians in silence when it was kindly Uncle Joe Biden and the US military industrial complex behind it.

    Trump forgets ‘his bit’
    Unlike his predecessor, Trump too often forgets the bit where he is supposed to put a gloss on Israeli crimes, or distance the US from them, even as Washington ships the weapons to carry out those crimes.

    But also, there are plenty of indications that Trump — with his constant craving to be seen as the top dog — is increasingly annoyed at being publicly outfoxed by Netanyahu.

    This week, as Trump headed to the Middle East, his administration secured the release of Israeli soldier Edan Alexander, the last living US citizen in captivity in Gaza, by bypassing Israel and negotiating directly with Hamas.

    In his comments on the release, Trump insisted it was time to “put an end to this very brutal war” — a remark he had very obviously not coordinated with Netanyahu.

    Notably, Israel is not on Trump’s Middle East schedule.

    Right now seems a relatively safe moment to adopt a more critical stance towards Israel, as presumably the FT and Guardian appreciate.

    Then there is the fact that Israel’s genocide is reaching its endpoint. No food, water or medicines have entered Gaza for more than two months. Everyone is malnourished. It is unclear, given Israel’s destruction of Gaza’s health system, how many have already died from hunger.

    Skin-and-bones children
    But the pictures of skin-and-bones children emerging from Gaza are uncomfortably reminiscent of 80-year-old images of skeletal Jewish children imprisoned in Nazi camps.

    It is a reminder that Gaza — strictly blockaded by Israel for 16 years before Hamas’ 7 October 2023 breakout — has been transformed over the past 19 months from a concentration camp into a death camp.

    Parts of the media and political class know mass death in Gaza cannot be obscured for much longer, not even after Israel has barred foreign journalists from the enclave and murdered most of the Palestinian journalists trying to record the genocide.

    Cynical political and media actors are trying to get in their excuses before it is too late to show remorse.

    And finally there is the fact that Israel has declared its readiness to take hands-on responsibility for the extermination in Gaza by, in its words, “capturing” the tiny territory.

    The long-anticipated “day after” looks like it is about to arrive.

    For 20 years, Israel and Western capitals have conspired in the lie that Gaza’s occupation ended in 2005, when Israel’s then prime minister, Ariel Sharon, pulled out a few thousand Jewish settlers and withdrew Israeli soldiers to a highly fortified perimeter encaging the enclave.

    Always under Israeli occupation
    In a ruling last year, the World Court gave this claim short shrift, emphasising that Gaza, as well as the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and East Jerusalem, had never stopped being under Israeli occupation, and that the occupation must end immediately.

    The truth is that, even before the 2023 Hamas attacks, Israel had been besieging Gaza by land, sea and air for many, many years. Nothing — people or trade — went in or out without the Israeli military’s say-so.

    Israeli officials instituted a secret policy of putting the population there on a strict “diet” – a war crime then as now — one that ensured most of Gaza’s young became progressively more malnourished.

    Drones whined constantly overhead, as they do now, watching the population from the skies 24 hours a day and occasionally raining down death. Fishermen were shot and their boats sunk for trying to fish their own waters. Farmers’ crops were destroyed by herbicides sprayed from Israeli planes.

    And when the mood took it, Israel sent in fighter jets to bomb the enclave or sent soldiers in on military operations, killing hundreds of civilians at a time.

    When Palestinians in Gaza went out week after week to stage protests close to the perimeter fence of their concentration camp, Israeli snipers shot them, killing some 200 and crippling many thousands more.

    Yet, despite all this, Israel and Western capitals insisted on the story that Hamas “ruled” Gaza, and that it alone was responsible for what went on there.

    Fiction important to West
    “That fiction was very important to the Western powers. It allowed Israel to evade accountability for the crimes against humanity committed in Gaza over the past two decades – and it allowed the West to avoid complicity charges for arming the criminals.

    Instead, the political and media class perpetuated the myth that Israel was engaged in a “conflict” with Hamas — as well as intermittent “wars” in Gaza — even as Israel’s own military termed its operations to destroy whole neighbourhoods and kill their residents “mowing the lawn”.

    Israel, of course, viewed Gaza as its lawn to mow. And that is precisely because it never stopped occupying the enclave.

    Even today Western media outlets collude in the fiction that Gaza is free from Israeli occupation by casting the slaughter there — and the starvation of the population — as a “war”.

    But the “day after” — signalled by Israel’s promised “capture” and “reoccupation” of Gaza — brings a conundrum for Israel and its Western sponsors.

    Until now Israel’s every atrocity has been justified by Hamas’ violent breakout on 7 October 2023.

    Israel and its supporters have insisted that Hamas must return the Israelis it took captive before there can be some undefined “peace”. At the same time, Israel has also maintained that Gaza must be destroyed at all costs to root out Hamas and eliminate it.

    Goals never looked consistent
    These two goals never looked consistent — not least because the more Palestinian civilians Israel killed “rooting out” Hamas, the more young men Hamas recruited seeking vengeance.

    The constant stream of genocidal rhetoric from Israeli leaders made clear that they believed there were no civilians in Gaza — not “uninvolved” –– and that the enclave should be levelled and the population treated like “human animals”, punished with “no food, water or fuel”.

    Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich reiterated that approach last week, vowing that “Gaza will be entirely destroyed” and that its people would be ethnically cleansed — or, as he put it, forced to “leave in great numbers to third countries”.

    Israeli officials have echoed him, threatening to “flatten” Gaza if the hostages are not released. But in truth, the captives held by Hamas are just a convenient pretext.

    Smotrich was more honest in observing that the hostages’ release was “not the most important thing”. His view is apparently shared by the Israeli military, which has reportedly put that aim last in a list of six “war” objectives.

    More important to the military are “operational control” of Gaza, “demilitarization of the territory” and “concentration and movement of the population”.

    With Israel about to be indisputably, visibly in direct charge of Gaza again — with the cover stories stripped away of a “war”, of the need to eliminate of Hamas, of civilian casualties as “collateral damage” — Israel’s responsibility for the genocide will be incontestable too, as will the West’s active collusion.

    Mossad agents’ letter
    That was why more than 250 former officials with Mossad, Israel’s spy agency — including three of its former heads — signed a letter this week decrying Israel’s breaking of the ceasefire in early March and its return to “war”.

    The letter called Israel’s official objectives “unattainable”.

    Similarly, the Israeli media reports large numbers of Israel’s military reservists are no longer showing up when called for a return to duty in Gaza.

    Israel’s western patrons must now grapple with Israel’s “plan” for the ruined territory. Its outline has been coming more sharply into focus in recent days.

    In January Israel formally outlawed the United Nations refugee agency Unrwa that feeds and cares for the large proportion of the Palestinian population driven off their historic lands by Israel in earlier phases of its decades-long colonisation of historic Palestine.

    Gaza is packed with such refugees – the outcome of Israel’s biggest ethnic cleansing programme in 1948, at its creation as a “Jewish state”.

    Removing Unrwa had been a long-held ambition, a move by Israel designed to help rid it of the yoke of aid agencies that have been caring for Palestinians – and thereby helping them to resist Israel’s efforts at ethnic cleansing – as well as monitoring Israel’s adherence, or rather lack of it, to international law.

    Private contractor scheme
    For the ethnic cleansing and genocide programmes in Gaza to be completed, Israel has needed to produce an alternative system to Unrwa’s.

    Last week, it approved a scheme in which it intends to use private contractors, not the UN, to deliver small quantities of food and water to Palestinians. Israel will allow in 60 trucks a day — barely a tenth of the absolute minimum required, according to the UN.

    There are several catches. To stand any hope of qualifying for this very limited aid, Palestinians will need to collect it from military distribution points located in a small area at the southern tip of the Gaza strip.

    In other words, some two million Palestinians will have to crowd into a location that has no chance of accommodating them all, and even then will have only a tenth of the aid they need.

    They will have to relocate too without any guarantee from Israel that it won’t continue bombing the “humanitarian zones” they have been herded into.

    These military distribution zones just so happen to be right next to Gaza’s sole, short border with Egypt — exactly where Israel has been seeking to drive the Palestinians over the past 19 months in the hope of forcing Egypt to open the border so the people of Gaza can be ethnically cleansed into Sinai.

    Under Israel’s scheme, Palestinians will be screened in these military hubs using biometric data before they stand any hope of receiving minimum calorie-controlled handouts of food.

    Once inside the hubs, they can be arrested and shipped off to one of Israel’s torture camps.

    Torture and abuse rife
    Just last week Israel’s Haaretz newspaper published testimony from an Israeli soldier turned whistleblower — confirming accounts from doctors and other guards — that torture and abuse are rife against Palestinians, including civilians, at Sde Teiman, the most notorious of the camps.

    Last Friday, shortly after Israel announced its “aid” plan, it fired a missile into an Unrwa centre in Jabaliya camp, destroying its food distribution centre and warehouse.

    Then on Saturday, Israel bombed tents used for preparing food in Khan Younis and Gaza City. It has been targeting charity kitchens and bakeries to close them down, in an echo of its campaign of destruction against Gaza’s hospitals and health system.

    In recent days, a third of UN-supported community kitchens — the population’s last life line — have closed because their stores of food are depleted, as is their access to fuel.

    According to the UN agency OCHA, that number is rising “by the day”, leading to “widespread” hunger.

    Facing ‘catastrophic hunger’
    The UN reported this week that nearly half a million people in Gaza — a fifth of the population — faced “catastrophic hunger”.

    Predictably, Israel and its ghoulish apologists are making light of this sea of immense suffering. Jonathan Turner, chief executive of UK Lawyers for Israel, argued that critics were unfairly condemning Israel for starving Gaza’s population, and ignoring the health benefits of reducing “obesity” among Palestinians.

    In a joint statement last week, 15 UN agencies and more than 200 charities and humanitarian groups denounced Israel’s “aid” plan. The UN children’s fund Unicef warned that Israel was forcing Palestinians to choose between “displacement and death”.

    But worse, Israel is setting up its stall once again to turn reality on its head.

    Those Palestinians who refuse to cooperate with its “aid” plan will be blamed for their own starvation. And international agencies who refuse to go along with Israeli criminality will be smeared both as “antisemitic” and as responsible for the mounting toll of starvation on Gaza’s population.

    There is a way to stop these crimes degenerating further. But it will require Western politicians and journalists to find far more courage than they have dared muster so far. It will need more than rhetorical flourishes. It will need more than public handwringing.

    Are they capable of more? Don’t hold your breath.

    Jonathan Cook is an award-winning British journalist. He was based in Nazareth, Israel, for 20 years and returned to the UK in 2021. He is the author of three books on the Israel-Palestine conflict, including Disappearing Palestine: Israel’s Experiments in Human Despair (2008). In 2011, Cook was awarded the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism for his work on Palestine and Israel. This article was first published in Middle East Eye and is republished with the author’s permission.

     

    This article was first published on Café Pacific.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 18, 2025

    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 18, 2025.

    ‘Cracks are opening up’ in Western complicity over Gaza genocide, says Minto
    Asia Pacific Report About 2000 New Zealand protesters marched through the heart of Auckland city today chanting “no justice, no peace” and many other calls as they demanded an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and an end to the Israeli atrocities in its brutal war on the besieged Palestinian enclave. For more than 73 days, Israel

    Fiji rights coalition slams ‘betrayal’ of West Papua for Indonesian benefits
    By Anish Chand in Suva Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and Fiji’s coalition government are “detached from the values that Fijians hold dear”, says the NGO Coalition on Human Rights in Fiji (NGOCHR). The rights coalition has expressed deep concern over Rabuka’s ongoing engagements with Indonesia. “History will judge how we respond as Fijians to this

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Cracks are opening up’ in Western complicity over Gaza genocide, says Minto

    Asia Pacific Report

    About 2000 New Zealand protesters marched through the heart of Auckland city today chanting “no justice, no peace” and many other calls as they demanded an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and an end to the Israeli atrocities in its brutal war on the besieged Palestinian enclave.

    For more than 73 days, Israel has blocked all food, water, and medicine from entering Gaza, creating a man-made crisis with the Strip on the brink of a devastating famine.

    Israel’s attacks killed more than 150 and wounded 450 in a day in a new barrage of attacks that aid workers described as “Gaza is bleeding before our eyes”.

    in Auckland, several Palestinian and other speakers spoke of the anguish and distress of the global Gaza community in the face of Western indifference to the suffering in a rally before the march marking the 77th anniversary of the Nakba — the “Palestinian catastrophe”.

    “There are cracks opening up all around the world that haven’t been there for 77 years,” said Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA) co-chair John Minto in an inspired speech to the protesters.

    “Right through the news media, journalists are up in arms against their editors and bosses all around the world.

    “We’ve got politicians in Britain speaking out for the first time. Some conservative politician got standing up the other day saying, ‘I supported Israel right or wrong for 20 years, and I was wrong.’

    ‘The world is coming right’
    “Yet a lot of the world has been wrong for 77 years, but the world is coming right. We are on the right side of history, give us a big round of applause.”

    Minto was highly critical of the public broadcasters, Television New Zealand and Radio New Zealand, saying they relied too heavily on a narrow range of Western sources whose credibility had been challenged and eroded over the past 19 months.

    PSNA co-chair John Minto . . . .capturing an image of the march up Auckland’s Queen Street in protest over the Israeli genocide in Gaza. Image: APR

    He also condemned their “proximity” news value, blaming it for news editors’ lapse of judgment on news values because Israelis “spoke English”.

    Minto told the crowd that that they should be monitoring Al Jazeera for a more balanced and nuanced coverage of the war on Palestine.

    His comments echoed a similar theme of a speech at the Fickling Centre in Three Kings on Thursday night and protesters followed up by picketing the NZ Voyager Media Awards last night with a light show of killed Gazan journalists beamed on the hotel venue.

    Protesters at the NZ Voyager Media Awards protesting last night against unbalanced media coverage of Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Image: Achmat Eesau/PSNA

    About 230 Gazan journalists have been killed in the war so far, many of them allegedly targeted by the Israeli forces.

    Minto said he could not remember a previous time when a New Zealand government had remained silent in the face of industrial-scale killing of civilians anywhere in the world.

    “We have livestreamed genocide happening and we have our government refusing to condemn any of Israel’s war crimes,” he said.

    NZ ‘refusing to condemn war crimes’
    “Yet we’ve got everybody in the leadership of this government having condemned every act of Palestinian resistance yet refused to condemn the war crimes, refused to condemn the bombing of civilians, and refused to condemn the mass starvation of 2.3 million people.

    “What a bunch of depraved bastards run this country. Shame on all of them.”

    Palestinian speaker Samer Almalalha . . . “Everything we were told about international law and human rights is bullshit.” A golden key symbolising the right of return for Palestinians is in the background. Image: APR

    Palestinian speaker Samer Almalalha spoke of the 1948 Nakba and the injustices against his people.

    “Everything we were told about international law and human rights is bullshit. The only rights you have are the ones you take,” he said.

    “So today we won’t stand here to plead, we are here to remind you of what happened to us. We are here to take what is ours. Today, and every day, we fight for a free Palestine.”

    Nakba survivor Ghazi Dassouki . . . a harrowing story about a massacre village. Image: Bruce King
    survivor

    and he told a harrowing story from his homeland. As a 14-year-old boy, he and his family were driven out of Palestine during the Nakba.

    He described “waking up to to the smell of gunpowder” — his home was close to the Deir Yassin massacre on April 9, 1948, when Zionist militias attacked the village killing 107 people, including women and children.

    ‘Palestine will be free – and so will we’
    Green Party co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick said: “What we stand for is truth, justice, peace and love.

    “Palestine will be free and, in turn, so will we.”

    She said only six more MPs were needed to have the numbers to have the Greens’ Unlawful Occupation of Palestine Sanctions Bill passed in Parliament.

    Israel has blocked all food, water, and medicine from entering Gaza, creating a man-made crisis, with the integrated food security agency IPC warning that famine could be declared any time between now and September, reports Al Jazeera.

    The head of the UN Children’s Fund, Catherine Russell, said the world should be shocked by the killing of 45 children in Israeli air strikes in just two days.

    Instead, the slaughter of children in Gaza is “largely met with indifference”.

    “More than 1 million children in Gaza are at risk of starvation. They are deprived of food, water and medicine,” Russell wrote in a post on social media.

    “Nowhere is safe for children in Gaza,” she said.

    “This horror must stop.”

    “The coloniser lied” . . . a placard in today’s Palestine rally in Auckland. Image: APR

    Famine worst level of hunger
    Famine is the worst level of hunger, where people face severe food shortages, widespread malnutrition, and high levels of death due to starvation.

    According to the UN’s criteria, famine is declared when:

    • At least 20 percent (one-fifth) of households face extreme food shortages;
    • More than 30 percent of children suffer from acute malnutrition; and
    • At least two out of every 10,000 people or four out of every 10,000 children die each day from starvation or hunger-related causes.

    Famine is not just about hunger; it is the worst humanitarian emergency, indicating a complete collapse of access to food, water and the systems necessary for survival.

    According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), since Israel’s complete blockade began on March 2, at least 57 children have died from the effects of malnutrition.

    “Stop Genocide in Gaza” . . . the start of the rally with PSNA co-chair Maher Nazzal on the right. Image: APR

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Fiji rights coalition slams ‘betrayal’ of West Papua for Indonesian benefits

    By Anish Chand in Suva

    Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and Fiji’s coalition government are “detached from the values that Fijians hold dear”, says the NGO Coalition on Human Rights in Fiji (NGOCHR).

    The rights coalition has expressed deep concern over Rabuka’s ongoing engagements with Indonesia.

    “History will judge how we respond as Fijians to this moment. We must not stay silent when Pacific people are being occupied and killed,” said NGOCHR chair Shamima Ali.

    She said Rabuka was extended a grant of $12 million by Indonesia recently and received proposals for joint military training.

    “Is Fiji’s continuing silence on West Papua yet another example of being muzzled by purse strings?”

    “As members of the Melanesian and Pacific family, bound by shared ancestry and identity, the acceptance of financial and any other benefit from Indonesia—while remaining silent on the plight of West Papua—is a betrayal of our family member and of regional solidarity.”

    “True leadership must be rooted in solidarity, justice, and accountability,” Ali said.

    “It is imperative that Pacific leaders not only advocate for peace and cooperation in the region but also continue to hold Indonesia to account on ongoing human rights violations in West Papua.”

    Republished from The Fiji Times with permission.

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –