Category: Evening Report

  • MIL-Evening Report: ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 17, 2025

    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 17, 2025.

    A life of service: celebrating the career of Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban
    SPECIAL REPORT: By Moera Tuilaepa-Taylor, RNZ Pacific manager At this year’s May graduation ceremony, Te Herenga Waka Victoria University’s Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban, was awarded an honorary doctorate in recognition for her contribution to education. Although she has now stepped down from the role, Luamanuvao served as the university’s Assistant Vice-Chancellor, Pasifika, for 14 years.

    ‘Manu jumping’: The physics behind making humongous splashes in the pool
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Pankaj Rohilla, Postdoctoral Fellow in Fluid Dynamics, Georgia Institute of Technology Maybe you’ve unknowingly tried to do a manu jump. Isabel Pavia/Moment via Getty Images Whether diving off docks, cannonballing into lakes or leaping off the high board, there’s nothing quite like the joy of jumping into

    Time for NZ media to ditch the propaganda and stand against genocide
    COMMENTARY: By Saige England in Christchurch “RNZ is failing in its duty to inform the public of an entirely preventable humanitarian catastrophe.” Tautoko to Jeremy Rose, Ramon Das and Eugene Doyle for this critique of a review of RNZ’s coverage of a genocide. Sadly, this highlights RNZ’s failure to report the genocide from the perspective

    Media Council makes ‘stop Telikom PNG silencing journalists’ plea to PM Marape
    The Media Council of Papua New Guinea (MCPNG) has called on Prime Minister James Marape to stop Telikom PNG silencing and suppressing media personnel. Telikom PNG, which is 100 percent government-owned, has two key outlets: FM100 radio and EMTV. Recently, it sacked FM100 talkback host Culligan Tanda after he featured opposition East Sepik Governor Allan

    Ben Roberts-Smith has lost an appeal in his long-running defamation case. Here’s why
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rick Sarre, Emeritus Professor in Law and Criminal Justice, University of South Australia The full Federal Court has dismissed Ben Roberts-Smith’s appeal to have his defamation case loss overturned. It is important in seeking to understand this judgement to know the history of the case. In June

    With a new minister for early childhood education, what can the federal government do to make centres safer?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Victoria Minson, Senior Lecturer in Early Childhood Education, Australian Catholic University This week, more reports emerged of horrific abuse of children at childcare centres. An ABC investigation reported young children had suffered burns and been verbally abused. In another case, a baby was repeatedly slapped by an

    Australian researchers use a quantum computer to simulate how real molecules behave
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ivan Kassal, Professor of Chemical Physics, University of Sydney University of Sydney Nano Institute When a molecule absorbs light, it undergoes a whirlwind of quantum-mechanical transformations. Electrons jump between energy levels, atoms vibrate, and chemical bonds shift — all within millionths of a billionth of a second.

    To boost the nation’s health, the government’s proposed food strategy must put people over profits
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachael Walshe, Post-doctoral Researcher, University of Canberra crbellette/sShutterstock On election night, a triumphant Anthony Albanese took to the stage brandishing a Medicare card as a symbol of the nation’s commitment to public healthcare. As the re-elected government gets to work on its promised national food security strategy

    You usually need more than a few drops of blood, saliva or urine to detect illnesses. Here’s why
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amali Cooray, PhD Candidate in Genetic Engineering and Cancer, WEHI (Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research) Lumen Photos/Shutterstock In the 2000s, biotech company Theranos promised to revolutionise blood testing. Founder Elizabeth Holmes claimed Theranos technology could perform hundreds of tests using just a finger-prick drop

    Some young trans people take sex hormones so their bodies better align with their gender. What are the benefits and risks?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cristyn Davies, Senior Research Fellow in the Specialty of Child and Adolescent Health, Faculty of Medicine and Health, University of Sydney romain-jorge/Shutterstock Triggered by hormonal changes in the brain and body, puberty marks a physical transformation. Oestrogen and testosterone – often called “sex hormones” – drive many

    Saudi Arabia has big AI ambitions. They could come at the cost of human rights
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Niusha Shafiabady, Associate Professor in Computational Intelligence, Australian Catholic University This week, on his tour of the Middle East, United States President Donald Trump unveiled a suite of new deals with Saudi Arabia. Trump claimed the deals were worth more than US$1 trillion (A$1.5 trillion). This is

    Why Anthony Albanese’s presence at Pope Leo’s inauguration is shrewd politics
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Historian, Australian Catholic University When Prime Minister Anthony Albanese steps into St Peter’s Square for the inaugural Mass of Pope Leo XIV on Sunday, the optics will be far more than pious courtesy. For a day, the Vatican will temporarily be the world’s

    The space race is being reshaped by geopolitics, offering opportunities for countries such as New Zealand
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Zámborský, Senior Lecturer, Management & International Business, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau NASA/Getty Imges The space economy is being reshaped — not just by innovation, but by geopolitics. What was once dominated by state space agencies, and more recently by private ventures, is evolving into

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  • MIL-Evening Report: A life of service: celebrating the career of Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban

    SPECIAL REPORT: By Moera Tuilaepa-Taylor, RNZ Pacific manager

    At this year’s May graduation ceremony, Te Herenga Waka Victoria University’s Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban, was awarded an honorary doctorate in recognition for her contribution to education.

    Although she has now stepped down from the role, Luamanuvao served as the university’s Assistant Vice-Chancellor, Pasifika, for 14 years. In that time has worked tirelessly to raise Pasifika students’ achievement.

    “It’s really important that they [Pasifika students] make the most of the opportunities that education has to offer,” she said.

    “Secondly, education teaches you how to write, to research, to critique, but more importantly, become an informed voice and considering what’s happening in society now with AI and also technology and social media, it’s really important that we can tell our stories and share our values, and we counter that by receiving a good education and applying ourselves to do well.”

    When asked about the importance of service, Luamanuvao explained “there’s a saying in Samoan, ‘o le ala i le pule o le tautua’ so the road to authority and leadership is through service”.

    “And we’ve always been taught how important it is not to indulge in our own individual success, but to always become a voice and support our brothers and sisters, and our families and in our communities who are especially struggling.”

    Juliana Faataualofa Lafaialii, Samoa’s Deputy Head of Mission/Counsellor to NZ (from left); Philippa Toleafoa; Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban; Afamasaga Faamatalaupu Toleafoa, Samoa’s High Commissioner to NZ; and Labour MP Pesetatamalelagi Barbara Edmonds . Image: Pesetatamalelagi Barbara Edmonds/RNZ Pacific

    As she accepted her honorary doctorate, she spoke about the importance of women taking on leadership roles.

    ‘Our powerful women’
    “Yes, many Pacific people will know how powerful our women are, especially our mothers, our grandmothers, and great grandmothers. We actually come from cultures of very powerful and very strong women . . .  it’s not centered in the individual women. It’s centered on the well-being of our families, and our communities. And that’s what women leadership is all about in the Pacific.”

    She did not expect the honourary doctorate from Te Herenga Waka Victoria University because “I’ve always been aspirational for others. And we Pacific people have been brought up that we are the people of the ‘we’ and not the me.”

    The number of Pasifika students enrolled at the University, during Luamanuvao’s time as Assistant Vice-Chancellor, increased from 4.70 percent in 2010 to 6.64 pecent in 2024. She said she “would have loved to have doubled that number” so that it was more in line with the number of Pasifika people living in New Zealand.

    Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban and supporters during an International Women’s day event in Wellington. Image: RNZ Pacific

    Two of the initiatives she started, during her time at the University, was the Pasifika Roadshow taking information about university life out to the wider community and the Improving Pasifika Legal Education Project.

    Helping Pasifika Law students succeed was very important to her. While Pasifika make up make up only 3 percent of Lawyers, they are overrepresented in the legal system, comprising 12 percent of the prison population.

    Another passion of hers was encouraging Pasifika to enter academia. “I think we’ve had an increase in Pacific academics in some areas. For example, with the Faculty of Law, we’ve got two senior Pacific women in lecturer positions . . . We’ve also got four associate professors, and now I’ve finished, there’s also a vacancy for another.”

    Prior to her work in education Luamanuvao was the first Pasifika woman to enter New Zealand politics, in 1999.

    First Pacific woman MP
    “I was fortunate that when I ran for Parliament, I ran first as a list MP, and as you know, within the parties, they have selection process that are quite robust, and so I became the first Pacific woman MP.”

    “What motivated me was the car parts factory that closed in Wainuiomata, and most of the workers were men, but they were also Pacific, Māori and palagi, who basically arrived at work one morning and were told the factory was closing.”

    “But what really hit me, and hurt me, that these were not the values of Aotearoa. They’re not the values of our Pacific region. These are human beings, and for many men, particularly, to have a job, it’s about providing for your family. It’s about status.

    “So, if factories were going to close down, where was the planning to upskill them so they could continue in employment? None of them wanted to go for the unemployment benefit.

    “They wanted to continue in paid work. So it’s those milestones that I make it worthwhile. It’s just a pity, because election cycles are three years, and as you know, people will vote how they want to vote, and if there’s a change, all the hard work you’ve put in gets reversed and but fundamentally, I believe that New Zealand and Pacific people have wonderful values that all of us try to live by, and that will continue to feed the light and ensure that people have a choice.”

    Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban PhD and her husband Dr Peter Swain. Image: Trudy Logologo/RNZ Pacific

    Although she first entered Parliament as a list MP, she subsequently won the Mana electorate seat. She retained the seat ,for the Labour party, from 2002 until she stepped away from politics in 2010.

    During that time she was Minister of Pacific Peoples, 2007-2008, and even though Labour was defeated in the 2008 election, she continued to hold the Mana seat by a comfortable margin.

    Mentoring many MPs
    Although she has left political life, Luamanuvao has also been involved in mentoring many Pasifika Members of Parliament, and helping them cope with the challenges and opportunities that go with the role.

    One of the primary motivators in her life has been the struggles of her parents, who left Samoa in 1954 to build a better future for their children, in New Zealand. She acknowledged that all of her successes can be attributed to her parents and the sacrifices they made.

    “Yes, well, I think everybody can look at a genealogy of history of families leaving their homeland to come to Aotearoa, why, to build a better life and opportunities, including education for their children.

    “And I often remind our generation of young people now that your parents left their home, for you. And I’ve often reflected because my parents have passed away on the pain of leaving their parents, but there was always this loving generosity in that both my parents were the eldest of huge families.

    “They left everything for them, and actually arrived in New Zealand with very little. But there was this determination to succeed.

    “Secondly, they are a minority in a country where they’re not the majority, or they are the indigenous people of their country. So also, overcoming those barriers, their hard work, their dreams, but more importantly, the huge love for our communities and fairness and justice was installed in Ken and I my brother, from a very young age, about serving and about giving and about reciprocity.”

    Although she has left her role in tertiary education Luamanuvao vows to continue working to support the next generation of Pasifika leaders, in New Zealand and around the Pacific region.

    Her lifelong commitment to service, continues as she’s a founding member of The Fale Malae Trust, a group whose vision is to build an internationally significant, landmark Fale Malae on the Wellington waterfront.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

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  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Manu jumping’: The physics behind making humongous splashes in the pool

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Pankaj Rohilla, Postdoctoral Fellow in Fluid Dynamics, Georgia Institute of Technology

    Maybe you’ve unknowingly tried to do a manu jump. Isabel Pavia/Moment via Getty Images

    Whether diving off docks, cannonballing into lakes or leaping off the high board, there’s nothing quite like the joy of jumping into water.

    Olympic divers turned this natural act into a sophisticated science, with the goal of making a splash as small as possible. But another sport looks for just the opposite: the extreme maximum splash, one as high, wide and loud as possible.

    Welcome to the world of “manu jumping.” Although not a familiar term in the United States, manu jumping is beloved throughout New Zealand. The sport originated in the Māori community, where popping a manu is a way of life. There, manu jumpers leap from bridges, wharves and diving platforms to make the giant splashes.

    The sport is playful yet competitive. At the Z Manu World Champs, you win based on the height and width of your splash. The current record: a splash more than 32 feet high (10 meters).

    The concept sounds simple, but like Olympic diving, it turns out there’s a science to manu jumping.

    In New Zealand, manu jumping is an obsession.

    The Worthington splash

    As fluid dynamicists, we study the way living organisms interact with fluids – for instance, how flamingos feed with their heads underwater,
    or how insects walk on water.

    So when we stumbled upon viral videos of manu jumping on TikTok and YouTube, our curiosity was triggered. We launched a scientific investigation into the art of making a splash.

    Our research was more than just fun and games. Optimizing how bodies enter fluids – whether those bodies are human, animal or mechanical – is an indispensable branch of science. Understanding the physics of water entry has implications for naval engineering, biomechanics and robotics.

    We discovered that creating the perfect manu splash isn’t just about jumping into the water. Instead, it’s about mastering aerial maneuvers, timing underwater movements and knowing exactly how to hit the surface.

    The microsecond the manu jumper hits the water is critical. Two splashes actually occur: The first, the crown splash, forms as the body breaks the surface. The next, the Worthington splash, is responsible for the powerful burst of water that shoots high into the air. Manu jumping is all about triggering and maximizing the Worthington splash.

    So we analyzed 75 YouTube videos of manu jumps. First, we noticed the technique: Jumpers land glutes first, with legs and torso scrunched up in a V-shaped posture.

    But the moment they go underwater, the divers roll back and kick out to straighten their bodies. This expands the air cavity, the space of air created in the water by the jump; then the cavity collapses, detaching itself from the body. This period of detachment is known as “pinch-off time” – when the collapse sends a jet of water shooting upward. All of this happens within a fraction of a second.

    The science behind making a big splash.

    Answers from Manubot

    We found that jumpers entered the water at a median V-angle of about 46 degrees. Intrigued, we recreated these movements in a lab aquarium, using 3D-printed, V-shaped projectiles to test different V-angles.

    The result? A 45-degree angle produced the fastest, tallest splashes, virtually matching what we observed in the human jumpers. V-angles greater than 45 degrees increased the risk of injury from landing flat on the back. We found it interesting that the jumpers very nearly hit the optimal angle largely through what appeared to be intuition and trial and error.

    Note how the splash of the V-shaped projectiles was highest at 45 degrees.

    Digging deeper, we then built Manubot, a robot that mimics human body movements during manu jumps. It’s able to switch from a V-shape to a straight posture underwater. This is how we learned the optimal timing to maximize splash size.

    For instance, for someone who’s 5-foot-7 and jumping from 1 meter, opening their body within 0.26 to 0.3 seconds of hitting the water resulted in the biggest splash. Open too soon or too late, and splash size is compromised.

    Here’s how the Manubot worked.

    One caveat: Humans are far more complex than any 3D-printed projectile or a Manubot. Factors such as weight distribution, flexibility and anatomical shape add nuance that our models can’t yet replicate.

    For now, though, our findings highlight a simple truth: Creating the perfect manu splash isn’t the result of luck. Instead, it relies on a carefully tuned symphony of aerial and underwater maneuvers. So the next time you see someone spray everyone in the pool with a gigantic jump, remember – there’s a beautiful science behind the splash.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. ‘Manu jumping’: The physics behind making humongous splashes in the pool – https://theconversation.com/manu-jumping-the-physics-behind-making-humongous-splashes-in-the-pool-255837

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Time for NZ media to ditch the propaganda and stand against genocide

    COMMENTARY: By Saige England in Christchurch

    “RNZ is failing in its duty to inform the public of an entirely preventable humanitarian catastrophe.”

    Tautoko to Jeremy Rose, Ramon Das and Eugene Doyle for this critique of a review of RNZ’s coverage of a genocide.

    Sadly, this highlights RNZ’s failure to report the genocide from the perspective of the very real victims — more journalists killed in Gaza than the whole of World War Two, aid workers murdered and buried, 17,000 children, including babies, who will never ever grow.

    I respect so many RNZ journalists and have always supported this important national broadcaster but it is time for it to pull up its pants, ditch the propaganda and report from the field of truth.

    I carry my Jewish ancestors in standing against genocide and calling for reports that show the truth of the travesty.

    For reporting on protests I have been pepper sprayed by thugged-up police donning US-style gloves and glasses (illegally carrying pepper spray and tasers).

    I was banned from my own town hall when I tried — with my E Tu press card — to attend the deputy leader Winston Peters’ media conference.

    This government does not want the truth reported, it seems.

    I have reported from the fields of invasion and conflict. I’ve taught journalism and communications. Good journalists remember journalism ethics. Reports from the point of view of the oppressor support the oppressor.

    Humanitarianism means not reporting from the perspective of a mercenary army — an army that has been enforcing apartheid for decades, and which is invoking a policy of extermination for expansion.

    Please read this media review and think of how you would feel if someone demanded that you leave your home. Palestinians have faced oppression and apartheid and “unhoming” for decades.

    Think of the intolerable weight of grief you would carry if a sniper put a bullet between the eyes of a child you love and know.

    Report on the victims. And stop subscribing to propaganda.

    Saige England is a journalist and author, and a member of the Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA). She is a frequent contributor to Asia Pacific Report. This was first published as a social media post.

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Media Council makes ‘stop Telikom PNG silencing journalists’ plea to PM Marape

    The Media Council of Papua New Guinea (MCPNG) has called on Prime Minister James Marape to stop Telikom PNG silencing and suppressing media personnel.

    Telikom PNG, which is 100 percent government-owned, has two key outlets: FM100 radio and EMTV.

    Recently, it sacked FM100 talkback host Culligan Tanda after he featured opposition East Sepik Governor Allan Bird on his show, following the most recent vote of no confidence.

    Local media report that Tanda was initially suspended for three weeks without pay on April 22, and subsequently terminated.

    MCPNG president Neville Choi said this was just the latest example of media suppression by Telikom PNG going back to 2018.

    He said that he himself was sacked in 2019 after EMTV had run a story quoting the former New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern saying she would not be riding in one of the PNG government’s luxury Maseratis during an APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting in Port Moresby.

    Choi said the story, though correct, was perceived as painting the government of the day in a “negative light”.

    ‘Free, robust media essential’
    He said a “free, robust, and independent media is an essential pillar of democracy”.

    “It is the cornerstone of allowing freedom of speech, and freedom of expression.

    “Being in a position of power and authority gives no one, especially brown-nosing public servants wanting to score brownie points with the sitting government administration, the right to suppress media workers who are only doing their jobs, and doing it well,” he said.

    The council also reminded the management’s of state-owned media organisations, that the Organic Law on the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) defined corrupt conduct by public officials and the dishonest exercising and abuse of official functions.

    According to a PNG Haus Bung report, Marape has directed his chief of staff to get to the bottom of the issue.

    He has also denied government interference, according to a report by Exeprenuer.

    “We don’t get down that low as to editorial content,” Marape was quoted as saying by the the online magazine.

    In December, Marape gave “full assurance that my government will not dilute the media’s role.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    Article by AsiaPacificReport.nz

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Ben Roberts-Smith has lost an appeal in his long-running defamation case. Here’s why

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rick Sarre, Emeritus Professor in Law and Criminal Justice, University of South Australia

    The full Federal Court has dismissed Ben Roberts-Smith’s appeal to have his defamation case loss overturned.

    It is important in seeking to understand this judgement to know the history of the case.

    In June 2023, Federal Court Justice Anthony Besanko handed down a 726-page judgement in the defamation case that Roberts-Smith, the most highly decorated serving member of the Australian Defence Force, had brought against Nine Entertainment news outlets.

    Reporters for the Sydney Morning Herald, the Canberra Times and The Age had alleged, in 2018, that Roberts-Smith, a patrol commander with the Australian Special Air Service Regiment, was a war criminal. They maintained he had murdered unarmed Afghan prisoners and civilians, and bullied fellow soldiers.

    These press reports were particularly galling to a man who had been awarded the Medal of Gallantry, the Victoria Cross, and a Commendation for Distinguished Service.

    He sued Nine Entertainment (then referred to as Fairfax Publications) and their investigative journalists.

    Submissions in the trial ended in July 2022 after 110 days of evidence. In the result, Justice Besanko determined that Nine Entertainment had not defamed Roberts-Smith. The judge found the reporting was capable of being deemed defamatory, but that most of the imputations were substantially true. That being the case, he upheld the defence of truth and contextual truth not only in relation to the allegations of murder, but also with respect to imputations regarding Roberts-Smith’s character.

    Roberts-Smith appealed to the full Federal Court. The appeal hearing ran for ten days in February 2024. Today, 15 months later, the appeal court consisting of Justices Nye Perram, Anna Katzmann and Geoffrey Kennett has dismissed his appeal.

    Because the case had national security implications, there is in place for a short period, a non-publication order over what is referred to as the “open court” reasons for judgement. The judges ordered that their reasons will not be available
    “until either the Commonwealth notifies the court and the parties that it has no objection to publication […] or 4pm on May 20, 2025, whichever is earlier”.

    In recent times it has become the practice of the Federal Court, in cases of public interest, to provide a summary to accompany the orders, available immediately. The summary provided to the public is not a complete statement of the conclusions reached. The only authoritative statement of the court’s reasons is that contained in the judgement that will be made available in due course.

    There are, however, a couple of matters that bear noting now.

    The first is that the appeal judges were unanimous in their support for the conclusions of the trial judge. In 2023, Justice Besanko made numerous adverse findings about the credibility of the evidence of Roberts-Smith, and the evidence of the witnesses whom he called on his behalf. Roberts-Smith sought to challenge all of those adverse findings and to point out errors in the trial judge’s findings. But it was to no avail.

    The appeal court’s summary states

    Having carefully considered all these matters, we are unanimously of the opinion that the evidence was sufficiently cogent to support the findings that the appellant murdered four Afghan men and to the extent that we have discerned error in the reasons of the primary judge, the errors were inconsequential. Accordingly, the appeal must be dismissed with costs.

    There is another, secondary matter arising from a side issue to the appeal, which bears mentioning here. When the draft judgement of the appeal court was close to completion, Roberts-Smith’s lawyers filed an application to lodge an amended notice of appeal. It referred to an audio recording that was sent anonymously to them in March this year. The recording purported to be a portion of a telephone conversation between investigative journalist Nick McKenzie and a witness whose identity is the subject of suppression orders.

    In this call, McKenzie was alleged to have admitted to using Roberts-Smith’s ex-wife as a source regarding her former husband’s legal strategy. Roberts-Smith’s lawyers said had they known of McKenzie’s alleged journalistic misconduct, they would have structured their arguments differently during the defamation trial.

    On the Federal Court website today, two judgements have been released in relation to the so-called McKenzie tape. The first gave the Roberts-Smith team a glimmer of hope. The appeal court judges determined that the application for them to hear the recording was, in fact, appropriate, and that the content was therefore admissible evidence in consideration of a new claim of miscarriage of justice.

    However, the second judgement extinguished any hope of this occurring. The appeal court judges concluded there was, in fact, no miscarriage of justice in not allowing the recording to be considered by a court.

    It’s been seven years since the allegations regarding Ben Roberts-Smith’s involvement in war crimes first surfaced. Roberts-Smith has indicated his intention to appeal to the High Court. This case may yet still have a way to run.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Ben Roberts-Smith has lost an appeal in his long-running defamation case. Here’s why – https://theconversation.com/ben-roberts-smith-has-lost-an-appeal-in-his-long-running-defamation-case-heres-why-223543

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  • MIL-Evening Report: With a new minister for early childhood education, what can the federal government do to make centres safer?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Victoria Minson, Senior Lecturer in Early Childhood Education, Australian Catholic University

    This week, more reports emerged of horrific abuse of children at childcare centres.
    An ABC investigation reported young children had suffered burns and been verbally abused. In another case, a baby was repeatedly slapped by an early childhood educator.

    This follows claims of sexual abuse and neglect earlier this year.

    On Tuesday, we also saw the appointment of Victorian senator Jess Walsh as the new minister for early childhood education. As a former head of the union responsible for the sector, Walsh comes to the role with a thorough understanding of early education issues. She will also sit in cabinet.

    What does Walsh and the re-elected Albanese government need to do to better ensure children’s safety in early childhood education and care? Here are three ideas.




    Read more:
    Amid claims of abuse, neglect and poor standards, what is going wrong with childcare in Australia?


    1. Design safer centres

    One place to start is how centres are set up.

    “Safety by design” is a concept used in other sectors (such as online safety) and has its origins in crime prevention. It means planning spaces and systems to prevent harm before it happens. This could include changing the environment, routines or rules.

    For example, clear lines of sight in a room help educators watch children, and each other, more easily. Secure entrances ensure only authorised people can come into a centre.

    But safety isn’t just about buildings; it also depends on people. Educators need the right training to spot risks and signs of harm, and to act early.

    This means building their capability: not just knowing what to do, but feeling confident to speak up and raise concerns. This confidence needs to be encouraged by managers and leaders in centres – staff should be supported to speak openly.

    2. Conduct a thorough investigation

    Australia has a system to monitor quality standards in early childhood services via the Australian Children’s Education and Care Quality Authority or ACECQA. This body oversees a National Quality Framework.

    On Friday, National Children’s Commissioner Anne Hollonds said Australia needs to “urgently strengthen” regulatory frameworks.

    The recent reports of abuse and noncompliance certainly raise a series
    of questions: how could this happen? How could “trained professionals” think this treatment of children is OK?

    Multiple systemic failures could be the answer – meaning the mechanisms or processes in place to stop situations going from unacceptable to unfathomable, failed.

    A federally convened taskforce could investigate these breaches of child safety to identify risks and failures and prevent further cases of harm. Rather than yet another long inquiry, a taskforce could help get to the root of the problems and recommend solutions that can be implemented quickly.




    Read more:
    How can you tell if your child’s daycare is good quality?


    3. Boost the status of early childhood education

    Governments can also invest in the ongoing professionalisation of early childhood educators. They can do this by insisting on higher qualifications, pay, professional development and a strong ethical framework.

    In turn, this can enhance the ability of those in the sector to prevent and respond to abusive practices.

    Admittedly, the federal government has taken steps to increase requirements around qualifications and pay. But early childhood professionals continue to endure low status in the community.

    The people who work in early childhood services are not “babysitters” – they are trained educators. Early childhood education is also more than a means to increase productivity, by enabling parents to work. It provides education and care to children at a crucial time in their development.

    None of these perceptions help the sector or the service it provides. The whole community needs to understand the vital role it plays in our society – just like schools or hospitals.

    If Australians appreciate and value early childhood education, they can advocate for (or at least support) improvements and investments.

    A final word to parents

    It is understandable parents might find recent headlines about abuse and neglect in early childhood centres distressing. Keep in mind, 91% of early childhood services have been assessed as at least meeting national quality standards.

    If you have any concerns about your service, you can contact the regulatory authority in your state or territory.

    Victoria Minson is the Course Coordinator for the Bachelor of Early Childhood Education (Birth to Five Years) (Accelerated) at Australian Catholic University. The Victorian offering of the course has received funding from the Victorian government and Victorian Department of Education. Victoria also receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    Daryl Higgins receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the National Health and Medical Research Council, and Australian Government and state/territory government departments.

    ref. With a new minister for early childhood education, what can the federal government do to make centres safer? – https://theconversation.com/with-a-new-minister-for-early-childhood-education-what-can-the-federal-government-do-to-make-centres-safer-256802

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Waste-to-energy in Australia: how it works, where new incinerators could go, and how they stack up

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Abbas, Associate Dean (Research), University of Sydney

    Martin Mecnarowski, Shutterstock.

    Every year, Australia buries millions of tonnes of waste in landfills. But these sites are filling fast, recycling has its own limitations, and most waste export is banned. So councils and state governments are looking for alternatives.

    Several large-scale incinerators have been proposed, to turn municipal solid waste into electricity. One is already up and running in Perth’s outer suburbs.

    The A$1.5 billion Parkes Energy Recovery project planned for New South Wales would be Australia’s biggest. However, community backlash over potential health risks could put the plan in doubt.

    As chemical engineers, we recognise the potential benefits of this technology. Modern facilities operating around the world show these processes can be efficient, safe and environmentally controlled. However, minimal risk does not mean zero risk. Understanding both the benefits and challenges is crucial to address community concerns.

    What is waste-to-energy?

    Waste-to-energy, also known as energy-from-waste, can transform waste otherwise destined for landfill into electricity, heat or fuel.

    This does not replace recycling. Instead, it offers a solution for materials that are difficult or impossible to recycle. Care must be taken, however, to ensure waste-to-energy technologies complement rather than supplant recycling efforts.

    How does it work?

    There are three main types of waste-to-energy technologies:

    1. Thermal: use heat to generate steam, which spins turbines to create electricity. The heat can come from burning waste, producing carbon dioxide, water and ash. Alternatively, solid waste can be turned into gas (hydrogen and carbon monoxide). This process is known as gasification.

    2. Biological: use microorganisms to break down organic matter in the waste stream, producing biogas, mainly methane. This is then used for power or heat generation.

    3. Chemical: use processes such as pyrolysis or hydrothermal liquefaction to convert hard-to-recycle materials into fuels or chemicals. These can feed into industrial and manufacturing processes.

    What’s holding Australia back?

    When most Australians hear about making energy from waste, they think of
    old-fashioned incinerators. Those outdated facilities released smoke and toxins into the air.

    But modern incinerators use advanced air pollution control systems that capture harmful emissions.

    Some use static electricity to remove dust or smoke particles from the gas stream. Other pollution control systems include acid gas scrubbers, catalytic converters and fabric filters.

    This can cut emissions of fine particles by up to 99%.

    The volume of waste sent to landfill is also reduced by up to 90%. What remains includes incinerator bottom ash and fly ash. Often these can be reused in making concrete, pavement and other construction materials. But regulatory issues will need to be overcome before this can happen in Australia.

    Introducing the Parkes project

    The Parkes Energy Recovery project, announced in March, promises to process around 600,000 tonnes of waste a year. This should generate at least 60 megawatts of electricity – enough to power 80,000 homes.

    To receive development approval, the project must comply with stringent environmental and health standards. This includes preparing an Environmental Impact Statement and Human Health Risk Assessment. The NSW Environment Protection Authority may then issue an Environment Protection Licence. Such a licence requires ongoing monitoring and frequent audits.

    Extensive community consultation is underway.

    Other projects around Australia

    There are two waste-to-energy plants in Western Australia, one at Kwinana and another under construction at East Rockingham. A third plant has been given the go-ahead in Victoria, at Maryvale.

    Kwinana received its first delivery of waste in July 2024.

    Licences to build other major waste-to-energy facilities have been issued in Victoria. Various proposals are also being considered in New South Wales, Queensland and South Australia.

    Australia’s first standalone, large-scale waste-to-energy plant in WA | ABC News.

    Taking tips from overseas

    A shortage of landfill sites in cities across Europe and Asia originally promoted investment in waste-to-energy technology. These power plants are now commonplace in Germany, the Netherlands and Japan, substantially reducing reliance on landfill.

    The Amager Bakke plant in Copenhagen shows how such facilities can also enrich a community. This award-winning building doubles as a public recreation space, complete with a rooftop ski slope.

    In China, the proposed Shenzhen East Waste-to-Energy Plant could process 5,000 tonnes of waste a day. That works out to 1.8 million tonnes of waste a year, if run continuously.

    One of the world’s largest waste-to-energy plants is in Shenzhen, China (Dezeen)

    Waste-to-energy and the circular economy

    Waste-to-energy technology is useful in the transition to a circular economy. This is an economy where resources are continually cycled through the system and never wasted.

    Reusing, recycling and reducing waste must remain top priorities. Waste-to-energy technology should then be used as a last resort, extracting value from hard- or impossible-to-recycle materials.

    It’s certainly better than sending waste to landfill. When buried underground, waste can leach toxins into soil, ground and surface water. The potent greenhouse gas methane is also released when food rots in landfill.

    Over-reliance on waste-to-energy could supplant more sustainable circular recycling efforts. But incineration plants are being scaled back in Europe, as the focus shifts to reuse.

    Copenhagen’s power plant is also a ski slope (The Impossible Build)

    The case for waste-to-energy

    Despite its potential, waste-to-energy technology remains controversial in Australia. Some local communities remain concerned about emissions and potential long-term health risks. Environmental groups also question the potential effects on recycling rates.

    Nevertheless, growing awareness of the limitations of recycling, increasing landfill levies, bans on waste exports, and ambitious federal and state circular economy strategies are making waste-to-energy a more pragmatic option. Stringent regulation and community consultation will be necessary to get these projects off the ground.

    Responsible use of modern waste-to-energy technology can generate electricity and heat for homes with minimal emissions, and can extend benefits that serve local communities. It can also complement Australia’s renewable energy targets while taking a better approach to managing waste.

    Professor Ali Abbas is Associate Dean (Research) at the University of Sydney Faculty of Engineering. He is Australia’s Chief Circular Engineer (Circular Australia), and Founder and Executive Director Innovation at Scimita Group, a Deep Tech Innovation House working in sustainable technologies. He has previously advised government and industry on energy-from-waste and circular economy topics.

    Dominic Bui Viet is a Research Fellow at The University of Sydney in the Faculty of Engineering. He has previously received funding from a Cooperative Research Centre projects grant to conduct research into pyrolysis technologies for waste management.

    Eric Sanjaya is a Research Fellow at The University of Sydney, Faculty of Engineering. He has previously advised government and industry on energy-from-waste and circular economy topics

    ref. Waste-to-energy in Australia: how it works, where new incinerators could go, and how they stack up – https://theconversation.com/waste-to-energy-in-australia-how-it-works-where-new-incinerators-could-go-and-how-they-stack-up-254395

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 16, 2025

    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 16, 2025.

    Waste-to-energy in Australia: how it works, where new incinerators could go, and how they stack up
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ali Abbas, Associate Dean (Research), University of Sydney Martin Mecnarowski, Shutterstock. Every year, Australia buries millions of tonnes of waste in landfills. But these sites are filling fast, recycling has its own limitations, and most waste export is banned. So councils and state governments are looking for

    The sun will come out tomorrow: remembering the life and music of Charles Strouse
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Mara Davis Johnson, Lecturer in Creative and Performing Arts, University of Wollongong The Broadway community is today mourning the passing of Charles Strouse at the age of 96, the legendary composer behind hits like Bye Bye Birdie (1960), Applause (1970) and Annie (1976). Strouse was born on

    No chance to say goodbye – defeated MPs will rue not giving valedictory speeches
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amy Nethery, Associate professor of politics and policy, Deakin University Former Greens leader Adam Bandt’s 15-year career in federal parliament came to an end in a nondescript park in Melbourne, far from the seat of power in Canberra. He was there to concede defeat in the federal

    How accurate are my medical records? You might be surprised how often errors creep in
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sheree Lloyd, Senior Lecturer in Health Services Management, University of Tasmania DC Studio/Shutterstock Medical records of hundreds of patients at a Sydney hospital’s cancer genetics service have been reviewed following irregularities related to care by a single specialist. According to St Vincent’s Hospital, in about 520 records,

    So your primary school child has a ‘boyfriend’ or ‘girlfriend’. Should you be worried?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cher McGillivray, Assistant Professor in Psychology, Bond University Karhut/Shutterstock If you have a child in primary school you may not be expecting to help them manage romantic relationships. Surely this is an issue for the high school years? While young children do not experience romantic love in

    Viral ‘Hongdae boy’ videos expose the fringe group of South Korean men trying to sleep with foreign women
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanna Elfving-Hwang, Associate Professor (Korean Society and Culture), Dean International (Korea), Curtin University Shutterstock If you’re on TikTok, you may have come across “Hongdae boys” or “Hongdae guys” recently. In a social media context, the term refers to a group of young South Korean men who prey

    A trial is testing ways to enforce Australia’s under-16s social media ban. But the tech is flawed
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexia Maddox, Senior Lecturer in Pedagogy and Education Futures, La Trobe University De Visu/Shutterstock Australia’s move to ban under-16s from social media is receiving widespread praise. Other countries, including the United Kingdom, Ireland, Singapore and Japan, are also now reportedly considering similar moves. The ban was legislated

    Banning young people from social media sounds like a silver bullet. Global evidence suggests otherwise
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jasleen Chhabra, Research Fellow, Centre for Youth Mental Health, The University of Melbourne Monkey Business / Shutterstock Around 98% of Australian 15-year-olds use social media. Platforms such as TikTok, Snapchat and Instagram are where young people connect with friends and online communities, explore and express their identities,

    This election, young people held the most political power. Here’s how they voted
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Intifar Chowdhury, Lecturer in Government, Flinders University This election, a lot of focus was directed at young voters. With Millennials and Gen Z now making up a larger share of the electorate than Baby Boomers, this was deserved. But for all the attempts to reach these cohorts,

    Grattan on Friday: Ley and Littleproud have had a prickly relationship – can they negotiate a smooth future?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra With the future of the Coalition relationship on the line, Nationals leader David Littleproud drove to his Liberal counterpart Sussan Ley’s hometown of Albury this week. They had much to talk about, and it wasn’t going to be easy. Littleproud

    Likely final House seat outcome: 94 Labor, 44 Coalition, 12 Others
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne The ABC has called Labor wins in 93 of the 150 House of Representatives seats. The Coalition has won 43 seats, the Greens one and all Others

    Fresh start for the Greens, with new leader Larissa Waters
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nathan Fioritti, Lecturer in Politics, School of Social Sciences, Monash University Queensland Senator Larissa Waters is the new leader of the Australian Greens, following a two-hour partyroom meeting held in the wake of the party’s lacklustre performance in the May 3 election. Waters was elected unopposed. New

    The new leader of the Greens sits in the Senate. Why is that so unusual in Australian politics?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anne Twomey, Professor Emerita in Constitutional Law, University of Sydney The 2025 federal election resulted in some unexpected outcomes, including the loss by the Greens Leader, Adam Bandt, of his seat in the House of Representatives. The new Greens leader is Senator Larissa Waters. Does it matter

    Trump signed plenty of contracts in the Middle East, but he’s no closer to the two ‘deals’ he really wants
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shahram Akbarzadeh, Convenor, Middle East Studies Forum (MESF), and Deputy Director (International), Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation, Deakin University US President Donald Trump’s visit to Arab states in the Middle East this week generated plenty of multibillion-dollar deals. He said more than US$1 trillion (A$1.5

    As the Latrobe Valley moves away from coal jobs, could a green worker’s cooperative offer a solution?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gregory Patmore, Emeritus Professor of Business and Labour History, University of Sydney Workers at Earthworker Energy Manufacturing Co-op Worker cooperatives may sound like something out of the 19th century, but they still exist in the age of global capitalism. In Spain, for instance, the Mondragon Corporation is

    It’s wild mushroom season in Australia. Here’s how to stay safe and avoid poisoning
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darren Roberts, Conjoint Associate Professor in Clinical Pharmacology and Toxicology, St Vincent’s Healthcare Clinical Campus, UNSW Sydney dannersjb/Shutterstock A number of Australian states including New South Wales, Victoria and South Australia have issued warnings in recent weeks about the risks of eating wild mushrooms. Mushrooms generally grow

    Dishevelled, dehydrated delirium: new Aussie film The Surfer, starring Nicolas Cage, is an absolute blast
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Grace Russell, Lecturer, School of Media, Film and Journalism, Monash University Madman Entertainment Nicolas Cage has made a career from his highly entertaining scenery chewing. He follows a performance style he calls “Nouveau Shamanic” – an exaggerated form of method acting where he acts according to the

    Disheveled, dehydrated delirium: new Aussie film The Surfer, staring Nicolas Cage, is an absolute blast
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Grace Russell, Lecturer, School of Media, Film and Journalism, Monash University Madman Entertainment Nicolas Cage has made a career from his highly entertaining scenery chewing. He follows a performance style he calls “Nouveau Shamanic” – an exaggerated form of method acting where he acts according to the

    ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for May 15, 2025
    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on May 15, 2025.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: The space race is being reshaped by geopolitics, offering opportunities for countries such as New Zealand

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Peter Zámborský, Senior Lecturer, Management & International Business, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    NASA/Getty Imges

    The space economy is being reshaped — not just by innovation, but by geopolitics. What was once dominated by state space agencies, and more recently by private ventures, is evolving into a hybrid model in which government priorities and commercial capabilities are intertwined.

    The rise of protectionist policies, tariff wars, export controls and national security concerns is forcing space firms to adapt their strategies – and in many cases, to rethink where and how they operate.

    This offers countries such as New Zealand the opportunity to stand out in the new space race – becoming neutral ground with fewer trade and other regulatory barriers for the growth of the emerging hybrid space economy.

    Looking to space

    The New Zealand government plans to double the size of the space and advanced aviation sectors by 2030. Already, about 20,000 workers are employed in these sectors, generating US$1.8 billion in revenue.

    New Zealand’s flagship player in the space sector is Rocket Lab. Founded in 2006, the integrated space firm was listed on NASDAQ in 2021. By the end of 2024, the company was worth around US$8 billion.

    While its headquarters are in the United States, Rocket Lab also operates in Canada and keeps around 700 of its 2,000 global staff and its key launch site in New Zealand. Recently, it also announced the acquisition of a German optical communications supplier, Mynaric.

    Founded in New Zealand by Peter Beck, Rocket Lab is now headquartered in the United States with sites in Canada and elsewhere.
    Phil Walter/Getty Images

    Opportunities in US trade war

    Rocket Lab’s decision to engage in substantial foreign investment and diversify its operations across the US, New Zealand, Canada and Europe gives it flexibility in responding to the US-initiated trade war.

    The current and possible future US tariffs have created uncertainty for investors. Along with retaliatory measures by China and other nations, these developments have significant consequences for space firms.

    Companies in this field rely on globally sourced components (for example, semiconductors and electronic components) and materials such as steel and specialised fuel for their operations.

    Firms based in just one location can suffer from tariffs or retaliatory restrictions. But those with operations in several countries — especially in more neutral countries such as New Zealand and some Southeast Asian nations — may benefit from geopolitical tensions. Geostrategic diversification gives them more options, including less risky locations for operations, trade and investments in the space sector.

    A recent Deloitte report noted that companies in the space ecosystem may prefer to look for launch sites and satellite providers on neutral ground.

    Initiatives are already emerging in Indonesia and Malaysia to construct commercial spaceports and attract investment in satellite manufacturing.

    The benefits of being neutral

    The rising geopolitical tensions mean new space firms from relatively neutral countries such as New Zealand are increasingly aligning with national defence priorities. The emerging hybrid space economy is, in some ways, a response to this global power realignment.

    New Zealand has historically sought to balance strong trade ties with China, its largest trading partner, with security cooperation with the US as part of the Five Eyes intelligence alliance. But recent developments have prompted a reassessment.

    Notably, the presence of Chinese warships in the Tasman Sea and upheavals in the global security climate after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has led to a review of New Zealand’s defence posture.

    The government is now aiming to double defence spending to 2% of GDP. The US military has held talks with New Zealand about launching more satellites from this country.

    Earlier this year, Rocket Lab also declared it was “ready to serve the Pentagon”. For example, it secured contracts worth about US$500 million to launch a satellite from New Zealand for BlackSky, a US-based space-based intelligence provider.

    Rocket Lab also became one of five launch companies invited to compete for missions under the US National Security Space Launch program. This program puts the most valuable military and spy satellites into orbit, worth up to US$6 billion of Pentagon contracts in the next few years.

    Tapping into foreign investment

    Nations’ increased needs for domestic space defence capabilities also create foreign investment opportunities. For example, Airbus will design and build a new military satellite system costing about US$170 million in the United Kingdom to improve real-time military imagery.

    Ongoing economic strife and possible military conflicts have important implications for the strategies of new space firms and the policies of nations seeking space investment.

    New space firms may redirect their investment to countries where their main customers are located (for example, the US or European Union) or to neutral countries less affected by geopolitical tensions (for example, New Zealand). This allows them to diversify and reduce exposure to tariffs and other restrictions.

    In New Zealand, this may mean more government investment not only by Rocket Lab, but also involvement by other industry players from the US, Japan or Europe.

    Commercial opportunities in the new space sector will remain. But the shape of the sector may move towards a more hybrid space, recognising both commercial and national security interests in times of economic war.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The space race is being reshaped by geopolitics, offering opportunities for countries such as New Zealand – https://theconversation.com/the-space-race-is-being-reshaped-by-geopolitics-offering-opportunities-for-countries-such-as-new-zealand-256773

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why Anthony Albanese’s presence at Pope Leo’s inauguration is shrewd politics

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darius von Guttner Sporzynski, Historian, Australian Catholic University

    When Prime Minister Anthony Albanese steps into St Peter’s Square for the inaugural Mass of Pope Leo XIV on Sunday, the optics will be far more than pious courtesy.

    For a day, the Vatican will temporarily be the world’s premier diplomatic stage. And a canny Australian leader can use such an occasion to advance domestic and foreign policy agendas simultaneously.

    Faith optics and domestic politics

    Albanese has lately spoken of “reconnecting” with his Catholic heritage. He called the election of the US-born pontiff “momentous” for believers and non-believers alike.

    In multicultural Australia, where roughly one in four citizens identifies as Catholic, Albanese’s trip to the Vatican allows him to reassure a core constituency that sometimes feels politically overlooked: Catholics.

    This signalling costs Albanese nothing. Yet, it helps to boost Labor’s broader narrative of inclusion and respect for faith communities.

    St Peter’s Square as a diplomatic crossroads

    The inaugural mass will also attract a rare concentration of global powerbrokers in one square kilometre. The head-of-state guest list is still fluid, but several confirmations make the trip worth Albanese’s while.

    Albanese’s most immediate objective will likely be to revive free-trade negotiations with the European Union, which broke down in 2023.

    The Australian has reported that Albanese hopes to bend the ear of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President António Costa.

    Albanese will also get a chance to meet Prince Edward, who will represent King Charles III, as well as his newly elected counterpart in Canada, Prime Minister Mark Carney.

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky is also expected to attend after a week of overtures to the new pope concerning Kyiv’s quest for a just peace in its war with Russia.

    Speculation was swirling around the possibility of US President Donald Trump returning to Rome, fresh from his high-visibility appearance at Pope Francis’s funeral on April 26.

    But Vice President JD Vance will lead the US delegation, joined by Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

    For Albanese, a corridor encounter with Vance would allow him to set a personal tone before his expected visit to Washington later this year, without the media glare that accompanies an Oval Office photo-op.

    Why leaders flock to the Vatican

    Some commentators may frame the attendance of world leaders at the mass cynically: a chance to use a sacred event for their own political purposes.

    Yet, politicians have long been a fixture at papal events. Such participation is hardly exceptional. It reflects a centuries-old dynamic in which those with temporal political power seek moral sanction, and the papacy demonstrates its enduring capacity to convene the political order.

    Pope Francis’s inauguration in 2013 drew 31 heads of state and 132 official delegations from national governments or international organisations.

    And John Paul II’s funeral in 2005 assembled more than 80 sitting heads of state. It was one of the largest gatherings of leaders in modern history.

    Why does the Vatican exert such magnetic pull?

    First, it is a neutral micro-state whose moral authority can confer legitimacy on secular, political initiatives. Consider, for example, John Paul II’s role in Poland’s democratic revolution.

    Second, the Holy See’s diplomatic corps is the world’s oldest continuous foreign service. It boasts diplomatic relations with 184 states, including Palestine and Taiwan (one of a dozen states in the world to do so).

    Although every pontiff is first and foremost the universal pastor of the Catholic Church, the Lateran Treaty of 1929 also endowed him with full sovereignty over the territory of Vatican City.

    The pope’s head-of-state status is most visible at multilateral forums. In 2024, for instance, Pope Francis became the first pontiff to address a G7 summit, speaking in a special session on artificial intelligence.

    He also had a string of bilateral meetings on the sidelines with the leaders of the United States, Ukraine, France, Brazil, Turkey, Canada and India, among others.

    When a pope travels, host governments roll out the symbols of a state visit, though the Vatican insists on calling such trips “apostolic journeys”. Conversely, when foreign leaders come to Rome, they are received in the pope’s own apartments, not in a government palace. These meetings therefore take on a spiritual, as well as political, cast.

    In short, the pope moves with ease between being a shepherd and sovereign. His spiritual authority opens doors for dialogue, while his head-of-state status allows him to receive ambassadors, sign treaties and sit across the table from presidents and prime ministers.

    The result is a singular blend of moral voice and diplomatic reach unmatched in global affairs.

    Pragmatic statecraft under the colonnade

    For a middle-power such as Australia, dialogue between a prime minister and a pope can have a multiplier top-down effect. These discussions often echo across chancelleries in the Global South, especially in Catholic Latin America and the Philippines. These are both priority markets for Australian education and green-hydrogen exports.

    In Rome, Albanese can also affirm Australia’s commitment to multilateralism at a moment when Indo-Pacific tensions have nudged Canberra towards increased defence spending and an over-militarised image. The sacred stage permits a softer register: diplomacy as dialogue, not deterrence.

    When the incense clears on Sunday, most viewers will remember the pageantry: the fisherman’s ring (a gold signet ring cast for each new pope), the pallium (the white woollen band draped over the pope’s shoulders during mass), and the roar of 100,000 pilgrims.

    Yet, the quieter choreography in the diplomatic boxes may shape trade flows, security partnerships and refugee corridors for years.

    Albanese appears to have recognised this rare alchemy. Showing up in Rome is pragmatic statecraft, executed under Bernini’s colonnade. This is where religious and political figures have long mingled — and will continue to do so as long as popes and prime minister seize the moment.

    Darius von Guttner Sporzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why Anthony Albanese’s presence at Pope Leo’s inauguration is shrewd politics – https://theconversation.com/why-anthony-albaneses-presence-at-pope-leos-inauguration-is-shrewd-politics-256696

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Saudi Arabia has big AI ambitions. They could come at the cost of human rights

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Niusha Shafiabady, Associate Professor in Computational Intelligence, Australian Catholic University

    This week, on his tour of the Middle East, United States President Donald Trump unveiled a suite of new deals with Saudi Arabia.

    Trump claimed the deals were worth more than US$1 trillion (A$1.5 trillion). This is likely an overestimate. What’s less murky is that many of these deals involve the development of artificial intelligence (AI) technology.

    This news came shortly after Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince and de facto ruler, Mohammed bin Salman, launched a new company known as Humain to develop and manage AI. The company is part of Saudi Arabia’s state-run investment firm, and is seeking to create powerful Arabic large language models. This would be significant for the more than 450 million people who speak Arabic around the world.

    These developments are part of Saudi Arabia’s vision to become a global AI hub, as it tries to diversify its economy away from oil.

    But as AI grows in Saudi Arabia, it could have consequences – including for human rights.

    An absolute monarchy

    Saudi Arabia is an absolute monarchy in which the unelected king holds total authority in the way the country is run. According to nonprofit organisation Freedom House, the country “restricts almost all political rights and civil liberties”.

    The country has been criticised by Human Rights Watch for human rights issues, including suppressing free speech and targeting government critics.

    In one extreme example, in October 2018, one of the government’s most vocal critics, Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi, was assassinated at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey. A 2021 US intelligence report concluded Mohammed bin Salman approved the assassination.

    Discrimination against women is another major human rights concern. These issues have led to serious concerns about overall freedoms in the country.

    Becoming a global AI hub

    Saudi Arabia is expanding its efforts to extend economic opportunities while positioning the country at the forefront of global AI innovation. According to the Global AI Index, the country’s public AI spending commitments significantly outrank those of the US and China, totalling more than $40 billion over the next decade.

    The newly-launched AI company, Humain, is at the centre of Saudi Arabia’s efforts to become a global AI hub.

    This week the company announced a partnership with NVIDIA, which develops special computer chips known as graphic processing units – or GPUs – for AI. NVIDIA will support the creation of AI data centres in Saudi Arabia by exporting “several hundred thousand” of its most advanced GPUs over the next five years.

    Humain will also deploy an AI platform developed by NVIDIA to enable industries to create digital twins. These are virtual replicas of physical environments that aim to enhance efficiency and sustainability.

    Alongside its partnership with NVIDIA, Humain also announced a new US$5 billion partnership with Amazon Web Services. This will help build a suite of AI infrastructure in Saudi Arabia.

    More broadly, Saudi Arabia is embedding AI into urban development. The technology is at the heart of its megacity development known as The Line. AI is also being deployed to streamline traffic systems and enhance energy efficiency.

    This is something the general public in Saudi Arabia support. For example, a 2022 survey by Ipsos found 76% of adults in Saudi Arabia believed that products and services using AI have more benefits than drawbacks. This compared to a global country average of 52%.

    Nonprofit organisation Freedom House says the monarchy that governs Saudi Arabia restricts almost all political rights and civil liberties.
    Chaudhary Umair Ahmad/Shutterstock

    A digital authoritarian tool

    Saudi Arabia already uses AI and other digital technologies to monitor citizens and control dissent.

    For example, the country reportedly used spyware on devices belonging to Jamal Khashoggi’s relatives in the lead up to his murder.

    The Line will also incorporate digital tracking systems of citizens. This has led some critics to describe it as a “surveillance city”.

    With the country’s track record in mind, the huge expansion of Saudi Arabia’s AI capabilities creates further opportunities for the regime to use the technology in ways that could be of concern.

    In a 2024 paper political scientist Nayera Mohamed Hamed Ibrahim described AI in Saudi Arabia as being a “digital authoritarian tool” which further entrenched the absolute power of the monarchy and its control over civilian life.

    The technology risks becoming an even more powerful digital authoritarian tool in Saudi Arabia as the country continues its march to becoming one of the world’s biggest developers of AI.

    Niusha Shafiabady does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Saudi Arabia has big AI ambitions. They could come at the cost of human rights – https://theconversation.com/saudi-arabia-has-big-ai-ambitions-they-could-come-at-the-cost-of-human-rights-256793

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: You usually need more than a few drops of blood, saliva or urine to detect illnesses. Here’s why

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amali Cooray, PhD Candidate in Genetic Engineering and Cancer, WEHI (Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research)

    Lumen Photos/Shutterstock

    In the 2000s, biotech company Theranos promised to revolutionise blood testing. Founder Elizabeth Holmes claimed Theranos technology could perform hundreds of tests using just a finger-prick drop of blood. If true, their diagnostics would be faster, cheaper and more accessible.

    Theranos raised hundreds of millions of dollars from investors and was valued at more than US$9 billion in 2015.

    However, the technology never worked, leading to one of the biggest scandals in biotech history. Theranos was secretly using traditional machines to run many tests, then claiming the results came from its own (non-functional) device. Holmes was eventually convicted of fraud and sentenced to 11 years in prison.

    Today, a new startup, Haemanthus, claims to have developed a similar technology. Co-founded by Billy Evans (Holmes’ partner), this new company says it can detect and diagnose illnesses using tiny amounts of blood, urine, or even saliva.

    While technology has advanced since Theranos’ time, it’s important to consider these claims carefully.

    Clinicians and lab techs can currently detect many conditions with blood, and some with urine or saliva. These are an important tools in modern medicine. However, the volumes required are usually much greater than a few drops or a dab.

    What can blood detect?

    Blood circulates through all organs, transporting cells, nutrients, hormones and waste products. Blood tests collect several millilitres of blood from a vein and send this to a laboratory for analysis.

    Blood tests can check if a person has signs of infection or disease, to monitor organ function, or to show how a person is responding to medical treatment. Blood tests are widely used to monitor heart disease, diabetes, kidney disease, or deficiencies in iron or vitamins.

    A significant proportion of medical decisions are based on laboratory analysis of blood tests. Making them more affordable and accessible would have great benefits.

    What about urine?

    Urine is produced by the kidneys and contains waste filtered from the blood. The colour and composition of urine gives you a snapshot of any problems the body might be trying to fix.

    Urine analysis can detect urinary tract infections, kidney disorders, diabetes and liver diseases by measuring sugars, proteins and cells.

    Urine can detect some infections such as UTIs.
    AnaLysiSStudiO/Shutterstock

    As urine tests are non-invasive and easy to administer, they can be used to quickly screen for some conditions.

    However, factors such as how much you’ve had to drink and what you’ve eaten can influence urine composition, potentially affecting test results.

    Saliva can also be used for diagnoses

    Saliva is the clear, watery liquid produced by salivary glands in the mouth. It’s mostly water (around 99%), but also contains various substances such as hormones, antibodies, enzymes, DNA, RNA and metabolites.

    Saliva testing is already used in clinical settings to detect HIV antibodies, monitor levels of cortisol (a marker of stress) and to diagnose viral infections such as COVID.

    The potential of saliva as another non-invasive diagnostic tool is growing, especially as researchers identify more markers of disease that it can contain.

    However, saliva production varies between individuals. The composition of saliva can be impacted by what you eat and drink, the time of day, or even stress. These variations can limit how consistent and reliable saliva can be for making a diagnosis.

    But how much of it do you need?

    While diagnosing diseases using bodily fluids isn’t new, Haemanthus and other startups differentiate themselves by aiming (and claiming) to need only small amounts for multiple tests: a drop of blood, a swab of saliva, or a few milliliters of urine. This would mean faster, cheaper, more convenient tests that cause less discomfort.

    The promise of avoiding traditional blood tests is appealing.
    Ronald Rampsch/Shutterstock

    But there are physical limitations of small samples. Many diagnostic markers (called biomarkers) are only present in very low amounts in our body fluids.

    When the sample amount decreases, so do the amounts of the biomarkers, making it harder to detect them reliably. This is particularly true for biomarkers such as hormones, cancer markers, or early-stage disease indicators.

    What can you detect with a few drops?

    Of course, some conditions can be diagnosed using small samples, but generally only one condition is tested for with each small sample, unlike the claims of companies like Theranos.

    Finger-prick blood samples, for example, can monitor blood glucose levels of people with diabetes.

    Small urine samples can detect urinary tract infections, but not all types of infections at once.

    The specific biomarkers for these conditions can be reliably detectable in small amounts of fluid.

    To diagnose more complex conditions, or even unknown conditions, multiple tests may be required, each needing different sample preparations. This requires both volume and precision – two things tests with small sample volumes struggle to deliver.

    What happens next?

    While the idea of diagnosing illnesses with small fluid samples is promising, especially for remote or resource-limited settings, the science suggests we should be cautious.

    Most human diseases are complicated, and we usually need comprehensive testing approaches to diagnose them. Relying only on small fluid samples could lead to misdiagnosis, delayed treatments, or unnecessary interventions.

    Innovations in biosensor technology, machine learning algorithms and biomarker discovery continue to advance the field. And one day, fast and reliable small volume testing may be possible.

    However, a lot more peer-reviewed research and regulatory approvals will be essential to ensure patient safety and diagnostic accuracy.




    Read more:
    Worried about getting a blood test? 5 tips to make them easier (and still accurate)


    John (Eddie) La Marca receives funding from Cancer Council Victoria. He is affiliated with the Olivia Newton-John Cancer Research Institute and the Walter and Eliza Hall Institute of Medical Research.

    Sarah Diepstraten receives funding from Cure Cancer Australia and My Room Children’s Cancer Charity.

    Amali Cooray does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. You usually need more than a few drops of blood, saliva or urine to detect illnesses. Here’s why – https://theconversation.com/you-usually-need-more-than-a-few-drops-of-blood-saliva-or-urine-to-detect-illnesses-heres-why-256562

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  • MIL-Evening Report: To boost the nation’s health, the government’s proposed food strategy must put people over profits

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Rachael Walshe, Post-doctoral Researcher, University of Canberra

    crbellette/sShutterstock

    On election night, a triumphant Anthony Albanese took to the stage brandishing a Medicare card as a symbol of the nation’s commitment to public healthcare.

    As the re-elected government gets to work on its promised national food security strategy “Feeding Australia”, it has a unique opportunity to build a strategic agenda as bold and transformative as Medicare.

    That agenda is investment in food as a public good – a recognition that a healthy food system is as important to the nation’s health and wellbeing as access to hospitals, bulk-billing doctors and subsidised medicines.

    Feeding Australia

    The new Labor government, with its large majority, has a once-in-a-generation chance to deliver meaningful change in our food system.

    It went into the election promising a new food security strategy, which Agriculture Minister Julie Collins says will improve supply chain resilience and and minimise price volatility at the checkout:

    Australia has an impressive record in agriculture, feeding millions of people both here and abroad, but we can’t afford to be complacent. The Albanese Labor government will protect and strengthen Australia’s food security for the benefit of our farmers and all Australians, as well as the trading partners that rely on our produce. When our food and supply chains are secure, it reduces financial strain on households, helping all Australians.

    Labor has tried this before. In 2013, the Gillard government’s short-lived National Food Plan was critcised for prioritising corporate interests over public health and sustainability.

    Repeating past mistakes will again risk putting corporate hunger first. The Feeding Australia strategy must prioritise the health of people, planet, and care for Country.

    Food for thought

    The food security strategy must address multiple, converging crises:

    • growing food poverty
    • worsening diet-related health
    • biosecurity threats
    • accelerating climate change
    • declining farmer viability
    • supermarket duopoly.

    Australia produces enough food to feed more than twice its population. Yet it struggles to feed its own people well.

    Foodbank Australia estimates one third of Australians now experience some form of food insecurity. A combination of market failures and policy inaction leaves us vulnerable to supply chain disruption and even greater food inequity.

    Biosecurity is also a challenge. The recent outbreak of bird flu means eggs – a basic pantry item – now cost 16.1% more than 2020.

    But it’s not only consumers who are suffering. One-third of vegetable growers are considering leaving agriculture in the next year, due to high costs and what growers’ group AUSVEG has called the “relentless squeeze” on margins.

    A business-as-usual approach will only reinforce the current state of Australia’s supermarket sector, which is among the most concentrated and profitable in the world. Accusations of price gouging and misleading pricing raise concerns for consumers, particularly during a cost-of-living crisis.

    As extreme climate events and biosecurity threats increase in frequency and intensity, the duopoly’s centralised supply chains have occasionally failed. After this year’s floods in Far North Queensland, supermarket shelves were empty once again.

    Empty shelves were a weekly occurance in Far North Queensland after the floods stopped rail and road transport.
    Photo by Mick Haupt on Unsplash

    Yet, independent grocers with shorter supply chains remained stocked – as they did during the Queensland floods in 2011.

    The food strategy must do more than offer a band-aid solution to fix an ailing food system.

    Community networks

    Local food networks have an important role to play in this process.

    They are collectives of people and organisations that are committed to creating food and farming systems that put health, equity, and sustainability first. They gather collective wisdom, mobilise public procurement to support local producers, and secure more democratic, health-oriented, and sustainable food system policies.

    Food networks are flourishing in North America, which has more than 300 active councils as of 2023. The Australian sector is not as mature, but is growing.

    Groups including the South Australian Urban Food Network, Tasmanian Food Security Council, Southern Harvest (NSW/ACT), and Farm 2 Fork Collective (Queensland), demonstrate growing capacity for citizen involvement in food policy and decision making. These networks encourage local initiatives such as community gardens, food hubs, and localised institutional procurement.

    New research points to how community-led food cooperatives can also help improve food security and healthier diets.

    These, and other examples, show the power of community in strengthening food system resilience and security. But they can’t do it alone. Communities need government support and investment.

    Future food

    The question of who feeds Australia – and how we are fed – matters to us all.

    The National Food Security Strategy is an opportunity to forge a more healthy food future. It can lay the foundations for a food and farming system that feeds us well for generations to come.

    Achieving this bold agenda will take an inclusive, participatory process that foregrounds First Nations’ voices and the lived experience of those at the sharp end of the cost-of-living crisis.

    Rachael Walshe works for Sustain: The Australian Food Network

    Kelly Donati is a co-founder and volunteer board director of Sustain: The Australian Food Network.

    Molly Fairweather works for Sustain: The Australian Food Network. She is also a member of Healthy Food Systems Australia (HFSA).

    Nick Rose is the co-founder and Executive Director of Sustain: the Australian Food Network. He is also a Senior Lecturer in the Bachelor of Food Studies at William Angliss Institute.

    Nick Rose was a Partner Investigator on an ARC project, Strengthening Food Governance at the Local Level (2019-2022).

    Sustain currently receives funding from a range of public sector organisations and philanthropic foundations with a shared mission for food system change, including VicHealth and Lord Mayor’s Charitable Organisation.

    ref. To boost the nation’s health, the government’s proposed food strategy must put people over profits – https://theconversation.com/to-boost-the-nations-health-the-governments-proposed-food-strategy-must-put-people-over-profits-256679

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Australian researchers use a quantum computer to simulate how real molecules behave

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ivan Kassal, Professor of Chemical Physics, University of Sydney

    University of Sydney Nano Institute

    When a molecule absorbs light, it undergoes a whirlwind of quantum-mechanical transformations. Electrons jump between energy levels, atoms vibrate, and chemical bonds shift — all within millionths of a billionth of a second.

    These processes underpin everything from photosynthesis in plants and DNA damage from sunlight, to the operation of solar cells and light-powered cancer therapies.

    Yet despite their importance, chemical processes driven by light are difficult to simulate accurately. Traditional computers struggle, because it takes vast computational power to simulate this quantum behaviour.

    Quantum computers, by contrast, are themselves quantum systems — so quantum behaviour comes naturally. This makes quantum computers natural candidates for simulating chemistry.

    Until now, quantum devices have only been able to calculate unchanging things, such as the energies of molecules. Our study, published this week in the Journal of the American Chemical Society, demonstrates we can also model how those molecules change over time.

    We experimentally simulated how specific real molecules behave after absorbing light.

    Simulating reality with a single ion

    We used what is called a trapped-ion quantum computer. This works by manipulating individual atoms in a vacuum chamber, held in place with electromagnetic fields.

    Normally, quantum computers store information using quantum bits, or qubits. However, to simulate the behaviour of the molecules, we also used vibrations of the atoms in the computer called “bosonic modes”.

    This technique is called mixed qudit-boson simulation. It dramatically reduces how big a quantum computer you need to simulate a molecule.

    Using a new technique allows realistic simulations to be carried out with small quantum computers.
    Nicola Bailey

    We simulated the behaviour of three molecules absorbing light: allene, butatriene, and pyrazine. Each molecule features complex electronic and vibrational interactions after absorbing light, making them ideal test cases.

    Our simulation, which used a laser and a single atom in the quantum computer, slowed these processes down by a factor of 100 billion. In the real world, the interactions take femtoseconds, but our simulation of them played out in milliseconds – slow enough for us to see what happened.

    A million times more efficient

    What makes our experiment particularly significant is the size of the quantum computer we used.

    Performing the same simulation with a traditional quantum computer (without using bosonic modes) would require 11 qubits, and to carry out roughly 300,000 “entangling” operations without errors. This is well beyond the reach of current technology.

    By contrast, our approach accomplished the task by zapping a single trapped ion with a single laser pulse. We estimate our method is at least a million times more resource-efficient than standard quantum approaches.

    We also simulated “open-system” dynamics, where the molecule interacts with its environment. This is typically a much harder problem for classical computers.

    By injecting controlled noise into the ion’s environment, we replicated how real molecules lose energy. This showed environmental complexity can also be captured by quantum simulation.

    What’s next?

    This work is an important step forward for quantum chemistry. Even though current quantum computers are still limited in scale, our methods show that small, well-designed experiments can already tackle problems of real scientific interest.

    Simulating the real-world behaviour of atoms and molecules is a key goal of quantum chemistry. It will make it easier to understand the properties of different materials, and may accelerate breakthroughs in medicine, materials and energy.

    We believe that with a modest increase in scale — to perhaps 20 or 30 ions — quantum simulations could tackle chemical systems too complex for any classical supercomputer. That would open the door to rapid advances in drug development, clean energy, and our fundamental understanding of chemical processes that drive life itself.

    The authors declare no competing interests. The research was supported by the Sydney Horizon Fellowship program, the Wellcome Leap Quantum for Bio program, the Australian Research Council, the US Office of Naval Research Global, the US Army Research Office Laboratory for Physical Sciences, Lockheed Martin and the Sydney Quantum Academy.

    ref. Australian researchers use a quantum computer to simulate how real molecules behave – https://theconversation.com/australian-researchers-use-a-quantum-computer-to-simulate-how-real-molecules-behave-256870

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Some young trans people take sex hormones so their bodies better align with their gender. What are the benefits and risks?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cristyn Davies, Senior Research Fellow in the Specialty of Child and Adolescent Health, Faculty of Medicine and Health, University of Sydney

    romain-jorge/Shutterstock

    Triggered by hormonal changes in the brain and body, puberty marks a physical transformation. Oestrogen and testosterone – often called “sex hormones” – drive many familiar changes, such as breast development and periods or a deeper voice and facial hair.

    For most young people, the pubertal changes they experience align with their gender. However, for trans and gender diverse adolescents, these changes can be distressing and may lead to a sense of disconnection from their true sense of self.

    (We’ll use the term “trans” in this article to refer to transgender and gender diverse people.)

    Why do young trans people use sex hormones?

    To support trans adolescents, oestrogen and testosterone may be used to induce physical changes that better align with their gender.

    Oestrogen stimulates breast development, alters body fat distribution, results in softer skin, and reduces facial and body hair, creating a more feminine appearance.

    Testosterone deepens the voice, increases facial and body hair, promotes muscle growth and stops periods, creating a more masculine appearance.

    Hormones are just one means by which people can affirm their gender and only some trans adolescents seek sex hormone treatment. Other means include puberty suppression, changing your name, pronouns, hair, clothing and legal documents.

    When do trans people start sex hormones?

    Many trans people start taking sex hormones as adults.

    For those who start as adolescents, hormones are introduced when a young person is considered to have the intellectual and emotional maturity to make this decision.

    The starting age also varies depending on the person’s preferences, family support and barriers to accessing care. These barriers include long wait times, regional disparities, costs, legal or policy restrictions, and challenges navigating the health system, all of which make it harder to get timely, reliable care.

    Before starting hormone therapy, trans adolescents undergo comprehensive assessment and counselling with a team of mental health professionals and medical doctors who specialise in transgender health. This helps ensure young people understand the potential benefits, limitations, risks, and long-term implications of treatment.

    This process involves their family and is designed to provide time, support and space for shared, informed decision-making.

    A young trans man takes a walk
    Young trans people undergo comphrensive assessments and counselling before they start taking sex hormones.
    Sandra van der Steen/Shutterstock

    Treatment with sex hormones usually begins with low doses, after which adjustments are made over time under regular clinical monitoring.

    Subsequent physical changes occur gradually over several years, as is true for puberty, and some of these are irreversible. Breast growth or a deepened voice, for example, will persist if treatment is stopped.

    What are the benefits?

    The largest study to date followed 315 trans and gender diverse adolescents for two years after starting oestrogen or testosterone. It found a significant increase in how comfortable participants felt about their appearance. This was accompanied by significant improvements in life satisfaction and reductions in depression and anxiety.

    More recently, Australian youth mental health research centre Orygen conducted a review of the overall evidence. It reported sex hormone treatment for young trans people is associated with body image satisfaction and reduced psychological symptoms, including depression, anxiety and suicide attempts, thoughts and/or planning.

    An independent review of the evidence commissioned by NSW Health reported similar conclusions and found sex hormone therapy was associated with reduced gender dysphoria, which is the distress experienced when a person’s gender identity differs from their sex reported at birth.

    Together, these published outcomes are consistent with decades of clinical and lived experience that young trans people report feeling more at ease in their bodies, more confident in social settings, and more optimistic about their future after starting hormones.

    What about unwanted effects?

    Like all medical treatments, sex hormone therapy involves the potential for unwanted effects.

    Oestrogen, for example, can increase the risk of blood clots and breast cancer in the long-term, but the overall risk appears low.

    Testosterone can increase acne as well as the number of red blood cells the body produces. Too many red cells can make a person’s blood too thick and increase the likelihood of a stroke or heart attack. Monitoring red cell counts and adjusting the dose of testosterone helps reduce these risks.

    Oestrogen and testosterone can also affect the reproductive system. Oestrogen can stop sperm production and testosterone can stop the ovaries from releasing eggs, but neither treatment should be considered an effective form of contraception.

    Given the possibility that trans adolescents might wish to stay on hormone treatment long-term, they are usually offered fertility counselling before starting treatment. The option to freeze sperm or eggs exists, although access and affordability can be a challenge.

    One unwanted effect that has received a lot of attention relates to regret. There is fear adolescents who start hormone treatment will regret this decision later on.

    At this stage, the risk of regret among adolescents starting hormone therapy appears low. Harvard researchers recently followed a cohort of 1,050 adolescents who had received hormone therapy, and only one was noted to have expressed regret.

    However, the risk of regret is inherent to any medical treatment. Allowing adolescents the dignity of risk to make their own decisions respects their autonomy.

    Sex hormones have been used in trans adolescents since at least the 1980s, and so far the evidence suggests these treatments are safe and work well for those who receive them. Nonetheless, long-term research into their safety (and effectiveness) is ongoing and essential.

    What about consent?

    Past decisions of the Family Court of Australia established a requirement for both parents to provide consent for their trans adolescent to access hormonal treatments, treating this care as legally exceptional.

    However, a 2022 decision of the Queensland Supreme Court ruled an adolescent, who is under the age of 18 and has sufficient understanding and intelligence to consent for themselves, could consent to their own hormone treatment.

    Despite this, some gender clinics still require consent from both parents. If there’s a dispute between parents, the matter should be taken to court, to reach a resolution based on the adolescent’s best interests.

    Testosterone and oestrogen therapy are not new or experimental. They are grounded in decades of clinical practice and growing evidence. What is new is the public attention. We need to ensure policies and conversations are based on facts, not fear.

    The Conversation

    Cristyn Davies reports voluntarily being co-chair of the Human Rights Council of Australia; co-chair of the Child and Youth Special Interest Group for the Public Health Association of Australia; President of the Australian Association For Adolescent Health; an ambassador to Twenty10 Incorporating the Gay and Lesbian Counselling Service of New South Wales; and co-chair of the research committee for the Australian Professional Association for Trans Health.

    Blake Cavve is a senior research officer at The Kids Research Institute Australia and an adjunct researcher at The University of Western Australia, with ongoing research collaborations with the Child and Adolescent Health Service. Blake has recieved funding from the Perth Children’s Hospital Foundation and the Raine Medical Research Foundation. He is a member of the Australian Professional Association for Trans Health, and the World Professional Association for Transgender Health.

    Ken Pang is a Senior Principal Research Fellow at the Murdoch Children’s Research Insititute and a paediatrician at the Royal Children’s Hospital in Melbourne. He receives research funding from the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council and the Medical Research Future Fund. He is a member of the Australian Professional Association for Trans Health, the World Professional Association for Transgender Health, and the editorial board of the journal, Transgender Health.

    Michele O’Connell is paediatric endocrinologist at the Royal Children’s Hospital in Melbourne. She is a co-investigator on research studies funded by the Medical Research Future Fund and a member of the Australian Professional Association for Trans Health.

    Rachel Skinner receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council’s Medical Research Future Fund and the Australian Research Council for related research. She is an adolescent medicine paediatrician employed by the Sydney Children’s Hospitals Network and provides clinical care to trans young people. She has professional memberships with the Royal Australasian College of Physicians, the Australian Association of Adolescent Health, the Society of Adolescent Health and Medicine, the Australian Professional Association of Transgender Health and the World Professional Association of Transgender Health.

    ref. Some young trans people take sex hormones so their bodies better align with their gender. What are the benefits and risks? – https://theconversation.com/some-young-trans-people-take-sex-hormones-so-their-bodies-better-align-with-their-gender-what-are-the-benefits-and-risks-251254

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  • MIL-Evening Report: No chance to say goodbye – defeated MPs will rue not giving valedictory speeches

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Amy Nethery, Associate professor of politics and policy, Deakin University

    Former Greens leader Adam Bandt’s 15-year career in federal parliament came to an end in a nondescript park in Melbourne, far from the seat of power in Canberra.

    He was there to concede defeat in the federal election. In one fell swoop, Bandt had lost his seat, his party’s leadership, his vocation and his living.

    As a defeated MP, he was denied the opportunity to deliver a valedictory speech in parliament, which is available to politicians who go out on their own terms.

    Instead, he stood in a garden, reflecting on his career highs and lows and thanking his family and supporters.

    Adam Bandt draws his 15-year parliamentary career to a close after conceding defeat in his seat of Melbourne.

    Bandt wasn’t the only high-profile politician whose career was cut short without the formal opportunity to say goodbye to parliament.

    At least 14 other MPs, including Peter Dutton, Bridget Archer, David Coleman, Michael Sukkar and Zoe Daniel, were sent on their way by voters without a valedictory to help draw a line under their parliamentary service.

    Rite of passage

    Valedictory speeches are vital for democratic renewal, because they help MPs navigate the complex changeover from the all-consuming role of a parliamentarian to life after politics.

    In this regard, they are similar to other rituals, such as graduations, weddings and even funerals, which help participants and observers make sense of major life transitions. This is why valedictory speeches are a cherished rite of passage for many departing members.

    Bill Shorten planned his retirement from politics and gave a valedictory speech in November 2024. He knew he was one of the fortunate ones:

    In 123 years of the storied history of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia, 1,244 individuals have been elected to the House of Representatives, each introduced themselves in their first speech […] But only 216 ever got the chance to say goodbye, to give a valedictory. Political life can be tough. Election defeat, scandal, illness, Section 44. So today, I stand here neither defeated nor disposed, lucky to have served, fortunate to be able to say goodbye and thank you.

    While first speeches have a long history in parliament, it was only in the 1980s that valedictory speeches became widely available to departing MPs and senators.

    Since then, valedictories have become one of the signature personal moments in a parliamentary career. They are often celebratory, friendly and funny in tone. Unsurprisingly, these speeches tend to be the most autobiographical – and frank – an MP will give in their career.

    On their way out, members speak with less constraint. Cross-party friendships are frequently noted. Some speak about the enormous sacrifices made by their spouses and children, and moments of personal loss.

    Life after politics

    We interviewed 39 former members of the Victorian parliament in 2020 about their experiences leaving parliament.

    Many spoke of valedictory speeches being important touchstones in their transition to life post-parliament.

    One former MP who gave a valedictory told us they “went out in the best way possible”:

    My valedictory speech was probably one of the best speeches I’ve ever made, and I still go back and watch it occasionally […] My kids were there, and family were there. It was just a really nice way to finish up with a funny speech. Then everyone lines up on both sides to shake your hand.

    No closure

    For some who missed out, the absence of the ritual contributed to ongoing negative feelings about parliament and their political career generally.

    Many former MPs experienced financial and emotional stress in their life on “civvy street”. Many found it difficult to establish an identity or career after politics.

    For involuntary leavers, the difficulties of electoral loss can be compounded by the sense of exclusion from one of the key transitional practices, leading to a sense of alienation. One former MP we interviewed recalled:

    One thing I did miss […] was I didn’t get to do a last speech. Very sad that I wasn’t able to round it off. There’s no closure and it’s almost like you’re just kicked out, here’s your basket of things from your desk and off you go.

    New rituals

    Given strangers are not permitted on the floor of the House or Senate, it is not possible for the vanquished to deliver conventional valedictories after an election.

    Parliament should consider giving these former members and senators a comparable transitional process to draw a line under their political careers.

    Some progress has been made. Since 2010, federal members who lost their seats can provide a written statement in lieu of a speech. A booklet of these statements is presented to the House early in the new parliament.

    We recommended to the Parliament of Victoria that a valedictory event be held in the Queen’s Hall or another formal location.

    Not all members want to go back to parliament – some may prefer to say goodbye in a local park.

    But for those who do, this can be an important observance to mark the end of their contribution to public life and their identity as a parliamentarian.

    Amy Nethery received funding from the Parliament of Victoria in 2020 to examine former MP’s experiences of the transition to life after parliament.

    Peter Ferguson received funding from the Parliament of Victoria in 2020 to examine former MP’s experiences of the transition to life after parliament.

    Zim Nwokora received funding from the Parliament of Victoria in 2020 to examine former MP’s experiences of the transition to life after parliament.

    ref. No chance to say goodbye – defeated MPs will rue not giving valedictory speeches – https://theconversation.com/no-chance-to-say-goodbye-defeated-mps-will-rue-not-giving-valedictory-speeches-256569

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  • MIL-Evening Report: This election, young people held the most political power. Here’s how they voted

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Intifar Chowdhury, Lecturer in Government, Flinders University

    This election, a lot of focus was directed at young voters. With Millennials and Gen Z now making up a larger share of the electorate than Baby Boomers, this was deserved.

    But for all the attempts to reach these cohorts, whether through TikTok, influencers or podcasts, how did they actually vote?

    Preliminary analysis of electorates with high shares of young people suggests the youth vote was complex and nuanced. The voting bloc continued its unpredictability, with support fragmented across parties, candidates and age groups.

    Analysing voting patterns

    On May 9, I analysed the Australian Electoral Commission’s (AEC) electoral division results alongside youth enrolment statistics, to explore how the youngest electorates voted.

    Rather than treating voters aged 18–44 as a single, homogeneous bloc, I separated them into Gen Z (aged 18–29) and Millennial (aged 30–44) categories. Evidence suggests that generation is more useful for analysis than age alone.

    Electorates with higher shares of young people tended to favour the left, particularly Labor. Even in Liberal-held seats that didn’t change hands, there were clear swings against the Coalition.

    Of course, electoral outcomes are shaped by more than age or generational factors. Seat-level voting reflects a complex mix of influences.

    But while we await individual-level public opinion data, the best available insights come from examining electoral division characteristics using Australian Bureau of Statistics 2021 Census data.

    What happened?

    Surprisingly, the Greens lost three of the country’s most youth-concentrated electorates: Melbourne, Brisbane and Griffith.

    In Melbourne – still the electorate with the highest share of Gen Z voters – the Greens retained the largest primary vote, but lost the seat on preferences.

    However, in Griffith, Labor had a higher primary vote, while in Brisbane, both major parties outpolled the Greens.

    These electorates also have high percentages of renters, public servants, and residents earning above $90,000 a year – demographics that did not necessarily advantage the Greens. In fact, higher-income areas showed a slight lean towards the Liberals.

    Other electorates with large youth shares also showed interesting dynamics. In La Trobe and Lindsay, both held by the Liberals but with growing shares of Millennials and renters, there were swings against the party.

    Labor experienced swings against them in seats such as Solomon, Wills and Pearce.

    Wills maintained a strong Greens primary vote, while Solomon recorded a significant independent vote. This is consistent with high shares of renters, public servants against the Coalition and tertiary-educated women, who are more likely to support minor parties and independents.

    These patterns suggest a quiet divergence between Millennial and Gen Z voters. Millennials, while more likely than older generations to support progressive parties like Labor and, to a lesser extent, the Greens, do not show the same enthusiasm for independents. This indicates Millennials remain more aligned with traditional party politics.

    In contrast, Gen Z voters appear more willing to abandon major parties altogether. This is a generational difference in values and political socialisation, but also a broader shift toward issue-based, campaign-sensitive, less predictable polling.

    A fragmented young electorate

    Even when we take into account the demographic makeup of seats, for a deeper analysis, disentangling the effects of overlapping factors is important. For example, as researcher Nicholas Biddle points out, age and renting are often correlated, so which variable is doing the explanatory work? Is it youth itself, housing tenure, or something else entirely? I dug deeper.

    This further exploration revealed housing and employment factors played a role, even when we account for generational differences.

    Electorates with high shares of renters were significantly more likely to support Labor and less likely to vote Liberal. Public-sector workers leaned clearly towards Labor and away from the Coalition.

    Meanwhile, higher-income electorates (earning more than $90,000 a year) showed a slight, but not statistically significant, movement toward the Liberals and independents, and away from Labor and the Greens.

    Electorates with a larger share of overseas-born residents also leaned modestly toward Labor, likely reflecting swings in areas with significant Chinese populations.

    It’s difficult to know much about gender yet as we don’t have access to the right data. But we can find the intersecting effect of gender with other variables, such as higher education.

    This revealed one of the most striking findings: the strongest positive predictor of a Greens or independent vote, removing all other variables, was the share of university-educated women. These voters consistently turned away from both major parties.

    By contrast, electorates with more tertiary-educated people overall, but not specifically women, were more likely to stick with the major parties.

    With younger generations containing more university-educated women than ever before, this is sobering news for both Labor and the Liberals.

    Big takeaways

    One mistake we keep making is treating the youth vote as a single bloc. This election reminds us there are two generations within the youth base.

    Gen Z are still in their political formative years and they’re showing signs of drifting further from the major parties.

    But Millennials, while still firmly left-leaning, seem to remain anchored to the two-party system.

    Perhaps it’s a sign of political “adulting” – a recognition that minor parties and independents can struggle to wield power in the lower house.

    Labor can still bank on Millennials, for now. But Gen Z, especially those who are highly educated, are the cohort to watch. They’re less loyal, and far less convinced that the traditional party structure speaks to them.

    There’s no way to sugarcoat it for the Liberals: there’s no good news here in their current form.

    But no party can get complacent.

    The modern Australian electorate may lean left overall, but it’s also increasingly disillusioned with the majors. Preferential voting may mask this shift, but it doesn’t halt it.

    The Greens, meanwhile, also have some soul-searching to do. Their campaign didn’t collapse, but their primary vote stalled.

    To become a serious third party in the House of Representatives, the Greens must grow their primary vote and find a way to hold onto their volatile, youthful base as it ages.

    Intifar Chowdhury does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. This election, young people held the most political power. Here’s how they voted – https://theconversation.com/this-election-young-people-held-the-most-political-power-heres-how-they-voted-255769

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Banning young people from social media sounds like a silver bullet. Global evidence suggests otherwise

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jasleen Chhabra, Research Fellow, Centre for Youth Mental Health, The University of Melbourne

    Monkey Business / Shutterstock

    Around 98% of Australian 15-year-olds use social media. Platforms such as TikTok, Snapchat and Instagram are where young people connect with friends and online communities, explore and express their identities, seek information, and find support for mental health struggles.

    However, the federal government, seeking to address concerns about young people’s mental health, has committed to ban under-16s from these platforms from later this year.

    There is no doubt social media presents risks to young people. These include cyberbullying, posts related to disordered eating or self-harm, hate speech, and the basic risk of spending long hours scrolling or “doomscrolling”.

    But is banning young people really the answer? We reviewed 70 reports from experts in Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States and Canada to understand what they recommend – and found broad agreement that a ban may not address the real problems.

    Humans preventing harm

    The overall verdict is that we need a much more thoughtful response than just a ban: only a coordinated approach between governments, regulators, tech companies and young people themselves will address youth mental health and online safety.

    We should be asking what we can do to make online spaces safer for young people, not jumping straight to removing them entirely.

    Content moderation is one area in need of urgent attention. Young people regularly report being exposed to harmful and age-inappropriate content on social media, while platforms replace moderation staff with cheaper AI systems.

    Automated processes have their place, but many recommendations in our review emphasised the importance of human moderators to keep up.

    Data and endless advertising

    A second issue exists around the collection and use of user data. Tech platforms have built their business model around user engagement and ad revenue.

    To keep users scrolling (and watching ads), companies collect large amounts of user data to deliver highly personalised feeds.

    Many experts advocate against the widespread collection and use of young people’s data, particularly for delivering advertising materials that promote dieting, unregulated supplements and cosmetic procedures. Posts like these often appear in an endless stream, interspersed between non-harmful and entertaining content.

    Starting with safety

    Alongside greater regulation of advertising material, many experts emphasised the need to consider “safety by design”.

    In other words, social media should be designed from the outset to prevent harming users. It may mean the end of “addictive” features such as infinite scrolling, frequent push notifications, and auto-play videos.

    Regulators also need the tools and power to hold platforms to account.

    That includes financial penalties, more transparent reporting from big tech companies, and taking proactive steps to keep harmful material off these platforms – not just taking down content after the fact.

    Age-checking tech troubles

    Our review did find a small number of reports that recommend barring young people from social media. However, experts questioned the feasibility of age verification technology and raised privacy concerns.

    The federal government has passed the buck to social media companies for actually implementing age verification of users.

    Platforms must take “reasonable steps” to restrict access by under-16s. It is unclear what these steps will be, but the prospect of facial recognition or digital ID checks raises serious privacy concerns.

    Others argue that banning under-16s from social media will drive them to less regulated online spaces, including online forums such as the notorious 4Chan, where some pages have an explicit “no rules” policy.

    It is also important to acknowledge that many young people find important support and communities on social media. Taking away social media may present risks to mental health in these circumstances.

    Listening to young people

    An age ban sounds decisive but comes with its own set of questions.

    In the absence of social media, where do young people questioning their sexual or gender identity go to find information and support? What would a ban mean for young people who engage with news on social media?

    There is little evidence about what impact a ban will have on young people, particularly those from diverse backgrounds.

    What’s more, young people have had minimal input into the policy. They have the insight to offer practical, real-world insights into what works and what does not.

    A blanket ban does nothing to make social media platforms safer for users. It might just delay problems and expose young people to an avalanche of harm when they log on at the age of 16.

    A ban brings its own risks

    The push to ban social media for under-16s is driven by genuine concerns. But unless it is a part of a broader, more thoughtful approach to online safety, it risks doing more harm than good.

    If we want a healthier digital environment, we can’t just lock out young people and hope for the best.

    Vita Pilkington receives funding from the Melbourne Research Scholarship and the Margaret Cohan Research Scholarship, both awarded by the University of Melbourne.

    Zac Seidler has been awarded an NHMRC Investigator Grant. He is also the Global Director of Research with the Movember Institute of Men’s Health. He advises government on men’s health, masculinities, violence prevention and social media policy.

    Jasleen Chhabra does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Banning young people from social media sounds like a silver bullet. Global evidence suggests otherwise – https://theconversation.com/banning-young-people-from-social-media-sounds-like-a-silver-bullet-global-evidence-suggests-otherwise-256587

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  • MIL-Evening Report: A trial is testing ways to enforce Australia’s under-16s social media ban. But the tech is flawed

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexia Maddox, Senior Lecturer in Pedagogy and Education Futures, La Trobe University

    De Visu/Shutterstock

    Australia’s move to ban under-16s from social media is receiving widespread praise. Other countries, including the United Kingdom, Ireland, Singapore and Japan, are also now reportedly considering similar moves.

    The ban was legislated in November 2024 and is due to take effect in December 2025. The law says social media platforms can’t use official IDs such as passports to check Australian users’ ages, and shouldn’t track Australians. But it doesn’t specify the alternative.

    To test alternative methods, the federal government commissioned a trial of currently available technologies designed to “assure” people’s age online. Run by the Age Check Certification Scheme, a UK-based company specialising in testing and certifying identity verification systems, the trial is in its final stages. Results are expected at the end of June.

    So what are the technologies being trialled? Are they likely to work? And how might they – and the social media ban itself – alter the relationship all of us have with our dominant forms of digital communication?

    Dead ends for age verification

    Age verification confirms a person’s exact age using verified sources such as government-issued IDs. Age assurance is a broader term. It can include estimation techniques such as analysing faces or metadata to determine if users meet age requirements.

    In 2023 the federal government rejected mandating verification technologies for age-gating pornography sites. It found them “immature” with significant limitations. For example, database checks were costly and credit card verification could be easily worked around by minors.

    Nonprofit organisation Digital Rights Watch also pointed out that such systems were easily bypassed using virtual private networks – or VPNs. These are simple tools that hide a user’s location to make it seem like they are from a different country.

    Age assurance technologies bring different problems.

    For example, the latest US National Academies of Sciences report shows that facial recognition systems frequently misidentify children because their facial features are still developing.

    Improving these systems would require massive collections of children’s facial images. But international human rights law protects children’s privacy, making such data collection both legally and ethically problematic.

    Flawed testing of innovative tech?

    The age assurance technology trial currently includes 53 vendors hoping to win a contract for new innovative solutions.

    A range of technology is being trialled. It includes facial recognition offering “selfie-based age checks” and hand movement recognition technologies that claim to calculate age ranges. It also includes bespoke block chains to store sensitive data on.

    There are internal tensions about the trial’s design choices. These tensions centre on a lack of focus on ways to circumvent the technology, privacy implications, and verification of vendors’ efficacy claims.

    While testing innovation is good, the majority of companies and startups such as IDVerse, AgeCheck, and Yoti in the trial, will likely not hold clout over the major tech platforms in focus (Meta, Google and Snap).

    This divide reveals a fundamental problem: the companies building the checking tools aren’t the ones who must use them in the platforms targeted by the law. When tech giants don’t actively participate in developing solutions, they’re more likely to resist implementing them later.

    Google recently proposed storing ID documents in Google Wallet for age verification.
    nitpicker/Shutterstock

    Unresponsive tech companies

    Some major tech companies have shown little interest in engaging with the trial. For example, minutes from the trial’s March advisory board meeting reveal Apple “has been unresponsive, despite multiple outreach attempts”.

    Apple has recently outlined a tool to transmit a declared age range to developers on request. Apple suggests iOS will default the age assurance on Apple devices to under 13 for kids’ accounts. This makes it the responsibility of parents to modify age, the responsibility of developers to recognise age, and the responsibility of governments to legislate when and what to do with an assured age per market.

    Google’s recent Google Wallet proposal for age assurance also misses the mark on privacy concerns and usefulness.

    The proposal would require people over 16 to upload government-issued IDs and link them to a Google account. It would also require people trust Google not track where they go across the internet, via a privacy-preserving technology that remains a promise.

    Crucially, Meta’s social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram also do not let you login with Google credentials. After all, they are competitors. This raises questions about the usefulness of Google’s proposal to assure age across social media platforms as part of the government’s under-16s ban.

    Meanwhile, Google is also suggesting AI chatbots should be directly targeted and available to children under 13, creating something akin to a “social network of one”, which are out of scope of the ban.

    Rather than engage with Australian age verification systems, companies such as Apple and Google are promoting their own solutions which seem to prioritise keeping or adding users to their services, or passing responsibility elsewhere.

    For the targeted platforms that enable online social interactions, delay in engagement fits a broader pattern. For example, in January 2025, Mark Zuckerberg indicated Meta would push back more aggressively against international regulations that threaten its business model.

    A shift in internet regulation

    Australia’s approach to banning under-16s from using social media marks a significant shift in internet regulation. Rather than age-gating specific content such as porn or gambling, Australia is now targeting basic communication infrastructure – which is what social media have become.

    It centres the problem on children being children, rather than on social media business models.

    The result is limiting childrens’ digital rights with experimental technologies while doing little to address the source of perceived harm for all of us. It prioritises protection without considering children’s rights to access information and express themselves. This risks leaving the most vulnerable children being cut off from digital spaces essential to their success.

    Australia’s approach puts paternal politics ahead of technical and social reality. As we get closer to the ban taking effect, we’ll see how this approach to regulate social communication platforms offers young people respite from the platforms their parents fear – yet continue to use everyday for their own basic communication needs.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. A trial is testing ways to enforce Australia’s under-16s social media ban. But the tech is flawed – https://theconversation.com/a-trial-is-testing-ways-to-enforce-australias-under-16s-social-media-ban-but-the-tech-is-flawed-256332

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Viral ‘Hongdae boy’ videos expose the fringe group of South Korean men trying to sleep with foreign women

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Joanna Elfving-Hwang, Associate Professor (Korean Society and Culture), Dean International (Korea), Curtin University

    Shutterstock

    If you’re on TikTok, you may have come across “Hongdae boys” or “Hongdae guys” recently. In a social media context, the term refers to a group of young South Korean men who prey on foreign women (particularly white women) visiting the Hongdae area in Seoul’s Mapo district.

    Largely made viral by popular South Korean TikToker Sean Solo (@itsseansolo) creating parodies of these men, Hongdae boys are depicted as men who make brazen (and slightly awkward) attempts at picking up unsuspecting tourists or foreign students.

    Some of these women, who are often viewed as sexually “available”, have sometimes been inspired by K-dramas or K-pop idols to visit Korea in search of the perfect South Korean boyfriend.

    So what’s behind the rise of Hongdae boy videos? And is Seoul turning into a place to avoid if you’re a young female traveller? Well, no. But Sean Solo’s parodies of this recognisable type of South Korean man shouldn’t be dismissed as purely comedy.

    A trend warranting further attention

    Much of the funny viral Hongdae boy content is aimed squarely at foreign audiences. In fact, your average South Korean is more likely to associate the phrase “Hongdae man” (Hongdae namja) with the “Hongdae look” that showcases carefully curated streetwear inspired by hip-hop, rap and vintage elements.

    Hongdae, a famous nightlife spot, is very popular with foreign visitors and South Korean students. In the 1990s it became the cradle of the underground and indie music scene, and remains a buzzing centre for arts and culture.

    Come nighttime, however, it has a reputation for becoming hookup central. There are even “hunting bars” (hunting pocha) where single men and women can go to try and find a match.

    While Hongdae guys are by no means representative of all Korean men (a point Sean Solo emphasises) the fact these men exist, and have become a recognisable part of Hongdae’s nightlife, speaks to serious broader issues of misogyny and gendered thinking.

    Ongoing issues for South Korean women

    South Korea has a reputation for being socially conservative, and K-dramas have emphasised this squeaky clean image. But in recent years, a growing number of South Korean women have spoken out about issues of sexual harassment and violence, including a crisis of digital sex crimes.




    Read more:
    AI is fuelling a deepfake porn crisis in South Korea. What’s behind it – and how can it be fixed?


    This has led to public demonstrations expanding on the global #MeToo movement.

    We’ve also seen the rise of the so-called 4B movement (also called the “Four Nos”). Described as more of an individual lifestyle choice rather than an organised movement, the aim of 4B is to push back against societal standards imposed on South Korean women regarding marriage, childbirth and relationships.

    As Asian studies expert Min Joo Lee notes, foreign women who are married to Korean men and living in Korea are often exoticised as dutiful housewives aspiring for “tradition”, while South Korean women are seen as troublesome and demanding.

    Gender equality issues have also been used as a political football by some politicians. For instance, recently impeached President Suk Yeol Yoon’s 2022 presidential campaign relied on a narrative of male disempowerment to mobilise the vote of young, disaffected men.

    Another setback came in late 2023, when the Supreme Court delivered a final verdict in a case deemed significant for the country’s #MeToo movement. It involved Seo Ji-hyun, a former prosecutor who, in 2018, filed a lawsuit seeking damages against a former male senior prosecutor who she accused of sexual harassment and abuse of power. The court dismissed her claims.

    Foreign fantasies and reality

    For foreign women unaware of South Korea’s gender inequality issues, and who expect the sugar-coated image of Korean men they’ve seen in K-pop or K-dramas, the reality of the hookup culture may come as a shock.

    The disjuncture between reality and the foreign fantasy of South Korea has increasingly been of interest to social commentators and researchers like myself. My own research on the topic has identified a kind of “global Koreanness” that has taken on a life of its own in the imaginations of non-Korean fans overseas.

    The Hongdae boy narrative is similar to the 4B movement in that it is fuelled by attention from outside South Korea. While the 4B movement was widely reported in Western media, it was driven by a relatively small group of courageous women who didn’t actually get mainstream attention in South Korea.

    Nonetheless, having a spotlight on these women still amplified their struggle to fight back against gendered ideas of what’s expected of them. These are ideologies that might treat them as objects to be looked at and “consumed” (such as with K-pop idols), or expect them to prioritise marriage and childbearing, over their own careers, to address a declining population.

    Hongdae boy videos, both comedic and otherwise, may have a similar effect. They’re drawing attention to the gendered expectations many South Korean women face, and the ways in which they are dismissed in their pursuit for equality.

    Joanna Elfving-Hwang receives funding from the Core University Program for Korean Studies through the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and Korean Studies Promotion Service of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS-2022-OLU-2250005).

    ref. Viral ‘Hongdae boy’ videos expose the fringe group of South Korean men trying to sleep with foreign women – https://theconversation.com/viral-hongdae-boy-videos-expose-the-fringe-group-of-south-korean-men-trying-to-sleep-with-foreign-women-256475

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  • MIL-Evening Report: So your primary school child has a ‘boyfriend’ or ‘girlfriend’. Should you be worried?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Cher McGillivray, Assistant Professor in Psychology, Bond University

    Karhut/Shutterstock

    If you have a child in primary school you may not be expecting to help them manage romantic relationships. Surely this is an issue for the high school years?

    While young children do not experience romantic love in an adult sense, they can still express interest in having a “boyfriend” or “girlfriend”. Some children may talk about a “crush” or even say they are “dating” another child.

    Is this normal? Why do kids do this? And what are some healthy boundaries to talk about?

    Why do kids do this?

    It is quite normal for children in primary school to engage in playful relationships or express interest in having crushes or a “boyfriend” or “girlfriend”.

    This is a way for children to explore their world.

    At this stage of their development, different types of social interactions help children work out emotions and social norms in a safe and imaginative way. It also helps them practice social bonding (how we form close attachments to others) and understanding interpersonal dynamics.

    So, just as children might play games such as “mums and dads” or “sisters and brothers”, they might also play at having a boyfriend or girlfriend, or even stage a mock wedding ceremony.

    Are there other reasons?

    Children are of course also influenced by the movies, fairy tales, books and the TV they consume and by watching older siblings or students at school.

    Seeing Ariel and Prince Eric fall in love in The Little Mermaid may prompt children to act this out. Similarly they might act “spinjistu” moves in the playground after watching Ninjago.

    Psychologist Erik Erikson has also suggested children aged 5–12 are at a stage where they seek approval from adults and peers (approval from friends becomes even more important in high school). Having a “boyfriend” or “girlfriend” may be a way for children to feel socially competent and accepted.

    There could also be peer pressure involved. For example, “all the other Year 4 kids have a boyfriend at the moment, so I will have one too”.

    Children can be influenced by movies or stories they consume. And then act them out in play.
    Altrendo Images/ Shutterstock

    So what are some healthy boundaries to encourage?

    While playing at having boyfriends or girlfriends is quite normal during pre-puberty, it’s important to make sure children are staying within healthy boundaries.

    If they are expressing physical affection – such as hugging or holding hands – it’s important this is appropriate and everyone is consenting. The old playground game of “catch and kiss” is no longer OK, given kisses are effectively being forced on the player who is caught.

    Once children start puberty, childlike feelings of attachment can give way to romantic feelings and more intense relationships. This is when you might start to see children having “proper” relationships.

    At any stage of development, keep talking about what consent looks like, feels like and sounds like. This will vary depending on their age, but the basic principles remain the same.

    Throughout these conversations, emphasise no one ever has to do anything or be in a situation that makes them uncomfortable.

    Keep talking to your child about the importance of only touching friends or other people if they indicate it is OK.
    Monkey Business Images/ Shutterstock

    How can you talk to your child?

    When you are talking to your child, do not to make fun of their feelings or be angry with them.

    If they are exploring their feelings or being curious about relationships, it’s important they feel safe to do so without judgement. They should be able to talk about big or complex things without shame, embarrassment or fear of getting in trouble. Remember, a certain behaviour may not be appropriate, but the child themselves is not “weird” or “bad”.

    If a child feels as though they can’t talk about these feelings or issues, they may feel as thought they are the problem or they are “wrong”. This can lead to poor self-esteem.

    You could ask “what do you like about that friend?” to try and remove the label of boyfriend or girlfriend. It could help to talk about your own experiences, for example, “I had a few close friends in primary school and we did everything together rather than having a ‘boyfriend’ or ‘girlfriend’”.

    If you are worried something inappropriate is happening, you can talk to the parent of the other child or the school to get them to help encourage new boundaries for all the children involved.

    Cher McGillivray does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. So your primary school child has a ‘boyfriend’ or ‘girlfriend’. Should you be worried? – https://theconversation.com/so-your-primary-school-child-has-a-boyfriend-or-girlfriend-should-you-be-worried-256111

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  • MIL-Evening Report: How accurate are my medical records? You might be surprised how often errors creep in

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sheree Lloyd, Senior Lecturer in Health Services Management, University of Tasmania

    DC Studio/Shutterstock

    Medical records of hundreds of patients at a Sydney hospital’s cancer genetics service have been reviewed following irregularities related to care by a single specialist.

    According to St Vincent’s Hospital, in about 520 records, there were matters such as poor documentation, incomplete correspondence and a lack of genetic counselling.

    In about 20 records, there were errors that carried potential risk – even if, ultimately, there had been no harm to patients – such as providing incorrect information and advice.

    Every now and again, cases like these make the headlines. Some examples of flawed medical records relate to individual human error. Some relate to issues in how electronic patient record systems are designed.

    These and other reasons mean errors can arise when records are created, accessed and shared.

    A huge potential for errors

    Health-care records describe the symptoms, conditions or problems being treated. They contain details about a patient’s medication, diet, mobility, social history, family concerns, observations, test results and language spoken. Health-care workers also document the plan to restore health, and progress. So entries must be correct, complete and timely.

    However, the scale of health-related communication and documentation is vast.

    Each day on average in Australia there are more than 33,000 hospitalisations, more than 112,000 out-patient services provided and more than 24,000 visits to emergency departments.

    Each month there are millions of specialist letters and discharge summaries shared to My Health Record

    Every interaction with a health-care professional requires notes to be made in a medical record.

    For example, a patient in a metropolitan public hospital is likely to be seen by at least three teams of nurses in a day, two or more junior doctors or registrars, as well as a specialist. Physiotherapists, speech therapists and other allied health workers may also be involved in someone’s care. Health-care teams record notes on paper, in electronic health records or a combination.

    There are also the millions of medical records updated in general practice, or by allied health workers outside hospitals.

    In hospital, multiple staff work in a team, each needing to consult and update a patient’s medical record.
    Rido/Shutterstock

    What type of errors are common?

    Accurate and timely medical records are supposed to allow staff to make safe clinical decisions, and to provide high-quality and continuous care. However, errors have been discovered in several audits and studies, including those related to medications.

    One review looked at how adverse drug reactions were recorded in electronic health records at one large Australian hospital. It found half of the reactions recorded lacked the minimum information required to inform clinicians about future treatment. One-third of records misclassified the type of reaction.

    A study of medication charts in Australia and New Zealand found at least one simple error on the medication charts of about 94% of the records reviewed. These included illegible drug names, missing information and inadequate documentation of allergies.

    One study from the United States found written errors, such as unclear documentation or not using plain language, were among the most common communication errors in the records analysed.

    What happens when there are errors?

    Errors in health-care records can spread, affecting how health-care professionals communicate with each other about the patient, potentially affecting care.

    Missing or inaccurate records can affect evidence collected as part of criminal, coronial or medical negligence investigations.

    As some hospital funding relies on the number and types of patients and interventions recorded, inaccurate records can affect health budgets.

    With inaccurate records, national and international collection of correct health-care information can be compromised.

    What causes errors?

    Errors in health-care records are caused by missing or incomplete information, including when health-care workers do not document changes.

    Difficulty in quickly finding important information, or delays in reporting new information, can contribute to errors, misdiagnosis and inappropriate treatment. This could be due to the ease of use of the electronic health record, the bulky or disorganised paper record or that health workers are busy.

    Health-care teams report using a mixed record systems (using both paper and electronic records) can cause problems.

    Then there’s “note bloat”, when staff copy and paste information from one place to another. This allows wrong information to perpetuate. This is a well-known hazard leading to errors, stress and wasted time.

    Abbreviations used in health-care records, particularly in medication charts, can be misunderstood or misinterpreted.

    An Australian study found one in three medication errors were technology-related and due to poor design or functionality.

    A Swedish study involved patients reviewing notes in their own medical records. It found almost 36% of patients found an error and more than 26% found an omission. About 18% of patients were offended by the content of the notes.

    Errors can arise when there are both paper and electronic records.
    val lawless/Shutterstock

    What can we do?

    Improving the accuracy of medical records is not just health workers’ responsibility, although clearly they have a major role to play. Their workplaces, the IT companies that design the electronic systems, even patients, can also play a role.

    Health workers can make sure medical records are complete, accessible, accurate, readable and long-lasting.

    Workplaces, such as hospitals, can highlight in training and education the importance of documentation and how poor practices can lead to errors, and contribute to safety and quality problems.

    IT companies can design electronic health records that support how health workers need to communicate with each other, and the way they work.

    Patients can ask their health provider to correct errors found in their records, including in My Health Record.

    Sheree Lloyd does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. How accurate are my medical records? You might be surprised how often errors creep in – https://theconversation.com/how-accurate-are-my-medical-records-you-might-be-surprised-how-often-errors-creep-in-256233

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  • MIL-Evening Report: Grattan on Friday: Ley and Littleproud have had a prickly relationship – can they negotiate a smooth future?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    With the future of the Coalition relationship on the line, Nationals leader David Littleproud drove to his Liberal counterpart Sussan Ley’s hometown of Albury this week. They had much to talk about, and it wasn’t going to be easy.

    Littleproud and Ley have had a combustible relationship in the past.

    After Ley, on the backbench at the time, in 2018 co-sponsored a private member’s bill to restrict live sheep exports, Littleproud, the agriculture minister, said dismissively, “I’m going to predicate my decisions on evidence, not emotion”.

    More seriously, when she was environment minister in 2019–22, Ley and Littleproud clashed over the Murray-Darling Basin.

    The Nationals leader is father of, and a true believer in, the opposition’s nuclear policy; Ley began as an agnostic on the issue, saying in 2019, “To be honest, I am not strongly for or against nuclear power”.

    The two leaders differ in their economic philosophies. Littleproud is what detractors of the Nationals and their predecessor the Country Party used to call an “agrarian socialist”. It was the Nationals who, in the last term, drove the Coalition policy to break up supermarkets that misused their power. Ley is less inclined to industry intervention.

    Ley and Littleproud have to find a way for their two parties to continue to share the same house and, assuming they do, how they divide up the rooms, and manage their joint spaces.

    Kevin Hogan, the new Nationals deputy, said late Thursday there was a will to sign a Coalition agreement, but certainly there was “a scenario where it doesn’t get signed”.

    The Nationals are feeling their power, after an election in which they held almost all their seats and the Liberals were devastated.

    Their Senate leader, Bridget McKenzie, who is outspoken and frequently in the media, said this week, “We haven’t had this amount of political clout within the Coalition since the ‘70s”.

    How many shadow ministries the Nationals receive is determined on a formula, but central is what posts they obtain.

    “There needs to be a very serious conversation heading into any Coalition discussions about the role of the National Party,” she said.

    “We don’t need to rush into an agreement, but we do need to make sure it reflects the realities of the election result, which does give greater kudos and say to the National Party within that.”

    In a cheeky reference that wouldn’t go down well with some Liberals, McKenzie said, “In our 120-year history, for 16 of these years, we held the treasury portfolio in government”.

    The Nationals are not going to hold the Treasury post in opposition. But they will try to have a louder economic voice. (There is speculation they might seek the finance shadow ministry.)

    McKenzie referred to the power of party greats Doug Anthony, Ian Sinclair and Peter Nixon in Malcolm Fraser’s government. She could have gone back to the legendary John “Black Jack” McEwen in earlier years.

    Back then, the party exercised power through the sheer strength of such individual personalities, and their ability to prevail in battles with colleagues. Looking at the Fraser years, it’s remarkable to think the prime minister used Nixon (who died just before the election, aged 97) in trying to manage a difficult and ambitious senior Liberal, Andrew Peacock, who aspired to the leadership.

    The modern Nationals have no such personalities. In recent years the party has also been riven by division over leadership and policy. Littleproud saw off a leadership challenge from Matt Canavan this week.

    Canavan lost the ballot but his call for the party to walk away from the target of reducing emissions to net zero by 2050 has yet to be resolved.

    All opposition policies are on the table, with Ley and her deputy Ted O’Brien saying they won’t rush the reconsideration of them.

    But this shapes as a complicated process, littered with obstacles.

    What if the Liberal party and the Nationals came to different conclusions on whether to retain the 2050 commitment? It could be touch and go whether the Nationals ditch it. The Liberals would be courting disaster to do so: that would divide the party and further alienate voters in the Teal-type areas that they need to win back.

    If the two parties found themselves at odds on net zero, could they viably stay together in coalition?

    The review of the nuclear policy is interlinked with the net zero commitment – nuclear was advanced as a way of getting to the target – and is also fraught. There will be pressure from some Liberals to just junk it. But Littleproud and others within his party would fight hard for it.

    The issue of timing is also critical. The opposition doesn’t have the luxury – that it appears to think it has – of going too slowly on the net zero issue.

    Energy and climate policy will be central issues over coming months.

    The government delayed until beyond the election considering what 2035 emissions reduction target it will submit under the Paris climate agreement. The Climate Change Authority, which must make a recommendation to the government on the target, helpfully said it had more work to do.

    But the target must be submitted by September. The government is expected to receive the recommendation from the authority around July. The authority has been consulting on a 65% to 75% reduction. It could recommend a single figure, or (perhaps more likely) a range.

    Anywhere between 65% and 75% would be ambitious in practical terms. The 2035 debate will take the argument away from primarily electricity into the areas of industry, transport and agriculture.

    If the opposition is to be credible in whatever criticisms it wants to make, it will need to have at least a settled position on the net zero question.

    Moreover, in trying to rebuild electoral support, the Liberals in particular require an early confirmed stance on net zero. Climate is a specially important issue with young voters, among whom the party’s support is woeful.

    Meanwhile, as all the machinations play out, Jacinta Nampijinpa Price must be giving a thought to what might have been, had she not defected from the Nationals to the Liberals in a misjudged bid to become Liberal deputy.

    She may regard the Liberals as her natural home, as she says, but if she’d stayed she might have become Nationals deputy leader this week (previous deputy Perin Davey lost her seat). That would have had her well placed to pursue her portfolio ambitions, backed by Littleproud. But who will be her champion now?

    In jumping ship, Price has found herself adrift, for the moment at least.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Grattan on Friday: Ley and Littleproud have had a prickly relationship – can they negotiate a smooth future? – https://theconversation.com/grattan-on-friday-ley-and-littleproud-have-had-a-prickly-relationship-can-they-negotiate-a-smooth-future-256458

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Likely final House seat outcome: 94 Labor, 44 Coalition, 12 Others

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adrian Beaumont, Election Analyst (Psephologist) at The Conversation; and Honorary Associate, School of Mathematics and Statistics, The University of Melbourne

    The ABC has called Labor wins in 93 of the 150 House of Representatives seats. The Coalition has won 43 seats, the Greens one and all Others 11, with two seats (Bradfield and Calwell) remaining undecided.

    The Poll Bludger
    has documented the changes in the close seats. In Goldstein, Teal incumbent Zoe Daniel has surged back from a peak deficit of 1,472 votes to now trail Liberal Tim Wilson by just 292 votes on strong absents and declaration pre-polls after she lost postals by 61–39. But only about 800 votes remain, so Wilson will still win.

    On Tuesday, the Liberal lead in Liberal-held Bradfield over a Teal candidate closed to just 59 votes, and the ABC uncalled a race they had called for the Liberal the previous day. On Wednesday the Liberal lead increased to 80 votes, but it’s now fallen back to 43 votes. About 420 votes remain to be counted. The Liberals will probably lead when all votes are counted, but there will be a recount.

    The Liberal National Party has held Longman after declaration pre-polls failed to follow the trend to the left in other close seats. They now have an unassailable 335-vote lead over Labor.

    In Australia’s preferential voting system, the top two candidates on primary votes are not necessarily the final two. The bottom candidate is excluded, and their votes are distributed to remaining candidates, and this continues until only two are left. During this process, the third candidate can pass the second, therefore making the final two.

    So far the only interesting seat where this has occurred is Flinders, where Teal candidate Ben Smith passed Labor despite trailing in third on primary votes by 22.3% to 21.3%, with the Liberals well ahead with 41.2%. The Liberals defeated Smith in the final count by 52.3–47.7 to hold Flinders.

    Calwell has 13 candidates. Primary votes are 30.5% Labor (down 14.3% since the 2022 election), 15.7% Liberals (down 8.1%), 12.0% for independent Carly Moore, 10.9% for independent Joseph Youhana, 8.1% for the Greens (down 1.6%) and 6.9% for yet another independent.

    The danger for Labor is that either Moore or Youhana overtake the Liberals on the distribution of preferences, then beat Labor at the final count on Liberal preferences. Friday is the last day for receipt of late postals. Once all votes are counted, the distribution of preferences can start. We should know the result in Calwell next week.

    If Labor wins Calwell and the Liberals win Bradfield, the final seat totals will be 94 Labor out of 150 (up 17 from 77 out of 151 in 2022), 44 Coalition (down 14), one Green (down three), nine independents (down one) and two others (steady). By the UK’s method, this would be a Labor majority of 38 (25% in percentage terms).

    Bad as this result is for the Coalition, they would be lucky to win three seats (Longman, Bradfield and Goldstein) by less than a 50.2–49.8 margin. The narrowest Labor win was in Bean (by 50.3–49.7 against an independent).

    Turnout for the election is now 89.1%, and is likely to be over 90% once all votes are counted. National primary votes are 34.6% Labor (up 2.0%), 31.9% Coalition (down 3.8%), 12.1% Greens (down 0.2%), 6.4% One Nation (up 1.4%), 1.9% Trumpet of Patriots (down 2.1% from United Australia Party in 2022), 7.4% independents (up 2.1%) and 5.7% others (up 0.7%).

    I explained previously that the electoral commission’s national two-party preferred count does not currently include “non-classic” seats where the major party candidates were not the final two. There will be a special count later in these seats between Labor and Coalition candidates.

    The ABC’s two-party estimate is currently a Labor win by 54.9–45.1, while The Poll Bludger has Labor winning by 54.4–45.6. We’ll need to wait for two-party counts in the non-classic seats to resolve this difference.

    In the Senate, nationally 86.8% of enrolled voters have been counted, only 2.3% behind the House count. There have only been minor changes to primary votes since last Friday’s article on the Senate, so my assessment is unchanged from that article.

    Albanese’s ratings jump in Essential poll

    Essential is the first pollster to return since the election, but it hasn’t done a voting intentions poll. In this national poll, conducted May 7–11 from a sample of 1,137, Anthony Albanese’s net approval jumped 14 points since the pre-election Essential poll to +11 (50% approve, 39% disapprove).

    Former Liberal leader Peter Dutton, who lost his seat of Dickson at the election, slumped 18 points on net approval to -30. Voters still thought Australia was on the wrong track by 42–37 (52–31 before the election).

    In this poll, the Greens and all Others did well with late deciders (those who decided who to vote for in the last few days of the election campaign). Cost of living was rated one of the top three issues by 87% on what decided their vote, including 53% who said it was the top issue.

    Sussan Ley, who was elected Liberal leader on Tuesday, was preferred by 16% as Coalition leader, with Angus Taylor on 12% and Dan Tehan on 7%, with 45% unsure and 20% “none of the above”. Among those who voted for the Coalition, Taylor led Ley by 23–20.

    By 58–42, voters thought Labor should stick to the policies it took to the election, rather than be more ambitious now that it has a strong majority.

    Adrian Beaumont does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Likely final House seat outcome: 94 Labor, 44 Coalition, 12 Others – https://theconversation.com/likely-final-house-seat-outcome-94-labor-44-coalition-12-others-256568

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: The new leader of the Greens sits in the Senate. Why is that so unusual in Australian politics?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anne Twomey, Professor Emerita in Constitutional Law, University of Sydney

    The 2025 federal election resulted in some unexpected outcomes, including the loss by the Greens Leader, Adam Bandt, of his seat in the House of Representatives. The new Greens leader is Senator Larissa Waters.

    Does it matter that a party leader sits in the Senate, and why do the leaders of major parties almost always come from the lower House?

    The answer is that by convention, rather than an express constitutional requirement, the prime minister sits in the lower house of parliament. Parties with aspirations to form government therefore choose leaders from among their members in the lower house.

    Prime ministers in the House of Lords

    Historically, in the United Kingdom, prime ministers could sit in either house. In the 19th century, most prime ministers sat in the House of Lords, and two started in the House of Commons and ended their prime ministership in the Lords.

    But in the 20th century, the convention developed of the prime minister holding a seat in the House of Commons.

    This was for three reasons. First, as a matter of practicality, the House of Commons is where the main work of government occurs, and the prime minister’s involvement is needed.

    Second, according to convention, the monarch appoints as prime minister the person who commands the confidence of the lower house, which is hard to do from outside it.

    Third, the House of Lords is not elected, and therefore does not have a democratic mandate. It ceased to be acceptable in the United Kingdom for an unelected person to govern as prime minister.

    When the Conservative prime minister, Harold Macmillan, resigned suddenly for health reasons in 1963, Lord Home was appointed as Conservative Party leader and prime minister. He renounced his earldom and then ran successfully in a byelection for a seat in the House of Commons.

    A prime minister in the Senate?

    In Australia, the position is different because the Senate is elected by the people. A senator can therefore be regarded as having a democratic mandate, although he or she represents a state, rather than being elected by a particular electorate.

    Section 64 of the Commonwealth Constitution requires ministers to be either a member of the House of Representatives or the Senate, with a three month leeway period to become elected. But it does not require that the prime minister sit in the House of Representatives. It is instead a matter of custom, practicality and convention.

    When the prime minister, Harold Holt, went missing while swimming in the ocean in December 1967, the Liberal Party chose Senator John Gorton as its new leader.

    Gorton was appointed prime minister on January 10 1968, despite being a Senator, but resigned from the Senate on February 1 1968 and was elected to fill the vacancy in Holt’s lower House seat on February 24.

    Gorton was therefore prime minister while being a Senator for three weeks, and prime minister without a seat in parliament at all for just over three weeks. It was generally accepted that as prime minister, he should sit in the lower house.

    Premiers in state upper houses

    At the state level, premiers have sometimes sat in the upper house, at least for a short period.

    One notable example is that of Hal Colebatch in Western Australia. In 1919, Colebatch, who was a member of the Western Australian Legislative Council, was acting premier, while the premier, Henry Lefroy, was at a conference in Melbourne. There was an outbreak of Spanish flu in the eastern states. In scenes reminiscent of the COVID pandemic, Colebatch gained immense popularity by slamming shut the state border. His own premier was even prevented from returning home.

    Lefroy eventually resigned as premier, and Colebatch replaced him, despite sitting in the Legislative Council. But Colebatch did not last long in the job. He tried, but failed, to find a lower house seat to move to. In addition, his health was failing, as was his popularity after rioting during a wharf strike led to the death of a worker. So Colebatch resigned as premier, having spent his entire premiership as a member of the Legislative Council.

    In New South Wales, when the Labor premier, Neville Wran, surprised his colleagues by resigning in May 1986, the party elected Barrie Unsworth as its leader.

    Unsworth was a member of the Legislative Council. He was nonetheless appointed as premier. A Labor backbencher in the Legislative Assembly resigned to allow Unsworth to contest his safe Labor seat. Despite a large swing against him, Unsworth narrowly won the seat by 54 votes and continued as premier until 1988.

    Leaders of major and minor parties

    The main problem with a prime minister or premier sitting in the upper house is that the government is formed from the lower house, and the prime minister or Premier must be the person who holds its confidence. This is difficult when there is no direct accountability to the lower house, as it cannot question a prime minister or premier who sits in the other house.

    For this reason, parties that could potentially win government will ordinarily choose a leader from among their members in the lower House, and politicians with leadership ambition will often seek to transfer from the upper to the lower house to enhance their chances to lead.

    Due to the Senate’s proportional voting system, minor parties are more likely to have greater numbers in the Senate than the House of Representatives. It is therefore logical that their leadership should come from the Senate, especially when they are unlikely to have the numbers in the lower House to form a government. But for major parties, their leader is ordinarily chosen from among the members of the House of Representatives, in case government beckons.

    Anne Twomey has received funding from the ARC and sometimes does consultancy work for Parliaments, governments and inter-governmental bodies.

    ref. The new leader of the Greens sits in the Senate. Why is that so unusual in Australian politics? – https://theconversation.com/the-new-leader-of-the-greens-sits-in-the-senate-why-is-that-so-unusual-in-australian-politics-256578

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Fresh start for the Greens, with new leader Larissa Waters

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nathan Fioritti, Lecturer in Politics, School of Social Sciences, Monash University

    Queensland Senator Larissa Waters is the new leader of the Australian Greens, following a two-hour partyroom meeting held in the wake of the party’s lacklustre performance in the May 3 election.

    Waters was elected unopposed.

    New South Wales Senator Mehreen Faruqi will continue as Greens deputy, while South Australian Senator Sarah Hanson-Young will be the Greens Manager of Business.

    Besides having an apt surname for an ecological party leader, what do we know about Waters?

    And as Australia’s 48th parliament prepares to sit, what might we expect from her leadership of the country’s largest minor party?

    Who is Larissa Waters?

    Waters first entered parliament in 2011, following a career as an environmental lawyer.

    She was the first Greens senator to be elected in Queensland and is now the second-longest serving Green in parliament after Hanson-Young.

    Born in Canada, Waters’ tenure was briefly interrupted in 2017–2018 when she discovered she had breached section 44 of the Constitution by failing to renounce her dual citizenship.

    Waters is the second woman after Christine Milne to lead the party. She has leadership experience, serving as Senate leader since 2020 and co-deputy leader prior to that.

    Waters’ re-election on May 3 for another six-year term will ensure leadership stability following the unexpected departure of her predecessor, Adam Bandt.

    Beyond her clear passion for environmental protection, Waters has dedicated her time in parliament to advancing gender equity, ending gender-based violence, and addressing corporate donations and influence in politics.

    She made international news in 2017 when she became the first politician to breastfeed in federal parliament.

    New direction?

    So what does new leadership mean for the direction of the Greens and the role the party will play in the new parliament?

    Will it opt for pragmatism or hold firm on principle?

    Will it continue to campaign hard on a diverse set of policy issues, or choose to focus more on its core environmental offering?

    Waters is viewed by many in the party as a compromise candidate between Faruqi and Hanson-Young, who according to speculation, were also considering a tilt at the leadership. Faruqi represents the more radical wing of the Greens, while Hanson-Young is a prominent moderate figure who would likely have pushed the party closer to the political centre and faced resistance from elements of the membership.

    Given this, Waters is expected to play a unifying role, much like Bandt did during his tenure.

    While the Greens held all their seats up for re-election in the Senate, they were close to a wipe-out in the lower house, where they lost three of their four members from the previous parliament.

    The party will likely concentrate in future elections on expanding and then retaining their presence in the Senate.

    In the lower house, Queensland will be a major focus for the Greens as they try to win back seats they lost at the election – Griffith and Brisbane. Waters’ leadership should help with this aim.

    Senate power

    Waters will conceivably command more power than Bandt, given the Greens will hold the sole balance of power in the new Senate.

    She’s pledged to keep Labor accountable, while urging the government to “be brave” and “actually do what the country needs them to do”.

    There’s now no excuse for the Labor Party not to take the climate crisis seriously, to take real action on the housing crisis, to genuinely tackle the cost of living. People deserve more than just tinkering. They deserve real reform that will help them in their daily lives, and nature cannot be put last like it has been for so long.

    This, together with the presentation of Waters as a leader who represents continuity, suggests any changes to the party’s approach will likely focus on presentation rather than policy.

    Waters is now tasked with reframing the 2025 election result as a moment of short-term pain and setting the party on a path of long-term gain.

    Whether or not this will be achieved, and how important Waters’ leadership will be to achieving this, remains to be seen.

    How was Waters selected?

    The Greens’ leadership selection relies entirely on the federal party room. Unlike the Labor Party, where members have a say on who becomes leader, grassroots Greens are excluded from the process.

    Like Waters, all previous leaders – Adam Bandt, Richard Di Natale, Christine Milne and party founder Bob Brown – were elected unopposed, reflecting the party’s consensus style of decision making.

    In 2020, there was an unsuccessful push to include the membership base in the leadership process. A “one member, one vote” option received majority support in a party-wide plebiscite. But it failed to meet the two-thirds majority required to force a change.

    Nathan Fioritti does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Fresh start for the Greens, with new leader Larissa Waters – https://theconversation.com/fresh-start-for-the-greens-with-new-leader-larissa-waters-256453

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Trump signed plenty of contracts in the Middle East, but he’s no closer to the two ‘deals’ he really wants

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Shahram Akbarzadeh, Convenor, Middle East Studies Forum (MESF), and Deputy Director (International), Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation, Deakin University

    US President Donald Trump’s visit to Arab states in the Middle East this week generated plenty of multibillion-dollar deals. He said more than US$1 trillion (A$1.5 trillion) worth of deals had been signed with Saudi Arabia alone, though the real total is likely much lower than that.

    Qatar also placed an order for 210 Boeing aircraft, a deal worth a reported US$96 billion (A$149 billion). Trump will no doubt present these transactions as a major success for US industry.

    The trip also helped counter concerns about US disengagement from the Middle East. For more than a decade, local elites have viewed Washington’s attention as shifting away from the region.

    This trip was a reaffirmation of the importance of the Middle East – in particular the Gulf region – to US foreign policy. This is an important signal to send to Middle Eastern leaders who are dealing with competing interests from China and, to a lesser extent, Russia.

    And from a political standpoint, Trump’s lifting of sanctions on Syria and meeting with the former rebel, now president, Ahmed al-Sharaa was very significant – both symbolically and practically.

    Until recently, al-Sharaa was listed by the United States as a terrorist with a US$10 million (A$15 million) bounty on his head. However, when his forces removed dictator Bashar al-Assad from power in December, he was cautiously welcomed by many in the international community.

    The US had invested considerable resources in removing Assad from power, so his fall was cause for celebration, even if it came at the hands of forces the US had deemed terrorists.

    This rapid turn-around is dizzying. In practice, the removal of sanctions on Syria opens the doors to foreign investment in the reconstruction of the country following a long civil war.

    It also offers an opportunity for Saudi Arabia and Qatar, as well as Turkey, to expand their influence in Syria at the expense of Iran.

    For a leader who styles himself a deal-maker, these can all be considered successful outcomes from a three-day trip.

    However, Trump avoided wading into the far more delicate diplomatic and political negotiations needed to end Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza and find common ground with Iran on its nuclear program.

    No solution in sight for the Palestinians

    Trump skirted the ongoing tragedy in Gaza and offered no plans for a diplomatic solution to the war, which drags on with no end in sight.

    The president did note his desire to see a normalisation of relations between Arab states and Israel, without acknowledging the key stumbling block.

    While Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates have no love for Hamas, the Gaza war and the misery inflicted on the Palestinians have made it impossible for them to overlook the issue. They cannot simply leapfrog Gaza to normalise relations with Israel.

    In his first term, Trump hoped the Palestinian issue could be pushed aside to achieve normalisation of relations between Arab states and Israel. This was partially achieved with the Abraham Accords, which saw the UAE and three other Muslim-majority nations normalise relations with Israel.

    Trump no doubt believed the Israel-Hamas ceasefire agreed to just before his inauguration would stick – he promised as much during the US election campaign.

    But after Israel unilaterally broke the ceasefire in March, vowing to press on with its indiscriminate bombing of Gaza, he’s learned the hard way the Palestinian question cannot easily be solved or brushed under the carpet.

    The Palestinian aspiration for statehood needs to be addressed as an indispensable step towards a lasting peace and regional stability.

    It was telling that Trump did not stop in Israel this week. One former Israeli diplomat says it’s a sign Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has lost his leverage with Trump.

    There’s nothing that Netanyahu has that Trump wants, needs or [that he] can give him, as opposed to, say, the Saudis, the Qataris, [or] the Emiratis.

    More harsh rhetoric for Iran

    Trump also had no new details or initiatives to announce on the Iran nuclear talks, beyond his desire to “make a deal” and his repeat of past threats.

    At least four rounds of talks have been held between Iran and the United States since early April. While both sides are positive about the prospects, the US administration seems divided on the intended outcome.

    The US Middle East special envoy Steve Witkoff and Secretary of State Marco Rubio have called for the complete dismantling of Iran’s capacity to enrich uranium as a sure safeguard against the potential weaponisation of the nuclear program.

    Trump himself, however, has been less categorical. Though he has called for the “total dismantlement” of Iran’s nuclear program, he has also said he’s undecided if Iran should be allowed to continue a civilian enrichment program.

    Iran’s capacity to enrich uranium, albeit under international monitoring, is a red line for the authorities in Tehran – they won’t give this up.

    The gap between Iran and the US appears to have widened this week following Trump’s attack on Iran as the “most destructive force” in the Middle East. The Iranian foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi called Trump’s remarks “pure deception”, and pointed to US support for Israel as the source of instability in the region.

    None of this has advanced the prospects of a nuclear deal. And though his visit to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE was marked by pomp and ceremony, he’ll leave no closer to solving two protracted challenges than when he arrived.

    Shahram Akbarzadeh receives funding from Australian Research Council. He is affiliated with the Middle East Council on Global Affairs, a non-profit research centre in Doha, Qatar.

    ref. Trump signed plenty of contracts in the Middle East, but he’s no closer to the two ‘deals’ he really wants – https://theconversation.com/trump-signed-plenty-of-contracts-in-the-middle-east-but-hes-no-closer-to-the-two-deals-he-really-wants-256778

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: As the Latrobe Valley moves away from coal jobs, could a green worker’s cooperative offer a solution?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gregory Patmore, Emeritus Professor of Business and Labour History, University of Sydney

    Workers at Earthworker Energy Manufacturing Co-op

    Worker cooperatives may sound like something out of the 19th century, but they still exist in the age of global capitalism.

    In Spain, for instance, the Mondragon Corporation is a huge worker-run cooperative based around 95 collectives – the largest cooperative in the world.

    Worker cooperatives produce products or services. But they are run very differently. Workers can become members of the cooperative they work for by buying a share of the business. This gives them a vote in how the business is run and a share of net income, after costs have come out.

    Co-ops do not have external shareholders – the profits stay with workers. Rather than bosses deciding and workers carrying out the tasks, worker cooperatives are based on democratic principles. Big decisions are discussed and then voted on, and each member gets one vote. They offer a direct way for workers to control their production and shape the economy.

    In Australia, these models peaked in the 1980s. Most are gone, though a few older cooperatives are still running, such as Tasmanian recycling cooperative Resource Work Collective, founded in 1993.

    In recent years, there’s been renewed interest in the model. The Earthworker cooperative network focused on Victoria’s Latrobe Valley. The goal: find new types of employment and products in a coal area undergoing transition.

    Coal plants in the Latrobe Valley provided jobs for generations of workers. Their closure poses real challenges. Pictured: worker hardhats left on the fence at Hazelwood Power Station after it closed in 2017.
    Dorothy Chiron/Shutterstock

    How well does the model work?

    Mondragon is the most well-known example. Founded in 1956 in the Basque region of northern Spain, Mondragon grew and became self-sustaining. It has developed supporting institutions such as research and development companies and even a university. It also established a credit union, which attracted capital and provided loans to cooperatives.

    While Mondragon is a successful example, these organisations face a number of barriers to their survival.

    Critics have argued worker cooperatives tend to fail as workers do not understand the market for their products, but Mondragon undercuts this criticism.

    Worker cooperatives can have difficulties raising capital. Some banks can be reluctant to invest as they may lack familiarity or sympathy with the model.

    Instead, workers may put some or all of their savings into the organisation to get it started. Taking these kinds of risks means some workers may be focused on getting immediate rewards, rather than investing surplus funds or building up cash reserves.

    Workers can sometimes choose to transform a successful cooperative into a capitalist enterprise to achieve greater capital gains.

    Surprisingly, trade unions are generally hostile and suspicious of worker cooperatives. Union organisers may fear worker-owners could see little need for trade unions in representing their interests, or that cooperatives could undercut union wages and conditions to remain competitive.

    To date, worker cooperatives have had a limited impact in Australia, despite the relatively strong historical position of workers.

    Compared to member cooperatives and other types, worker’s cooperatives tend to be short lived in Australia. That’s because most were formed by workers after an industrial dispute or to maintain employment during economic downturns.

    In 1987, for instance, workers retrenched by a major communications company decided to form a co-op which became the Electronic Service Centre in Fairfield, New South Wales. A later example is Abrasiflex, a NSW company bought by workers facing retrenchment in 1993. Both cooperatives failed by the early 2000s.

    Their popularity peaked in the 1980s, when the model was promoted by state Labor governments. Policymakers saw them as a short term means to resolve unemployment, rather than a long term means to secure economic democracy.

    The model lost traction in the early 1990s due to an economic downturn, capital shortfalls and changing political circumstances.

    New energy

    The idea for Earthworker came from discussions between unionists and environmentalists over job creation and the environment. Earthworker founders were influenced by the Green Bans.

    As the project’s website states:

    Conflict can occur between environmentalists who want to shut down certain industries, and unionists who want to protect jobs […] we should work together for a “just transition” and create jobs that aren’t just better for the earth, but for workers too.

    In this respect, Earthworker has much in common with the Cleveland Model in the United States, which links green business, local economic development and fair labour practices.

    Earthworker only formally became a cooperative in 2011, though discussions date back to the late 1990s. In 2016, the network bought a hot water tank manufacturer in Morwell and began making their own tanks and solar hot water systems as the Earthworker Energy Manufacturing Co-operative. The cooperative is aimed at helping the Latrobe Valley’s transition away from coal power jobs.

    Morwell and other Latrobe Valley towns are losing coal jobs. But new industries and business models are emerging.
    AustralianCamera/Shutterstock

    Earthworker promotes the payment of trade union wage rates and conditions. The goal is to build a network of cooperatives supporting each other to build economies of scale.

    Their other cooperatives include Earthworker Construction (residential construction, landscaping and maintenance) and Earthworker Smart Energy (improving thermal efficiency and comfort in homes). These cooperatives are generally small, with 10 members or fewer.

    Another cooperative, Redgum Cleaning, closed down in 2023. It was not viable due to staff shortages, increased costs and work cancellations during the pandemic. Paying union rates in a competitive industry also assisted its demise.

    By contrast, the Earthworker Energy Manufacturing Co-operative has found a way to survive in a competitive market.

    Niche or mainstream?

    Australian worker cooperatives ensure manufacturing and services remain locally owned and controlled. Could they expand? It’s possible.

    Capital remains a major issue for Australian worker cooperatives such as Earthworker. Without capital, it’s hard to scale. Government efforts to expand domestic manufacturing often overlook this model.

    The Earthworker network points to one future for Australian worker cooperatives. Despite the failures of the past, Earthworker’s focus on building a network of sustainable businesses rather than a single cooperative is a promising path.

    Gregory Patmore has received funding from the Australian Research Council and the Business Council of Co-operatives and Mutuals.

    ref. As the Latrobe Valley moves away from coal jobs, could a green worker’s cooperative offer a solution? – https://theconversation.com/as-the-latrobe-valley-moves-away-from-coal-jobs-could-a-green-workers-cooperative-offer-a-solution-245850

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: It’s wild mushroom season in Australia. Here’s how to stay safe and avoid poisoning

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Darren Roberts, Conjoint Associate Professor in Clinical Pharmacology and Toxicology, St Vincent’s Healthcare Clinical Campus, UNSW Sydney

    dannersjb/Shutterstock

    A number of Australian states including New South Wales, Victoria and South Australia have issued warnings in recent weeks about the risks of eating wild mushrooms.

    Mushrooms generally grow in cooler and wetter times. Although these conditions are present in some parts of Australia for much of the year, in many parts of the country, mushroom growth is seen around this time (autumn and early winter).

    Wild mushrooms can be easily accessible in public spaces, including parks, nature strips and forests. They’re also found in people’s gardens.

    Wild mushrooms attract attention for many reasons, including a new or unexpected location, their interesting colours and shapes, or sometimes because they look similar to edible varieties.

    So what do you need to know about the risks of eating wild mushrooms? And what’s the best way to stay safe?

    The health risks of eating wild mushrooms

    Eating toxic wild mushrooms can have varied effects on people. The reaction can depend on the person, but mostly depends on the type of mushroom.

    The most common consequences are gastrointestinal, for example nausea, abdominal pain, vomiting and diarrhoea. Less commonly, people can experience sleepiness, confusion or vision changes including hallucinations.

    Fortunately, most people experiencing these reactions will fully recover as their body eliminates the toxins.

    But some people suffer severe poisoning requiring admission to hospital. And eating certain high-risk mushrooms can result in permanent damage to vital organs such as the liver or kidneys, or even death.

    These effects have occurred from eating wild mushrooms in Australia, and consuming even a single death cap mushroom (Amanita phalloides) can be fatal.

    Amanita phalloides has increasingly been detected in Victoria and the Australian Capital Territory in recent years. It’s also known to exist in Tasmania and SA, and has recently been found in NSW.

    It’s possible death cap mushrooms are found elsewhere in Australia, but we just haven’t seen them yet.

    Incidents are increasing

    Recent alerts from NSW and SA show the annual number of calls to poisons information centres about mushroom poisoning is increasing.

    In NSW for example, the Poisons Information Centre responded to 363 calls in 2024 regarding exposures to wild mushrooms in NSW and the ACT, an increase of 26% compared to 2023.

    What’s more, a higher proportion of cases are requiring referral to hospital.

    Roughly half of calls to poisons information centres relate to exposures among young children under the age of five. While most children didn’t have any symptoms, this volume of calls pertaining to young kids is still worrying. A number of these children required assessment and monitoring in hospital.

    Death cap mushrooms are notoriously dangerous.
    Janny2/Shutterstock

    Many calls to poisons information centres also involve adolescents and adults who forage and eat wild mushrooms. Some consume mushrooms as a food, while others seek their hallucinogenic effects. This group is usually symptomatic when the poisons information centre is contacted, and many require treatment in hospital.

    Adults tend to have more severe symptoms because they consume more than children. Most adults who contact poisons information centres with symptoms have eaten wild mushrooms that were foraged outside of a guided tour with an expert.

    Not all cases of mushroom poisoning are notified to a poisons information centre, so it’s very likely these case counts represent a significant underestimation of the actual number of exposures and poisonings.

    All this suggests we may need more public health messaging around the dangers of wild mushrooms.

    Some tips for avoiding poisoning

    There’s no easy way to know if a wild mushroom is edible or poisonous, so we advise people against foraging for, and eating, wild mushrooms.

    Outside perhaps of an organised tour with an expert, the only mushrooms people should eat are those purchased from a reputable supermarket, grocer or market.

    Wild mushrooms can pop up in your garden overnight and toddlers learn about their environment by touching and putting things in their mouths. So it’s worth pre-emptively removing any wild mushrooms from areas where young children play. Wear gloves and discard mushrooms in rubbish bins for landfill.

    Some websites, such as iNaturalist, allow people to upload pictures of wild mushrooms so experts may be able to help identify them. However, the quality of the photos can affect an expert’s ability to identify the mushroom species correctly.

    If you’re going to use a platform like this, consider taking pictures from multiple angles, showing the top of the cap, under the cap, the stem, the size of the mushroom and the trees that it was found close to.

    Research has suggested certain apps may not be reliable on their own for identifying mushrooms.

    If you decide to eat wild mushrooms, as well as taking lots of photos, keep samples. In the event you or someone else gets sick, it may be possible for a mycologist (mushroom expert) to identify the mushroom consumed. Knowing the mushroom species can help determine which treatments are required, if any.

    Finally, note it’s not possible to detoxify mushrooms. Washing, peeling, cooking or drying a mushroom does not deactivate or remove the toxins.

    Who to call if you’re worried

    If you or someone you know develops any symptoms from eating a wild mushroom, immediately contact the Poisons Information Centre on 13 11 26 for advice. This is a national phone number that will direct you to the nearest poisons information centre, 24 hours a day.

    Even if a child or someone else has no symptoms after eating a potentially poisonous mushroom, call before symptoms develop. Symptoms can take many hours to present with Amanita phalloides, so being asymptomatic is not necessarily reassuring.

    In a medical emergency, for example seizures, collapse or unconsciousness, call 000.

    Darren Roberts is the Medical Director of the NSW Poisons Information Centre and a clinical toxicologist at Royal Prince Alfred Hospital, Sydney, NSW.

    ref. It’s wild mushroom season in Australia. Here’s how to stay safe and avoid poisoning – https://theconversation.com/its-wild-mushroom-season-in-australia-heres-how-to-stay-safe-and-avoid-poisoning-256561

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