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Category: Features

  • MIL-Evening Report: Peter Dutton wants to deport criminal dual citizens. We already have laws for that

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Luke Beck, Professor of Constitutional Law, Monash University

    Opposition Leader Peter Dutton has floated the idea of amending the Australian Constitution to allow government ministers to strip dual citizens of their Australian citizenship if they commit serious crimes related to terrorism.

    Almost immediately, Dutton’s coalition colleague and Shadow Attorney-General Michaelia Cash walked back the idea, saying the Coalition had “no plan” for a referendum.

    Dual citizens can already lose their Australian citizenship if they commit terrorism offences.

    So what does the Constitution say about the issue?

    Citizenship cessation

    Under the Australian Citizenship Act, there are three main ways an Australian citizen can cease their Australian citizenship.

    First, a dual citizen can voluntarily renounce their Australian citizenship. Some people choose to do this if they move overseas and don’t intend to return to Australia.

    Second, the government can revoke a dual citizen’s Australian citizenship if they obtained it by fraud. The logic here is that the person was never really eligible for Australian citizenship in the first place.



    Read more:
    View from The Hill: Dutton’s talk about a citizenship referendum is personal over-reach and political folly

    Third, and most seriously, a court can – if the government asks it to – strip a dual citizen of their Australian citizenship as part of the sentencing process for serious crimes such as terrorism and foreign incursions.

    In deciding whether to impose this punishment, the court must be satisfied the person’s crime was “so serious and significant that it demonstrates that the person has repudiated their allegiance to Australia”.

    In other words, dual citizen terrorists can already lose their Australian citizenship.

    What does the Constitution say?

    Federal parliament can make laws only on certain subject matters, as listed in the Constitution. One of those subject matters is “naturalisation and aliens”.

    In a 2022 case called Alexander, the High Court confirmed the naturalisation and aliens power allows the federal parliament to pass laws taking away a person’s citizenship if the person has done something that shows they had repudiated their allegiance to Australia.

    That case concerned an Australian-Turkish dual citizen who travelled to Syria to fight with the Islamic State militant group. That kind of voluntary conduct clearly repudiates allegiance to Australia.

    The High Court has made a series of rulings against government attempts to strip citizenship.
    Shutterstock

    But to be valid, a federal law must not only fall under one of the listed subject matters such as “naturalisation and aliens”, it also must not breach any limitation on the federal parliament’s power.

    An important limitation on the federal parliament’s lawmaking power is keeping federal judicial power separate from the power of the parliament and the executive. This is called the “separation of powers”.

    The separation of federal judicial power is an important constitutional concept. The idea is that it prevents the parliament or government ministers interfering in the role of the courts or usurping the role of the courts.

    Attempts at legislation

    Only courts can exercise federal judicial power. Judicial power includes things like imposing punishments on people for criminal conduct. This is where past citizenship stripping laws have run into trouble.

    The problem with the law in the Alexander case was that it allowed a government minister to take away the terrorist’s Australian citizenship, rather than a court, and even if the person had not been first convicted by a court.

    So while the High Court ruled the parliament could legislate under the aliens power, it found ministers cannot decide guilt or punishment.

    The government thought the problem with the law was simply the lack of criminal conviction. So the parliament passed a new law allowing a government minister to strip dual citizen terrorists of their Australian citizenship, but only if they had first been convicted by a court.

    But the High Court struck down that law in a 2023 case called Benbrika.



    Read more:
    Is a terrorist’s win in the High Court bad for national security? Not necessarily

    Benbrika had been convicted of terrorism offences in the courts, then a government minister made an order taking away his citizenship.

    The problem with the law, the High Court said, was that a government minister was imposing a punishment. Only courts can impose punishment under the separation of powers.

    So in response to that decision, the federal parliament passed another law. This time the new law allowed the courts to strip a dual citizen of their Australian citizenship as a punishment as part of the sentencing process for serious crimes like terrorism.

    This is the law that’s currently in place. It avoids the separation of powers issue. There is no constitutional problem with courts imposing punishment for crimes.

    So what does Peter Dutton want to do?

    Peter Dutton’s comments suggest he wants government ministers – rather than courts – to impose the punishment of removing citizenship. He hasn’t said why or what purpose this would serve, apart from “keeping our country safe”.

    The only way to allow federal ministers to impose punishments is to change the Constitution through a referendum that inserts a new provision overriding separation of powers rules.

    Given Australia’s long history of defeated referendums, such a vote is unlikely to succeed.

    That’s if it makes it out of the gate. Reported tensions within the Liberal party suggest it may not get off the ground to become official Coalition policy.

    Luke Beck is a rank and file member of the ALP. The views expressed in this piece are his own.

    – ref. Peter Dutton wants to deport criminal dual citizens. We already have laws for that – https://theconversation.com/peter-dutton-wants-to-deport-criminal-dual-citizens-we-already-have-laws-for-that-252507

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: A stronger neck can help young athletes reduce their risk of concussion

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Chris Gaviglio, Lecturer Strength and Conditioning, University of Southern Queensland

    Dziurek/Shutterstock

    During Australia’s winter sports seasons, hundreds of thousands of children will take to the field in contact sports like rugby league, rugby union, Australian rules and soccer.

    With this comes the ever-present risk of concussions, which can have serious short and long-term effects – especially for younger athletes.

    While concussion protocols in professional sports are now common practice, with detailed return-to-play guidelines following head knocks, junior sports often lack comprehensive prevention strategies.

    Despite growing awareness and rule changes aimed at increasing safety, concussion rates in junior sport remain concerning.

    Despite growing awareness and rule changes in some sports, concussion is still a risk to many athletes.

    How bad is the problem?

    Sports-related concussions account for a significant portion of emergency department visits and hospitalisations.

    One in five concussion hospitalisations involve sport but this figure does not capture the full scope of concussions that are managed outside hospitals, such as those treated in general practice, by physiotherapists, or that go unreported.

    The 2021–22 Australian Institute of Health and Welfare report on concussions in Australia over the past decade highlighted:

    • children and adolescents are particularly vulnerable. Boys aged 5–14 had the highest rates of emergency department presentations for concussions, suggesting sports and recreational activities play a significant role in injury occurrence at these ages.

    • young men are at highest risk of severe concussion requiring hospitalisation. Males aged 15–24 had nearly double the hospitalisation rate for concussion compared to females in the same age group.

    • although men had more concussions, when adjusted for participation numbers, women had higher concussion rates in contact sports such as rugby and Australian rules football. This means women proportionally experience concussions at a higher rate than men.



    Read more:
    Should I get my child a baseline concussion test before they start junior sports?

    Why children are more vulnerable to concussions

    Children and adolescents are particularly susceptible to concussions as their brains are still developing. This makes them more vulnerable to the effects of head trauma.

    Most young athletes also have significantly lower neck strength compared to adults. This weakness, combined with a proportionally larger head size relative to their neck, leads to greater forces transmitted to the brain when an impact occurs.

    Youth athletes often also need longer recovery periods after concussions. Symptoms can affect their schoolwork, mental health and ability to return to sport.

    While many sports have tried to lower concussion risks by implementing simplified gameplay and modifications to player-to-player contact, these approaches don’t directly boost an athlete’s physical capacity to withstand impacts.

    Can neck strength reduce concussion risk?

    One crucial yet often overlooked protective factor is neck strength.

    Research suggests stronger necks can significantly reduce concussion risk by helping to stabilise the head during impact.

    The reason appears obvious: a stronger neck helps stabilise the head during impact, reducing the acceleration forces transmitted to the brain.

    Data from high school sports suggests athletes with stronger neck muscles can better control head movement during a collision. This essentially creates a more effective “shock absorber” system.

    In soccer players, adolescents who performed neuromuscular neck exercises reported fewer concussions and possible concussive events. They also had less pain when heading the ball compared to those who didn’t perform the exercises.

    A landmark study, which examined concussions in 6,662 high school athletes across multiple sports, discovered a direct relationship between neck strength and concussion risk. It found that if athletes developed stronger neck muscles, it reduced their risk of concussion.

    This finding suggests even modest improvements in neck strength could yield significant protective benefits.

    Why neck strength matters

    Strengthening junior athletes’ necks extends beyond injury prevention.

    Fewer concussions mean less time away from sport, potentially reducing dropout rates and encouraging long-term participation.

    This has implications not just for athletic development but for public health more broadly, as lifelong sport participation contributes to better physical and mental wellbeing.

    Cognitive protection is equally important.

    By reducing concussion risk, we help safeguard young athletes’ academic performance and cognitive development.

    For sporting organisations, implementing neck strength training represents a low-cost, effective intervention that demonstrates commitment to player welfare.

    How to develop a stronger neck

    Effective neck strengthening doesn’t require expensive equipment or extensive time commitments.

    Simple exercises can be easily integrated into training sessions or warm-ups.

    Isometric neck holds are a great starting point. Athletes place their hand against their forehead, temple, or the back of their head and push gently against resistance for 5–10 seconds. These exercises activate key neck muscles without requiring any equipment.

    Over time, these exercises can be progressed using minimal equipment to increase the complexity and better mimic sports-specific movements.

    The key is consistency. Performing these exercises two to four times weekly can produce meaningful improvements in neck strength and function.

    An easy win

    As the evidence mounts, one thing becomes increasingly clear: neck strength training represents a simple, effective strategy that may reduce the effects of concussion in junior athletes.

    The minimal time and equipment requirements make it an accessible option in sports where head and neck injuries are a concern.

    Parents, coaches and sporting bodies should consider making neck strengthening exercises a standard component of junior athlete training programs.

    By doing so, we can help ensure our young athletes enjoy safer sporting experiences and healthier futures both on and off the field.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A stronger neck can help young athletes reduce their risk of concussion – https://theconversation.com/a-stronger-neck-can-help-young-athletes-reduce-their-risk-of-concussion-251250

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Married At First Sight should be a platform to talk about domestic violence – too much is left unsaid

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kate Toone, Lecturer in Social Work, University of South Australia

    Nine

    Married at First Sight Australia (colloquially known as “MAFS”) is one of Australia’s most popular reality TV shows, averaging two million viewers an episode. But this year’s season has come under fire for multiple narratives plagued by domestic violence.

    In particular, one episode brought up three troubling facets of violence: physical violence, coercive control, and expectations of male dominance. Parallels between these three relationships are evident to those of us who work with gendered violence.

    Disappointingly, the show has only directly addressed physical violence. By failing to address properly these other facets of violence, MAFS missed an opportunity to examine the way men’s violence against women exists on a continuum.

    How does the show work?

    The premise of the show is simple: individuals who are unlucky in love are matched by three relationship “experts”. The first time they meet is at the end of the aisle.

    The spouses move in together and are put through a series of exercises designed to “fast track” their connection – although success rates are quite low.

    In weekly commitment ceremonies, each couple, in front of the group, receives relationship therapy from the show’s expert panel: registered psychologist John Aiken, relationship coach Mel Schilling, and sexologist Alessandra Rampolla.

    Each week, each member of the couple chooses to stay or leave. If only one member of a couple wants to leave, both must stay.

    ‘This is deeply troubling’

    At the commitment ceremony in the episode that aired on March 2, groom Paul Antoine confessed he punched a hole in a door during an argument with his wife Carina Mirabile.

    The experts appear to take Antoine’s violence seriously. They threaten to expel him from the show. Other grooms speak directly to camera about the seriousness of physical violence.

    Mirabile downplays his behaviour. She says the incident happened after she talked about a previous relationship, and Antoine’s actions show “he does have strong feelings towards me” and it is “a real relationship”.

    Expert Schilling responds, saying:

    I cannot sit here and listen to this justification from you […] This is not normal behaviour, sweetheart […] This is deeply troubling.

    The incident is being investigated by New South Wales Police. At the time of writing, the couple remain in the series.

    A difficult relationship

    Before the season began airing, it came to light that a member of one couple, Adrian Araouzou, was previously charged with domestic assault, before being acquitted. At the time of writing, this history has not been addressed on screen.

    At the same commitment ceremony, Araouzou whispers requests to his wife, Awhina Rutene, that she not talk about an argument between his sisters and Rutene’s sister.

    Another groom, Dave Hand, criticises Araouzeou’s behaviour, saying

    let her say how she really feels […] She looks at you for permission to speak, mate.

    Aiken says this is a “serious statement”. Rutene says she doesn’t need permission, although she sometimes feels speaking will cause “a rift between us” and she does not want to “hurt Adrian’s feelings”.

    Rutene votes to leave. Because Araouzeou chooses to stay, she is also compelled to stay.

    Looking for ‘domination’

    In the same episode, bride Lauren Hall says she was horrified to come home and find her husband, Clint Rice, cleaning. Hall says she expects a husband to be “very dominating”.

    Sexologist Rampolla suggests Rice embracing domination could “grow the spark” within the relationship. The experts ask Rice whether he feels he can live up to Hall’s gendered expectations. He agrees to try.

    A national emergency

    Given the national platform of the show, and the “national emergency” of domestic and family violence, the failure to seize any opportunity to send a strong message about gender equality to the public is deeply disappointing.

    A 2021 survey found 23% of Australians believe domestic violence is a normal reaction to stress. This points to a mainstream acceptance of violence within intimate relationships. There is a need for further public discourse – and MAFS is very well positioned to contribute to it.

    When MAFS allows people to stay on the show after they have enacted violence, the show sends the message that violence is not enough of a reason to leave a relationship. A 2016 survey from the Australian Bureau of Statistics found that 46% of women who have experienced violence from their partner and have never separated have wanted to leave the relationship.

    People should be able to leave a relationship at any time, and for any reason. It is estimated it takes seven attempts for a woman to leave a relationship characterised by violence. In MAFS, one member of a couple can effectively force the other to stay. This suggests the ultimate goal of marriage is lasting commitment, rather than happiness, fulfilment and safety.

    While the experts openly addressed Antione’s violence in the March 2 episode, there has been no further discussion of the incident since. This sends the message intimate partner violence is easily solved, and not important enough for ongoing attention.

    When the experts supported the idea that Rice should be “dominant” in a relationship, they missed an opportunity to explore the intricate ways patriarchal expectations play out in intimate relationships. Research shows relationships characterised by dominant forms of masculinity are precursors for male violence against women.

    Had MAFS seized this opportunity to open up this discussion (perhaps in a group therapy session with all of the grooms, including with quietly supportive Rice, and strong and respectful Hand) they could have used their platform to push back on the idealised image of a dominating man.

    Research from 2020 found most representations of masculinity on Australian television show men as “inherently chauvinistic, sexist, and misogynist”. MAFS has an opportunity to delve into Australian masculinity and question these stereotypes. What a shame this opportunity has been missed.

    Kate Toone is a member of the Australian Association of Social Workers.

    – ref. Married At First Sight should be a platform to talk about domestic violence – too much is left unsaid – https://theconversation.com/married-at-first-sight-should-be-a-platform-to-talk-about-domestic-violence-too-much-is-left-unsaid-251485

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Dozens of surfers fell ill after swimming in seas that turned into a ‘bacterial smoothie’ of sea foam. What was in it?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ipek Kurtböke, Associate Professor in Microbiology, University of the Sunshine Coast

    Anthony Rowland

    Two windswept beaches 80km south of Adelaide have been closed to the public after locals reported “more than 100” surfers fell ill on the weekend. Their symptoms included “a sore throat, dry cough and irritated eyes” or blurred vision. Dead sea dragons, fish and octopuses have also washed up on the beaches.

    Water samples have been taken for testing and health authorities suspect toxins from an algal bloom may be to blame.

    But the “mysterious foam” in the water is a health hazard in its own right.

    My research shows people should not go in the sea when it is foaming. These bacterial smoothies can contain more harmful pathogens than a sewage treatment plant – and you wouldn’t go swimming in sewage.

    Beware of sea foam

    Sea foam doesn’t look dangerous. But looks can be deceiving. This foam is likely to contain a mixture of many different types of microbes and pollutants.

    On beaches with lots of sea foam, people should avoid all contact with the water – and definitely avoid surfing or breathing in the contaminated water droplets in the air.

    I have been studying sea foams since 2003. In 2021, my PhD student Luke Wright and I published research on our discovery of infectious disease-causing microbes in the sea foams of the Sunshine Coast in Queensland.

    Named Nocardiae, these microbes are filamentous bacteria that can cause foaming in wastewater treatment plants, particularly when there’s a high load of fats, oils and greases. We now know the bacteria can cause foaming in the sea too.

    We detected 32 strains of Nocardiae in samples of sea foam from beaches at Noosa and south to Caloundra.

    Some of these species were new to science. So we named them Nocardia australiensis and Nocardia spumea (“spumea” meaning froth or foam).

    Nocardiae bacteria are known to cause skin, lung and central nervous system infections in both humans and animals. But the infection usually only takes hold in people with weakened immune systems. The bacteria can cause abscesses in the brain, lungs and liver.

    The incubation time can range between one and six months, depending on the strain of bacteria and the health status of the person involved.

    This means it will take some time for people to get infected and show symptoms. Long-term medical monitoring is required to detect the condition, as it can be masked by other disease-causing microbes such as the infectious agent that causes tuberculosis.

    Where is the sea foam coming from?

    During heavy winds, microbial spores from the soil can end up on the surface of the ocean.

    If the water is polluted with floating fats and grease as well as asphaltene, motor oil and hydrocarbons, these spores soon form bacterial colonies or biofilms that go forth and multiply.

    That’s because these microbes use pollution as a food source. Seawater is increasingly polluted by runoff from farmland or hard surfaces such as roads. Everything washed into the stormwater drains out to sea. During heavy storms accidental overflow from sewage systems can also occur, as Rockhampton has experienced in the past.

    Algae is another food source for these microbes, as they can crack open algae cells to access the nutritious oils inside. Sea foams have been observed in northern France during algal blooms.

    Warm water makes matters worse, as the warmth increases the survival rate for Nocardiae. In our laboratory on the Sunshine Coast, we were able to replicate a foaming event. We found foaming started at water temperatures of 24°C and above.

    What can be done about it?

    Reducing stormwater pollution will reduce the growth of sea foams. Any potential incident of infections of these surfers can raise awareness of the problem.

    But sea foam can also be found in pristine environments such as national parks, where it is mostly due to oils leached from trees. We proved this fact at Noosa National Park.

    In my experience on the Sunshine Coast, the council and other local authorities have been very receptive to advice on how to fix the problem. They have supported our research and also completed major upgrades at sewage treatment plants over the last 20 years.

    Once there’s an outbreak in the environment it is very difficult to control. That’s because ocean is an open system, as opposed to the closed system of a sewage treatment plant, where operators can use special chemicals or mechanical equipment to break the foam down. In open sea it’s impossible. So we just have to wait for it to go away.

    In this case, teams of researchers from different disciplines should come together to explore the issue. Microbiologists, marine scientists, meteorologists and chemists should team up to find out what’s going on. Ocean currents should be followed to determine where the pollutants end up.

    Sea foam is a global issue

    Earlier this month Tropical Cyclone Alfred whipped up sea foam all the way along the coast from South East Queensland to northern New South Wales. I was horrified to see footage of people playing in the thick, sticky sea foam, blissfully unaware of the dangers.

    But the problem is not confined to Australia, sea foam can be found at polluted beaches all over the world. Examples include India and Turkey.

    I have been telling this story ever since I first observed it on the Sunshine Coast in 2003. Every time there’s a major sea foam event, the media is interested. But research support is also needed in the gaps in between. We scientists need to monitor the shorelines continuously.

    As long as humanity continues to produce pollution, the problem will increase. It will also worsen as the world warms, because sea foams like it hot.

    Ipek Kurtböke does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Dozens of surfers fell ill after swimming in seas that turned into a ‘bacterial smoothie’ of sea foam. What was in it? – https://theconversation.com/dozens-of-surfers-fell-ill-after-swimming-in-seas-that-turned-into-a-bacterial-smoothie-of-sea-foam-what-was-in-it-252506

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Sand-sized fossils hold secrets to the history of climate change

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yuhao Dai, Research Fellow in Earth Sciences, Australian National University

    N-2-s/Shutterstock

    Between 18,000 and 11,000 years ago, the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere suddenly shot up. This caused rapid global warming, the mass melting of glaciers, and the end of the last ice age.

    Much of this sudden influx of atmospheric CO₂ came from the Southern Ocean around Antarctica, highlighting the key role this body of water plays in regulating the global climate.

    However, we have a poor understanding of how and why CO₂ release from this region changed during periods such as the end of the last ice age. But our new study, published in Nature Communications, reveals how much CO₂ was released to the atmosphere from the polar Southern Ocean during this period – and what factors were responsible.

    We reached these conclusions by examining the chemistry of sand-sized fossils, called foraminifera, from the seafloor south of Tasmania.

    Tiny shells preserved in mud

    Foraminifera are tiny single-celled organisms, either floating in the ocean surface or living on the seabed. Most of them build shells made of calcium carbonate to protect themselves. After death, these foraminifera shells are preserved in the mud on the seabed.

    Newer generations of foraminifera shells stack over older ones, like adding new pages to a book. Over time, these foraminifera shells form a book on the seabed that can be dated back to millions of years ago.

    Even more fascinating, trace amounts of elements in the seawater are incorporated into the calcium carbonate shells of foraminifera. In some foraminifera species, the amount of these elements is sensitive to the environment they live in.

    For example, the amount of boron in a species called Cibicidoides wuellerstorfi is sensitive to carbonate ion concentrations, and the amount of cadmium in another species (Hoeglundina elegans) is sensitive to phosphate concentrations.

    By looking at trace elements in these foraminifera shells found in the sequence of mud on the seabed, we can decipher mysteries about the past seawater condition in the book left by foraminifera on the seabed.

    In some species of foraminifera, such as Cibicidoides wuellerstorfi (pictured here), the trace amount of elements found in their shells is sensitive to their environment.
    Le Coze, François/WoRMS, CC BY-SA

    A giant metal straw

    How do scientists do this? First we go out to the ocean to collect mud.

    In this process, a giant metal straw is dropped to the seabed and then raised to our research ships, fully filled with mud. We take these mud samples back to our lab. There, we slice them into pieces and examine them separately.

    This allows us to extract information from each page of the book in chronological order. Foraminifera shells are washed out of the mud, and specific shells are picked out under a microscope, cleaned, and finally analysed for their chemical composition.

    Foraminifera have lived almost everywhere in the ocean for millions of years. Based on their chemical composition, scientists have reconstructed a continuous record of seawater temperature during the past 66 million years in great detail.

    Among a few places in the ocean where you cannot find foraminifera is the polar Southern Ocean. Although some foraminifera live there, seawater in this region is often too corrosive for their shells to preserve on the seabed. The lack of foraminifera in the polar Southern Ocean brings a huge challenge for scientists eager to understand past changes in CO₂ exchanges between the ocean and the atmosphere.

    Among a few places in the ocean where you cannot find foraminifera is the polar Southern Ocean.
    Mathias Berlin/Shutterstock

    From Antarctica to Tasmania

    We decided to tackle the problem using mud on the seabed 3,300 metres below the surface just south of Tasmania.

    Seawater at that depth near Tasmania is ideal for studying the chemistry of the polar Southern Ocean. That’s because seawater from the polar Southern Ocean sinks to the bottom of the ocean, moves northwards, and eventually occupies the seabed south of Tasmania.

    Seawater chemistry – including concentrations of carbon, phosphate and oxygen – does change along its way at the bottom of the ocean.

    These changes are, however, generally proportional to each other. So if all these concentrations are known for seawater at depth near Tasmania, we can work out their concentrations in the polar Southern Ocean.

    Fortunately, there were plenty of foraminifera shells in the mud for all these reconstructions at the site we examined near Tasmania.

    Reconstructing ancient chemical concentrations

    Using the chemistry of foraminifera, we reconstructed changes in concentrations of carbonate ion (which is largely related to carbon), phosphate and oxygen at the bottom of the ocean near Tasmania during the end of the last ice age roughly 20,000–10,000 years ago. This period is known as the last deglaciation.

    Based on these reconstructions, we calculated the amount of CO₂ released from the polar Southern Ocean during the last deglaciation. Some of this CO₂ came from biological processes – changes in the amount of carbon used by microscopic organisms living near the ocean surface. The rest was from physical processes – CO₂ molecules escaping from seawater directly to the air.

    We found that biological processes were more important for CO₂ releases during the earlier stages of the deglaciation, while the physical processes contributed more during the later stages.

    From the polar Southern Ocean, seawater sinks to the bottom of the ocean and moves northwards to reach the seabed south of Tasmania.
    Steve Todd/Shutterstock

    So why is this important?

    Scientists use climate models to predict future climate and to reproduce past atmospheric CO₂ changes.

    Our results provide testing targets for climate models to reproduce.

    Better reproduction of past changes will improve climate model design for predicting future changes.

    This will help us understand how future changes in the polar Southern Ocean can affect atmospheric CO₂, contributing to making effective plans to mitigate CO₂ emissions.

    Yuhao Dai receives funding from the Australian Research Council Special Research Initiative, Australian Centre for Excellence in Antarctic Science.

    – ref. Sand-sized fossils hold secrets to the history of climate change – https://theconversation.com/sand-sized-fossils-hold-secrets-to-the-history-of-climate-change-250928

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: As the rescued astronauts return, space law is still in orbit over who’s responsible when missions go wrong

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Anna Marie Brennan, Senior Lecturer in Law, University of Waikato

    Getty Images

    Now back on Earth thanks to Space X’s Dragon capsule, astronauts Suni Williams and Butch Wilmore will be breathing fresh air again after a gruelling nine months onboard the International Space Station.

    Stranded in June 2024 after their experimental Boeing Starliner spacecraft malfunctioned and was deemed too risky to carry passengers back to Earth, their stay was further extended last week when the recovery mission was postponed due to launchpad problems.

    A successful rescue mission will be a relief to NASA, which had the unprecedented task of figuring out how to get the astronauts home. But the crisis has also raised difficult questions about space missions and what happens if they don’t go to plan.

    This is complicated by civilians now going into space, including actor William Shatner and business tycoons Jeff Bezos and Richard Branson. Later this year, pop star Katy Perry and talk show host Gayle King will blast off on board Blue Origin’s NS-31 Mission.

    Corporations such as SpaceX, Blue Origin, Rocket Lab and Virgin Galactic are increasingly at the forefront of the new space race, but they operate in a legal vacuum as well as an atmospheric one.

    With the law not keeping pace with this rapid rise in commercial space exploration and exploitation, just who has a duty to rescue so-called space tourists and astronauts is unclear. Urgent legal reform is needed.

    Privatisation of space

    International space law contains a special duty for countries to rescue astronauts, regardless of their nationality.

    According to the United Nations Agreement on the Rescue of Astronauts, all member countries of the treaty, not just the country that launched the mission, have a duty to take “all necessary steps” to assist spacecraft crew in distress.

    This includes missions still in space as well as spacecraft that crash land in another state’s territory or at sea. The state conducting the rescue mission must safely return the astronauts to Earth – and to the country they originally launched from.

    But it’s not clear whether private space companies will have a similar duty. Some experts worry space tourists may have no real legal protection.

    Space law dates from the 20th century, when the 1967 Outer Space Treaty was adopted. But the original space race involved superpowers, and the possibility of corporations one day crossing the “final frontier” wasn’t even considered.

    So, if space tourists become stranded like Williams and Wilmore have been, there’s a possibility – in law at least – they could be left to fend for themselves.

    NASA’s Butch Wilmore and Suni Williams on their way to the launch craft of the ill-fated mission in June 2024.
    Getty Images

    Who is an ‘astronaut’?

    Space policy experts are now calling on the international community to adopt a broad interpretation of the term “astronaut” to ensure anyone has a right to be rescued regardless of their legal status.

    They’re also calling for new rules to determine who is responsible for rescuing private citizens if they get into trouble. Despite the several treaties and conventions regulating space activity, none address space tourism.

    Currently, space tourism involves lower atmosphere travel, but SpaceX’s Elon Musk has talked about sending tourists to Mars. However realistic that is, space law is struggling to keep up with such ambitions.

    With the rise of private space missions, there is now a strong argument for the companies involved being required to shoulder or share the associated costs and responsibilities.

    Described by the UN Office of Outer Space Affairs as “envoys of humankind”, astronauts undergo years of arduous training before taking part in space missions. They are acutely aware of the risks of space travel – but have embraced it.

    The same can’t be said for civilians. Space tourism is still in its early days, but the companies promoting it will need to act responsibly and sustainably. This means making their customers aware of the dangers and implementing rescue procedures and protocols.

    Without proper regulatory oversight, however, space tourism companies could require prospective customers to sign legal agreements waiving their right to rescue if they are in danger.

    The challenge for space law now is to find a workable compromise between human safety and corporate profit motives.

    Anna Marie Brennan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. As the rescued astronauts return, space law is still in orbit over who’s responsible when missions go wrong – https://theconversation.com/as-the-rescued-astronauts-return-space-law-is-still-in-orbit-over-whos-responsible-when-missions-go-wrong-252594

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Laws governing space are 50 years old. New ones are needed to prevent it becoming a ‘wild west’

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yucong Wang, Lecturer, School of Law and Justice, University of Newcastle

    In the first few months of 2025, there’s been a flurry of private venture space missions. Some have been successful, such as American company Firefly Aerospace landing its spacecraft Blue Ghost Mission 1 on the Moon. This was the first successful lunar landing of a privately owned spacecraft.

    But there have also been several recent failures. None have been more spectacular than the repeated explosions of tech billionaire Elon Musk’s SpaceX Starship rockets in January and March.

    In theory, there are a range of international laws governing these activities. However, most were established roughly half a century ago, before space was within reach of private companies eager to explore it and exploit its untapped resources.

    With this development, there is an urgent need to update laws governing what happens in space, in order to prevent it becoming a kind of “wild west” where tech billionaires and the companies they own can do as they please with little to no accountability, consequence or regard for the public good.

    Laws as old as the Cold War

    Space activities are mainly governed by United Nations treaties. These include the 1967 Outer Space Treaty, the 1972 Liability Convention, and the 1979 Moon Agreement.

    But these agreements were created during the Cold War, when space exploration was shaped by military sensitivities and mainly conducted by nation states.

    Yet private companies are now major players in space. They can bring the allure of space to the masses, for a pretty penny. For example, most of the roughly 11,000 active satellites orbiting Earth are privately owned.

    NASA now relies on partnerships with companies to combine expertise and save costs. The European Space Agency does the same, as do many of the 77 countries with space programs

    Elon Musk has expertly tapped into this trend, securing US$22.6 billion in United States government funding for SpaceX.

    Private spacecraft journeys may combine commercial and national goals. For example, the Blue Ghost Mission 1 was contracted by NASA through its Commercial Lunar Payloads initiative. It carried a suite of NASA science and technology instruments.

    Just days later, another company put a spacecraft on the Moon. Yet the Intuitive Machines Athena spacecraft landed awkwardly. It toppled over and was soon declared dead. It too was carrying expensive NASA cargo.

    National space agencies will continue to rely on company partners in more ambitious ventures. But what happens when things go wrong? How can private companies be held accountable if they damage the property of others, or cause environmental harm on celestial bodies?

    Space traffic

    There is an increasing risk of collisions among satellites, spacecrafts and space debris. And while there are some mechanisms for collision warnings, there is no global approach to assess the risk of collisions.

    The 1972 Liability Convention provides guidance about addressing liability after satellite collisions. However, it only directly applies to states, not private companies.

    If a private company’s spacecraft causes damage, the affected party can only initiate a claim via diplomatic channels against the launching state, not the company itself. The claims pathway can be complex, slow and subject to diplomatic negotiations.

    Also, some satellite operators purchase insurance to cover damage from collisions, wisely bypassing the convention. Insurance creates an efficient private mechanism to address damages, avoiding the need to involve states or navigate the diplomatic processes required under the Convention.

    But space insurance is incredibly expensive, so most satellites are not insured.

    The Outer Space Treaty says countries must avoid contamination of space. But it does not specifically address the problem of accumulated space debris.

    The long-term sustainablity of space activities, including the build up of debris, was not the pressing issue for the treaty’s drafters. Moreover, the treaty’s language is vague, requiring states to act with “due regard” for others’ interests and conduct “appropriate” consultation before undertaking potentially harmful activities. However, it does not define what these terms mean.

    Who owns the resources in space?

    The prospect that humans will be able to collect and sell mineral resources from astronomical objects is edging closer to reality. Initial focus is on the Moon. But who owns the resources on the Moon?

    There is no internationally agreed-upon property rights regime beyond Earth. The US is trying to achieve private ownership of space resources through its 2020 “Artemis Accords”.

    This effort is a big boost to the privatisation of space. But it contrasts with the “common heritage of mankind” concept – the cornerstone of the 1979 Moon Agreement.

    So far 53 countries have signed the Artemis Accords. But only 17 countries are parties to the Moon Agreement. Without clear rules applicable to all space players, lunar exploration and mining by private entities may run into trouble.

    There are many worrying scenarios. A private spacecraft might crash into a country’s lunar accommodation facility due to a lack of “rules of the road” on the Moon. Lunar traffic and mining might cause damage to the Moon’s surface.

    Can private entities be held accountable for this damage? The current space law regime does not address such hypothetical problems that may become real in coming years.

    NASA now relies on partnerships with private companies such as SpaceX to combine expertise and save costs.
    SpaceX/Flickr, CC BY-NC

    Safe and sustainable space exploration

    Space law must evolve to ensure safe and sustainable commercial space travel and lunar exploration. This can only be achieved by building international consensus on new rules for space missions.

    This requires many challenging discussions.

    What types of damage to the Moon should be remediated, and by who? What is the most suitable avenue for affected entities to apply for compensation? What rules should be in place to manage the increased traffic volume in outer space? How can countries be incentivised to strengthen their oversight of their private entity partners in joint missions?

    Perhaps the easiest issue to solve is which side of future lunar highways to drive on. With the US and China leading the way at the moment, it would be on the right side.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Laws governing space are 50 years old. New ones are needed to prevent it becoming a ‘wild west’ – https://theconversation.com/laws-governing-space-are-50-years-old-new-ones-are-needed-to-prevent-it-becoming-a-wild-west-252014

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Adolescence is a technical masterpiece that exposes the darkest corners of incel culture and male rage

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kate Cantrell, Senior Lecturer – Writing, Editing, and Publishing, University of Southern Queensland

    Netflix

    Filmed in a one-take style, Jack Thorne and Stephen Graham’s new crime drama Adolescence is being hailed by critics as a technical masterpiece.

    Out now on Netflix, the four-part series follows the fallout surrounding 13-year-old Jamie Miller (Owen Cooper) after he is arrested and later charged for the murder of his classmate, Katie. Co-creator Stephen Graham stars as Jamie’s father, Eddie.

    Adolescence draws inspiration from the United Kingdom’s knife crime epidemic, the rise of incel culture and the brutality of online bullying. These malignant forces combine to create every parent’s worst nightmare.

    However, unlike true crime, where there is often a resolution, there is no escape from the horror.

    The show’s continuous filming style offers no reprieve, and the story itself provides no easy outs – refusing to provide a simple explanation for why an intelligent boy from an “ordinary” loving family would borrow a knife from a friend and, on a casual Sunday evening, stab another child to death.

    While Jamie’s motives remain murky, the show makes one thing clear: today’s teens inhabit an online world that adults, however well-intentioned, are incapable of understanding if they do not listen.

    Anxieties distorted by algorithms

    At the centre of the show’s broken heart is a devastating truth: the most dangerous place in the world for a teenager is alone in their bedroom.

    Trapped in the dark mirror of social media, Jamie – like a growing number of teenage boys – turns to the digital “manosphere” and the grim logic of online misogynists.



    Read more:
    The draw of the ‘manosphere’: understanding Andrew Tate’s appeal to lost men

    He subscribes to the “red pills” of incel culture, so-called truth groups and the 80/20 rule (the theory that 80% of women are attracted to 20% of men, and that women only seek out men who are physically and socially desirable).

    While Jamie is, for the most part, an outwardly “normal” and well-adjusted teen, his explosive rage and aggrieved entitlement is revealed in a climatic scene in episode three, when he intimidates and shouts down a female psychologist (Erin Doherty).

    “You do not control what I do!” he yells. “Get that in that fucking little head of yours!”

    Jamie is quick to apologise when a guard intervenes. “I shouted,” he says. “I’m sorry. Can I have another hot chocolate, please?”

    In one particularly unnerving moment, Jamie recalls his decision to ask Katie out after receiving a topless photo of her on Snapchat.

    “I thought she might be weak cause everyone was calling her a slag,” he says. “I just thought that when she was that weak, she might like me. It’s clever, don’t you think?”

    While the sinister child-teen killer trope has been a mainstay of horror, from Child’s Play (1988) to The Exorcist (1973), Adolescence out-scares its predecessors in its unflinching portrayal of a radicalised misogynist-turned murderer.

    A nightmare with no end

    The show’s most stunning achievement is without a doubt its one-take style. Each hour-long episode is filmed in a single take which, as director Philip Barantini explains, “basically means that we press record on the camera, and we don’t stop until the very end of the hour”.

    Tapping into today’s true crime zeitgeist, the series renders Jamie’s story more real than it actually is by imitating the cinéma vérité style of documentary filmmaking.

    Each episode creates an immersive fly-on-the wall experience that is deeply compelling and uncomfortable. The lack of breaks forces viewers to feel as trapped as the characters, in an unfathomable spiral through confusion, guilt and shame.

    This unease is heightened when the action is shot in claustrophobic spaces, such as inside the family van or a police interrogation room.

    The continuous shooting style makes the viewer feel as trapped as the characters as they spiral through confusion, guilt and shame.
    Netflix

    The soundtrack adds another layer of gritty true crime trauma, with random sirens, slamming doors and thumping discordant notes designed to mirror the inner turmoil of the characters.

    As the story unfolds, it charts the devastating impact of Jamie’s crime on those around him. While Katie’s school friends struggle to process their unfathomable grief, Jamie’s parents must also confront their son’s capacity for cruelty.

    “We made him,” despairs Jamie’s mother (Manda Miller).

    The unbroken style, in this regard, is important for understanding how broken this family is. Because there are no cuts, there is no escape from the nightmare.

    Indeed, Jamie seems to have fallen through the cracks of the social institutions we relied on in the pre-internet age: the schooling system, the judiciary and the family itself.

    Jamie has fallen through the cracks of the schooling system – a social institution that is supposed to help keep him and his peers safe.
    Netflix

    The generational chasm

    The show’s true sympathy lies not with its cast of troubled teens but with the baffled adults around them. Like Jamie’s parents, viewers must surrender to the sorrow and disbelief of never truly understanding what went wrong.

    Adolescence is a convincing portrayal of the widening chasm between parents and their teenage children in a savage, unregulated digital age.

    It is also a social commentary on how little we know about how to communicate with teens effectively.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Adolescence is a technical masterpiece that exposes the darkest corners of incel culture and male rage – https://theconversation.com/adolescence-is-a-technical-masterpiece-that-exposes-the-darkest-corners-of-incel-culture-and-male-rage-252390

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: First Nations Australians are more likely to present to hospital with asthma and allergies – new research

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Desalegn Markos Shifti, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Child Health Research Centre, Faculty of Medicine, The University of Queensland

    Nils Versemann/Shutterstock

    Australia is often called the allergy capital of the world. Allergic diseases – such as allergic asthma, hay fever, eczema and food allergies – affect almost one in five people. And this figure is expected to rise in the years to come.

    An allergy happens when the body’s immune system mistakenly reacts to certain foods or other substances as if they were dangerous.

    But do allergies affect all Australians equally?

    In a recent study, we looked at emergency department (ED) presentations related to asthma and other allergic diseases in central Queensland. The region has a population of 228,246 according to the most recent Census data, and 7.2% of residents identify as First Nations.

    We found First Nations Australians were almost twice as likely to present to hospital with asthma or other allergy-related illnesses compared to other Australians.

    What we did and found

    We analysed 813,112 ED presentations from 12 public hospitals in central Queensland from 2018 to 2023. The hospitals were spread across regional and remote areas.

    Of the conditions we looked at, asthma was the most likely to bring patients to the ED. This was followed by unspecified allergies, atopic dermatitis (or eczema) and anaphylaxis (a severe, potentially life-threatening allergic reaction). First Nations people were more likely than other Australians to present with each of these conditions.

    Overall, we found First Nations people were almost twice as likely to visit an ED for asthma or allergic diseases compared to other Australians. It should be noted that asthma is not always caused by allergies, and in this study we looked at all presentations for asthma, regardless of the cause.

    Our study also found ED visits for allergic diseases among First Nations people increased over time. They were around 1.5 times more common in 2023 compared to 2018.

    Further, we found a notable peak in asthma-related visits to the ED among First Nations people in 2019. This increase may have been partly due to Australia’s Black Summer bushfires during 2019–20.

    Other research has shown ED visits and hospitalisations for asthma and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease increased during the Black Summer bushfires. Exposure to bushfire smoke significantly increases the risk of breathing problems and other health issues.

    The increase in asthma-related ED visits could also be linked to the severe flu season in 2019, as flu is known to trigger asthma attacks.

    We looked at ED presentations for allergic conditions such as eczema and anaphylaxis.
    Ternavskaia Olga Alibec/Shutterstock

    Are these findings surprising?

    National data shows asthma is one of the most commonly reported chronic illnesses for First Nations Australians. More than 16% of First Nations Australians reported they had asthma in 2022–23 compared to 10.8% of the general Australian population.

    So it’s not entirely surprising that hospital presentations for asthma were higher among First Nations people.

    However, we were surprised to find First Nations people visited the ED more often for other allergic diseases. Allergies have not necessarily been recognised as an important concern among First Nations people, particularly in remote areas.

    That said, international studies have reported a higher burden of allergic and atopic diseases (eczema, hay fever and asthma) among the Indigenous peoples of Canada.

    How about food allergies?

    Interestingly, we didn’t find any food allergy cases in our data. But some of the “unspecified” allergies could be linked to food allergies, as could some of the cases of anaphylaxis.

    Australian researchers have found differences in the prevalence of food allergies among different groups, but they lacked specific data on First Nations populations. We know little about how common food allergies are in First Nations Australians.

    In a recent national survey, 12% of First Nations people self-reported an allergy to a food, drug, or other substance (compared to 14% in the overall population). But some cases might go unrecognised or unreported, and these data were not broken down into different types of allergies.

    Allergies have not necessarily been recognised as an important concern among First Nations people.
    Bobbi Lockyer/Refinery29 Australia – We Are Many Image Gallery/Getty Images

    Some limitations

    This is the first comprehensive study, to our knowledge, that looks at asthma and allergic disease-related ED visits among both First Nations people and other Australians in an under-researched part of Australia.

    However, we only looked at asthma and allergic diseases treated in the ED, which doesn’t encompass all cases. For example, some people might visit other health services such as GPs when they’re having a less severe allergic episode.

    Ultimately, we need more research to better understand how common allergies and allergic diseases are among First Nations Australians.

    Why do these gaps exist?

    We don’t know exactly why there are disparities in ED presentations for allergic diseases between First Nations people and other Australians.

    One possibility is that asthma and allergic diseases might be more severe in First Nations people, leading to more hospital visits, even if they’re not more common.

    Another reason could be limited access to specialists, especially in rural and remote First Nations communities. Long wait lists to see allergy doctors and their limited availability in some areas could lead to delays in care and make it harder to get the right treatment. This can worsen asthma and allergic disease symptoms, causing patients to seek ED care instead.

    We want to learn more about how allergies affect First Nations people, especially in regional and remote areas, and whether people have unmet needs. In initial conversations with First Nations Australians living with a food allergy, we’ve heard allergies might not be well understood in rural areas. This could be because they’re rare or because traditional lifestyles offer some protection.

    We’re interested in finding out more, especially whether allergies are a concern for First Nations people, and, if so, how we can support communities to develop targeted and culturally respectful strategies to address them.

    Desalegn Markos Shifti is supported by the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC)-funded Centre for Food and Allergy Research (CFAR) Postdoctoral Funding.

    Jennifer Koplin receives funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia. She is a member of the Executive Committee for the National Allergy Centre of Excellence (NACE), which is supported by funding from the Australian government.

    Renarta Whitcombe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. First Nations Australians are more likely to present to hospital with asthma and allergies – new research – https://theconversation.com/first-nations-australians-are-more-likely-to-present-to-hospital-with-asthma-and-allergies-new-research-251720

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Women’s sexual pleasure is still taboo – but the Kamasutra tells a different story

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Sharha Sharha, PhD Candidate in Kamasutra Feminism, Cardiff Metropolitan University

    A carved erotic scene on the outer wall of temple in Khajuraho complex, India. Cortyn/Shutterstock

    For some people, the Kamasutra is little more than a name associated with condom brands, scented oils and chocolates shaped into erotic positions. In India, where sex remains a taboo subject, this ancient sex manual has often been reduced to merely a “dirty book”.

    But beneath this narrow view lies a deeper message: the Kamasutra is a treatise on sexual autonomy, one that could be revolutionary for women.

    In Indian society, women’s sexual pleasure is often invisible, buried beneath layers of cultural silence. Women are often taught to suppress their desires, their voices stifled by traditions that prioritise male needs. Yet, it was in this very country that the Kamasutra was written.

    Composed in the ancient Sanskrit language in the 3rd century by the Indian philosopher Vatsyayana, the Kamasutra is more than a book about sexual positions. The word “kama” means love, sex, desire and pleasure, while “sutra” translates to a treatise. The text explores relationships, ethics and social norms. It offers a framework for mutual respect and understanding between partners.

    In her 2016 book Redeeming the Kamasutra, scholar of Indian culture and society Wendy Doniger argues that Vatsyayana was an advocate of women’s pleasure as well as stressing their right to education and the freedom to express desire. Far from reinforcing male dominance, the Kamasutra originally emphasised the importance of mutual enjoyment and consent. It presents sex as a shared experience rather than a male conquest.

    Sir Richard Francis Burton (1821 – 1890).
    Rischgitz/Stringer/Wikimedia

    The perception of the Kamasutra as a male-centred sex manual can be traced back to its first English translation by Sir Richard Burton in 1883.

    Burton, a British soldier and explorer, omitted or altered passages that highlighted women’s autonomy. It shifted their role from active participants to passive recipients of male pleasure.

    In contrast, scholars such as Ganesh Saili have argued that the Kamasutra originally depicted women as equal partners in intimacy. According to the text, women communicated their needs through gestures, emotions and words, ensuring that their pleasure was just as valued as men’s. Importantly, conversation played a central role in intimacy, reinforcing the necessity of a woman’s consent before having sex.

    Despite this rich history, Indian society continues to largely suppress discussions around female sexuality. Indian sex educator and journalist Leeza Mangaldas argues that women’s sexual pleasure remains a taboo topic, policed by cultural expectations that dictate women must remain silent, subservient and sexually inactive before marriage.

    Social scientist, Deepa Narayan, argues that this suppression begins at home. Girls are often taught to deny their own bodies and prioritise male desires.

    The title page of the 1883 edition of Sir Richard Burton’s translation.
    Ms Sarah Welch/Wikimedia, CC BY

    This control extends to patriarchal social norms that uphold virginity as a virtue for women while imposing no such expectation on men. Sex is framed as something women “give” rather than something they experience. Pleasure is seen as a right for males but merely an afterthought for females. Sex is for men but for women, it is only for producing babies.

    Yet the Kamasutra itself tells a different story. In its original form, it described women as active participants in their pleasure and compared their sensuality to the delicacy of flowers – requiring care, attention and respect.

    My own research explores “Kamasutra feminism”. This is the idea that this ancient text is not just about sex but about sexual autonomy. It challenges patriarchal norms by promoting women’s freedom to articulate their desires and take control of their pleasure. The Kamasutra rejects the notion that women’s sexuality should be regulated or repressed. Instead, it advocates for mutual satisfaction and consent.

    Doniger describes the Kamasutra as a feminist text, citing its emphasis on women choosing their partners, expressing their desires freely and engaging in pleasurable sexual relationships. It recognises economic independence as a crucial factor in women’s sexual autonomy. Financial freedom is linked to the ability to make personal choices.

    An original Kamasutra manuscript page preserved in the vaults of the Raghunath Temple in Jammu & Kashmir.
    Ms Sarah Welch/Wikimedia, CC BY

    Patriarchy versus sexual liberty

    Ultimately, the Kamasutra represents a clash between patriarchy – where women’s sexuality is controlled – and a vision of sexual liberty. It offers an alternative narrative, one where seduction is about mutual enjoyment rather than male domination. Its teachings encourage open discussions about intimacy, allowing women to reclaim their voices in relationships.

    For more than a century, the Kamasutra has been misinterpreted, its radical message buried beneath layers of censorship and cultural shame. But if we look beyond its erotic reputation, we find a text that speaks to the importance of consent, equality and female agency.

    Reclaiming the Kamasutra as a guide for sexual empowerment could help dismantle deeply ingrained taboos and reshape the conversation around women’s pleasure. In a world where female desire is still widely policed, this ancient manuscript reminds us that women’s pleasure is not a luxury, but a right.

    Sharha Sharha does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Women’s sexual pleasure is still taboo – but the Kamasutra tells a different story – https://theconversation.com/womens-sexual-pleasure-is-still-taboo-but-the-kamasutra-tells-a-different-story-251987

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘Politically weakened’ or ‘muddling through’ – Luxon and Hipkins ranked on their mid-term prospects

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Grant Duncan, Teaching Fellow in Politics and International Relations, University of Auckland, Waipapa Taumata Rau

    Getty Images

    We’re roughly half way through this parliamentary term, and it looks as though the 2026 election could deliver “Christopher vs Chris: the sequel”.

    Neither leader is currently riding high, though. National’s Christopher Luxon and Labour’s Chris Hipkins are both scoring in the low 20s in the most recent preferred prime minister polls.

    Most voters, it seems, are ambivalent or unimpressed with them. And Luxon has been the subject of media speculation about a possible leadership change.

    But it pays to be cautious, especially this far from an election. Leadership is a complex mix of individual ability, career stage and political context.

    We can think of political leaders having a “stock” of leadership “capital” that fluctuates over time. They build up credit or authority, but they have to spend it. Former supporters can become bored, disappointed or disillusioned.

    Any assessment of a leader will involve some subjective judgements. But the Leadership Capital Index (LCI) was developed by three British and European political scientists as a framework for scoring leadership on a range of sliding measures.

    As this example using former British prime minister Tony Blair shows, the LCI accounts for a leader’s skills, support and reputation based on their performance, polling and prospects over time.

    I applied the LCI to Hipkins and Luxon. Ideally, this would be conducted by a panel, and more than once over a career. But readers are welcome to examine and comment below on my assessments – a virtual panel, if you like. You can see more detail about my reasoning here.

    The LCI’s ten factors are a mixture of the objective and subjective, adding up to an overall ranking of a leader’s political capital on a five-point scale:

    • depleted – “lame duck”

    • low – “politically weakened”

    • medium – “muddling through”

    • high – “momentum”

    • exceptional – “political weather maker”.

    Neither Luxon nor Hipkins performed very well: Luxon came out on the low-capital range looking “politically weakened”, while Hipkins was “muddling through” on medium capital.

    Leadership capital changes over time, and the LCI takes account of that. This assessment relates to mid-March 2025.

    The Leadership Capital Index

    1. Political/policy vision: (1. Completely absent. 2. Unclear/inconsistent. 3. Moderately clear/consistent. 4. Clear/consistent. 5. Very clear/consistent.)

    I’ve given both leaders 4 out of 5 here. Both have presented clear and consistent political and policy visions. Readers who disagree will see I take some relevant issues into account in the items below.

    2. Communication performance: (1. Very poor. 2. Poor. 3. Average. 4. Good. 5. Very good.)

    Luxon has been struggling here. His failure to give broadcaster Mike Hosking a straight answer about a cabinet sacking didn’t help, and he has been criticised for his corporate speaking style. Hipkins has performed better as a communicator (regardless of your views on his values). I’ve given Luxon 2/5 and Hipkins 4/5.

    3. Personal poll rating relative to the most recent election: (1. Very low (–15% or less), 2. Low (–5 to –15%), 3. Moderate (–5% to 5%), 4. High (5-15%), 5. Very High (15% or more).)

    This is an objective numerical measure based on preferred prime minister polls just before the 2023 election compared with the most recent ones. Both Luxon and Hipkins score 3/5.

    4. Longevity (time in office as prime minister): (1. less than 1 year. 2. 1-2 years. 3. 2-3 years. 4. 3-4 years. 5. More than 4.)

    At March 2025, Luxon gets 2/5 and Hipkins gets 1/5. If we included time in office as party leaders, the numbers would be higher.

    5. Selection margin for party leadership: (1. Very small (less than 1%). 2. Small (1-5%). 3. Moderate (5-10%). 4. Large (10-15%). 5. Very large (more than 15%).)

    Both leaders were elected as party leader by their respective caucuses. These votes are private, but it’s known Hipkins’ selection was unanimous. I believe Luxon also won by a large margin (greater than 15%). So they both get 5/5.

    6. Party polling relative to most recent election result: (1. –10% or lower. 2. –10% to –2.5%. 3. –2.5% to +2.5%. 4. +2.5% to 10%. 5. More than 10%.)

    In early March, Labour was polling in the low 30s, up from an election result of 26.9%. So Hipkins gets 4/5. National was also polling in the low 30s, down from 38.1%. So Luxon gets 2/5.

    7. Levels of public trust: (1. 0-20%. 2. 20-40%. 3. 40-60%. 4. 60-80%. 5. 80-100%.)

    Going back to a “trust” poll in early 2023 and a similar one in May that year, Luxon scored a lower trust level (37%) than Hipkins (53%). So Luxon gets 2/5 and Hipkins gets 3/5.

    8. Likelihood of credible leadership challenge within next 6 months: (1. Very high. 2. High. 3. Moderate. 4. Low. 5. Very low.)

    This relies on predictions, but Luxon is in greater danger than Hipkins. National’s polling is down, with some predicting a leadership change (although others acknowledge this could carry more costs than benefits). Hipkins lost the 2023 election but seems secure as Labour leader. Luxon gets 3/5 (moderate risk) and Hipkins gets 4/5 (low risk).

    9. Perceived ability to shape party’s policy platform: (1. Very low. 2. Low. 3. Moderate. 4. High. 5. Very high.)

    This is subjective but not about liking or disliking the policies. Both leaders perform moderately well here on 3/5. Luxon has put his own managerial style on policymaking, notably with quarterly targets. When Jacinda Ardern resigned as prime minister, Hipkins lit a “policy bonfire” to begin afresh. But he is taking time to announce new ones. We’d expect to see improvements for both leaders closer to the election.

    10. Perceived parliamentary effectiveness: (1. Very low. 2. Low. 3. Moderate. 4. High. 5. Very high.)

    Hipkins has an advantage, given his greater parliamentary experience. Luxon hasn’t dealt decisively with two attention-grabbing coalition partners, especially over ACT’s Treaty Principles Bill. Hipkins gets 4/5, Luxon 2/5.

    Final scores – now have your say

    The results add up to a ranking on the leadership capital index. Out of a possible 50, Luxon scores 28 and Hipkins 35. Neither is a great score; both careers look stalled.

    On the index, this defines Luxon as “politically weakened”. This could improve through better communication, sounder leadership of an ambitious team, and greater control over coalition dynamics.

    But Luxon’s leadership capital has never been particularly high. He didn’t enjoy a post-election “honeymoon” and may have peaked early – and low. More low polls may see National remove him, but there is also still time for his policies to pay off.

    The index has Hipkins “muddling through”. He needs to connect with voters, boost his reputation as a future leader (rather than election loser) and sharpen Labour’s policy platform.

    Hipkins’ leadership capital might have peaked in early 2023 when he became prime minister. Labour party polls are up a bit since the election, but his own preferred prime minister polling has stayed relatively low.

    Finally, neither leader has performed well compared with their predecessors John Key and Jacinda Ardern at their heights. But political fortunes can be unpredictable, and crises can even boost them, so the future remains unwritten.

    Is this assessment fair or unfair? Readers are welcome to critique my analysis and offer alternative ratings in the (moderated) comments section below.

    Grant Duncan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Politically weakened’ or ‘muddling through’ – Luxon and Hipkins ranked on their mid-term prospects – https://theconversation.com/politically-weakened-or-muddling-through-luxon-and-hipkins-ranked-on-their-mid-term-prospects-252483

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: View from The Hill: Dutton’s talk about a citizenship referendum is personal over-reach and political folly

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Peter Dutton, when he gets on his favoured ground of security, too often goes for the quick hit, and frequently over-reaches.

    His suggestion of running a possible referendum to facilitate the removal of bad eggs who are dual citizens is a prime example.

    Apart from the substance of the proposal, why would an aspiring prime minister be talking about a referendum after the experience of the Voice?

    As Dutton knows very well – and to his advantage in that case – referendums don’t succeed without bipartisan support, and this one certainly wouldn’t get backing from a Labor opposition. They cost a fortune, and they distract prime ministers. Dutton would have enough to do in government without going down this side track to a predictable dead end.

    Although this focus on booting people out of the country sounds Trumpian, it has long been a preoccupation of Dutton’s – something he pushed in the Coalition years.

    The Coalition amended the Citizenship Act, enabling a minister to revoke the Australian citizenship of dual nationals (so depriving them of the protection from removal that citizenship affords).

    But the High Court in 2022 struck this down, so a minister has to apply to a court in the course of a trial relating to a listed offence. The court makes the decision on citizenship as part of sentencing the person.

    Fast forward to the present, and Dutton sees advantage in any issues that go to security, of individuals or the country. Hence his talk of attempted constitutional change if the objective can’t be achieved by legislation.

    On morning TV on Tuesday he kept repeating that he wanted to keep people safe.

    He told Seven, “I want to keep our country safe […] it’s the first responsibility of any prime minister, and at the moment we’ve got people in our country who hate our country, who want to cause terrorist attacks. My argument is that if you betray your allegiance to our country in that way, you should expect to lose your citizenship.”

    “What we’re proposing here is a discussion about whether we’ve got adequate laws, whether the Constitution is restrictive, and ultimately, what I want to do is keep our country safe and keep communities safe. I think there are a lot of Australians at the moment who are worried about the rise of antisemitism and what we’ve seen in our country, and elsewhere, which just doesn’t reflect the values that we’ve fought for over many generations.”

    Apart from the fact a referendum would fail, the proposal itself has no obvious benefit. It is out of proportion to the problem it is supposed to be addressing, would be unlikely to act as a deterrent, and would stir a divisive debate. On Tuesday Dutton’s senior colleagues Michaelia Cash, who is shadow attorney-general, and Angus Taylor sounded less then enthusiastic about the move.

    For Dutton’s campaign, it carries a special danger. It gives the impression of a leader who comes up with extreme proposals. If he is suggesting this today, what will be think of tomorrow? More to the point, what might he suddenly propose when in government?

    This close to an election, Dutton needs to give voters the feeling he is predictable, that they know him, not that he produces ideas out of left field (or right field, in this case).

    Former Liberal attorney-general George Brandis, who was around for the earlier debate, summed up the situation succinctly, when he wrote in the Nine papers, “An unwanted referendum, without bipartisan support, to overturn the High Court? It is as mad an idea as I have heard in a long time.”

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. View from The Hill: Dutton’s talk about a citizenship referendum is personal over-reach and political folly – https://theconversation.com/view-from-the-hill-duttons-talk-about-a-citizenship-referendum-is-personal-over-reach-and-political-folly-252512

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The Israel-Hamas ceasefire didn’t resolve any deep-seated issues. Now, it’s shattered

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marika Sosnowski, Postdoctoral research fellow, The University of Melbourne

    When a ceasefire in the war between Hamas and Israel finally came into effect on January 19, the world breathed a collective sigh of relief.

    However, that ceasefire agreement, and its associated negotiations, have now been cast aside by new Israeli attacks on Gaza.

    A statement from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said the strikes came after Hamas’ “repeated refusals” to “release our hostages”, and the group’s rejection of all proposals presented by US President Donald Trump’s Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff.

    Even before Israel cut off all humanitarian aid and electricity to Gaza in the past two weeks, Hamas claimed it had not met the levels of humanitarian aid, shelter and fuel it agreed to provide in the terms of the ceasefire. However, this is a distraction from a larger issue.

    This ceasefire was always more like a strangle contract than a negotiated agreement between equal parties. Israel, as the party with far greater military and political power, has always had the upper hand.

    And while the first phase of the ceasefire, which lasted 42 days, saw the successful release of 33 hostages held by Hamas in exchange for nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners, the ceasefire also enabled Israel to use it for its own political and military ends.

    Buying time

    The most common conventional concern about ceasefires is that the parties to a conflict will use them for their own ends.

    Typically, the worry is that non-state armed groups, such as Hamas, will use the halt in violence to buy time to regroup, rearm and rebuild their strength to continue fighting.

    But states such as Israel have this ability, too. Even though they have standing armies that might not need to regroup and rearm in the same way, states can use this time to manoeuvre in the international arena – a space largely denied to non-state actors.

    Trump’s rise to power in the US has seemingly given the Israeli government carte blanche to proceed in ways that were arguably off limits to previous US presidents who were also largely supportive of Israel’s actions.

    This includes the plan of forcing Gaza’s population out of the strip. This plan was raised earlier in the war by Trump advisor Jared Kushner and Israeli officials as a supposed humanitarian initiative.

    Trump has now repeated the call to relocate Palestinians from Gaza to Egypt and Jordan – or possibly other parts of Africa – and for the US to take “ownership” of the coastal strip and turn it into the “Riviera of the Middle East”.

    On the face of it, this plan would be a war crime. But even if it is never fully implemented, the fact it is being promoted by Trump after many years of domestic Israeli and international opprobrium shows how political ideas once thought unacceptable can take on a life of their own.

    Political and military maneouvering

    Israel has also used the ceasefire to pursue larger political and military goals in Gaza, the West Bank, southern Lebanon and Syria.

    Even though the ceasefire did reduce overall levels of violence in Gaza, Israel has continued to carry out attacks on targets in the strip.

    It has also escalated the construction of settlements and carried out increasingly violent operations in the West Bank. In addition, there have been egregious attacks on Palestinian residents in Israel.

    And though nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners were released during the ceasefire, Israel was holding more than 9,600 Palestinians in detention on “security grounds” at the end of 2024. Thousands more Palestinians are being held by Israel in administrative detention, which means without trial or charge.

    During the ceasefire, Israel also accelerated efforts to evict the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, from its headquarters in East Jerusalem. And the Israeli government has also proposed increasingly draconian laws aimed at restraining the work of Israeli human rights organisations.

    On the military front, the ceasefire arguably alleviated some pressure on Israel, giving it time to consolidate its territorial and security gains against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon and in Syria.

    In the past two months, two deadlines for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from southern Lebanon passed. Israel has instead proposed establishing a buffer zone on Lebanese territory and has begun destroying villages, uprooting olive trees and building semi-permanent outposts along the border.

    In a speech in February, Netanyahu also demanded the “complete demilitarisation of southern Syria” following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. And Defence Minister Israel Katz said this month Israel would keep its troops in southern Syria to “protect” residents from any threats from the new Syrian regime.

    Be careful what you wish for

    While Palestinians are known for their sumud – usually translated as steadfastness or tenacity – there is a limit to what humans can endure. The war, and subsequent ceasefires, have created a situation in which Gazans may have to put the survival and wellbeing of themselves and their families above their desire to stay in Palestine.

    There is a general assumption that ceasefires are positive and humanitarian in nature. But ceasefires are not panaceas. In reality, they are a least-worst option for stopping the violence of war for often just a brief period.

    A ceasefire was never going to be the solution to the decades-old conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. Instead, it has turned out to be part of the problem.

    The Conversation

    Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Israel-Hamas ceasefire didn’t resolve any deep-seated issues. Now, it’s shattered – https://theconversation.com/the-israel-hamas-ceasefire-didnt-resolve-any-deep-seated-issues-now-its-shattered-249944

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Amid claims of abuse, neglect and poor standards, what is going wrong with childcare in Australia?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Gabrielle Meagher, Professor Emerita, School of Society, Communication and Culture, Macquarie University

    On Monday, an ABC’s Four Corners investigation reported shocking cases of abuse and neglect in Australian childcare centres. This included examples of children being sexually abused, restrained for hours in high chairs, and fed nutritionally substandard meals such as pasta with ketchup.

    While acknowledging there are high-quality services operating in the community, the program also showed how centre-based childcare is big business, dominated by for-profit providers, who may not be meeting regulatory standards.

    What is going wrong with childcare in Australia?

    Differing levels of quality

    Data from Australia’s childcare regulator consistently shows for-profit childcare services are, on average, rated as lower quality than not-for-profit services.

    Of those rated by regulators, 11% of for-profit long daycare centres are not meeting national minimum quality standards (they are just “working towards”). This compares with 7% of not-for-profit centres not meeting minimum standards.

    There are 13% of for-profit centres exceeding the standards, compared to 28% of not-for-profits.

    Inquiries suggest this divergence is due to staffing levels, qualifications and pay. In 2023, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) found large for-profit providers spend significantly less on staffing than not-for-profit providers.

    Large for-profit providers have a higher proportion of part-time and casual staff than not-for-profits. They also employ less experienced early childhood teachers. On top of this, they are more likely to use award rates of pay, which are typically lower than enterprise agreement rates.

    Lower pay and less job security is related to higher turnover of staff, which makes it difficult for educators to establish and maintain the trusting relationships with children and families that underpin high quality.

    Despite this, the federal government continues to support for-profit services through childcare subsidies.

    These subsidies are designed to help families with the costs of childcare. But they do not stop some providers increasing their fees. The ACCC found a consistent pattern of increased government subsidies leading to higher out-of-pocket expenses for families, due to subsequent fee increases.

    It hasn’t always been like this

    Childcare subsidies haven’t always worked in this way. “Operational subsidies” were introduced in 1972 through the historic Child Care Act, which set the precedent for Australian governments to fund childcare.

    This aimed to support women’s workforce participation through an expanded, high-quality childcare sector. Subsidies at the time were only available to not-for-profit services and required the employment of qualified staff, including teachers. In these ways, Commonwealth funding positioned childcare as a public good, like school education.

    Then, in 1991, federal government subsidies were extended to for-profit providers. This prompted dramatic changes in the childcare landscape, leading to a dominance of for-profit centres.

    Today, more than 70% of all long day-care centres are operated by private providers. Between 2013 and 2023, the number of for-profit long daycare services jumped by 60%, while not-for-profits only grew by 4%.

    Quality concerns

    There are 25 large long daycare providers in Australia and of these, 21 are run for profit. Large for-profit providers impact sector quality in several ways.

    Many have disproportionately high numbers of staffing waivers, granted by regulators, permitting them to operate centres without the required number of qualified staff.

    According to unpublished research by Gabrielle Meagher, as of October 2024, 11 large for-profit providers held waivers for a quarter or more of their services and five held waivers for more than a third. This compares to 15% of the sector overall.

    Large for-profit providers also serve investors as well as families. So there are extra incentives to cut costs and maximise profits.

    The dominance of for-profit providers also makes them powerful players in policy-making circles, as governments depend on them to provide an essential service.

    Why isn’t the system working?

    Given Australia has a regulatory and quality assurance system for childcare services, why do we have these quality issues?

    As the Productivity Commission found, regulators are under-resourced, and inspections are infrequent. Services that repeatedly fail to meet the minimum standards are still allowed to operate, sometimes for more than a decade.

    Services are notified about upcoming inspections, potentially giving them time to give a false impression of their quality and safety standards.

    As Four Corners highlighted, poor-quality services, with bad pay and working conditions are driving good educators away from the sector.

    What next?

    The Albanese government recently passed legislation to “guarantee” eligible families three days of subsidised childcare per week from January 2026.

    But families need more than access. They also require a guarantee this childcare will be high-quality and keep children safe.

    Even without the extra spending on the three-day guarantee, government spending on childcare subsidies is due to reach nearly A$15 billion by 2026–27. Thus there is also a corresponding duty to taxpayers to ensure these funds are going to high-quality providers.

    In the wake of the Four Corners report, the Greens are calling for a royal commission into childcare. But we do not need this level of inquiry to tell us the current system needs fundamental change.

    Stronger regulatory powers, while important, will not be enough on their own. High-quality services need well-educated and well-supported staff. They also need governance and leadership that value educators’ expertise and enable consistently high standards.

    Gabrielle was interviewed as part of the 4 Corners program mentioned in the article.

    Marianne Fenech receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

    – ref. Amid claims of abuse, neglect and poor standards, what is going wrong with childcare in Australia? – https://theconversation.com/amid-claims-of-abuse-neglect-and-poor-standards-what-is-going-wrong-with-childcare-in-australia-252493

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Politics with Michelle Grattan: Barbara Pocock on the Greens’ policy priorities

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    The Greens have heaped a lot of pressure on the government during this term, from issues of the environment, housing, and Medicare, to the war in the Middle East.

    With the polls close to a dead heat and minority government appearing a real possibility, would the Greens push a minority Labor government even harder in pursuit of their agenda?

    To talk about the Greens’ policies and prospects, we’re joined by South Australian Greens senator Barbara Pocock, who is the party’s spokeswoman on employment, the public sector and finance.

    After their efforts in this term, Pocock says the Greens would be just as tough in pushing a possible Labor minority government next term:

    People can judge us on our record in the last few years. People saw us really fight hard on housing – we wanted to see something meaningful. It is the most significant post-war crisis in housing that is affecting millions of Australians’ lives and certainly an intergenerational crisis.

    So we held out for a long time to try and push Labor to improve its offering on public housing [and] on housing spending and we achieved some real wins there. We will fight hard for the things that matter.

    We will push very hard on those core issues of a better health system, putting dental into Medicare. We pushed very hard on that in the last time there was a minority government and won it for kids. We want to see everyone be able to get to the dentist, and we really want to see reductions in student debt.

    However, Pocock stresses that keeping Peter Dutton out of government remains a key focus:

    We are very focused on preventing a Dutton Coalition government, because everything we hear from that stable sends a shiver down my spine.

    Pocock did a lot of work during the Senate inquiry investigating consulting services and she warns Dutton’s policy to cut 36,000 public servants would lead to a return to consultants:

    In that last year of the Morrison government, we saw a spend of $20 billion on consulting and labour hire and a hollowing out in the public sector. We are still seeing a slow regrowth of the capability of the federal public sector following the scandals relating to the consulting industry and the way it worked with government.

    I am very worried about the Coalition’s proposals for a 36,000 cut in the public sector. That’s one in five public sector workers gone and that means services like Centrelink, Veterans Affairs, services that Australians depend on cannot deliver on what they suggest. And we also need to remember that a very significant number – something like two-thirds of our public service, federal public service – actually live outside Canberra.

    All they would be doing is taking that money, which pays for public servants, doing a whole range of many different things and taking it across to, in many cases, their supporters and buddies and donors in the consulting and labour hire industry and it’s a very bad value-for-money proposition for the Australian voter.

    As spokeswoman on employment, Pocock is a strong advocate for the Greens policies on a four-day work week:

    If we go right back to 1856 when Australia led the world on reducing working hours, and the eight-hour day, now we were the first to adopt that internationally for stonemasons in Melbourne. And in the last 40 years, [we] have not seen any reduction in average working time. It’s been 38 hours now since 1983. In that 40 years, we’ve seen massive changes in technology. We have seen increases in productivity. And in the last 10 years, we’ve seen private profit increase by 97% while wages have gone up by 50%. And what we’re saying is, let’s look at the length of the average full-time working week and let’s see how we can move the dial on that.

    We’d certainly like to see a wide range of pilots, diverse experimentation, real change, working with those who are ready for it, who are up for it, but making sure we collect the evidence and then move over time towards a national test case, which is the way in which over decades we have slowly ratcheted back the length of the working week.

    On the attack from the opposition and others that the Greens are anti-Semitic, Pocock defends the Greens as an anti-racist party.

    I think there are diverse views out there in the community and certainly, and we can see it every day, but I think that there are also many people, including many Jewish people, who understand that you can have a critique of a war that’s had such a terrible consequence for civilian women and children in Gaza, and you can still take a very strong position in relation to the kinds of attacks we’ve seen on the Jewish community, for example.

    We are an anti-racist party. We want to call out behaviour which is wrong wherever it happens and we have certainly been critical of the behaviour of the Israeli state, their military, and the way they continue to conduct a war against the civilians in Gaza.

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Politics with Michelle Grattan: Barbara Pocock on the Greens’ policy priorities – https://theconversation.com/politics-with-michelle-grattan-barbara-pocock-on-the-greens-policy-priorities-252502

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Treasurer Chalmers promises ‘meaningful and substantial’ cost of living help in Tuesday’s budget

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

    Next week’s budget will have cost-of-living assistance that will be meaningful and substantial but “responsible”, Treasurer Jim Chalmers has said.

    In a Tuesday speech framing the budget Chalmers said, “it will be a responsible budget which helps with the cost of living, builds our future, and makes our economy more resilient in the new world of global uncertainty”.

    He said the budget would have five major priorities:

    • helping the recovery and rebuild following Cyclone Alfred, for which it will provide $1.2 billion

    • helping with the cost of living and finishing the fight against inflation

    • strengthening Medicare and funding more urgent care clinics

    • putting money into every stage of education

    • making the economy more competitive and productive.

    In the question-and-answer part of his appearance at the Queensland Media Club Chalmers refused to be drawn on whether the cost-of-living relief would include more help on power bills, as is widely expected.

    He was also put on the spot about his future leadership ambitions, initially being asked whether, given federal Labor’s poor showing in Queensland, it would do better with a leader from that state.

    After diverting the question with a joke and a vigorous defence of Anthony Albanese’s “practical pragmatism” and his appreciation of Queensland, he was asked directly, “So you don’t have aspirations to become leader one day yourself?” “No”, he replied.

    Chalmers is lowering expectations of extensive new initiatives being announced next Tuesday, because big spending measures in health, education and infrastructure have been announced.

    The budget will project deficits throughout the forward estimates. But Chalmers said Treasury did not expect the bottom line this year or the coming years to be substantially changed from the mid year update.

    In the mid-year update release in December, Treasury said it expected the deficit this financial year to be $26.9 billion. The deficit was forecast to increase further next year to $46.9 billion, compared with $42.8 billion forecast in last year’s budget.

    Chalmers sought to scotch incorrect predictions he said had been made.

    “For example, some commentators have made wild and wide-of-the-mark predictions about big surges in revenue.

    “Some wrongly predict the tax-to-GDP ratio will go up this year, when Treasury expects it to be stable or even a bit down.

    “Revenue upgrades have actually come off very significantly since the highs of October 2022.”

    Chalmers argued the Australian economy “has turned a corner” but acknowledged “a new world of uncertainty” in which it was operating.

    “The global economy is volatile and unpredictable.

    “There’s a new US administration disrupting trade, a slowdown in China, war in eastern Europe and a fragile ceasefire in the Middle East, division and dissatisfaction around the world.

    “Overnight, the OECD downgraded its growth expectations for next year and the year after.”

    The OECD cut its forecasts for GDP growth to just 1.8% in 2026, down from an earlier forecast of 2.5%.

    “Treasury forecasts in the Budget will have Chinese and American growth slowing to around 4.5 and 2 per cent next year, respectively.

    “The forecasts for the US are the same as the mid-year update but the downside risks are weighing more heavily now.

    “Unemployment is rising overseas from higher interest rates, and in the UK inflation is going up again.

    “This is the global backdrop for the Budget.”

    Chalmers repeated the government’s criticism of the US failure to grant an exemption from the steel and aluminium tariffs.

    He said Treasury had modelled the impact of tariffs on our economy, both before the US election, and after the inauguration.

    “Treasury estimates the direct hit to GDP from steel and aluminium tariffs would be less than 0.02 per cent by 2030. So the direct overall impacts on Australia should be manageable.

    “But when you add in the indirect effects, the hit to GDP could be more like 0.1 per cent by 2030.

    “In fact, over a range of scenarios, Treasury found the indirect GDP impacts of a trade war could be up to four times larger than the direct effects of tariffs on our economy.

    “In a world of retaliation and escalation, the impacts of tariffs are amplified, they linger for longer, resulting in a bigger reduction in GDP and a bigger increase in prices.”

    Michelle Grattan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Treasurer Chalmers promises ‘meaningful and substantial’ cost of living help in Tuesday’s budget – https://theconversation.com/treasurer-chalmers-promises-meaningful-and-substantial-cost-of-living-help-in-tuesdays-budget-252173

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The Israel-Hamas ceasefire failed to resolve many deep-seated issues. Now, it appears to be shattered

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marika Sosnowski, Postdoctoral research fellow, The University of Melbourne

    When a ceasefire in the war between Hamas and Israel finally came into effect on January 19, the world breathed a collective sigh of relief.

    However, that ceasefire agreement, and its associated negotiations, have now been cast aside by new Israeli attacks on Gaza.

    A statement from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said the strikes came after Hamas’ “repeated refusals” to “release our hostages”, and the group’s rejection of all proposals presented by US President Donald Trump’s Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff.

    Even before Israel cut off all humanitarian aid and electricity to Gaza in the past two weeks, Hamas claimed it had not met the levels of humanitarian aid, shelter and fuel it agreed to provide in the terms of the ceasefire. However, this is a distraction from a larger issue.

    This ceasefire was always more like a strangle contract than a negotiated agreement between equal parties. Israel, as the party with far greater military and political power, has always had the upper hand.

    And while the first phase of the ceasefire, which lasted 42 days, saw the successful release of 33 hostages held by Hamas in exchange for nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners, the ceasefire also enabled Israel to use it for its own political and military ends.

    Buying time

    The most common conventional concern about ceasefires is that the parties to a conflict will use them for their own ends.

    Typically, the worry is that non-state armed groups, such as Hamas, will use the halt in violence to buy time to regroup, rearm and rebuild their strength to continue fighting.

    But states such as Israel have this ability, too. Even though they have standing armies that might not need to regroup and rearm in the same way, states can use this time to manoeuvre in the international arena – a space largely denied to non-state actors.

    Trump’s rise to power in the US has seemingly given the Israeli government carte blanche to proceed in ways that were arguably off limits to previous US presidents who were also largely supportive of Israel’s actions.

    This includes the plan of forcing Gaza’s population out of the strip. This plan was raised earlier in the war by Trump advisor Jared Kushner and Israeli officials as a supposed humanitarian initiative.

    Trump has now repeated the call to relocate Palestinians from Gaza to Egypt and Jordan – or possibly other parts of Africa – and for the US to take “ownership” of the coastal strip and turn it into the “Riviera of the Middle East”.

    On the face of it, this plan would be a war crime. But even if it is never fully implemented, the fact it is being promoted by Trump after many years of domestic Israeli and international opprobrium shows how political ideas once thought unacceptable can take on a life of their own.

    Political and military maneouvering

    Israel has also used the ceasefire to pursue larger political and military goals in Gaza, the West Bank, southern Lebanon and Syria.

    Even though the ceasefire did reduce overall levels of violence in Gaza, Israel has continued to carry out attacks on targets in the strip.

    It has also escalated the construction of settlements and carried out increasingly violent operations in the West Bank. In addition, there have been egregious attacks on Palestinian residents in Israel.

    And though nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners were released during the ceasefire, Israel was holding more than 9,600 Palestinians in detention on “security grounds” at the end of 2024. Thousands more Palestinians are being held by Israel in administrative detention, which means without trial or charge.

    During the ceasefire, Israel also accelerated efforts to evict the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, from its headquarters in East Jerusalem. And the Israeli government has also proposed increasingly draconian laws aimed at restraining the work of Israeli human rights organisations.

    On the military front, the ceasefire arguably alleviated some pressure on Israel, giving it time to consolidate its territorial and security gains against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon and in Syria.

    In the past two months, two deadlines for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from southern Lebanon passed. Israel has instead proposed establishing a buffer zone on Lebanese territory and has begun destroying villages, uprooting olive trees and building semi-permanent outposts along the border.

    In a speech in February, Netanyahu also demanded the “complete demilitarisation of southern Syria” following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. And Defence Minister Israel Katz said this month Israel would keep its troops in southern Syria to “protect” residents from any threats from the new Syrian regime.

    Be careful what you wish for

    While Palestinians are known for their sumud – usually translated as steadfastness or tenacity – there is a limit to what humans can endure. The war, and subsequent ceasefires, have created a situation in which Gazans may have to put the survival and wellbeing of themselves and their families above their desire to stay in Palestine.

    There is a general assumption that ceasefires are positive and humanitarian in nature. But ceasefires are not panaceas. In reality, they are a least-worst option for stopping the violence of war for often just a brief period.

    A ceasefire was never going to be the solution to the decades-old conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. Instead, it has turned out to be part of the problem.

    Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Israel-Hamas ceasefire failed to resolve many deep-seated issues. Now, it appears to be shattered – https://theconversation.com/the-israel-hamas-ceasefire-failed-to-resolve-many-deep-seated-issues-now-it-appears-to-be-shattered-249944

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The Israel-Hamas ceasefire didn’t resolve any deep-seated issues. Now, it appears to be shattered

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marika Sosnowski, Postdoctoral research fellow, The University of Melbourne

    When a ceasefire in the war between Hamas and Israel finally came into effect on January 19, the world breathed a collective sigh of relief.

    However, that ceasefire agreement, and its associated negotiations, have now been cast aside by new Israeli attacks on Gaza.

    A statement from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said the strikes came after Hamas’ “repeated refusals” to “release our hostages”, and the group’s rejection of all proposals presented by US President Donald Trump’s Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff.

    Even before Israel cut off all humanitarian aid and electricity to Gaza in the past two weeks, Hamas claimed it had not met the levels of humanitarian aid, shelter and fuel it agreed to provide in the terms of the ceasefire. However, this is a distraction from a larger issue.

    This ceasefire was always more like a strangle contract than a negotiated agreement between equal parties. Israel, as the party with far greater military and political power, has always had the upper hand.

    And while the first phase of the ceasefire, which lasted 42 days, saw the successful release of 33 hostages held by Hamas in exchange for nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners, the ceasefire also enabled Israel to use it for its own political and military ends.

    Buying time

    The most common conventional concern about ceasefires is that the parties to a conflict will use them for their own ends.

    Typically, the worry is that non-state armed groups, such as Hamas, will use the halt in violence to buy time to regroup, rearm and rebuild their strength to continue fighting.

    But states such as Israel have this ability, too. Even though they have standing armies that might not need to regroup and rearm in the same way, states can use this time to manoeuvre in the international arena – a space largely denied to non-state actors.

    Trump’s rise to power in the US has seemingly given the Israeli government carte blanche to proceed in ways that were arguably off limits to previous US presidents who were also largely supportive of Israel’s actions.

    This includes the plan of forcing Gaza’s population out of the strip. This plan was raised earlier in the war by Trump advisor Jared Kushner and Israeli officials as a supposed humanitarian initiative.

    Trump has now repeated the call to relocate Palestinians from Gaza to Egypt and Jordan – or possibly other parts of Africa – and for the US to take “ownership” of the coastal strip and turn it into the “Riviera of the Middle East”.

    On the face of it, this plan would be a war crime. But even if it is never fully implemented, the fact it is being promoted by Trump after many years of domestic Israeli and international opprobrium shows how political ideas once thought unacceptable can take on a life of their own.

    Political and military maneouvering

    Israel has also used the ceasefire to pursue larger political and military goals in Gaza, the West Bank, southern Lebanon and Syria.

    Even though the ceasefire did reduce overall levels of violence in Gaza, Israel has continued to carry out attacks on targets in the strip.

    It has also escalated the construction of settlements and carried out increasingly violent operations in the West Bank. In addition, there have been egregious attacks on Palestinian residents in Israel.

    And though nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners were released during the ceasefire, Israel was holding more than 9,600 Palestinians in detention on “security grounds” at the end of 2024. Thousands more Palestinians are being held by Israel in administrative detention, which means without trial or charge.

    During the ceasefire, Israel also accelerated efforts to evict the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, from its headquarters in East Jerusalem. And the Israeli government has also proposed increasingly draconian laws aimed at restraining the work of Israeli human rights organisations.

    On the military front, the ceasefire arguably alleviated some pressure on Israel, giving it time to consolidate its territorial and security gains against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon and in Syria.

    In the past two months, two deadlines for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from southern Lebanon passed. Israel has instead proposed establishing a buffer zone on Lebanese territory and has begun destroying villages, uprooting olive trees and building semi-permanent outposts along the border.

    In a speech in February, Netanyahu also demanded the “complete demilitarisation of southern Syria” following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. And Defence Minister Israel Katz said this month Israel would keep its troops in southern Syria to “protect” residents from any threats from the new Syrian regime.

    Be careful what you wish for

    While Palestinians are known for their sumud – usually translated as steadfastness or tenacity – there is a limit to what humans can endure. The war, and subsequent ceasefires, have created a situation in which Gazans may have to put the survival and wellbeing of themselves and their families above their desire to stay in Palestine.

    There is a general assumption that ceasefires are positive and humanitarian in nature. But ceasefires are not panaceas. In reality, they are a least-worst option for stopping the violence of war for often just a brief period.

    A ceasefire was never going to be the solution to the decades-old conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. Instead, it has turned out to be part of the problem.

    Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Israel-Hamas ceasefire didn’t resolve any deep-seated issues. Now, it appears to be shattered – https://theconversation.com/the-israel-hamas-ceasefire-didnt-resolve-any-deep-seated-issues-now-it-appears-to-be-shattered-249944

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Renewables are cheap. So why isn’t your power bill falling?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Tony Wood, Program Director, Energy, Grattan Institute

    Steve Tritton/Shutterstock

    Power prices are set to go up again even though renewables now account for 40% of the electricity in Australia’s main grid – close to quadruple the clean power we had just 15 years ago. How can that be, given renewables are the cheapest form of newly built power generation?

    This is a fair question. As Australia heads for a federal election campaign likely to focus on the rising cost of living, many of us are wondering when, exactly, cheap renewables will bring cheap power.

    The simple answer is – not yet. While solar and wind farms produce power at remarkably low cost, they need to be built where it’s sunny or windy. Our existing transmission lines link gas and coal power stations to cities. Connecting renewables to the grid requires expensive new transmission lines, as well as storage for when the wind isn’t blowing or the sun isn’t shining.

    Notably, Victoria’s mooted price increase of 0.7% was much lower than other states, which would be as high as 8.9% in parts of New South Wales. This is due to Victoria’s influx of renewables – and good connections to other states. Because Victoria can draw cheap wind from South Australia, hydroelectricity from Tasmania or coal power from New South Wales through a good transmission line network, it has kept wholesale prices the lowest in the national energy market since 2020.

    While it was foolish for the Albanese government to promise more renewables would lower power bills by a specific amount, the path we are on is still the right one.

    That’s because most of our coal plants are near the end of their life. Breakdowns are more common and reliability is dropping. Building new coal plants would be expensive too. New gas would be pricier still. And the Coalition’s nuclear plan would be both very expensive and arrive sometime in the 2040s, far too late to help.

    Renewables are cheap, building a better grid is not

    The reason solar is so cheap and wind not too far behind is because there is no fuel. There’s no need to keep pipelines of gas flowing or trainloads of coal arriving to be burned.

    But sun and wind are intermittent. During clear sunny days, the National Energy Market can get so much solar that power prices actually turn negative. Similarly, long windy periods can drive down power prices. But when the sun goes down and the wind stops, we still need power.

    This is why grid planners want to be able to draw on renewable sources from a wide range of locations. If it’s not windy on land, there will always be wind at sea. To connect these new sources to the grid, though, requires another 10,000 kilometres of high voltage transmission lines to add to our existing 40,000 km. These are expensive and cost blowouts have become common. In some areas, strong objections from rural residents are adding years of delay and extra cost.

    So while the cost of generating power from renewables is very low, we have underestimated the cost of getting this power to markets as well as ensuring the power can be “firmed”. Firming is when electricity from variable renewable sources is turned into a commodity able to be turned on or off as needed and is generally done by storing power in pumped hydro schemes or in grid-scale batteries.

    In fact, the cost of transmission and firming is broadly offsetting the lower input costs from renewables.

    Transmission lines are essential – but building them is sometimes fraught.
    Naohisa goto/Shutterstock

    Does this mean the renewable path was wrong?

    At both federal and state levels, Labor ministers have made an error in claiming renewables would directly translate to lower power prices.

    But consider the counterpoint. Let’s say the Coalition gets in, rips up plans for offshore wind zones and puts the renewable transition on ice. What happens then?

    Our coal plants would continue to age, leading to more frequent breakdowns and unreliable power, especially during summer peak demand. Gas is so expensive as to be a last resort. Nuclear would be far in the future. What would be left? Quite likely, expensive retrofits of existing coal plants.

    If we stick to the path of the green energy transition, we should expect power price rises to moderate. With more interconnections and transmission lines, we can accommodate more clean power from more sources, reducing the chance of price spikes and adding vital resilience to the grid. If an extreme weather event takes out one transmission line, power can still flow from others.

    Storing electricity will be a game-changer

    Until now, storing electricity at scale for later use hasn’t been possible. That means grid operators have to constantly match supply and demand. To cope with peak demand, such as a heatwave over summer, we have very expensive gas peaking plants which sit idle nearly all the time.

    Solar has only made the challenge harder, as we get floods of solar at peak times and nothing in the evening when we use most of our power. Our coal plants do not deal well with being turned off and on to accommodate solar floods.

    The good news is, storage is solving most of these problems. Being able to keep hours or even days of power stored in batteries or in elevated reservoirs at hydroelectric plants gives authorities much more flexibility in how they match supply and demand.

    We will never see power “too cheap to meter”, as advocates once said of the nuclear industry. But over time, we should see price rises ease.

    For our leaders and energy authorities, this is a tricky time. They must ensure our large-scale transmission line interconnectors actually get built, juggle the flood of renewables, ensure storage comes online, manage the exit of coal plants and try not to affect power prices. Pretty straightforward.

    Tony Wood’s superannuation fund may have shares in companies positively or negatively affected by the issues covered in this article.

    – ref. Renewables are cheap. So why isn’t your power bill falling? – https://theconversation.com/renewables-are-cheap-so-why-isnt-your-power-bill-falling-252391

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Americans can’t stop Aussie kickers on college football fields – so they’re trying in court

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Adam Cohen, Senior Lecturer, University of Technology Sydney

    The National Rugby League has recently made headlines for trying to crack the American sporting landscape by hosting matches in Las Vegas.

    But the NRL’s great rival, the Australian Football League (AFL), has been the Australian export influencing American sport in a much greater fashion in the 21st century.

    While casual American football fans might not put much thought into the kicking aspect of the sport, increasingly, Australian rules players have been identified for their unique skills to fulfil the role of punter.

    A punter is a specialist kicker, who punts the ball downfield with the aim of limiting the opponent’s field position.

    This has led to an influx of Australians in United States college football teams, with some making it to the National Football League (NFL).

    Currently, there are five Australian-raised punters in the NFL — Mitch Wishnowsky, Michael Dickson, Tory Taylor, Cameron Johnston and Matt Hayball.

    Punting pushback

    It has never been more lucrative for athletes to play US college sport after a recent policy change allowing these athletes to be paid for name-image-likeness (NIL) deals.

    NIL refers to a person’s legal right to control how their image is used, including commercially. Until recently, college athletes were not allowed to profit from their fame but the rules have been relaxed.

    This has increased scrutiny within the US about who should be given those opportunities.

    Recent deterrents aimed to solve this dilemma include a class-action lawsuit aiming to limit Australian imports.

    The class action is based on six legal claims, including age discrimination, anti-trust and unfair trade practices laws, as well as violation of the US Constitution’s 14th Amendment, which states “no state shall deny any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws”.

    One US media investigation allegedly found:

    • transcripts that had been submitted to American universities that were doctored to improve athlete grades compared to their actual grades

    • Prokick (the main Australian company bringing athletes into the US system) misleading college football coaches by overstating athletes’ remaining years of eligibility, and omitting information about whether prospective punters previously attended university in Australia.

    Also, specific US states are considering a maximum number of international athletes on scholarships allowed at each school.

    Prokick founder, former AFL player Nathan Chapman, denied the allegations raised in the class action and US media reports.

    Many US college football teams have recruited Australian punters.

    Why Aussies are so appealing

    In the US, punting is a niche skill that gains very little attention. However, many Australians grow up kicking a ball instinctively and learning a variety of techniques.

    These skills have translated into punting, where hang time (how long the ball stays in the air), placement and spin are valuable.

    Former NFL punter and popular media personality Pat McAfee has often celebrated the AFL and touted the influence of the sport on punting.

    What began as just a handful of former AFL players leaving Australia to pursue college football and NFL opportunities has turned into a pipeline where Australians are beginning to dominate the position.

    A New York Times article in 2023 stated 61 out of 133 Division 1 (top tier) football programs had an Australian punter on their roster.

    In seven of the past 11 seasons, an Australian won the Ray Guy Award as the top punter in Division 1 football.

    Of the Australians who have gone on to play in the NFL, the Seattle Seahawks’ Dickson – who recently signed a four-year, $US14.5 million ($A22.9 million) contract – is recognised as one of the best in the league.

    Dickson has gone viral multiple times, which is extremely rare for a punter, for plays including a drop-kick and a one-handed scoop and kick.

    Punting pathways

    To play college football, Australians must deal with National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) eligibility requirements. These include academic standards and amateur status.

    Many enter the system as mature-aged athletes, often in their early 20s (compared to 18-19 year old Americans competing for the same scholarships and roster spots), which gives them a physical and mental advantage over younger recruits.

    The main contributor to this is Prokick Australia.

    Prokick identifies and trains athletes with the potential to transition into American football, coaching them in punting mechanics, the rules of the game and the university recruiting process.

    Prokick has created established partnerships with coaching staff across the US, giving their clients an inside track on scholarship opportunities.

    Their website touts success stories, which include representing 270 athletes getting full scholarships with an estimated value of more than $A50 million.

    This success has led to alternative options, such as Kohl’s and Under Armour offering showcases, where punters can register and perform in front of college coaches.

    Beyond being good at kicking a football, a key step in being allowed to play for an US university involves submitting immigration materials to the US State Department. This includes academic documentation.

    This has led to several attempts to push back on Prokick’s influence in this space, including the class action.

    Where to from here?

    With college football and NFL teams placing increasing value on field position, the demand for Aussie punters is unlikely to slow down.

    As long as pathways like Prokick remain viable, Australians should continue to dominate one of the most specialist roles in American football, unless sweeping changes and restrictions are put in place.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Americans can’t stop Aussie kickers on college football fields – so they’re trying in court – https://theconversation.com/americans-cant-stop-aussie-kickers-on-college-football-fields-so-theyre-trying-in-court-251916

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The next round in the US trade war has the potential to be more damaging for Australia

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Felicity Deane, Professor of Trade Law, Taxation and Climate Change, Queensland University of Technology

    Slladkaya/Shutterstock

    On April 2 the United States is set to implement a new wave of tariffs under its Fair and Reciprocal Trade Plan. Details of the plan that will impact all US trading partners are not yet known, but the US administration has suggested these tariffs will target any rules it considers “unfair”.

    This means the April 2 tariffs may take aim at a range of Australian domestic policies, such as biosecurity rules that govern food imports, and the government’s Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS).

    The size of the hit is uncertain. One report indicates a relatively modest tariff between 2% and 8% is being considered, below the 25% rate imposed on steel and aluminium on March 12. But it will apply to a much larger set of exports.



    Read more:
    With Australian steel and aluminium set to incur US tariffs, global uncertainty will be our next challenge

    Australia and the US have been allies for over a century. The two nations celebrated a “century of mateship” in 2018. More formally, the two countries have a current free trade agreement, Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA).

    The agreement was negotiated in good faith, and entered into force on January 1, 2005. It called for the elimination of tariffs between the two nations over time, and until now both parties have upheld their respective bargains. The so-called “reciprocal” tariff plan would breach that agreement.

    What sectors are likely to be targeted?

    The Trump reference to non-tariff barriers raises two main concerns for Australian products: meat and pharmaceuticals.

    These exports to the US are worth about A$3.3 billion and $1.6 billion a year respectively. That’s about five times the total value of our steel and aluminium exports to the US.

    In Australia, domestic beef products are subject to strict traceability rules. Similarly, imported beef has rigid biosecurity requirements as it is classified as a high-risk food.

    This is because of the potential risk of mad cow disease (Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy). This disease was detected in the US in 2002 and triggered an Australian ban on US beef products.

    The ban was partially lifted in 2018, but some restrictions remain, which the US says are a barrier to trade. This was also raised by the Biden administration in a 2024 report on trade barriers.

    The US cannot force Australia to change its laws on the basis of tariffs – but they can make products coming from Australian suppliers more expensive and therefore restrict market access to the US, which many Australian producers rely on.

    A tariff on Australian-sourced beef products would also push up prices for American consumers. Trade Minister Don Farrell has warned the price of a McDonald’s burger may increase.

    If tariffs are placed on Australian beef, the government has warned that McDonalds burgers in the US will become more expensive.
    Shutterstock

    Medicines are also in the line of fire

    Turning to pharmaceuticals, the Australian PBS has been a sticking point between US and Australian trade negotiators for the past 20 years.  

    The PBS, which has been in place since 1948, ensures Australians have affordable access to essential medicines. It formed part of discussions during the free-trade negotiations and has been raised as a potential barrier to trade.

    The US argues innovation and unfettered market access for American drug companies should be prioritised over Australia’s reference pricing arrangements. Reference pricing means medicines with similar outcomes should have similar pricing.

    The reason the US has a problem with this scheme is because some of their companies are not able to charge higher prices for medicines.

    Although these are the categories of most concern, there is no assurance the “Fair and Reciprocal Plan” will be limited to beef and pharmaceuticals.

    For instance, there are no barriers imposed on the import of wine into Australia. But there has been some concern tariffs could be introduced regardless.

    Wine is often the target of trade wars and President Donald Trump has threatened the European Union with a 200% tariff on all wine and spirits entering the US. As Australian wine makers have only recently recovered from Chinese and Canadian tariffs, any US tariffs would deal a harsh blow to the industry.

    An old clip of the former Republican President Ronald Reagan went viral this week, highlighting his quite different view:

    Is there any avenue for appeal?

    There is one thing that is clear about these tariffs. Their imposition will be in violation of both the WTO rules and the free-trade agreement.

    Both have provisions to settle disputes and Australia does have options for filing complaints. However, the rule of law and existing norms of the international order do not appear to be persuasive to the Trump administration.

    Despite this, it is important to note the US cannot force Australia to change its longstanding laws that protect consumers and ensure accessibility to medicines. This remains the choice of the Australian government.

    If the tariffs are introduced in the range of 2% to 8%, there may not be a significant direct economic impact. But they will have other consequences. Trade negotiations, and international agreements, are largely based on goodwill. These acts of the US will erode much of what has been built up over the past century.

    The downturn we are seeing in financial markets has so far been dismissed by the Trump administration as necessary. But if the correction turns into a crash, it may give President Trump pause. Given his lack of interest in negotiating, this may be the only thing that could change his mind.

    Felicity Deane does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The next round in the US trade war has the potential to be more damaging for Australia – https://theconversation.com/the-next-round-in-the-us-trade-war-has-the-potential-to-be-more-damaging-for-australia-252377

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: After a century of Monday to Friday, could the 4-day week finally be coming to Australia?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By John L. Hopkins, Associate Professor of Management, Swinburne University of Technology

    The reality of shorter working hours could be one step closer for many Australians, pending the outcome of the federal election.

    The Greens, who could control crucial cross bench votes in a hung parliament, have announced plans for a four-day working week, with no loss of pay. They say the policy would alleviate stress and burn out, and increase women’s participation in the workforce.

    Earning the same money for fewer hours would appeal to most workers. But is it too good to be true? Could it really be rolled out cost free to all workplaces, especially to “client facing” companies and service providers?

    Or does research suggest the Greens could be onto something?

    The Greens’ plan

    The Greens’ policy would involve a new National Institute for the Four Day Work Week and a test case through the Fair Work Commission.

    A series of national trials would be set up in a number of different industries, whereby workers would work 80% of their normal hours, while maintaining 100% of their pay.

    According to Greens Senator Barbara Pocock, it’s a win-win for everyone:

    It can increase productivity, reduce absenteeism, improve recruitment and retention and give employees more time to manage their home life. This change will allow workers to create a working week that works for them.

    The 100:80:100 model

    The four-day work week being proposed in this instance is commonly regarded as the 100:80:100 model.

    It delivers 100% of the pay, for 80% of the hours, in return for maintaining 100% of productivity.

    This is unlike other forms of shorter working weeks, which compress five days’ worth of work into four longer days. This obviously disadvantages some employees.

    Recent research conducted by Swinburne University of Technology involved interviews with ten Australian firms that have already adopted the 100:80:100 model.

    They were a mixture of small and medium sized private sector businesses, including management consulting firms, a shipping and logistics company, and recruitment and marketing agencies.

    The research underlined the potential for a range of positive outcomes for both employers and employees.

    Workers reported having better work-life balance, more time to complete “life administration” tasks, and more time to invest in hobbies, exercise, wellness and self-care. Bosses cited productivity gains, reduced sick days, and significant improvements in recruitment and retention rates.

    However, the 100:80:100 model is viewed with scepticism in some quarters. There is still doubt that productivity and output would be maintained, or in some cases improved, when workers are working one day fewer per week.

    Also, there could be costs associated with the implementation of this work model for front-line roles, such as retail, schools, hospitals and nursing homes. Additional workers may need to be hired, at extra expense, to cover the hours dropped by the existing workforce.

    100 years of working 5 days a week

    The year 2026 will mark the 100th anniversary of the five-day work week.

    It was car maker Henry Ford who reduced the working week in the United States from six days to five. Other sectors and countries followed suit. This was at a time when the average life expectancy of Australian workers was just 55 and households typically only had one bread-winner.

    Despite the time saved by the many technological breakthroughs in the past 100 years – from the photocopier, desktop computer and fax machine, to the internet, mobile phones and AI – the average Australian is now working longer hours in paid and unpaid labour than ever before.

    The Greens point out Australian society is changing. More women and carers are either in the workforce or would be encouraged into the workforce by more flexible arrangements:

    yet we are constrained by archaic labour laws that see the fruits of our efforts swallowed up in profits for bosses and shareholders.

    The role of generative AI technologies in the workplace may also deliver benefits to workers. Separate Swinburne research has revealed an increasing expectation among workers that they will receive a share in the time saved by future technologies in the form of improved work-life balance and wellbeing gains.

    Time to enter the 21st century

    Earlier this year, 200 UK companies signed up to the 100:80:100 model, as part of a campaign to “reinvent Britain’s working week”. Large scale trials are also underway in Canada and several European countries.

    The global interest in a shorter working week is not surprising, and has likely been fuelled by the COVID pandemic, which has caused workers and employers to re-imagine their working lives.

    If the Greens are in a position to leverage any balance of power after the coming election, it could be Australia’s turn to recognise the conventional five-day working week is no longer fit for purpose.

    John L. Hopkins does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. After a century of Monday to Friday, could the 4-day week finally be coming to Australia? – https://theconversation.com/after-a-century-of-monday-to-friday-could-the-4-day-week-finally-be-coming-to-australia-252379

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Here’s what’s different about Slinda, the single-hormone contraceptive just added to the PBS

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Nial Wheate, Professor, School of Natural Sciences, Macquarie University

    areeya_ann/Shutterstock

    From May 1, the oral contraceptive Slinda (drospirerone) will be listed on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS). This means the price will drop for the more than 100,000 Australian women who currently use it – from around $A320 a year to around $94.

    It’s the third contraceptive pill the federal government has added to the PBS this year, after Yaz and Yasmine. But these two are combined oral contraceptives – meaning they contain both the hormones oestrogen and progestogen – whereas Slinda is progestogen-only.

    So, Slinda is a little bit different – here’s how it works and what it will cost.

    What is Slinda and how does it work?

    Oral contraceptive pills contain active ingredients based on the female sex hormones oestrogen and progesterone to prevent pregnancy.

    Contraceptive pills with both hormones are known as combined-contraceptive pills. Progesterone only pills are often referred to as mini-pills.

    The active ingredient in Slinda is a progestogen, which is a synthetic derivative of progesterone, which makes the medication a mini-pill.

    Slinda works by stopping ovulation (the ovary doesn’t release an egg) and making the mucus in the cervix thicker so sperm cannot get into the uterus from the vagina.

    Both combined contraceptive pills and mini pills effectively prevent pregnancy, but their suitability varies for different women. Mini-pills, including Slinda, can be 99% effective if used perfectly – but with typical day-to-day use, they provide only around 93% protection.

    Who will find Slinda useful?

    Slinda may be a particularly beneficial alternative for people who can’t use contraceptives containing oestrogen.

    This may include women who are older, overweight, or prone to migraines. This is because oestrogen is known to increase the risk of blood clots which lead to deep vein thrombosis – already a higher risk for older and overweight women.

    Similarly, combined pills containing oestrogen aren’t appropriate for those who’ve had a baby in the last 21 days or are breastfeeding. Lower levels of oestrogen are needed in a woman’s body post-birth as it stimulates prolactin, the hormone responsible for milk production. Taking an oestrogen-based pill can potentially interfere with that.

    Slinda can be taken at any time after childbirth, including while breastfeeding, and generally remains a safer option for people with a history of blood clots or migraines.

    Slinda also has advantages over other, older generations of progestogen-based contraceptive pills. Mini-pills such as Microlut and Noriday have no pill-free days, whichs means if a woman misses taking the pill by even a few hours it can increase her chance of becoming pregnant.

    The pill-free window for Slinda is 24 hours. This means if you are less than 24 hours late it’s considered a late pill, not a missed pill. If you take the late pill as soon as you remember, and then the next pill at the normal time, you should have effective protection from unwanted pregnancy.

    Slinda has a 24-hour ‘missed pill’ window.
    SeventyFour/Shutterstock

    What are the risks or potential side effects?

    The potential side effects for Slinda are similar to other contraceptive pills. Women may find that their period may stop altogether, or they may experience bleeding irregularities or spotting, as well as breast tenderness.

    It is not currently recommended for those with breast cancer, unexplained vaginal bleeding, or severe liver disease, in line with recommendations for all mini-pills.

    The pill may also not work effectively if it’s not taken correctly every day, or if it is taken with other drugs, such as the anti-viral ritonavir and anti-seizure medication phenytoin.

    If a woman is suffering from vomiting or severe diarrhoea, Slinda may not be effective and she should use back-up contraception such as condoms.

    There are other progesterone-only contraceptive options available on the PBS, such as levonorgestrel pills and implants, including the intrauterine devices, Mirena and Kyleena.

    Why was Slinda added to the PBS?

    Slinda has been available in Australia since at least 2004, but not at a subsidised price.

    In November 2024, the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee recommended Slinda’s listing on the PBS. The committee cited several reasons, including advice from doctors, the need to provide women with more contraceptive options and Slinda’s longer pill-free window.

    At a stakeholder meeting in October 2024, doctors stressed the need for more choice for women, when choosing a pill.

    They highlighted women starting an oral contraceptive pill for the first time will often first use PBS-subsidised medications, even though a non-PBS product may be more suitable for them. Slinda’s listing makes it a more accessible first choice for women.

    As Slinda is a prescription-only medication, if you wish to change pills or start on the drug you will need to consult your doctor. If you do change, from May 1 and based on similar PBS medications, you can expect to pay around $31 for a four-month supply.

    Nial Wheate in the past has received funding from the ACT Cancer Council, Tenovus Scotland, Medical Research Scotland, Scottish Crucible, and the Scottish Universities Life Sciences Alliance. He is a fellow of the Royal Australian Chemical Institute. Nial is the chief scientific officer of Vaihea Skincare LLC, a director of SetDose Pty Ltd (a medical device company) and was previously a Standards Australia panel member for sunscreen agents. Nial regularly consults to industry on issues to do with medicine risk assessments, manufacturing, design, and testing.

    Jasmine Lee and Shoohb Alassadi do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Here’s what’s different about Slinda, the single-hormone contraceptive just added to the PBS – https://theconversation.com/heres-whats-different-about-slinda-the-single-hormone-contraceptive-just-added-to-the-pbs-252385

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘I felt like I was the one in trouble.’ Collecting evidence after sexual assault can be scary for children – and the system needs to improve

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Caroline Whitehouse, PhD Candidate, School of Psychology & Public Health, La Trobe University

    Kaboompics.com/Pexels

    The 72 hours after the sexual assault of a child can be a crucial window for police to collect biological evidence and document signs of bruising or injury.

    But this procedure – known as a forensic medical examination – can be scary and invasive.

    In new research published with colleagues, I interviewed ten children (aged 4-16) and their parents about their experiences attending a Melbourne paediatric hospital in the hours after an alleged assault.

    This was a small group, but their stories shed light on wider concerns. Addressing them can help put children first in what may be the most traumatic time of their lives.

    What is a forensic medical examination?

    A forensic medical examination can be done in the 72 hours following a child sexual assault.

    Its purpose is to gather biological evidence from the victim to help police identify an offender and prosecute them.

    At a hospital crisis care suite, the child will speak to a specialist doctor (a forensic paediatrician) alongside another clinician, usually a psychologist or social worker. Police also attend.

    The doctor will take the child’s medical history, as well as asking for an account of the assault.

    The doctor swabs relevant areas – such as the child’s vulva, vagina or anus – to collect biological materials that may be present, including saliva or semen. They will also look for injuries or bruising.

    This examination can be uncomfortable and can take hours. It may also be emotionally harrowing, for the child as well as their carer.

    In the following days, children often need to give another statement to police and are referred for counselling.

    A child usually attends a forensic medical examination alongside their parent.
    fizkes/Shutterstock

    Understanding how to avoid retraumatisation

    A decade ago, the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse heard from survivors the importance of trauma-informed responses.

    A trauma-informed approach means prioritising a sense of safety for children who have experienced trauma, building trust and sharing control, to avoid retraumatisation.

    This means explaining to children and their carers what is going to happen next, gaining their consent and giving them some control over the timing and pace of any interventions (such as being swabbed).

    Children and families have different – sometimes traumatic – experiences of dealing with health services and police. So considering a child’s personal history and culture is important.

    However there is still little research examining children and young people’s experience of crisis care.

    My study involved seven girls, two boys and one non-binary child, aged between four and 16. In the days or weeks after their examination, I interviewed the child and the parent who attended hospital with them, both individually and together (in child-parent pairs).

    The interviews uncovered four areas that were important to children and their parents.

    1. Repeating their story but not feeling heard

    After they first report their experience, children need to tell their story several times to various strangers.

    This means sharing highly personal details while distressed to people who often don’t have the time to get to know them, their context, family, previous trauma history or culture.

    Fiona* (16) found this aspect of the process “very, very, very stressful.”

    Some said repeating their story felt like they had to convince professionals it was true.

    Layla (14) commented:

    I felt like I was the one in trouble.

    2. Being treated with care matters

    Several young participants discussed feeling “traumatised,” “intimidated” and “ashamed” during the examination itself.

    Seven-year-old Sasha told us about the doctor who examined her:

    She kept saying, ‘Lie still,’ and it was hard for me to just lie still. Then she just, when she did the examination […] I was crying on the bed, and it hurt me […]. And she just looked at me. Because she’s seen me crying and she just looked at me.

    But when the doctor, or the clinician was caring – and took time to understand them and their individual needs – it helped ease some of the distress.

    One parent, Kaye, felt the clinician “had this incredible demeanour and heart about her” and helped her child “understand what was going to happen.”

    Other young people appreciated the clinician helped them with panic attacks and “made us feel relaxed.”

    The youngest participant Ava (4) said she liked that she was given a teddy bear.

    Children told us caring gestures – such as providing a teddy bear – made the experience less scary.
    fizkes/Shutterstock

    3. Unpleasant surroundings made the experience worse

    Some participants described the space where the forensic medical examination took place as small and unwelcoming.

    Dylan (16) felt it was “unsafe”, while Ava said it was “a bit scary”.

    Examination spaces need to be kept forensically clean. In the hospital where these examinations took place, that meant there were no windows, pictures on the walls or soft furnishings.

    Several young participants felt it showed what had happened to them was somehow shameful. As Felicity explained:

    it was frightening. […] You’re just walking down a really long corridor, all these white […] ceilings and walls. And it was kind of just like a bit […] not welcoming, not nice and hidden away.

    Some children found the sterile environment intimidating.
    hxdbzxy/Shutterstock

    4. Parents need care too

    Parents often felt sidelined or unheard before, during and after the examination.

    Samira (a parent) said she didn’t feel like her concerns were understood:

    I come from a different background, I don’t know what is happening and I don’t know what to ask. I’m not very trusting of police.

    Children themselves worried about their parent. As Layla said:

    it’s not just me that’s going through this, it’s my mum. […] I feel like she should be able to have that support too. None of it was offered to her.

    One parent said they’d been “sent home without any support”. Another had a sense of being “just left there and wondering what to do”.

    Responding to the whole child

    The children and adults I interviewed made clear they wanted a holistic approach.

    They wanted professionals (including doctors, clinicians and police) to not only pursue justice on their behalf, but also listen and respond to their physical, emotional and social needs and take into account their particular context and culture.

    The response needs to make children and their families feel safer – not more scared.

    It also needs to help them recover from the trauma, including counselling for both parents and children without long waitlists.

    Existing services in the United States, Europe and the United Kingdom show an evidence-based, trauma-informed model is possible.

    The National Sexual Assault, Family and Domestic Violence Counselling Line – 1800 RESPECT (1800 737 732) – is available 24 hours a day, seven days a week for any Australian who has experienced, or is at risk of, family and domestic violence and/or sexual assault.

    *Names have been changed.

    Caroline Whitehouse is employed by the Northern Centre Against Sexual Assault, which is affiliated with the peak body Sexual Assault Support Services Victoria (SASVic). She was previously employed by the Royal Children’s Hospital Melbourne, where this study took place. The Royal Children’s Hospital, along with LaTrobe University, gave ethics approval for the study.

    – ref. ‘I felt like I was the one in trouble.’ Collecting evidence after sexual assault can be scary for children – and the system needs to improve – https://theconversation.com/i-felt-like-i-was-the-one-in-trouble-collecting-evidence-after-sexual-assault-can-be-scary-for-children-and-the-system-needs-to-improve-241902

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: The Removalists remains a brutal commentary on Australian masculinity. This new production treats women with empathy

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Denise Varney, Professor of Theatre Studies, The University of Melbourne

    Pia Johnson/MTC

    The Removalists was first performed in 1971 at La Mama Theatre, Carlton, by the Australian Performing Group, an ensemble of young graduates, artists and friends.

    A beacon of the New Wave of Australian drama, David Williamson was part of a new generation of theatre artists who were interested in reflecting Australia back to its audiences. Now one of Australia’s most prolific playwrights, Williamson’s early plays are part of the repertoire of modern Australian classics.

    The Removalists was just his fourth play. A brutal commentary on Australian masculinity, it was a dark turn for the young artist.

    A crooked cop, an easily corruptible young constable, a boozy husband and father who beats his wife and demands his dinner, and a removalist who sees no evil, does no evil. A new production by the Melbourne Theatre Company, directed by Anne-Louise Sarks, celebrates the enduring appeal of the play.

    A suburban police station

    We begin in a police station. Young constable Neville Ross (William McKenna) is being inducted into the force by a bitter, manipulative, rule-bending sergeant, Dan Simmons (played with menace by the moustachioed Steve Mouzakis).

    When middle class sisters Kate (Jessica Clarke) and Fiona (Eloise Mignon) enter to report domestic violence, Simmonds asks invasive questions about Fiona’s relationship to her beer-swilling loudmouth husband Kenny (Michael Whalley).

    Fiona initially expressed uncertainty about making the complaint. Kate insisted on going to the police. The action that follows exposes the humiliation that accompanies reports of domestic violence.

    The production exposes the humiliation that accompanies reports of domestic violence.
    Pia Johnson/MTC

    In an excruciating moment, Kate stands by watching while Simmonds asks Fiona to show him the bruises on her back and upper thigh. Fiona is unsure as she turns her back to the auditorium, slowly pulls up her jumper and exposes the bruises on her bare back.

    Under Sarks’ direction, it is a moment filled with empathy.

    Enter the removalist

    The action shifts in act two to Fiona’s place. Expecting Kenny to be out drinking, Simmonds – who is expecting sexual favours from Kate – and Ross arrive to help Fiona move into her new flat. But Kenny is home, and sprays a string of obscenities at the policemen. Simmonds cuffs him – and lands a few quiet punches.

    The removalist (Martin Blum) interrupts the action, while turning a blind eye to the mayhem. The entrances and exits of the removalist and Ross and the moving of furniture, punctuate the drama with comic effect, injecting a light touch in the midst of the play’s violence.

    The removal of furniture injects a light touch in the midst of the play’s violence.
    Pia Johnson/MTC

    When the sisters and the removalist leave, the cops beat Kenny in an orgy of violence that is so relentless and brutal, it descends into farce.

    The bloody ending has something of the Grand Guignol to it – the 19th century theatre of revenge that descends into comic horror but also raises serious questions about violence in the contemporary real life world.

    Critiquing white Australia

    Clever balancing of humour and social commentary is the key to Williamson’s critique of the law in relation to violence against women.

    In an era of diverse casting, Sarks has cast The Removalists with an all white cast, laying the violence of the play at the feet of white Australian culture.

    Matilda Woodroofe’s costumes contribute to the play’s critique of Australian culture. Kenny wears a pair of footy shorts and a t-shirt, Blundstone boots and short black socks, evoking the unoffical uniform of the ocker male Australian.

    Onstage seating echos the intimate space of the original theatre, La Mama.
    Pia Johnson/MTC

    In a novel touch, Dale Ferguson’s set adds rows of onstage seating for those who would like a much closer view of the action. Not only do they get a stronger sense of the onstage actors’ energy and presence, they experience the play as the original audience did in the tiny La Mama theatre.

    Just as playwright Williamson targeted a conservative macho ocker culture in the early 1970s, this revival can be understood as its contemporary counterpart. Sarks highlights the particular kinds of violence that is systemic within Australian culture that continues today.

    Sarks accords the female characters more dignity and independence than earlier versions. They deliver the same lines, but with confidence that speaks of their self-assurance. Kate uses her gaze to put Simmonds, the disgusting older cop, in his place. After her humiliation at the police station, Fiona rejects Kenny’s appeals.

    Sarks accords the female characters dignity and independence.
    Pia Johnson/MTC

    These subtle and not so subtle changes in the delivery of the women’s lines show how directing an historical play can resist the ideologies that determined more passive roles for women in the past.

    The Removalists is at Melbourne Theatre Company until April 17.

    Denise Varney received funding from the Australian Research Council Discovery Project Scheme.

    – ref. The Removalists remains a brutal commentary on Australian masculinity. This new production treats women with empathy – https://theconversation.com/the-removalists-remains-a-brutal-commentary-on-australian-masculinity-this-new-production-treats-women-with-empathy-252040

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: NZ has no dedicated database to track losses from weather disasters – without it, we’re planning in the dark

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Ilan Noy, Chair in the Economics of Disasters and Climate Change, Te Herenga Waka — Victoria University of Wellington

    STR/AFP via Getty Images

    Following the Trump administration’s abrupt cuts to USAID funding last month, the online international disaster database EM-DAT (normally funded by USAID) went dark for a week.

    EM-DAT collates data on the occurrence and impacts of thousands of mass disasters worldwide and records both human and economic losses in a publicly available dataset. It relies on various sources, including United Nations agencies and non-governmental organisations, but also news reports.

    The vulnerability of this database to the Trump administration’s cuts highlights the need for New Zealand to take charge of its own data on the damage caused by extreme events.

    Currently, New Zealand has no dedicated disaster loss database. This means we don’t know how much extreme weather events and other types of disasters are costing us.

    But as such events are becoming more frequent and more intense with worsening climate change, this lack of data is increasingly detrimental to our long-term prosperity.

    Two events in 2023 – Cyclone Gabrielle and the Auckland floods – illustrate this problem. They were by far the costliest weather disasters in New Zealand’s modern history and we know they were exceptionally damaging.

    But we don’t know the aggregate financial losses they caused, and the different sources shown in the table below provide conflicting numbers, none of them comprehensive.

    Without understanding the magnitude of the problem, our ability to prevent damage or recover from extreme weather is diminished. It is indeed difficult to manage what we don’t measure.

    In the face of these unknowns, most other countries, including Australia, are investing in the collection, collation and analysis of their own data to make informed decisions about disaster risk management. It is high time New Zealand did the same.

    The limits of New Zealand’s data on loss and damage

    Currently, data on extreme weather costs have come primarily from the Insurance Council of New Zealand (ICNZ) or from EM-DAT, whose data sometimes come from less reliable sources. New Zealand’s reliance on a private source and an international organisation leaves us with data that could charitably be described as fragmented, incomplete and unreliable.

    ICNZ figures showing insurance payouts for disasters are commonly used by the government and media as a proxy for total cost. But private insurance accounts for only a small share of the losses resulting from some extreme weather. Roads, bridges and many other parts of public infrastructure are not insured; many private assets are not insured either.

    Furthermore, wealthier communities tend to be better insured and hence receive higher payouts. The ICNZ data imply they experience more damages than poorer, less insured communities, even when that is not the case.

    As climate change brings more extreme weather, more homes will likely be under-insured.
    Phil Walter/Getty Images

    Globally, insurance tends to retreat when the risks become too high to be covered affordably. We expect that in the future a higher number of homes and businesses will be under-insured. Relying solely on data on insured damages will hence provide us with an increasingly partial picture of damages caused by extreme weather.

    The second main source of disaster loss data is EM-DAT. In principle, it aims to include all damage costs (not just insured ones), but the approach does not necessarily result in more accurate numbers.

    As the graph below shows, ICNZ can be counted on to provide reliable data for all large events, but there are frequent gaps in EM-DAT’s data for New Zealand. It is also clear that the difference between ICNZ private insurance payouts and total cost estimates from EM-DAT is too small to accurately reflect uninsured losses.

    In previous research (co-authored with Rebecca Newman) we identified other gaps in the EM-DAT international estimates of extreme-weather costs, most notably for wildfires, droughts and heatwaves.

    Damages from these events are largely uninsured and so are not included in the ICNZ data either. Yet their likelihood is increasing because of dramatic changes in our climate.

    We only have a partial picture, and a potentially very misleading one at that – both in terms of the size of the problem and how the problem is changing.
    Nevertheless, the data from the ICNZ and EM-DAT are still the best we have for understanding what is happening.

    When EM-DAT temporarily went offline last month following the termination of its funding from USAID, we received a crude reminder of how critical this resource is in the global context. How can we talk about disaster risk management and risk reduction when we have no idea what is going on?

    Effective policy relies on accurate data

    There are myriad ways in which a disaster-loss database for New Zealand could be used effectively by central and local government, insurance and banking companies, weather-exposed industries such as agriculture, community organisations and by individuals.

    Policies about flood protection, planned relocation (managed retreat), climate adaptation, insurance pricing, banking regulation, home loans and infrastructure maintenance should all be informed by knowledge of the risks from extreme-weather events and other hazards.

    A concrete example of how useful this data would be is for planned relocations. We need a clear perspective of the history of flood events in different communities and comprehensive assessments of past damages in order to quantify the future costs of relocations. Without these data, how can we decide which financial arrangements for relocation are fiscally sound?

    A comprehensive New Zealand disaster-loss database is possible. As a nation we have the datasets we need, but these are held within different government agencies and other organisations, with no centralised collection or reporting.

    Hidden there is everything we need to understand the current situation and plan better for the future. We just have to make the decision to invest in collecting and curating this data.

    Stats NZ would be the data’s logical host, given the agency’s extensive experience in collecting and posting data to help us organise our society. Cyclone Gabrielle and the Auckland floods should have convinced us we need this. Maybe EM-DAT going dark, and thus obscuring a worldwide risk, should convince us even more.

    I am grateful for the contribution of Jo-Anne Hazel (writing) and Tom Uher (data collection).

    Ilan Noy is a member of the scientific committee of EM-DAT (pro bono).

    – ref. NZ has no dedicated database to track losses from weather disasters – without it, we’re planning in the dark – https://theconversation.com/nz-has-no-dedicated-database-to-track-losses-from-weather-disasters-without-it-were-planning-in-the-dark-251224

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why do plastic containers always come out wet from the dishwasher? Science has the answer

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Kamil Zuber, Senior Industry Research Fellow, Future Industries Institute, University of South Australia

    ShowRecMedia/Shutterstock

    It’s annoying to open your dishwasher after the cycle is finished only to find half of the dishes still wet. Instead of being able to stack them away, you end up with a full drying rack.

    And you’ve probably noticed it’s always plastic items that end up the most wet. What’s going on?

    The answer is a bit convoluted and requires some materials and physics knowledge, but bear with me.

    Plastics have very different properties to ceramics and metals – the stuff your plates and cutlery are most likely made out of. Two key things play a role: one is how the materials store heat, and the other is what happens on their surfaces.

    How dishes store heat

    If you take your dishes out of the dishwasher promptly after the cycle ends, you’ve likely noticed that plates, glasses and ceramic mugs are still hot, while plastic containers don’t feel warm at all.

    This relates to their heat capacity, sometimes also referred to as the “thermal mass” of these materials. Ceramics, glass and metals can store more heat, and it takes longer for them to give it away to their surroundings than it does for plastics. In other words, ceramics and metals cool down more slowly.

    Since evaporating water takes energy and cools the surface – which is also how your body cools down on a hot day as you sweat – plastics cool down faster, leaving much of the water on the surface.

    Ceramic, metal and glass items retain heat better than plastics – so they dry faster.
    Velik/Shutterstock

    How water behaves on different surfaces

    The other part of the problem is in surface energy, which tells us how water wets different surfaces.

    You’ve probably seen water droplets bead up on things like high-end rain jackets or non-stick frying pans. These surfaces are called hydrophobic, meaning they “fear” water. This is also the case for most plastics, although not always to such a dramatic effect.

    On the other end of the spectrum, surfaces like many ceramics and metals are coated with water easily. That’s because they are more hydrophilic or “water-loving”.

    On a hydrophobic material such as a rain jacket, water will bead into droplets.
    Ondra Vacek/Shutterstock

    But there’s another factor here – and it has to do with dishwashers, in particular. Dishwasher detergent contains a mixture of chemicals, mainly surfactants – substances that lower the surface tension of water.

    Surface tension is the property of the material’s interface (for example, between solid and liquid, or liquid and gas) that tells us how much energy it takes to create a larger surface. By adding detergent to water, we reduce its surface tension. This makes it easier for the water to spread over surfaces it encounters (even over these hydrophobic plastics), in turn making it easier to wash your dishes.

    More importantly, the surfactants in detergent are molecules that have both hydrophobic and hydrophilic chemical groups. This makes them a kind of link between water and fats. Since oil and water don’t like to mix, a surfactant helps to “blend” the latter and have it float in water, helping remove any oily residues from your dishes.

    This happens in the main washing cycle. After rinsing, the chemicals get removed and your dishes are sprayed with clean water so you don’t have to taste the detergent in your tea.

    So, at the end, water beads up on your hydrophobic plastic dishes and spreads all over your more hydrophilic ceramic plates, cups and metal pots. A large bead of water evaporates more slowly than when the same amount of water is spread more thinly over your plates and pots.

    On top of that, ceramic dishes retain more heat, which makes them dry more quickly – the water that’s already spread more thinly just evaporates faster.

    Rinse aids can help water run off the surfaces of dishes more quickly.
    Potashev Aleksandr/Shutterstock

    Is there anything I can do to make plastics dry faster?

    You’ve probably heard about rinse aids that are added to the rinse cycle. Their key ingredients are different types of low-foaming surfactants and chemicals that make water softer. Some “all in one” dishwasher tablets may already contain a small amount of rinse aid and the makers provide instructions on how to use them in a safe and efficient way.

    Rinse aids also lower the surface tension of water, making it easier for water to wet and run off the surfaces, preventing it from beading up and reducing streaks.

    This also works on plastic dishes, leaving much less water behind. Some dishwasher manufacturers recommend using rinse aids because in addition to drying dishes faster, they can prevent corrosion of dishwasher parts from detergent residues.

    Is there anything else you can do to dry the dishes faster?

    There is one thing that is really simple: just crack the door open as soon as the cycle is finished and it’s safe to do so, so that water vapour can escape. If hot air and moisture instead remain trapped in the dishwasher, the water vapour will condense on all surfaces, like dew before dawn.

    At the end, you have a way to make most of your dishes drier after the cycle, although you may still end up with a first-world problem in the form of some wet plasticware. There will be less water on it if you use a rinse aid according to instructions, and open the dishwasher when safe, after the cycle is completed.

    Kamil Zuber does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why do plastic containers always come out wet from the dishwasher? Science has the answer – https://theconversation.com/why-do-plastic-containers-always-come-out-wet-from-the-dishwasher-science-has-the-answer-250656

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Streaming, surveillance and the power of suggestion: the hidden cost of 10 years of Netflix

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Marc C-Scott, Associate Professor of Screen Media | Deputy Associate Dean of Learning & Teaching, Victoria University

    Shutterstock

    This month marks a decade since Netflix – the world’s most influential and widely subscribed streaming service – launched in Australia.

    Since then the media landscape has undergone significant transformation, particularly in terms of how we consume content. According to a 2024 Deloitte report, Australians aged 16–38 spent twice as much time watching subscription streaming services as free-to-air TV (both live and on-demand).

    Part of the success of streaming services lies in their ability to provide content that feels handpicked. And this is made possible through the use of sophisticated recommender systems fuelled by vast amounts of user data.

    As streaming viewership continues to rise, so too do the risks associated with how these platforms collect and handle user data.

    Changing methods of data collection

    Subscription streaming platforms aren’t the first to collect user data. They just do it differently.

    Broadcasters have always been invested in collecting viewers’ information (via TV ratings) to inform promotional schedules and attract potential advertisers. These data are publicly available.

    In Australia, TV data are collected anonymously via the OzTam TV ratings system, based on the viewing habits of more than 12,000 individuals.

    Each television in a recruited household is connected to a metering box. Members of the household select a letter that corresponds to them, after which the box records their viewing data, including the program, channel and viewing time. But this system doesn’t include broadcasters’ video-on-demand services, which have been around since the late 2000s (with ABC iView being the first).

    In 2016 a new system was launched to measure broadcast video-on-demand data separately from OzTam ratings.

    However, it collected data in a rolling seven-day report, in the form of total minutes a particular program had been watched online (rather than the number of individuals watching, as was the measurement for TV). This meant the two data sources couldn’t be combined.

    In 2018, OzTAM and Nielsen announced the Virtual Australia (VoZ) database which would integrate both broadcast TV and video-on-demand data. It took six years following the announcement for the VoZ system to become the industry’s official trading currency.

    Streamers’ approach

    Streaming platforms such as Netflix have a markedly different approach to acquiring data, as they can source it directly from users. These data are therefore much more granular, larger in volume, and far less publicly accessible due to commercial confidence.

    In recent years, Netflix has shared some of its viewing data through a half-yearly report titled What We Watched. It offers macro-level details such as total hours watched that year, as well as information about specific content, including how many times a particular show was viewed.

    Netflix also supplies information to its shareholders, although much of this focuses on subscriber numbers rather than specific user details.

    The best publicly accessible Netflix data we have is presented on its Tudum website, which includes global Top 10 lists that can be filtered by country.

    The main data Netflix doesn’t share are related to viewer demographics: who is watching what programs.

    Why does it matter?

    Ratings and user data offer valuable insights to both broadcasters and streaming services, and can influence decisions regarding what content is produced.

    User data would presumably have been a significant factor in Netflix‘s decision to move into live content such as stand-up comedy, the US National Football League (NFL) and an exclusive US$5 billion deal with World Wrestling Entertainment.

    Streaming companies also use personal data to provide users with targeted viewing suggestions, with an aim to reduce the time users spend browsing catalogues.

    Netflix has an entire research department dedicated to enhancing user experience. According to Justin Basilico, Netflix’s Director of Machine Learning and Recommender Systems, more than 80% of what Netflix users watch is driven by its recommender system.

    As noted in its privacy statement, Netflix draws on a range of information to provide recommendations, including:

    • the user’s interactions with the service, such as their viewing history and title ratings
    • other users with similar tastes and preferences
    • information about the titles, such as genre, categories, actors and release year
    • the time of day the user is watching
    • the language/s the user prefers
    • the device/s they are watching on
    • how long they watch a particular Netflix title.

    If a user isn’t happy with their recommendations, they can try to change them by editing their viewing and ratings history.

    Personalised or predetermined?

    The rise of streaming hasn’t only transformed how we watch TV, but also how our viewing habits are tracked and how this information informs future decisions.

    While traditional broadcasters have long relied on sample anonymised data to measure engagement, streaming platforms operate in a landscape in which detailed user data can be used to shape content, recommendations and business decisions.

    While personalisation makes streaming more appealing, it also raises important questions about privacy, transparency and control. How much do streaming platforms really know about us? And are they catering to our preferences – or shaping them?

    Marc C-Scott does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Streaming, surveillance and the power of suggestion: the hidden cost of 10 years of Netflix – https://theconversation.com/streaming-surveillance-and-the-power-of-suggestion-the-hidden-cost-of-10-years-of-netflix-244921

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: ASIC puts payday lenders on notice they may be breaching the law

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jeannie Marie Paterson, Professor of Law (consumer protections and credit law), The University of Melbourne

    Late last week, corporate watchdog the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC) issued a warning to lenders that provide high-fee small-amount loans – known as payday lenders – that they may be breaching consumer-lending laws.

    Trying to provide effective protections to borrowers of these small loans is fiendishly difficult. People in financial hardship turn to payday loans, even though they are expensive. Lenders can charge high fees for such loans but may change products to avoid regulation.

    If access to payday loans dries up, borrowers in need are likely to turn to other products. And so the cycle begins again.

    The regulator’s report might be a prompt to government to think about other strategies.

    What is payday lending and why is it a concern?

    Payday lending is the name commonly given to loans of small amounts (under A$2,000) for short periods of time (16 days to one year) that promise quick credit checks and don’t require collateral.

    They are called payday loans because the original idea was borrowers would pay them back when they got their next pay cheque. But often that is not how it works, and borrowers struggle to repay.

    Payday lenders offer fast cash, but there are strings attached.

    ASIC said the total value of small and medium loans provided to consumers in 2023–24 was $1.3 billion. An earlier study by Consumer Action Law Centre found 4.7 million individual payday loans were written over three years to July 2019.

    Why do borrowers use (expensive) payday loans?

    Small, short-term loans like payday loans have been around for a long time – and in part, they respond to a reality that, for many people, their income is not sufficient to give them buffers.

    Payday loans can be used by borrowers who don’t have savings or credit cards to pay for one-off unexpected bills – a broken fridge, an emergency medical appointment or even utilities bills. But they can also be used to meet daily living expenses.

    There are limited other practical options – for some types of bills, there are hardship schemes, but these are not always well-known. For one-off expenses, there are low and no-interest loan schemes but they can be quite restrictive. Free financial counselling may also help, but knowledge and access can be an issue.

    Payday lenders have been moving customers into bigger loans that are harder to repay.
    Doucefleur/Shutterstock

    Why were new laws dealing with payday loans introduced?

    Payday lenders have typically charged very high fees. In 2013, concerns about the high cost of payday loans led to specific provisions to limit the fees that could be charged.

    Nonetheless, regulators and consumer advocates remain concerned these kinds of loans lock borrowers into debt spirals because they keep accumulating and that lenders manage to avoid many of the restrictions.

    Further reforms in 2022 introduced a presumption a loan is unsuitable if the borrower has already taken out two payday loans in the preceding 90 days. The reforms also prohibit payday lenders from offering loans where the repayments would exceed a prescribed proportion of a borrower’s income.

    What did ASIC say?

    ASIC said it found a trend of payday lenders moving borrowers who previously might have borrowed relatively small amounts ($700 to $2,000) to medium-sized loans ($2,000 to $5,000), which are not subject to the same consumer protections.

    The regulator said small loan credit contracts fell from 80% of loans in the December quarter of 2022 to less than 60% of loans by the August 2023 quarter.

    It said it was concerned by this approach and reminded lenders they were still subject to the reasonable lending regime. This effectively means not lending amounts that would be unsuitable for borrowers.

    Why are payday lenders moving consumers to larger loans?

    It’s a concern that lenders change products to avoid restrictive rules. But it is not altogether surprising.

    One response from increasing restrictions on one form of credit might be that lenders decide to focus on other, less restricted, products like medium-sized loans – this is what ASIC seems to have found.

    This is problematic if those larger loans are not meeting consumers’ needs and objectives (for instance, if they only needed a smaller amount), or complying with the loan would cause substantial hardship. It’s important to remind lenders that the responsible lending obligations apply to medium size loans, and for ASIC to take enforcement action where appropriate.

    What might be a better approach?

    The ASIC report highlights the increasing complexity of the National Consumer Credit Act regime – with the standard obligations complemented by specific and unique rules for a range of credit products. These include small amount credit, standard home loans, credit cards, reverse mortgages, and Buy Now Pay Later.

    It’s worth thinking about whether a better strategy might be to go back to a simpler approach, where one set of rules applied to all consumer credit products. Regulatory exceptions and qualifications are minimised.

    If access to payday loans becomes more restrictive, borrowers are likely to turn to other products. This means ASIC should also be looking at other products that are used to provide short-term small loans. These are likely to include buy now pay later schemes and pawn broking.

    Buy now pay later products are subject to their own regulations, including responsible lending obligations. But
    pawn brokers aren’t covered by the Consumer Credit laws and are subject to little regulatory scrutiny. This is also something that should change.

    We also need to consider whether there are financial inclusion options not dependent on lenders out to make a profit from borrowers struggling with the cost of living.

    Jeannie Marie Paterson receives funding from the Australian Research Council for a project on Treating Consumers Fairly.

    Nicola Howell receives funding from funding from the Australian Research Council for a project on Treating Consumers Fairly. She is affiliated with the Consumers’ Federation of Australia, as a member of the CFA Executive.

    – ref. ASIC puts payday lenders on notice they may be breaching the law – https://theconversation.com/asic-puts-payday-lenders-on-notice-they-may-be-breaching-the-law-252375

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: Why build nuclear power in place of old coal, when you could have pumped hydropower instead?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Timothy Weber, Research Officer for School of Engineering, Australian National University

    Phillip Wittke, Shutterstock

    Australia’s energy policy would take a sharp turn if the Coalition wins the upcoming federal election. A Dutton government would seek to build seven nuclear power plants at the sites of old coal-fired power stations.

    The Coalition says its plan makes smart use of the existing transmission network and other infrastructure. But solar and wind power would need to be curtailed to make room in the grid for nuclear energy. This means polluting coal and gas power stations would remain active for longer, releasing an extra 1 billion to 2 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide.

    So is there another option? Yes: pumped hydro storage plants. This technology is quicker and cheaper to develop than nuclear power, and can store solar and wind rather than curtail it. It’s better suited to Australia’s electricity grid and would ultimately lead to fewer emissions. Drawing on our recent global analysis, we found the technology could be deployed near all but one of the seven sites the Coalition has earmarked for nuclear power.

    The Coalition is likely to spend anywhere from A$116 billion to $600 billion of taxpayers’ money to deliver up to 14 gigawatts of nuclear energy. Experts say the plan will not lower power prices and will take too long to build. Our findings suggest cheap storage of solar and wind, in the form of pumped hydro, is a better way forward.

    This way, we can continue to build renewable energy capacity while stabilising the grid. More than 45GW of solar and wind is already up and running, with a further 23GW being supported by the Capacity Investment Scheme until 2027. Only a handful of the pumped hydro sites we found would be needed to decarbonise the energy system, reaching the 1,046 gigawatt-hours of storage CSIRO estimates Australia needs.

    Building pumped hydro storage systems near old coal-fired power generators has some advantages, such as access to transmission lines – although more will be needed as electricity demand increases. But plenty of other suitable sites exist, too.

    Filling the gaps

    Pumped hydro is a cheap, mature technology that currently provides more than 90% of the world’s electrical energy storage.

    It involves pumping water uphill from one reservoir to another at a higher elevation for storage. Then, when power is needed, water is released to flow downhill through turbines, generating electricity on its way to the lower reservoir.

    Together with battery storage, pumped hydro solves the very real problem of keeping the grid stable and reliable when it is dominated by solar and wind power.

    By 2030, 82% of Australia’s electricity supply is expected to come from renewables, up from about 40% today.

    But solar panels only work during the day and don’t produce as much power when it’s cloudy. And wind turbines don’t generate power when it’s calm. That’s where storage systems come in. They can charge up when electricity is plentiful and then release electricity when it’s needed.

    Grid-connected batteries can fill short-term gaps (from seconds to a few hours). Pumped hydro can store electricity overnight, and longer still. These two technologies can be used together to supply electricity through winter, and other periods of calm or cloudy weather.

    Two types of pumped-storage hydropower, one doesn’t require dams on rivers.
    NREL

    Finding pumped hydro near the Coalitions’s proposed nuclear sites

    Australia has three operating pumped hydro systems: Tumut 3 in the Snowy Mountains, Wivenhoe in Queensland, and Shoalhaven in the Kangaroo Valley of New South Wales.

    Two more are under construction, including Snowy 2.0. Even after all the cost blowouts, Snowy 2.0 comes at a modest construction cost of A$34 per kilowatt-hour of energy storage, which is ten times cheaper than the cost CSIRO estimates for large, new batteries.

    We previously developed a “global atlas” to identify potential locations for pumped hydro facilities around the world.

    More recently, we created a publicly available tool to filter results based on construction cost, system size, distance from transmission lines or roads, and away from environmentally sensitive locations.

    In this new analysis, we used the tool to find pumped hydro options near the sites the Coalition has chosen for nuclear power plants.

    Mapping 300 potential pumped hydro sites

    The proposed nuclear sites are:

    • Liddell Power Station, New South Wales
    • Mount Piper Power Station, New South Wales
    • Loy Yang Power Stations, Victoria
    • Tarong Power Station, Queensland
    • Callide Power Station, Queensland
    • Northern Power Station, South Australia (small modular reactor only)
    • Muja Power Station, Western Australia (small modular reactor only).

    We used our tool to identify which of these seven sites would instead be suitable for a pumped hydro project, using the following criteria:

    • low construction cost (for a pumped hydro project)

    • located within 85km of the proposed nuclear sites.

    We included various reservoir types in our search:

    Exactly 300 sites matched our search criteria. No options emerged near the proposed nuclear site in Western Australia, but suitable sites lie further north in the mining region of the Pilbara.

    One option east of Melbourne, depicted in the image below, has a storage capacity of 500 gigawatt-hours. Compared with Snowy 2.0, this option has a much shorter tunnel, larger energy capacity, and larger height difference between the two reservoirs (increasing the potential energy stored in the water). And unlike Snowy 2.0, it is not located in a national park.

    Of course, shortlisted sites would require detailed assessment to confirm the local geology is suitable for pumped hydro, and to evaluate potential environmental and social impacts.

    More where that came from

    We restricted our search to sites near the Coalition’s proposed nuclear plants. But there are hundreds of potential pumped hydro sites along Australia’s east coast.

    Developers can use our free tool to identify the best sites.

    So far, the Australian electricity transition has mainly been driven by private investment in solar and wind power. With all this renewable energy entering the grid, there’s money to be made in storage, too.

    Large, centralised, baseload electricity generators, such as coal and nuclear plants, are becoming a thing of the past. A smarter energy policy would balance solar and wind with technologies such as pumped hydro, to secure a reliable electricity supply.

    Timothy Weber receives funding from the Australian government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and the Australian Centre for Advanced Photovoltaics.

    Andrew Blakers receives funding from the Australian government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and other organisations.

    – ref. Why build nuclear power in place of old coal, when you could have pumped hydropower instead? – https://theconversation.com/why-build-nuclear-power-in-place-of-old-coal-when-you-could-have-pumped-hydropower-instead-252017

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –