Category: France

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Egypt on edge: finding a delicate balance between Gaza and Trump

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By May Darwich, Associate Professor of International Relations of the Middle East, University of Birmingham

    US president Donald Trump famously called Egyptian president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi his “favourite dictator” in 2019, but their relationship has been complex. Trump’s return to the White House for a second term has sent ripples of concern through Cairo. In January 2025, Trump proposed a resolution to the ongoing Israel-Hamas war in Gaza: forcibly relocating Palestinians to Egypt and Jordan. Trump simultaneously threatened to withdraw US aid if these countries didn’t comply with the proposal. Sisi’s Egypt will need to navigate Trump’s ambition without sacrificing the regime’s own survival. May Darwich, who has studied Arab states’ foreign policies and alliances in the Middle East, explains what’s at stake.


    How dependent is Egypt on the US?

    Over time, Egypt has received more US foreign aid than any country besides Israel. It has received US$78 billion for economic assistance and US$90 billion in military assistance since 1946.

    A peace agreement with Israel in 1979 concluded the war between the two countries. Israeli forces withdrew from Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula. Since then, the US has provided Egypt with a fixed amount of US$1.5 billion, of which US$1.3 billion is military aid, every year. It goes to financing Egypt’s purchase of weapons systems from US defence contractors.

    US aid has been a cornerstone of Egyptian-US relations for decades.

    Since 1979, Egypt has been a central pillar of US policies in the Middle East. Military aid is deemed essential to ensure that the regime in Egypt aligns with US interests. At the same time, this aid is widely seen as contributing to the survival of Egypt’s authoritarian regime.

    But history shows that Egypt can soften the potential impact of the US freezing assistance during periods of strained relations.

    The US suspended some military assistance to Egypt after the regime change in 2013. During that time, el-Sisi, who was elected president in 2014, received support from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. He also increased weapon imports from France and Russia.

    After a period of review, the Barack Obama administration released aid to Egypt to preserve US interests. As US secretary of state John Kerry once explained:

    We are getting a return on that investment that is not inconsequential. The army also is helping us enforce security in the Sinai (in Egypt). The army is also helping us enforce the Gaza peace.

    Should this relationship come under strain again, Egypt could learn to become even more independent. China’s influence in Egypt is growing, and the Gulf states that enjoy a close relationship with Sisi may also decide to commit funding.

    How has Egypt balanced its interests with Arab states, Israel and the US?

    The signing of the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty in 1979 marked a shift in Egyptian foreign policy. The treaty aligned Egypt with the west in recognising Israel. This decision, however, led to Egypt’s isolation in the Arab world and its expulsion from the Arab League (it was readmitted in 1989).

    When Mohamed Hosni Mubarak assumed power following Anwar el-Sadat’s assassination in 1981, Egypt had to balance its partnership with the US, maintain peace with Israel and reconcile its relations with Arab states.

    Egypt condemned Israeli aggression against Palestinians and against Lebanon in 1982 and 2006, and froze efforts to normalise relations with Israel. This reinforced its pivotal position in Arab circles without jeopardising its peace with Israel.

    Meanwhile, Egypt helped US military assets to move across the region and oil to flow through the Suez Canal. It maintained peace and stability with Israel by pressuring Palestinian resistance movements into de-escalation. This balancing act allowed Egypt to become a mediator between Palestine and Israel.

    Egypt under Sisi has made efforts to maintain the balancing act. However, the ongoing Gaza war has intensified Egypt’s challenges. These include refugee flights and instability at its border. The war has also threatened Egypt’s longstanding role in the Middle East region.

    How has the Gaza war threatened Egypt’s balancing act?

    The onset of the Gaza war in October 2023 put Egypt on edge. Cairo is apprehensive about Israel’s potential strategy of forcibly locating Palestinians to the Sinai Peninsula, which is on its territory. Egyptian officials have deemed that scenario as a red line. Cairo doesn’t want to be seen as undermining the Palestinian cause.

    Also, Egyptians harbour concerns that the presence of a substantial Palestinian population in Sinai – which links Africa to Asia, and borders Israel and Gaza – could transform the region into a launchpad for attacks on Israel. This would compel Egypt to either suppress such activities or face retaliation from Israel.

    This concern stems from a 1955 incident. The Israeli army raided an Egyptian military camp in the Gaza strip, which was then under Egyptian control. Seventeen soldiers were killed following a Palestinian militant’s killing of an Israeli. A plan to move Palestinians to Sinai sparked protests in the Gaza strip, bringing the Egyptian military in direct confrontation with Palestinians.

    This historical event has continued to shape Egyptian foreign policy, which rejects any relocation of Palestinians in Sinai.

    The current war has highlighted structural weaknesses in the already precarious Egyptian economy. The Houthi attacks in the Red Sea that began in 2024 caused a sharp drop in revenues from the Suez Canal, a critical source of foreign revenue for Egypt.

    Sisi played on European fears that what happened in Gaza could harm Egypt’s economic situation and lead to mass migration to Europe. But cash infusions won’t solve the deep-seated economic challenges facing the country.

    Cairo’s role as a mediator between the west, Israel and the Arab world is facing renewed challenges. Other mediators, like Qatar, have emerged.

    What could affect Egypt’s response to Trump’s proposal to relocate Palestinians?

    Trump’s proposal places the Egyptian regime in a precarious position. If Egypt agrees to the plan to relocate Palestinians from Gaza, it would signify a dramatic departure from its foundational foreign policies. It could also reignite discontent among its population.

    Rejecting the proposal would strain Egypt-US relations, potentially undermining the support for Sisi’s regime, which might then have to seek aid from other countries.

    The Gaza conflict underscores Egypt’s historical and political entanglement with the Palestinian issue.

    – Egypt on edge: finding a delicate balance between Gaza and Trump
    – https://theconversation.com/egypt-on-edge-finding-a-delicate-balance-between-gaza-and-trump-251375

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Global: Egypt on edge: finding a delicate balance between Gaza and Trump

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By May Darwich, Associate Professor of International Relations of the Middle East, University of Birmingham

    US president Donald Trump famously called Egyptian president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi his “favourite dictator” in 2019, but their relationship has been complex. Trump’s return to the White House for a second term has sent ripples of concern through Cairo. In January 2025, Trump proposed a resolution to the ongoing Israel-Hamas war in Gaza: forcibly relocating Palestinians to Egypt and Jordan. Trump simultaneously threatened to withdraw US aid if these countries didn’t comply with the proposal. Sisi’s Egypt will need to navigate Trump’s ambition without sacrificing the regime’s own survival. May Darwich, who has studied Arab states’ foreign policies and alliances in the Middle East, explains what’s at stake.


    How dependent is Egypt on the US?

    Over time, Egypt has received more US foreign aid than any country besides Israel. It has received US$78 billion for economic assistance and US$90 billion in military assistance since 1946.

    A peace agreement with Israel in 1979 concluded the war between the two countries. Israeli forces withdrew from Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula. Since then, the US has provided Egypt with a fixed amount of US$1.5 billion, of which US$1.3 billion is military aid, every year. It goes to financing Egypt’s purchase of weapons systems from US defence contractors.

    US aid has been a cornerstone of Egyptian-US relations for decades.

    Since 1979, Egypt has been a central pillar of US policies in the Middle East. Military aid is deemed essential to ensure that the regime in Egypt aligns with US interests. At the same time, this aid is widely seen as contributing to the survival of Egypt’s authoritarian regime.

    But history shows that Egypt can soften the potential impact of the US freezing assistance during periods of strained relations.

    The US suspended some military assistance to Egypt after the regime change in 2013. During that time, el-Sisi, who was elected president in 2014, received support from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. He also increased weapon imports from France and Russia.

    After a period of review, the Barack Obama administration released aid to Egypt to preserve US interests. As US secretary of state John Kerry once explained:

    We are getting a return on that investment that is not inconsequential. The army also is helping us enforce security in the Sinai (in Egypt). The army is also helping us enforce the Gaza peace.

    Should this relationship come under strain again, Egypt could learn to become even more independent. China’s influence in Egypt is growing, and the Gulf states that enjoy a close relationship with Sisi may also decide to commit funding.

    How has Egypt balanced its interests with Arab states, Israel and the US?

    The signing of the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty in 1979 marked a shift in Egyptian foreign policy. The treaty aligned Egypt with the west in recognising Israel. This decision, however, led to Egypt’s isolation in the Arab world and its expulsion from the Arab League (it was readmitted in 1989).

    When Mohamed Hosni Mubarak assumed power following Anwar el-Sadat’s assassination in 1981, Egypt had to balance its partnership with the US, maintain peace with Israel and reconcile its relations with Arab states.

    Egypt condemned Israeli aggression against Palestinians and against Lebanon in 1982 and 2006, and froze efforts to normalise relations with Israel. This reinforced its pivotal position in Arab circles without jeopardising its peace with Israel.

    Meanwhile, Egypt helped US military assets to move across the region and oil to flow through the Suez Canal. It maintained peace and stability with Israel by pressuring Palestinian resistance movements into de-escalation. This balancing act allowed Egypt to become a mediator between Palestine and Israel.

    Egypt under Sisi has made efforts to maintain the balancing act. However, the ongoing Gaza war has intensified Egypt’s challenges. These include refugee flights and instability at its border. The war has also threatened Egypt’s longstanding role in the Middle East region.

    How has the Gaza war threatened Egypt’s balancing act?

    The onset of the Gaza war in October 2023 put Egypt on edge. Cairo is apprehensive about Israel’s potential strategy of forcibly locating Palestinians to the Sinai Peninsula, which is on its territory. Egyptian officials have deemed that scenario as a red line. Cairo doesn’t want to be seen as undermining the Palestinian cause.

    Also, Egyptians harbour concerns that the presence of a substantial Palestinian population in Sinai – which links Africa to Asia, and borders Israel and Gaza – could transform the region into a launchpad for attacks on Israel. This would compel Egypt to either suppress such activities or face retaliation from Israel.

    This concern stems from a 1955 incident. The Israeli army raided an Egyptian military camp in the Gaza strip, which was then under Egyptian control. Seventeen soldiers were killed following a Palestinian militant’s killing of an Israeli. A plan to move Palestinians to Sinai sparked protests in the Gaza strip, bringing the Egyptian military in direct confrontation with Palestinians.

    This historical event has continued to shape Egyptian foreign policy, which rejects any relocation of Palestinians in Sinai.

    The current war has highlighted structural weaknesses in the already precarious Egyptian economy. The Houthi attacks in the Red Sea that began in 2024 caused a sharp drop in revenues from the Suez Canal, a critical source of foreign revenue for Egypt.

    Sisi played on European fears that what happened in Gaza could harm Egypt’s economic situation and lead to mass migration to Europe. But cash infusions won’t solve the deep-seated economic challenges facing the country.

    Cairo’s role as a mediator between the west, Israel and the Arab world is facing renewed challenges. Other mediators, like Qatar, have emerged.

    What could affect Egypt’s response to Trump’s proposal to relocate Palestinians?

    Trump’s proposal places the Egyptian regime in a precarious position. If Egypt agrees to the plan to relocate Palestinians from Gaza, it would signify a dramatic departure from its foundational foreign policies. It could also reignite discontent among its population.

    Rejecting the proposal would strain Egypt-US relations, potentially undermining the support for Sisi’s regime, which might then have to seek aid from other countries.

    The Gaza conflict underscores Egypt’s historical and political entanglement with the Palestinian issue.

    May Darwich does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Egypt on edge: finding a delicate balance between Gaza and Trump – https://theconversation.com/egypt-on-edge-finding-a-delicate-balance-between-gaza-and-trump-251375

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Secretary-General’s remarks to the UN Observance of International Women’s Day 2025 [bilingual, as delivered; scroll down for all-English and all-French versions]

    Source: United Nations – English

    xcellencies, Dear friends,

    Thank you for the invitation – and for the moving performance.

    We gather today not just to celebrate the International Women’s Day, but to move forward – resilient, united, and unwavering in our pursuit of “equality, development and peace for all women everywhere in the interest of humanity.”

    Those are the first words of the Beijing Declaration – and this year marks the 30th anniversary of that landmark conference and its reaffirmation that women’s rights are human rights.

    Since then, women have broken barriers, shattered ceilings, and reshaped societies.

    More girls are in school.

    More women hold positions of power.

    And digital activism has ignited global movements for justice.

    Yet, these hard-fought gains remain fragile – and far from enough.

    Age-old horrors – violence, discrimination and economic inequality – still plague our societies.

    Every ten minutes, a woman is killed by her partner or a family member.

    612 million women and girls live under the shadow of armed conflicts – where their rights are too often considered expendable.

    Less than two-thirds of women worldwide participate in the labour market – and those who do earn far less than men.

    At this pace, eradicating extreme poverty for women and girls would take 130 years.

    And as we see in every corner of the world, from pushback to rollback, women’s rights are under attack.

    Centuries of discrimination are being exacerbated by new threats.

    Digital tools, while brimming with promise, are also often silencing women’s voices, amplifying bias, and fuelling harassment.

    Women’s bodies have become political battlegrounds.

    And online violence is escalating into real-life violence.

    Instead of mainstreaming equal rights, we are witnessing the mainstreaming of chauvinism and misogyny.

    We cannot stand by as progress is reversed.

    We must fight back.

    Last September, Member States adopted the Pact for the Future.

    The Pact reminds us that equality is the engine of progress for all people – and that Agenda 2030 can only be realized when all women and girls enjoy their full rights.

    It calls for greater investment in the SDGs, expanded debt relief, and stronger support from Multilateral Development Banks so that governments can invest in what their people need —  education, training, job creation and social protections that can help drive equality for all.

    And the Global Digital Compact calls for closing the gender digital divide, pushing back against online abuse, and ensuring women and girls everywhere can access the benefits from the opportunities of a rapidly evolving global economy.

    Meanwhile, we are also working to end the scourge of violence against women and girls.

    Through the Spotlight Initiative, the UN and the EU have shown that comprehensive approaches to eliminating gender-based violence can work.

    We have helped keep one million more girls in school.

    We have helped prevent 21 million women and girls from experiencing gender-based violence.

    And across 13 Spotlight Initiative countries, the conviction rate for gender-based violence has doubled.

    These achievements prove that when we unite behind ambitious strategies, we can deliver real change.

    But our work is far from over.

    We must never accept a world where women and girls live in fear, where their safety is a privilege rather than a non-negotiable right.

    Excellencies and friends,

    Leadership on this International Women’s Day belongs to us all.

    At the United Nations, we have achieved and maintained gender parity among senior leadership and Resident Coordinators at world level since 2020.

    And for the first time in our organization’s history, we have also reached parity in the international professional categories.

    This proves once again that systemic change is possible – with concerted and determined action.

    Today, as part of the UN System-wide Gender Equality Acceleration Plan, I am proud to announce our commitment to the Gender Equality Clarion Call:

    A bold, urgent pledge to defend and advance the rights of all women and girls.

    The Clarion Call sets out four priorities:

    Unified leadership – all UN leaders must champion and defend women’s rights in every decision and in every forum;

    Action against pushbacks – We must actively confront backlash, prevent rollbacks, and create spaces where women’s rights can thrive;

    Coordinated impact – working across sectors and all levels to dismantle systemic inequalities; and

    Protecting women human rights defenders – we will defend and amplify the voices of women on the frontlines, standing firm against those who seek to silence them.

    This Clarion Call and the Gender Equality Acceleration Plan must drive real political change in all that we do.

    And we are leading by example – and we call on governments, organizations and businesses to do the same.

    Chers amis,

    La lutte pour l’égalité des genres ne peut se résumer à une question d’équité.

    Il s’agit d’une question de pouvoir – qui participe à la prise des décisions, et qui en est exclu.

    Il s’agit de démanteler les systèmes qui perpétuent les inégalités.

    Et d’assurer ainsi un monde meilleur pour tous.

    Quand les femmes participent aux négociations, la paix dure plus longtemps.

    Quand les filles peuvent aller à l’école, des générations entières sortent de la pauvreté.

    Quand les femmes bénéficient d’opportunités professionnelles égales, les économies se renforcent.

    Et avec la parité dans le leadership politique, les décisions sont plus justes, les politiques sont mieux ciblées et les sociétés sont plus équitables.

    En somme : quand les femmes et les filles vont de l’avant, tout le monde prospère.

    Alors, en cette Journée internationale des droits des femmes, soyons inspirés par les voix des femmes et des filles du monde entier – et choisissons toujours l’action plutôt que l’apathie.

    Réalisons la vision de la Déclaration de Pékin.

    Accélérons le changement.

    Et avançons – pour chaque femme, pour chaque fille, pour chacun, partout.

    Je vous remercie.

    ***
    [All-English]

    Excellencies, Dear friends,

    Thank you for the invitation – and for the moving performance.

    We gather today not just to celebrate the International Women’s Day, but to move forward – resilient, united, and unwavering in our pursuit of “equality, development and peace for all women everywhere in the interest of humanity.”

    Those are the first words of the Beijing Declaration – and this year marks the 30th anniversary of that landmark conference and its reaffirmation that women’s rights are human rights.

    Since then, women have broken barriers, shattered ceilings, and reshaped societies.

    More girls are in school.

    More women hold positions of power.

    And digital activism has ignited global movements for justice.

    Yet, these hard-fought gains remain fragile – and far from enough.

    Age-old horrors – violence, discrimination and economic inequality – still plague our societies.

    Every ten minutes, a woman is killed by her partner or a family member.

    612 million women and girls live under the shadow of armed conflicts – where their rights are too often considered expendable.

    Less than two-thirds of women worldwide participate in the labour market – and those who do earn far less than men.

    At this pace, eradicating extreme poverty for women and girls would take 130 years.

    And as we see in every corner of the world, from pushback to rollback, women’s rights are under attack.

    Centuries of discrimination are being exacerbated by new threats.

    Digital tools, while brimming with promise, are also often silencing women’s voices, amplifying bias, and fuelling harassment.

    Women’s bodies have become political battlegrounds.

    And online violence is escalating into real-life violence.

    Instead of mainstreaming equal rights, we are witnessing the mainstreaming of chauvinism and misogyny.

    We cannot stand by as progress is reversed.

    We must fight back.

    Last September, Member States adopted the Pact for the Future.

    The Pact reminds us that equality is the engine of progress for all people – and that Agenda 2030 can only be realized when all women and girls enjoy their full rights.

    It calls for greater investment in the SDGs, expanded debt relief, and stronger support from Multilateral Development Banks so that governments can invest in what their people need —  education, training, job creation and social protections that can help drive equality for all.

    And the Global Digital Compact calls for closing the gender digital divide, pushing back against online abuse, and ensuring women and girls everywhere can access the benefits from the opportunities of a rapidly evolving global economy.

    Meanwhile, we are also working to end the scourge of violence against women and girls.

    Through the Spotlight Initiative, the UN and the EU have shown that comprehensive approaches to eliminating gender-based violence can work.

    We have helped keep one million more girls in school.

    We have helped prevent 21 million women and girls from experiencing gender-based violence.

    And across 13 Spotlight Initiative countries, the conviction rate for gender-based violence has doubled.

    These achievements prove that when we unite behind ambitious strategies, we can deliver real change.

    But our work is far from over.

    We must never accept a world where women and girls live in fear, where their safety is a privilege rather than a non-negotiable right.

    Excellencies and friends,

    Leadership on this International Women’s Day belongs to us all.

    At the United Nations, we have achieved and maintained gender parity among senior leadership and Resident Coordinators at world level since 2020.

    And for the first time in our organization’s history, we have also reached parity in the international professional categories.

    This proves once again that systemic change is possible – with concerted and determined action.

    Today, as part of the UN System-wide Gender Equality Acceleration Plan, I am proud to announce our commitment to the Gender Equality Clarion Call:

    A bold, urgent pledge to defend and advance the rights of all women and girls.

    The Clarion Call sets out four priorities:

    Unified leadership – all UN leaders must champion and defend women’s rights in every decision and in every forum;

    Action against pushbacks – We must actively confront backlash, prevent rollbacks, and create spaces where women’s rights can thrive;

    Coordinated impact – working across sectors and all levels to dismantle systemic inequalities; and

    Protecting women human rights defenders – we will defend and amplify the voices of women on the frontlines, standing firm against those who seek to silence them.

    This Clarion Call and the Gender Equality Acceleration Plan must drive real political change in all that we do.

    And we are leading by example – and we call on governments, organizations and businesses to do the same.

    Dear friends,

    The fight for gender equality is not just about fairness.

    It is about power – who gets a seat at the table, and who is locked out.

    It is about dismantling systems that allow inequalities to fester.

    And it is about ensuring a better world for all.

    When women participate in negotiations, peace lasts longer.

    When girls can go to school, entire generations lift out of poverty.

    When women enjoy equal job opportunities, economies grow stronger.

    And with parity in political leadership, decisions are fairer, policies are sharper, and societies are more just.

    Simply put: when women and girls rise, everyone thrives.

    So, on this International Women’s Day, let us be guided by the voices of women and girls around the world – and always choose action over apathy.

    Let us realize the vision of the Beijing Declaration.

    Accelerate action.

    And march forward — for every woman, for every girl, for everyone, everywhere.

    Thank you.

    ***
    [All-French]

    Mesdames et Messieurs, chers amis,

    Merci pour votre invitation – et pour cet émouvante prestation.

    Nous sommes réunis aujourd’hui non seulement pour célébrer la Journée internationale des femmes, mais aussi pour aller de l’avant, résilients, unis et résolus, dans notre quête des « objectifs d’égalité, de développement et de paix pour toutes les femmes dans le monde entier, dans l’intérêt de l’humanité tout entière ».

    Ces mots sont les premiers de la déclaration de Beijing. Cette année marque le trentième anniversaire de cette conférence historique, lors de laquelle il a été réaffirmé que les droits des femmes étaient des droits humains.

    Depuis, les femmes ont levé des barrières, brisé des plafonds et remodelé nos sociétés.

    Il y a davantage de filles scolarisées.

    Il y a davantage de femmes aux postes de pouvoir.

    Et le militantisme en ligne a lancé des mouvements mondiaux en faveur de la justice.

    Pourtant, ces avancées obtenues de haute lutte restent fragiles et sont loin d’être suffisantes.

    Des abominations séculaires comme la violence, la discrimination et les inégalités économiques continuent d’accabler nos sociétés.

    Toutes les dix minutes, une femme est tuée par son partenaire ou un membre de sa famille.

    612 millions de femmes et de filles vivent sous la menace de conflits armés, dans lesquels, trop souvent, l’on considère que leurs droits peuvent être sacrifiés.

    Moins de deux tiers des femmes dans le monde participent au marché du travail, et celles qui le font gagnent beaucoup moins que les hommes.

    À ce rythme, il faudrait 130 ans pour mettre fin à l’extrême pauvreté des femmes et des filles.

    Et comme on peut le voir aux quatre coins du monde, de recul en recul, les droits des femmes s’érodent.

    Les effets de siècles de discrimination sont exacerbés par de nouvelles menaces.

    Les outils numériques, bien que pleins de promesses, étouffent souvent la voix des femmes, amplifient les préjugés et alimentent le harcèlement.

    Le corps des femmes est devenu un champ de bataille politique.

    Et la violence en ligne se transforme en violence dans la vie réelle.

    Au lieu d’observer une généralisation de l’égalité des droits, nous assistons à la banalisation du machisme et de la misogynie.

    Nous ne pouvons pas rester les bras croisés alors que les progrès sont réduits à néant.

    Nous devons riposter.

    En septembre dernier, les États Membres ont adopté le Pacte pour l’avenir.

    Ce pacte nous rappelle que l’égalité est le moteur du progrès pour tous et toutes, et que le Programme 2030 ne pourra être réalisé que lorsque toutes les femmes et les filles jouiront pleinement de leurs droits.

    Il appelle à un investissement accru dans les objectifs de développement durable, à un plus grand allègement de la dette et à un soutien plus fort des banques multilatérales de développement, afin que les gouvernements puissent investir dans ce dont leurs populations ont besoin – notamment l’éducation, la formation, la création d’emplois et la protection sociale, qui peuvent faire avancer l’égalité pour tous et toutes.

    Le Pacte mondial pour le numérique appelle à combler la fracture numérique qui existe entre les hommes et les femmes, à lutter contre les atteintes commises en ligne et à veiller à ce que les femmes et les jeunes filles du monde entier puissent saisir et exploiter les possibilités offertes par une économie mondiale en rapide évolution et en tirer profit.

    De notre côté, nous nous efforçons de mettre fin au fléau de la violence à l’encontre des femmes et des filles.

    Grâce à l’Initiative Spotlight, l’ONU et l’Union européenne ont montré que, s’agissant d’éliminer la violence de genre, les approches globales fonctionnent.

    Nous avons aidé un million de filles de plus à continuer d’aller à l’école.

    Nous avons aidé 21 millions de femmes et de filles à ne pas subir de violences de genre.

    Dans 13 pays participant à cette initiative, le taux de condamnation pour violences de genre a doublé.

    Ces résultats prouvent que lorsque nous nous unissons autour de stratégies ambitieuses, nous obtenons des changements réels.

    Mais notre tâche est loin d’être achevée.

    Nous ne pouvons en aucun cas tolérer un monde où les femmes et les filles vivent dans la peur, où leur sécurité est un privilège plutôt qu’un droit non négociable.

    Mesdames et Messieurs,

    En cette Journée internationale des femmes, le leadership nous appartient à toutes et à tous.

    À l’ONU, depuis 2020, nous sommes parvenus à la parité hommes-femmes aux postes de haute direction et parmi les Coordonnateurs et Coordonnatrices résidents, et nous la maintenons.

    Et pour la première fois dans l’histoire de notre organisation, nous avons également atteint la parité parmi les administrateurs et administratrices recrutés sur le plan international.

    Voilà qui prouve une fois encore qu’avec de la détermination et de la concertation, le changement systémique est possible.

    Aujourd’hui, je suis fier d’annoncer que dans le cadre du Plan pour l’accélération de la réalisation de l’égalité des genres dans le système des Nations Unies, nous avons pris un engagement en faveur de l’Appel urgent à l’égalité des genres :

    Un engagement ambitieux et résolu de tout faire, de toute urgence, pour défendre et faire progresser les droits de toutes les femmes et de toutes les filles.

    Cet appel définit quatre priorités :

    L’unification des équipes dirigeantes – les hautes et hauts responsables des entités des Nations Unies doivent, toutes et tous, défendre les droits des femmes dans toutes les décisions et tous les lieux de débat ;

    La lutte contre le repli – nous devons activement combattre les remises en cause, empêcher les retours en arrière et créer des espaces où les droits des femmes peuvent prospérer ;

    La coordination de l’impact – pour abolir les inégalités systémiques dans tous les secteurs et à tous les niveaux ; et

    La protection des défenseurs et défenseuses des droits des femmes – nous défendrons et amplifierons les voix des femmes présentes en première ligne, en nous opposant fermement à ceux qui cherchent à les réduire au silence.

    Cet appel urgent et le Plan pour l’accélération de la réalisation de l’égalité des genres doivent induire un véritable changement politique dans toutes nos actions.

    L’ONU montre la voie. Nous demandons aux gouvernements, aux organisations et aux entreprises de suivre cet exemple.

    Chers amis,

    La lutte pour l’égalité des genres ne peut se résumer à une question d’équité.

    Il s’agit d’une question de pouvoir – qui participe à la prise des décisions, et qui en est exclu.

    Il s’agit de démanteler les systèmes qui perpétuent les inégalités.

    Et d’assurer ainsi un monde meilleur pour tous.

    Quand les femmes participent aux négociations, la paix dure plus longtemps.

    Quand les filles peuvent aller à l’école, des générations entières sortent de la pauvreté.

    Quand les femmes bénéficient d’opportunités professionnelles égales, les économies se renforcent.

    Et avec la parité dans le leadership politique, les décisions sont plus justes, les politiques sont mieux ciblées et les sociétés sont plus équitables.

    En somme : quand les femmes et les filles vont de l’avant, tout le monde prospère.

    Alors, en cette Journée internationale des droits des femmes, soyons inspirés par les voix des femmes et des filles du monde entier – et choisissons toujours l’action plutôt que l’apathie.

    Réalisons la vision de la Déclaration de Pékin.

    Accélérons le changement.

    Et avançons – pour chaque femme, pour chaque fille, pour chacun, partout.

    Je vous remercie.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Secretary-General’s remarks to the UN Observance of International Women’s Day 2025 [bilingual, as delivered; scroll down for all-English and all-French versions]

    Source: United Nations

    Excellencies, Dear friends,

    Thank you for the invitation – and for the moving performance.

    We gather today not just to celebrate the International Women’s Day, but to move forward – resilient, united, and unwavering in our pursuit of “equality, development and peace for all women everywhere in the interest of humanity.”

    Those are the first words of the Beijing Declaration – and this year marks the 30th anniversary of that landmark conference and its reaffirmation that women’s rights are human rights.

    Since then, women have broken barriers, shattered ceilings, and reshaped societies.

    More girls are in school.

    More women hold positions of power.

    And digital activism has ignited global movements for justice.

    Yet, these hard-fought gains remain fragile – and far from enough.

    Age-old horrors – violence, discrimination and economic inequality – still plague our societies.

    Every ten minutes, a woman is killed by her partner or a family member.

    612 million women and girls live under the shadow of armed conflicts – where their rights are too often considered expendable.

    Less than two-thirds of women worldwide participate in the labour market – and those who do earn far less than men.

    At this pace, eradicating extreme poverty for women and girls would take 130 years.

    And as we see in every corner of the world, from pushback to rollback, women’s rights are under attack.

    Centuries of discrimination are being exacerbated by new threats.

    Digital tools, while brimming with promise, are also often silencing women’s voices, amplifying bias, and fuelling harassment.

    Women’s bodies have become political battlegrounds.

    And online violence is escalating into real-life violence.

    Instead of mainstreaming equal rights, we are witnessing the mainstreaming of chauvinism and misogyny.

    We cannot stand by as progress is reversed.

    We must fight back.

    Last September, Member States adopted the Pact for the Future.

    The Pact reminds us that equality is the engine of progress for all people – and that Agenda 2030 can only be realized when all women and girls enjoy their full rights.

    It calls for greater investment in the SDGs, expanded debt relief, and stronger support from Multilateral Development Banks so that governments can invest in what their people need —  education, training, job creation and social protections that can help drive equality for all.

    And the Global Digital Compact calls for closing the gender digital divide, pushing back against online abuse, and ensuring women and girls everywhere can access the benefits from the opportunities of a rapidly evolving global economy.

    Meanwhile, we are also working to end the scourge of violence against women and girls.

    Through the Spotlight Initiative, the UN and the EU have shown that comprehensive approaches to eliminating gender-based violence can work.

    We have helped keep one million more girls in school.

    We have helped prevent 21 million women and girls from experiencing gender-based violence.

    And across 13 Spotlight Initiative countries, the conviction rate for gender-based violence has doubled.

    These achievements prove that when we unite behind ambitious strategies, we can deliver real change.

    But our work is far from over.

    We must never accept a world where women and girls live in fear, where their safety is a privilege rather than a non-negotiable right.

    Excellencies and friends,

    Leadership on this International Women’s Day belongs to us all.

    At the United Nations, we have achieved and maintained gender parity among senior leadership and Resident Coordinators at world level since 2020.

    And for the first time in our organization’s history, we have also reached parity in the international professional categories.

    This proves once again that systemic change is possible – with concerted and determined action.

    Today, as part of the UN System-wide Gender Equality Acceleration Plan, I am proud to announce our commitment to the Gender Equality Clarion Call:

    A bold, urgent pledge to defend and advance the rights of all women and girls.

    The Clarion Call sets out four priorities:

    Unified leadership – all UN leaders must champion and defend women’s rights in every decision and in every forum;

    Action against pushbacks – We must actively confront backlash, prevent rollbacks, and create spaces where women’s rights can thrive;

    Coordinated impact – working across sectors and all levels to dismantle systemic inequalities; and

    Protecting women human rights defenders – we will defend and amplify the voices of women on the frontlines, standing firm against those who seek to silence them.

    This Clarion Call and the Gender Equality Acceleration Plan must drive real political change in all that we do.

    And we are leading by example – and we call on governments, organizations and businesses to do the same.

    Chers amis,

    La lutte pour l’égalité des genres ne peut se résumer à une question d’équité.

    Il s’agit d’une question de pouvoir – qui participe à la prise des décisions, et qui en est exclu.

    Il s’agit de démanteler les systèmes qui perpétuent les inégalités.

    Et d’assurer ainsi un monde meilleur pour tous.

    Quand les femmes participent aux négociations, la paix dure plus longtemps.

    Quand les filles peuvent aller à l’école, des générations entières sortent de la pauvreté.

    Quand les femmes bénéficient d’opportunités professionnelles égales, les économies se renforcent.

    Et avec la parité dans le leadership politique, les décisions sont plus justes, les politiques sont mieux ciblées et les sociétés sont plus équitables.

    En somme : quand les femmes et les filles vont de l’avant, tout le monde prospère.

    Alors, en cette Journée internationale des droits des femmes, soyons inspirés par les voix des femmes et des filles du monde entier – et choisissons toujours l’action plutôt que l’apathie.

    Réalisons la vision de la Déclaration de Pékin.

    Accélérons le changement.

    Et avançons – pour chaque femme, pour chaque fille, pour chacun, partout.

    Je vous remercie.

    ***
    [All-English]

    Excellencies, Dear friends,

    Thank you for the invitation – and for the moving performance.

    We gather today not just to celebrate the International Women’s Day, but to move forward – resilient, united, and unwavering in our pursuit of “equality, development and peace for all women everywhere in the interest of humanity.”

    Those are the first words of the Beijing Declaration – and this year marks the 30th anniversary of that landmark conference and its reaffirmation that women’s rights are human rights.

    Since then, women have broken barriers, shattered ceilings, and reshaped societies.

    More girls are in school.

    More women hold positions of power.

    And digital activism has ignited global movements for justice.

    Yet, these hard-fought gains remain fragile – and far from enough.

    Age-old horrors – violence, discrimination and economic inequality – still plague our societies.

    Every ten minutes, a woman is killed by her partner or a family member.

    612 million women and girls live under the shadow of armed conflicts – where their rights are too often considered expendable.

    Less than two-thirds of women worldwide participate in the labour market – and those who do earn far less than men.

    At this pace, eradicating extreme poverty for women and girls would take 130 years.

    And as we see in every corner of the world, from pushback to rollback, women’s rights are under attack.

    Centuries of discrimination are being exacerbated by new threats.

    Digital tools, while brimming with promise, are also often silencing women’s voices, amplifying bias, and fuelling harassment.

    Women’s bodies have become political battlegrounds.

    And online violence is escalating into real-life violence.

    Instead of mainstreaming equal rights, we are witnessing the mainstreaming of chauvinism and misogyny.

    We cannot stand by as progress is reversed.

    We must fight back.

    Last September, Member States adopted the Pact for the Future.

    The Pact reminds us that equality is the engine of progress for all people – and that Agenda 2030 can only be realized when all women and girls enjoy their full rights.

    It calls for greater investment in the SDGs, expanded debt relief, and stronger support from Multilateral Development Banks so that governments can invest in what their people need —  education, training, job creation and social protections that can help drive equality for all.

    And the Global Digital Compact calls for closing the gender digital divide, pushing back against online abuse, and ensuring women and girls everywhere can access the benefits from the opportunities of a rapidly evolving global economy.

    Meanwhile, we are also working to end the scourge of violence against women and girls.

    Through the Spotlight Initiative, the UN and the EU have shown that comprehensive approaches to eliminating gender-based violence can work.

    We have helped keep one million more girls in school.

    We have helped prevent 21 million women and girls from experiencing gender-based violence.

    And across 13 Spotlight Initiative countries, the conviction rate for gender-based violence has doubled.

    These achievements prove that when we unite behind ambitious strategies, we can deliver real change.

    But our work is far from over.

    We must never accept a world where women and girls live in fear, where their safety is a privilege rather than a non-negotiable right.

    Excellencies and friends,

    Leadership on this International Women’s Day belongs to us all.

    At the United Nations, we have achieved and maintained gender parity among senior leadership and Resident Coordinators at world level since 2020.

    And for the first time in our organization’s history, we have also reached parity in the international professional categories.

    This proves once again that systemic change is possible – with concerted and determined action.

    Today, as part of the UN System-wide Gender Equality Acceleration Plan, I am proud to announce our commitment to the Gender Equality Clarion Call:

    A bold, urgent pledge to defend and advance the rights of all women and girls.

    The Clarion Call sets out four priorities:

    Unified leadership – all UN leaders must champion and defend women’s rights in every decision and in every forum;

    Action against pushbacks – We must actively confront backlash, prevent rollbacks, and create spaces where women’s rights can thrive;

    Coordinated impact – working across sectors and all levels to dismantle systemic inequalities; and

    Protecting women human rights defenders – we will defend and amplify the voices of women on the frontlines, standing firm against those who seek to silence them.

    This Clarion Call and the Gender Equality Acceleration Plan must drive real political change in all that we do.

    And we are leading by example – and we call on governments, organizations and businesses to do the same.

    Dear friends,

    The fight for gender equality is not just about fairness.

    It is about power – who gets a seat at the table, and who is locked out.

    It is about dismantling systems that allow inequalities to fester.

    And it is about ensuring a better world for all.

    When women participate in negotiations, peace lasts longer.

    When girls can go to school, entire generations lift out of poverty.

    When women enjoy equal job opportunities, economies grow stronger.

    And with parity in political leadership, decisions are fairer, policies are sharper, and societies are more just.

    Simply put: when women and girls rise, everyone thrives.

    So, on this International Women’s Day, let us be guided by the voices of women and girls around the world – and always choose action over apathy.

    Let us realize the vision of the Beijing Declaration.

    Accelerate action.

    And march forward — for every woman, for every girl, for everyone, everywhere.

    Thank you.

    ***
    [All-French]

    Mesdames et Messieurs, chers amis,

    Merci pour votre invitation – et pour cet émouvante prestation.

    Nous sommes réunis aujourd’hui non seulement pour célébrer la Journée internationale des femmes, mais aussi pour aller de l’avant, résilients, unis et résolus, dans notre quête des « objectifs d’égalité, de développement et de paix pour toutes les femmes dans le monde entier, dans l’intérêt de l’humanité tout entière ».

    Ces mots sont les premiers de la déclaration de Beijing. Cette année marque le trentième anniversaire de cette conférence historique, lors de laquelle il a été réaffirmé que les droits des femmes étaient des droits humains.

    Depuis, les femmes ont levé des barrières, brisé des plafonds et remodelé nos sociétés.

    Il y a davantage de filles scolarisées.

    Il y a davantage de femmes aux postes de pouvoir.

    Et le militantisme en ligne a lancé des mouvements mondiaux en faveur de la justice.

    Pourtant, ces avancées obtenues de haute lutte restent fragiles et sont loin d’être suffisantes.

    Des abominations séculaires comme la violence, la discrimination et les inégalités économiques continuent d’accabler nos sociétés.

    Toutes les dix minutes, une femme est tuée par son partenaire ou un membre de sa famille.

    612 millions de femmes et de filles vivent sous la menace de conflits armés, dans lesquels, trop souvent, l’on considère que leurs droits peuvent être sacrifiés.

    Moins de deux tiers des femmes dans le monde participent au marché du travail, et celles qui le font gagnent beaucoup moins que les hommes.

    À ce rythme, il faudrait 130 ans pour mettre fin à l’extrême pauvreté des femmes et des filles.

    Et comme on peut le voir aux quatre coins du monde, de recul en recul, les droits des femmes s’érodent.

    Les effets de siècles de discrimination sont exacerbés par de nouvelles menaces.

    Les outils numériques, bien que pleins de promesses, étouffent souvent la voix des femmes, amplifient les préjugés et alimentent le harcèlement.

    Le corps des femmes est devenu un champ de bataille politique.

    Et la violence en ligne se transforme en violence dans la vie réelle.

    Au lieu d’observer une généralisation de l’égalité des droits, nous assistons à la banalisation du machisme et de la misogynie.

    Nous ne pouvons pas rester les bras croisés alors que les progrès sont réduits à néant.

    Nous devons riposter.

    En septembre dernier, les États Membres ont adopté le Pacte pour l’avenir.

    Ce pacte nous rappelle que l’égalité est le moteur du progrès pour tous et toutes, et que le Programme 2030 ne pourra être réalisé que lorsque toutes les femmes et les filles jouiront pleinement de leurs droits.

    Il appelle à un investissement accru dans les objectifs de développement durable, à un plus grand allègement de la dette et à un soutien plus fort des banques multilatérales de développement, afin que les gouvernements puissent investir dans ce dont leurs populations ont besoin – notamment l’éducation, la formation, la création d’emplois et la protection sociale, qui peuvent faire avancer l’égalité pour tous et toutes.

    Le Pacte mondial pour le numérique appelle à combler la fracture numérique qui existe entre les hommes et les femmes, à lutter contre les atteintes commises en ligne et à veiller à ce que les femmes et les jeunes filles du monde entier puissent saisir et exploiter les possibilités offertes par une économie mondiale en rapide évolution et en tirer profit.

    De notre côté, nous nous efforçons de mettre fin au fléau de la violence à l’encontre des femmes et des filles.

    Grâce à l’Initiative Spotlight, l’ONU et l’Union européenne ont montré que, s’agissant d’éliminer la violence de genre, les approches globales fonctionnent.

    Nous avons aidé un million de filles de plus à continuer d’aller à l’école.

    Nous avons aidé 21 millions de femmes et de filles à ne pas subir de violences de genre.

    Dans 13 pays participant à cette initiative, le taux de condamnation pour violences de genre a doublé.

    Ces résultats prouvent que lorsque nous nous unissons autour de stratégies ambitieuses, nous obtenons des changements réels.

    Mais notre tâche est loin d’être achevée.

    Nous ne pouvons en aucun cas tolérer un monde où les femmes et les filles vivent dans la peur, où leur sécurité est un privilège plutôt qu’un droit non négociable.

    Mesdames et Messieurs,

    En cette Journée internationale des femmes, le leadership nous appartient à toutes et à tous.

    À l’ONU, depuis 2020, nous sommes parvenus à la parité hommes-femmes aux postes de haute direction et parmi les Coordonnateurs et Coordonnatrices résidents, et nous la maintenons.

    Et pour la première fois dans l’histoire de notre organisation, nous avons également atteint la parité parmi les administrateurs et administratrices recrutés sur le plan international.

    Voilà qui prouve une fois encore qu’avec de la détermination et de la concertation, le changement systémique est possible.

    Aujourd’hui, je suis fier d’annoncer que dans le cadre du Plan pour l’accélération de la réalisation de l’égalité des genres dans le système des Nations Unies, nous avons pris un engagement en faveur de l’Appel urgent à l’égalité des genres :

    Un engagement ambitieux et résolu de tout faire, de toute urgence, pour défendre et faire progresser les droits de toutes les femmes et de toutes les filles.

    Cet appel définit quatre priorités :

    L’unification des équipes dirigeantes – les hautes et hauts responsables des entités des Nations Unies doivent, toutes et tous, défendre les droits des femmes dans toutes les décisions et tous les lieux de débat ;

    La lutte contre le repli – nous devons activement combattre les remises en cause, empêcher les retours en arrière et créer des espaces où les droits des femmes peuvent prospérer ;

    La coordination de l’impact – pour abolir les inégalités systémiques dans tous les secteurs et à tous les niveaux ; et

    La protection des défenseurs et défenseuses des droits des femmes – nous défendrons et amplifierons les voix des femmes présentes en première ligne, en nous opposant fermement à ceux qui cherchent à les réduire au silence.

    Cet appel urgent et le Plan pour l’accélération de la réalisation de l’égalité des genres doivent induire un véritable changement politique dans toutes nos actions.

    L’ONU montre la voie. Nous demandons aux gouvernements, aux organisations et aux entreprises de suivre cet exemple.

    Chers amis,

    La lutte pour l’égalité des genres ne peut se résumer à une question d’équité.

    Il s’agit d’une question de pouvoir – qui participe à la prise des décisions, et qui en est exclu.

    Il s’agit de démanteler les systèmes qui perpétuent les inégalités.

    Et d’assurer ainsi un monde meilleur pour tous.

    Quand les femmes participent aux négociations, la paix dure plus longtemps.

    Quand les filles peuvent aller à l’école, des générations entières sortent de la pauvreté.

    Quand les femmes bénéficient d’opportunités professionnelles égales, les économies se renforcent.

    Et avec la parité dans le leadership politique, les décisions sont plus justes, les politiques sont mieux ciblées et les sociétés sont plus équitables.

    En somme : quand les femmes et les filles vont de l’avant, tout le monde prospère.

    Alors, en cette Journée internationale des droits des femmes, soyons inspirés par les voix des femmes et des filles du monde entier – et choisissons toujours l’action plutôt que l’apathie.

    Réalisons la vision de la Déclaration de Pékin.

    Accélérons le changement.

    Et avançons – pour chaque femme, pour chaque fille, pour chacun, partout.

    Je vous remercie.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: The UK deepens cooperation with France on people smuggling

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    News story

    The UK deepens cooperation with France on people smuggling

    The UK and France sign a roadmap to deepen cooperation on people smuggling.

    The UK and France have further deepened their small boats cooperation with the signing of the Upstream Working Group Roadmap yesterday (6 March) at the Ministry of Interior.

    The UK’s Border Security Commander, Martin Hewitt, and France’s Special Representative on Immigration for the Minister of State, Patrick Stefanini, met in Paris to agree stronger measures, focussing on stemming irregular migration flows into both France and the UK. 

    The signing follows the Home Secretary’s visit to the Northern French coast last week where she met with French Minister of the Interior, Bruno Retailleau, to agree a series of new, stronger enforcement measures.

    The Franco-British Upstream Working Group marks a significant step in ongoing efforts to combat organised immigration crime. The roadmap has 4 priority issues:

    • disrupting the criminal gangs at the heart of organised immigration crime
    • deterring illegal migrants from taking the dangerous journey to France and the UK
    • ensuring the effective and prompt return of irregular migrants to source and transit countries
    • tackling the root causes of irregular migration

    The 2 co-chairs welcomed British and French joint efforts and set a date for the next Upstream Working Group plenary meeting, due to take place in May 2025. 

    Border Security Commander, Martin Hewitt, said: 

    When I first took on my role as Border Security Commander, one of my key priorities was to strengthen our work with partners across the world to tackle the criminal networks facilitating illegal migration to the UK. 

    In just a few short months, we have fundamentally enhanced our international cooperation, but it is our close cooperation with French partners that remains, as ever, the cornerstone to stopping the gangs and preventing loss of life. 

    Beyond France, the Border Security Command has deepened coordination with law enforcement to smash the criminal people smuggling gangs, securing vital agreements with other international partners including Germany, Western Balkan nations and Iraq.

    Updates to this page

    Published 7 March 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: PM call with President of the European Council and the President of the European Commission: 7 March 2025

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Press release

    PM call with President of the European Council and the President of the European Commission: 7 March 2025

    The Prime Minister spoke to the President of the European Council, the President of the European Commission and the leaders of Canada, Turkey, Norway and Iceland this morning.

    The Prime Minister spoke to the President of the European Council, the President of the European Commission and the leaders of Canada, Turkey, Norway and Iceland this morning.

    The Prime Minister applauded the progress the European Union had made at the European Council yesterday, saying it was a historic step forward and another sign of Europe stepping up.

    Closer collaboration between the European Union, its partners and our combined defence industrial base was vital as Europe stepped up to counter egregious Russian aggression, the Prime Minister added.

    Updating on the intensive diplomacy between the US, UK, France and Ukraine, the Prime Minister welcomed the potential for peace talks in Saudi Arabia next week.

    The leaders also discussed the Coalition of the Willing and looked ahead to the Chiefs of Defence meeting in Paris on Tuesday. It would be another important moment to drive forward planning, they agreed.

    The leaders agreed to stay in close touch.

    Updates to this page

    Published 7 March 2025

    MIL OSI United Kingdom

  • MIL-OSI Global: European leaders agree defence ramp-up to support Ukraine – but Hungary continues to block progress

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By David J. Galbreath, Professor of International Security, University of Bath

    Leaders of the 27 EU countries have agreed in principle to a massive increase in defence spending at a summit that was hastily organised in the wake of Donald Trump’s withdrawal of support for Ukraine.

    Talks over European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen’s €800 million (£670 million) military spending package went on for ten hours before an agreement could be reached. And while the deal is in place, leaders can’t agree on how to finance it.

    With pressure from the United States to increase their contribution to Nato, European states have also agreed to increase defence spending as a share of their GDP.

    Many EU countries wanting to spend more on defence argue they can’t afford to do so because they are already struggling with government debt. However, France has the largest debt as a proportion of its GDP in the EU and is still increasing defence spending.

    The challenge for nearly all EU member states has been how to go about spending more on defence without over-borrowing and putting the euro currency in danger through government defaults on existing loans.

    The European Commission has set out new funding for defence industries which could lower the cost of defence procurement for EU member states. However, the EU doesn’t have enough funds to sustain a high level of defence investment.

    Hungary and Slovakia have stated that they are not interested in an EU defence budget. They would rather see individual member states increase their budgets. Both Hungary and Slovakia are resistant to EU calls to further isolate Russia over the war in Ukraine.

    Hungarian president Viktor Orbán was the holdout at the Brussels meeting. Orbán has been far more lenient than others on Moscow since the start of the war.

    Slovakia’s prime minister, Robert Fico, wants a more constructive relationship with Russia and the return to the supply of natural gas that is piped through Ukraine. He did, however, ultimately fall in behind other member states at the Brussels meeting.

    Now that a package has been agreed, the challenge for European leaders and the EU is how to grow defence budgets without breaking the budget, forcing many governments into determining what they are not going to spend money on even before they can figure out how to grow defence spending.

    The nuclear dilemma

    At the summit, French president Emmanuel Macron also presented a plan to bring other European nations under France’s nuclear umbrella, effectively making France’s deterrent their joint deterrent.

    The rationale here is the concern that the US could withdraw from Nato or at least water down article five, the commitment by Nato countries to treat any attack on a member state as an attack on all member states. Doing so would mean Europe could no longer rely on the US nuclear deterrent for protection.

    But while European countries want to prepare for a potential US withdrawal, they also don’t want to signal to Washington that the US deterrent is no longer needed. In fact most European Nato countries would like the US to maintain its nuclear posture in Europe and are working hard on a diplomatic level with Washington to slow the retreat.

    At the same time, European member states want security guarantees so talks on Macron’s proposal will continue.

    European support for Ukraine

    The EU showed renewed commitment for Ukraine at the summit with meetings between Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky and several European and EU leaders.

    A joint statement was agreed, stressing that peace talks must include Ukraine and confirming the EU’s support. Orbán was, again, the only leader not to sign up to the statement.

    The hope is that, with these actions, Europe can pressure the Trump administration to continue to engage Ukraine as it seeks a peace with Russia. But it is unclear how much of an impact such European solidarity for Ukraine will have.

    Europe cannot be ready for a new defence reality overnight but this defence summit has been a good start. Now the really hard work begins.

    David J. Galbreath has received funding from the ESRC, AHRC, British Academy and Leverhulme Trust.

    ref. European leaders agree defence ramp-up to support Ukraine – but Hungary continues to block progress – https://theconversation.com/european-leaders-agree-defence-ramp-up-to-support-ukraine-but-hungary-continues-to-block-progress-251656

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: How should Labour and the Tories respond to the populist right? Lessons from Europe

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By David Jeffery, Senior Lecturer in British Politics, University of Liverpool

    In Germany’s snap parliamentary elections, Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) doubled its vote share to 21%, leaping from the fifth-largest party in Germany’s lower house to the second. In the UK, Reform UK is rising in the polls.

    The populist radical right is on the rise across Europe, and mainstream parties are grappling with how to respond.

    The German “firewall” approach involves treating them as a pariah. This means refusing to enter coalition with them, as well as excluding them from parliamentary posts and refusing to debate or engage with their parliamentary motions. After Germany’s election, the first-place party, the Christian democrats (CDU/CSU), has no majority and will need at least one coalition partner to form a government. But it will not ask the AfD – and nor will any other party due to the firewall.

    There are clear threats to this approach. Often the appeal of the populist right is that they are plucky outsiders, challenging a self-interested political cartel that ignores the views of the people. What better way to prove this case than by ignoring the democratically elected populists too?

    Furthermore, the firewall has clearly not worked in dampening support for the populists in Germany, as well as in France. This is especially the case when the populists have allies in the media, have privileges given them by the constitution or parliamentary rules (for example, membership on committees), or strong regional bases.


    Want more politics coverage from academic experts? Every week, we bring you informed analysis of developments in government and fact check the claims being made.

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    Mainstream parties must also decide whether to maintain their own policy positions or ape those of the populist radical right, especially on key topics like immigration and welfare.

    For social democratic centre-left parties, academic research is clear: do not move towards the populist radical right on policy.

    Typically, the voter base of social democratic parties is made up of two coalitions: the educated, urban and liberal middle classes, and the old core of industrial workers who tend to hold more authoritarian attitudes. In attempting to win over voters lost to the populist right by copying their policies, these parties tend to lose more voters on their liberal-left wing than they win on their populist-right wing.

    For the centre-right, the decision is harder. They face a similar challenge to the centre-left in that their support coalition is often made up of social authoritarians (who are more likely to be populist radical right-curious) and more centrist free-market liberals. Moving towards the populist right will alienate the latter camp, so it is not a silver bullet for bringing voters back into the fold.

    By not talking about policy areas which are clearly salient to the public, centre-right parties risk seeming out of touch. In contrast, talking about these issues increases their salience and highlights their rivals’ positions – but the centre-right may not be rewarded for this if they are seen to have been forced into changing policy by the populist radical right.

    Academics have explored this question in various ways. A 2021 study looked at voters’ ideological positions and subsequent propensity for voting for the centre-right or populist radical right. Another, published in 2022, examined changing party positions through manifestos and subsequent voter flows between the populist radical right and the centre-right across 13 western European countries. The evidence suggests that when parties adopt populist radical right positions, voters are more likely to defect to the radical right instead.

    The final strategy is the complete opposite to the German firewall: bring the populist radical right into government. The Austrian case is instructive here. In 1999, the centre-right Austrian People’s Party (OVP) entered a coalition with the populist radical right Freedom Party (FPO), which lasted until 2005. The pressures of government resulted in the FPO imploding and losing roughly two-thirds of its seat share in the next general election.

    But the FPO has increased its seat share in every subsequent election, reentering government in 2017 and emerging as the largest party in the 2024 general election. The centrist parties have now taken a firewall approach, forming a coalition without the FPO – and the FPO have soared in the polls. By bringing them into government in the first place, the OVP legitimised the FPO in the eyes of many voters.

    What should mainstream parties do?

    For the centre-left, the choice is obvious: resist the urge to ape the populist radical right and instead (following the lead of the Danish Social Democrats) adapt to a party system where the populist right cannot be gotten rid of, but is a problem to be managed.

    Centre-left parties need a robust message on immigration but they should not forget economics. They should primarily focus on traditional concerns around social protection and defending workers against the effects of globalisation.

    This has clear implications for the debate around Blue Labour ideology – that the Labour party should combine leftwing economics with more socially authoritarian stances on crime and immigration, plus a greater emphasis on community over the state and market – and how closely Keir Starmer should be paying attention to it.

    For centre-right parties like the UK’s Conservatives, there are no easy options.

    The UK does not have the historical baggage of Germany which sustains the firewall against the AfD. But Reform UK is also less extreme than its German counterparts, so its electoral ceiling is likely to be higher than the AfD’s. And the first-past-the-post system makes the consequences of a three-party system much harder to predict.

    Reform – like Ukip in the early 2010s – cannot be treated as a pariah, especially since it already has parliamentary representation which will probably be extended to Holyrood and the Senedd. The party also has a largely friendly rightwing media landscape. And perhaps most importantly, the Conservative party is split about whether to do a deal with Reform – if, of course, it actually wants said deal.

    Openly ignoring the issues Reform campaigns on will not work. Immigration is too much of a salient concern among voters (especially on the right) to ignore. While banging on about immigration will only add fuel to Reform’s fire, the Conservatives do need to say something – and that should start with “sorry for the last 14 years”.

    The Tories cannot openly move to the right without losing some of their centre flank. Of the seats won in 2024, Reform came second in nine, while Labour and the Liberal Democrats came second in 87 and 20 respectively. In 2024, for every vote the Conservatives lost to Reform, they also lost a vote to the Liberal Democrats or Labour.

    There is no “magic formula” for the centre-right to vanquish the populist radical right. Instead, they need to nail a tricky combination: a clear vision of what they believe, a consistent policy platform that flows from these beliefs, and a charismatic leader who can communicate this to the public.

    David Jeffery does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. How should Labour and the Tories respond to the populist right? Lessons from Europe – https://theconversation.com/how-should-labour-and-the-tories-respond-to-the-populist-right-lessons-from-europe-250182

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Britain can still be a bridge between the US and Europe – here’s how Starmer can prove it

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Nick Whittaker, Subject Lead in Social Sciences & Law, University of Sussex

    The US-EU relationship is at its most fragile point since the build-up to the Iraq war in 2003. While President Donald Trump openly questions Nato and President Volodymyr Zelensky’s desire for peace, EU leaders have continued to voice their unequivocal support for Ukraine against Russian aggression.

    Between the two lies Britain. In a flurry of diplomacy, Keir Starmer has attempted to navigate the country’s tricky position: close to the US diplomatically, while staying aligned with the EU’s Ukraine policy.

    I argue that Starmer could use Britain’s island identity – separated from its closest neighbours just enough to allow a global outlook – to his advantage. Acting as an effective link between the US and the EU could turn this time of crisis into an opportunity. What Britain may lack in material capabilities, it can make up for in skilful diplomacy.

    Britain’s position as a “geopolitical bridge” stretches far back into the last century. As Britain was decolonising and reckoning with the growing power of the US and a uniting European continent, acting as a bridge was an effective way of ensuring relevance and maintaining alliances while its status as an imperial great power waned.

    This position was especially favoured by Labour politicians keen to emphasise how a socialist Britain could act as a link between the capitalist and communist worlds. In (sometimes reluctantly) arguing for Britain’s entry into the European Economic Community, some Conservatives posited membership as allowing Britain to bridge the Atlantic, given the UK’s strong postwar ties with the US.

    Even older is the idea of Britain as an “offshore balancer”. The UK’s proximity to the European continent meant it has always had an eye on political developments there. It has thus sought to maintain alliances in order to prevent Europe being dominated by one power (Napoleonic France, Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union) who could threaten the island sanctuary.

    With Britain no longer in the EU, this time of heightened transatlantic tensions provides an opportunity to reclaim these geopolitical stances (and some lost relevance) as a vital interlocutor between America and Europe.

    Nato on the brink

    Trump is notoriously erratic and unpredictable, yet one of his most consistent motifs has been to question Nato and “free-riding” allies. Herein lies the spectre of the most terrifying British nightmare: an American withdrawal from Nato.

    Britain and the US have, historically, both articulated their role as that of offshore balancer in relation to continental Europe. The threat against which they have been balancing since the end of the second world war is the Soviet Union and then Russia.

    If the Trump administration ceases to regard Russia as a threat or sees no utility in acting in its historic balancing role, the UK-US relationship will be placed under serious threat. For all of the importance of Anglo-Saxon identity tropes, kith and kin and the special relationship, alliances are best nurtured in conditions of shared interests.


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    Nato has been the real cornerstone of UK foreign, defence and security policy since the North Atlantic treaty’s inking in 1949, and is beloved of both Labour and Conservative politicians. US abandonment would be devastating. Thus it is Starmer’s greatest challenge and opportunity.

    The reality is that Nato is centred on continental Europe and always has been. Starmer can gain common ground with Trump at this critical juncture by emphasising Britain’s islandness, and the US’s similar separation from the continent.

    Starmer could position Britain as a mid-Atlantic interlocutor, close to Europe but not of Europe – appealing to the antipathy of some in the Trump administration about the continent. And his government has already gained Trump’s approval by increasing defence spending, an act that will also please nervous European governments.

    Global Britain?

    At this moment, Britain seems closer to the EU than it has been since 2016. Foreign and defence policy remain, to some extent, unfulfilled gaps in the EU’s portfolio. If Starmer can forge a close relationship around these issues, he can undercut some of the disappointments around Brexit, such as Britain being viewed as less relevant internationally and losing a seat at European security discussions.

    Notwithstanding the latest increase in defence spending, the British Army is smaller than it has been for several hundred years. Cuts to foreign aid, along with the merging of international development with the Foreign Office have prompted questions around Britain’s international clout.

    Yet its leaders remain high profile and listened to, with Starmer managing to cut a dignified figure in an era of posturing strongmen. He will need to convince Trump and his team that Europe (and Nato) is worthy of their time and attention. He must emphasise their common ground as offshore balancers, capable of providing a counterweight to Russia.

    EU leaders will also need to be reassured of Britain’s commitment to the continent after Brexit. Pressing harder for a UK-EU security pact is one way Starmer could signal this.

    Starmer’s White House visit was seen as a diplomatic success, but the mood has changed after Zelensky’s visit.
    Number 10/Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND

    Trump repeatedly emphasises the personal aspect of politics, seeing states and alliances through a prism of which leaders are willing to flatter him or, at the very least, be “respectful”. Starmer grasped this early on and thus has a shot at forging a productive relationship with Trump, however painful it might be for some in his party.

    Yet the stakes are much higher than disgruntled backbenchers. The Labour party, with its internationalist roots, is deeply proud of the foreign policies of Clement Attlee and Ernest Bevin (although less so of Tony Blair’s). Although it may be stressed in different terms to their Conservative opponents, the party is just as concerned with retaining relevance and influence on the world stage.

    If this Labour government can find a way to successfully act as a bridge – by interesting Trump in Europe and convincing the EU that they are a reliable partner – then this not only salves some of the wounds of Brexit, it also potentially keeps Nato alive, for now.

    Nick Whittaker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Britain can still be a bridge between the US and Europe – here’s how Starmer can prove it – https://theconversation.com/britain-can-still-be-a-bridge-between-the-us-and-europe-heres-how-starmer-can-prove-it-251405

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Europe: AMERICA/ARGENTINA – The Diocese of La Rioja and the Lenten Season: “authentic conversion for the renewal of our lives and that of our communities”

    Source: Agenzia Fides – MIL OSI

    Friday, 7 March 2025

    SS

    La Rioja (Agenzia Fides) – “We begin the season of Lent in the midst of a Jubilee Year and seeking to implement the conclusions of the Synod on Synodality in the Church” is what Dante Braida, Bishop of La Rioja, has declared, inviting the entire population to live this time as “an authentic conversion for the renewal of our lives and that of our communities. With Lent we begin the pastoral year in the context of deepening the synodal dimension of the Church in an atmosphere permeated by the Jubilee year”.“In this Lent – the prelate continues in the message sent to the diocese – God asks us to check whether in our lives, in our families, in the places where we work, in parish or religious communities, we are capable of walking with others, of listening, of overcoming the temptation to close ourselves in our self-referentiality, taking care only of our needs. Let us ask ourselves before the Lord if we are capable of working together as bishops, priests, consecrated persons and lay people, at the service of the Kingdom of God; if we have an attitude of welcome, with concrete gestures, towards the people who come to us and to those who are far away; if we make people feel part of the community or if we marginalize them.”“Let us walk this path together,” the bishop insists, in line with Pope Francis’ message for this liturgical time. “Christians are called to walk the path together, never as solitary travelers. The Holy Spirit impels us to go out of ourselves to go toward God and toward our brothers and sisters.”“To receive the grace and joy that the Risen One wants to give us in abundance, we need to live this time guided by the Holy Spirit toward a profound conversion. Enlightened by the Gospel texts of each day and by the teachings of Pope Francis in his message ‘Let us walk together in Hope,’ let us live the Lenten season with hope. At the same time, let us walk together in the mission that the Lord entrusts to each of us and may the present be a fruitful pastoral year.”Bishop Braida also recalls that this year the diocese is preparing for the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the martyrdom at the hands of the military dictatorship, after the coup of March 24, 1976, of the bishop of La Rioja Enrique Angelelli, the Conventual Franciscan Carlos de Dios Murias, who was later ordained a priest by Angelelli himself, the French missionary priest Gabriel Longueville in La Rioja and the catechist Wenceslao Pedernera. “It will be an opportunity to delve deeper into the testimony of their lives and the teachings of Bishop Enrique, in particular those that speak to us of the different aspects of the synodal Church.”“The Jubilee year, whose motto is ‘Pilgrims of Hope’, invites us to fix our gaze on Jesus, the cause of a hope that does not disappoint, and to live a process of personal and community conversion that leads us to be messengers of hope at all times and places,” concludes the prelate. (AP) (Agenzia Fides, 7/3/2025)
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    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Ambassadors to the North Atlantic Council visit France’s Istres strategic air base (07.03.25)

    Source: Republic of France in English
    The Republic of France has issued the following statement:

    On March 6th 2025, Ambassadors to the North Atlantic Council visited France’s Istres strategic air base, alongside NATO Deputy Secretary General Radmila Shekerinska. Participants received briefings on France’s nuclear deterrent from Commanders of the French Strategic Air Forces (FAS), Strategic Oceanic Force (FOST) and Naval Nuclear Air Force (FANU). The visit’s various steps showed the credibility of France’s airborne component, and that of its nuclear deterrent as a whole, which is strategic and fully independent. At a time of unprecedented security challenges to the Alliance, Allies also discussed the strategic environment, through presentations from representatives of France’s Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Armed Forces.

    This visit reaffirmed that nuclear deterrence is the cornerstone of Alliance security. The fundamental purpose of NATO’s nuclear capability is to preserve peace, prevent coercion and deter aggression. As long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a nuclear alliance. The independent strategic nuclear forces of France have a deterrent role of their own and contribute significantly to the overall security of the Alliance. France’s separate centre of decision-making contributes to deterrence by complicating the calculations of potential adversaries. »

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI: NANO Nuclear Energy Appoints Leading Advanced Nuclear Reactor Engineer Florent Heidet, Ph.D. as its Chief Technology Officer and Head of Reactor Development

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Former Head of Engineering at Ultra Safe Nuclear Corp. brings firsthand knowledge of recently acquired advanced reactor technologies and extensive reactor building experience

    New York, N.Y., March 07, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — NANO Nuclear Energy Inc. (NASDAQ: NNE) (“NANO Nuclear” or “the Company”), a leading advanced nuclear energy and technology company focused on developing clean energy solutions, today announced that Florent Heidet, Ph.D. has joined NANO Nuclear as its Chief Technology Officer and Head of Reactor Development.

    Dr. Heidet is a world-renowned expert on advanced nuclear reactor technologies, leveraging two decades of nuclear engineering and project management expertise. Dr. Heidet was previously the Head of Engineering at Ultra Safe Nuclear Corp. (USNC), where he led a multidisciplinary team of over 100 experts working around the globe to advance the development of the KRONOS MMRTMEnergy System and LOKI MMRTM technologies prior to their acquisition by NANO Nuclear earlier this year.

    Prior to his leadership role with USNC, Dr. Heidet spent 12 years at Argonne National Laboratory, where he played a central role in most of the laboratory’s reactor design projects. He led the design of the Versatile Test Reactor, a $2 billion program under the auspices of the U.S. Department of Energy, served as the Argonne manager for the Transformational Challenge Reactor program, coordinated the Nuclear Thermal Propulsion efforts in support of NASA, and provided expertise and leadership to numerous federal, commercial, and international projects.

    Dr. Heidet will be primarily responsible for advancing all of NANO Nuclear’s reactor projects and will have general oversight of all the Company’s various other technologies in development. His decades of experience and status as an innovator in the nuclear energy industry will be invaluable to NANO Nuclear as it seeks to position itself as a global leader in advanced nuclear energy solutions. He will report to both James Walker, NANO Nuclear’s Chief Executive Officer, and Jay Yu, NANO Nuclear’s Chairman and President. Mr. Walker is relinquishing the position of NANO Nuclear’s Head of Reactor Development to accommodate the hiring of Dr. Heidet.

    “I am very proud to join the NANO Nuclear team, and I plan to hit the ground running and play a leading role in the development of our innovative suite of nuclear reactor and related technologies,” said Dr. Florent Heidet, Chief Technology Officer and Head of Reactor Development of NANO Nuclear Energy. “The management and technical teams at NANO Nuclear have proven themselves to be innovators with the development of proprietary microreactor systems like ODIN and ZEUS, and it is a pleasure to continue my work on the KRONOS MMRTM and LOKI MMRTM systems alongside them. I’ve had the opportunity to examine the several microreactor technologies being developed in the marketplace, and I believe NANO Nuclear is the ideal home for the KRONOS MMRTM and LOKI MMRTM. I am dedicated to seeing the development of all of NANO Nuclear reactor designs, as well as its other innovative technologies, from testing, to regulatory approvals and through to commercialization.”

    Figure 1 – NANO Nuclear Energy Appoints Leading Advanced Nuclear Reactor Engineer Florent Heidet, Ph.D., as Chief Technology Officer (CTO) and Head of Reactor Development

    Dr. Heidet has a proven track-record of assembling highly effective teams and consistently delivering impactful outcomes. His organizational skills are widely acknowledged through several institutional awards. Dr. Heidet holds a Ph.D. and M.Sc. in Nuclear Engineering from the University of California, Berkeley, a M.Sc. in Mechanical Engineering from the ENSAM (Paris, France), and business program certificates from both Berkeley Haas School of Business and Chicago Booth School of Business. He has published numerous peer-reviewed technical papers and authored several chapters of the Encyclopedia of Nuclear Energy.

    “There are very few experts in the nuclear energy sector who can drive and build advanced reactor developments as effectively as Dr. Heidet,” said Jay Yu, Founder and Chairman of NANO Nuclear Energy. “His career has been dedicated to pursuing innovative reactor solutions that address growing energy demands here in the U.S. and around the world. His comprehensive industry knowledge and the technical expertise required to oversee the design and construction of these sophisticated reactors, as well as our other innovative technologies, will be crucial to NANO Nuclear and will help to solidify our position as a leader in the field.”

    “Dr. Heidet’s appointment at NANO Nuclear marks another milestone in our efforts to commercialize advanced, portable microreactor and related technologies,” said James Walker, Chief Executive Officer of NANO Nuclear Energy. “He has contributed to numerous innovative breakthroughs in the field and has overseen major development projects worth billions of dollars, including those with government funding. His exceptional experience and expertise in the nuclear industry will be instrumental in advancing our technology through development, licensing, and eventual commercialization.”

    About NANO Nuclear Energy, Inc.

    NANO Nuclear Energy Inc. (NASDAQ: NNE) is an advanced technology-driven nuclear energy company seeking to become a commercially focused, diversified, and vertically integrated company across five business lines: (i) cutting edge portable and other microreactor technologies, (ii) nuclear fuel fabrication, (iii) nuclear fuel transportation, (iv) nuclear applications for space and (v) nuclear industry consulting services. NANO Nuclear believes it is the first portable nuclear microreactor company to be listed publicly in the U.S.

    Led by a world-class nuclear engineering team, NANO Nuclear’s reactor products in development include “ZEUS”, a solid core battery reactor, and “ODIN”, a low-pressure coolant reactor, each representing advanced developments in clean energy solutions that are portable, on-demand capable, advanced nuclear microreactors. NANO Nuclear is also developing patented stationary KRONOS MMR Energy System and space focused, portable LOKI MMR.

    Advanced Fuel Transportation Inc. (AFT), a NANO Nuclear subsidiary, is led by former executives from the largest transportation company in the world aiming to build a North American transportation company that will provide commercial quantities of HALEU fuel to small modular reactors, microreactor companies, national laboratories, military, and DOE programs. Through NANO Nuclear, AFT is the exclusive licensee of a patented high-capacity HALEU fuel transportation basket developed by three major U.S. national nuclear laboratories and funded by the Department of Energy. Assuming development and commercialization, AFT is expected to form part of the only vertically integrated nuclear fuel business of its kind in North America.

    HALEU Energy Fuel Inc. (HEF), a NANO Nuclear subsidiary, is focusing on the future development of a domestic source for a High-Assay, Low-Enriched Uranium (HALEU) fuel fabrication pipeline for NANO Nuclear’s own microreactors as well as the broader advanced nuclear reactor industry.

    NANO Nuclear Space Inc. (NNS), a NANO Nuclear subsidiary, is exploring the potential commercial applications of NANO Nuclear’s developing micronuclear reactor technology in space. NNS is focusing on applications such as the LOKI MMR system and other power systems for extraterrestrial projects and human sustaining environments, and potentially propulsion technology for long haul space missions. NNS’ initial focus will be on cis-lunar applications, referring to uses in the space region extending from Earth to the area surrounding the Moon’s surface.

    For more corporate information please visit: https://NanoNuclearEnergy.com/

    For further NANO Nuclear information, please contact:

    Email: IR@NANONuclearEnergy.com
    Business Tel: (212) 634-9206

    PLEASE FOLLOW OUR SOCIAL MEDIA PAGES HERE:

    NANO Nuclear Energy LINKEDIN
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    Cautionary Note Regarding Forward Looking Statements

    This news release and statements of NANO Nuclear’s management in connection with this news release contain or may contain “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, and the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. In this context, forward-looking statements mean statements related to future events, which may impact our expected future business and financial performance, and often contain words such as “expects”, “anticipates”, “intends”, “plans”, “believes”, “potential”, “will”, “should”, “could”, “would” or “may” and other words of similar meaning. In this press release, forward-looking statements include those relating to the anticipated benefits to the Company of Heidet’s appointment as described herein. These and other forward-looking statements are based on information available to us as of the date of this news release and represent management’s current views and assumptions. Forward-looking statements are not guarantees of future performance, events or results and involve significant known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors, which may be beyond our control. For NANO Nuclear, particular risks and uncertainties that could cause our actual future results to differ materially from those expressed in our forward-looking statements include but are not limited to the following: (i) risks related to our U.S. Department of Energy (“DOE”) or related state or non-U.S. nuclear fuel licensing submissions, (ii) risks related the development of new or advanced technology and the acquisition of complimentary technology or businesses, including difficulties with design and testing, cost overruns, regulatory delays, integration issues and the development of competitive technology, (iii) our ability to obtain contracts and funding to be able to continue operations or fund research (including SBIR applications and other government funding, which might not receive DOE approval), (iv) risks related to uncertainty regarding our ability to technologically develop and commercially deploy a competitive advanced nuclear reactor or other technology in the timelines we anticipate, if ever, (v) risks related to the impact of U.S. and non-U.S. government regulation, policies and licensing requirements, including by the DOE and the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission, including those associated with the recently enacted ADVANCE Act, and (vi) similar risks and uncertainties associated with the operating an early stage business a highly regulated and rapidly evolving industry. Readers are cautioned not to place undue reliance on these forward-looking statements, which apply only as of the date of this news release. These factors may not constitute all factors that could cause actual results to differ from those discussed in any forward-looking statement, and NANO Nuclear therefore encourages investors to review other factors that may affect future results in its filings with the SEC, which are available for review at www.sec.gov and at https://ir.nanonuclearenergy.com/financial-information/sec-filings. Accordingly, forward-looking statements should not be relied upon as a predictor of actual results. We do not undertake to update our forward-looking statements to reflect events or circumstances that may arise after the date of this news release, except as required by law.

    Attachment

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: THSYU Launches New Cryptocurrency Exchange in France with Advanced Security and High-Speed Trading

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    DENVER, March 07, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Thsyu CRYPTO GROUP LIMITED today announced the official launch of THSYU, a new cryptocurrency exchange in France that combines military-grade security features with high-performance trading capabilities. This strategic market entry responds to growing demand for secure, efficient crypto trading platforms in the European market.

    In the midst of a global cryptocurrency boom, the security and efficiency of trading platforms have become top concerns for investors. THSYU addresses these concerns by implementing cutting-edge technology and providing an unrivaled user experience specifically designed for French users.

    Ironclad Security: Protection for Digital Assets
    Recent years have seen crypto exchanges plagued by hacking scandals and asset thefts, shaking investor trust. THSYU counters this with military-grade encryption and a multi-layer cold storage system designed to keep hackers at bay. The platform also boasts a real-time AI monitoring system that flags and halts suspicious activity within milliseconds. A Paris-based early adopter noted, “I finally feel safe leaving significant funds on an exchange—THSYU lets me sleep soundly.” In a crypto world starved for trust, this security pledge is a significant advancement.

    Lightning-Fast Trades: Maximizing Profit Opportunities
    For crypto traders, timing is everything. THSYU’s trading engine can handle up to 1 million transactions per second—far surpassing industry norms. Whether Bitcoin is soaring or Ethereum is crashing, THSYU ensures orders execute instantly, leaving no profit window unclaimed. A French trader shared, “I snagged a new coin’s debut on THSYU—the speed was unreal.” This efficiency gives French investors an edge in the global crypto marketplace.

    Tailored for France: A Localized Crypto Experience
    THSYU isn’t just another generic global platform—it’s specifically focused on France. Beyond offering euro trading pairs and French-language support, the exchange is set to partner with local French banks for seamless fiat deposits and withdrawals. Even more striking, THSYU vows to comply with the EU’s strictest financial regulations, aiming to set a gold standard for legitimacy. For French investors wary of regulatory gray zones, this provides added confidence.

    As the global crypto market continues to evolve in 2025, France—despite its economic prowess—has shown potential for increased crypto adoption. THSYU’s arrival fills a market gap with its combination of security, speed, and localization. The platform is now open for registration at www.thsyu.com.

    Contact Information:
    Jessica Green
    Chief Operating Officer
    Thsyu CRYPTO GROUP LIMITED
    Address:1670 Broadway, Denver, CO 80202, US
    Email:jessica.green@thsyu.com
    Website: www.thsyu.com

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/cd4d9eb7-b691-458a-a62c-280a53c44060

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: 7 March 2025 UHC-Partnership: Nigerians in Imo State are protected from financial hardship when accessing health services

    Source: World Health Organisation

    Favour Owuamanam, from Umuechetanmehe Amiri in Imo State, was 9 months pregnant and had been referred for a planned caesarean section due to the prospects of a high-risk delivery. When her labor started before her due date, she was rushed to Vaden Specialist Hospital for an emergency caesarean section and gave birth successfully. However, her baby had complications with neonatal asphyxia and jaundice and required additional care.

    The Imo State Health Insurance Agency facilitated the immediate transfer of the baby to the special care unit in Imo State Specialist Hospital. Both mother and baby were covered under health insurance and did not need to pay for any services.

    “Medical treatments are usually so high. I don’t know where I would have found the money to pay for my hospital bills. I am very grateful to the Imo State Health Insurance Agency Team,” said Favour.

    Marcus Moses and family, beneficiaries of the Imo State Health Insurance Agency. Photo by: WHO/Nigeria

    This is one of many health interventions by the Imo State Health Insurance Agency. The Agency has instituted one of the best and most responsive referral systems in Nigeria. In less than 10 months of implementation, over 516 cases have been referred through the health insurance programme, saving many lives through emergency surgery at no cost to the patient.

    Some of Nigeria’s poorest and most vulnerable populations are now able to access health care services without suffering financial hardship as a result. This is due to the passing of health insurance laws and the implementation of a health insurance programme that removes the burden of financial cost to the patient. Simultaneously, the quality of primary health care services is being strengthened, which has increased trust in and use of the services.

    This is a strong effort by the Government of Nigeria to ensure that its population is protected from financial hardship and is able to access timely and quality health services in line with the principles of universal health coverage (UHC).

    Engaging parliamentarians and the Executive to enable laws

    The enactment of mandatory health insurance laws and implementation of the Basic Health Care Provision Fund in 2023 has changed the lives of many poor and vulnerable Nigerians in Imo State.

    To advocate and make a strong case for the establishment of the Imo State Health Insurance Program, WHO, through the UHC Partnership, helped to establish the State Health Financing Unit and Technical Working Group in the State Ministry of Health. WHO technical staff then worked to build capacity and generate evidence.

    “The Imo State Government is putting mechanisms in place to ensure the protection of all citizens against financial risks associated with health care in the state. Unfortunately, the demand for health services is relentless and people end up becoming poorer to stay alive whenever they are sick. These actions will mitigate the use of the regressive out-of-pocket payments in health that pushes people into the vicious cycle of poverty, disease, and death,” said Dr Uchenna Ewelike, Executive Secretary, Imo State Health Insurance Agency.

    Sustained high-level advocacy by WHO resulted in better understanding and synergy between the Executive led by the State Governor and the parliamentarians, and this led to the speedy passage and ascent of the Imo State Health Insurance Bill into Law.

    “More investment in health, and health insurance specifically, has huge returns for the economy. This is demonstrated by an investment case for health in Imo State, developed by WHO, that shows up to 200% increase in real GDP and 200% increase in the number of jobs created over 5 years. As health is a human right and duty of the state, WHO will work with Imo State to develop a plan that will guide a progressive increase in coverage to achieve the UHC benchmark of at least 80% of the state population,” said Dr Walter Kazadi Mulombo, WHO Representative to Nigeria.

    Nigeria is one of more than 125 countries and areas to which the UHC Partnership helps deliver WHO support and technical expertise in advancing UHC through a PHC approach. The UHC Partnership represents over 3 billion people. It is supported and funded by Belgium, Canada, the European Union, France, Germany, Ireland, Luxembourg, Japan, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and WHO.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI: GraniteShares 2x Long MARA Daily ETF (MRAL) and GraniteShares 2x Long MRVL Daily ETF (MVLL) Launch Today

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    New York, New York, March 07, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — GraniteShares, a leading provider of high-conviction exchange-traded funds (ETFs), is excited to announce the launch of two new leveraged ETFs: GraniteShares 2x Long MARA Daily ETF (MRAL) and GraniteShares 2x Long MRVL Daily ETF (MVLL). These funds, set to debut today, offer investors a way to express bullish views on MARA Holdings (NASDAQ: MARA) and Marvell Technology. (NASDAQ: MRVL) with amplified exposure.

    GraniteShares specializes in providing ETFs designed for sophisticated investors looking to capitalize on high-conviction opportunities. The new leveraged ETFs will seek daily investment results, before fees and expenses, of 200% of the daily performance of MARA and MRVL, respectively.

    Why Investors Look to MARA and Marvell Technology

    High-Conviction Trading with Leveraged ETFs

    MRAL and MVLL are designed for traders who seek to take advantage of short-term movements in MARA and MRVL with magnified exposure. These ETFs provide an efficient way to capitalize on momentum in two of the most followed stocks in their respective industries. By offering 2x daily leveraged exposure, the funds enable sophisticated investors to implement tactical trades based on market trends, earnings announcements, or macroeconomic events.

    “GraniteShares continues to build on its mission of providing high-conviction investment opportunities,” said Will Rhind, Founder of GraniteShares. “With MRAL and MVLL, investors now have leveraged access to two of the most exciting stocks in the market today—one in the rapidly evolving digital asset space and the other in cutting-edge semiconductor technology.”

    These new ETFs join the growing suite of GraniteShares leveraged single-stock ETFs, which provide traders with targeted exposure to some of the most actively traded names in the market.

    About GraniteShares

    GraniteShares is a global investment firm dedicated to creating and managing innovative ETFs. Headquartered in New York City, GraniteShares is a market leader in leveraged single-stock ETFs, offering products on major U.S., U.K., German, French, and Italian stock exchanges. With a focus on high-conviction investing, the company continues to push the boundaries of ETF innovation to meet the needs of today’s traders and investors.

    For more information about GraniteShares 2x Long MARA Daily ETF (MRAL) and GraniteShares 2x Long MRVL Daily ETF (MVLL), please visit:
    https://graniteshares.com/institutional/us/en-us/

    Media Contact:
    GraniteShares Inc.
    Attn: Media Relations
    222 Broadway, 21st Floor
    New York, NY 10038
    844-476-8747
    info@graniteshares.com

    Disclaimer:

    This material must be preceded or accompanied by a Prospectus. Carefully consider the Fund’s investment objectives, risk factors, charges, and expenses before investing. Please read the prospectus before investing.

    Leveraged ETFs seek daily investment results that correspond to a multiple of the performance of an underlying index or security. Due to the compounding of daily returns, holding periods of greater than one day can result in performance that differs from the stated multiple. These ETFs are intended for sophisticated investors who understand the risks associated with leverage and seek short-term tactical trading strategies.

    Shares are bought and sold at market price (not NAV) and are not individually redeemed from the ETF. There can be no guarantee that an active trading market for ETF shares will develop or be maintained. Buying or selling ETF shares on an exchange may require the payment of brokerage commissions and frequent trading may incur costs that detract significantly from investment returns.

    An investment in the Fund involves risk, including the possible loss of principal. The use of derivatives such as option contracts and swaps is subject to market risks that may cause their price to fluctuate over time. Additional risks include Risk of the Underlying Stock, Derivatives Risk, Leverage Risk, Price Participation Risk, and Market Volatility Risk. These and other risks can be found in the prospectus.

    This information is not an offer to sell or a solicitation of an offer to buy shares of any Funds to any person in any jurisdiction in which an offer, solicitation, purchase, or sale would be unlawful under the securities laws of such jurisdiction. Please consult your tax advisor about the tax consequences of an investment in Fund shares, including the possible application of foreign, state, and local tax laws. You could lose money by investing in the ETFs. There can be no assurance that the investment objective of the Funds will be achieved. None of the Funds should be relied upon as a complete investment program.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Event dedicated to attracting international organisations to Paris Region (5 Mar. 2025)

    Source: Republic of France in English
    The Republic of France has issued the following statement:

    On Tuesday 4 March, Laurent Saint Martin, Minister Delegate for Foreign Trade and French Nationals Abroad, brought together international organisations operating in the Paris Region in the presence of Alexandra Dublanche, Vice-President of the Paris Region. The event was organised in partnership with Choose Paris Region, Paris-Île de France Capitale Économique, Business France and the Agence Française de Développement group. It was an opportunity to highlight the attractiveness of France, and the Paris region (Ile-de-France) in particular, to international organisations.

    There are now seventy international organisations in Paris Region, representing an economic weight of €4.8 billion for the region and employing more than 11,500 people, according to a study by Paris-Île de France Capitale Économique. Regional and multilateral initiatives such as the Club OI and the Paris Dialogue are helping these organisations to establish themselves, as well as new players, think tanks, associations and foundations that are helping to create a dynamic and innovative ecosystem. A new guide to welcoming international organisations to Paris Region, produced by Choose Paris Region in partnership with the MEAE, has been added to this programme.

    International organisations are all key players in France’s policy of multilateralism in the fields of global issues, development financing, climate, artificial intelligence and innovation. France reaffirms its commitment to these international players and its desire to strengthen the instruments and facilities at their disposal.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: CSIR-NIScPR, India and CNRS, France Organised Indo-French Seminar on Open Science

    Source: Government of India (2)

    Posted On: 07 MAR 2025 5:20PM by PIB Delhi

    The CSIR-National Institute of Science Communication and Policy Research, New Delhi (CSIR-NIScPR), in collaboration with the CNRS- Department for Open Research Data, Open Science, Publications, Research Data and High Performance Computing, Paris (CNRS-DDOR), organized a two-day Indo-French Seminar on “Open Horizons: Integrating Open Access, Open Data, and Computational Innovation” on March 5-6, 2025 at CSIR-NIScPR, Satsang Vihar Campus, New Delhi-110067.

    Glimpses of Indo-French Seminar

    This significant seminar was organized to deliberate on how India and France are taking a stride towards open access, open data and open science; how digital technologies and Open Source platform offer great promise in implementing an information-driven approach to advance science, promote collaborations, increase transparency and utilize tools for partnerships between science and society. The seminar was attended by researchers, scientists, and policymakers from India and France; provided a unique opportunity for open access information sharing and networking opportunities.

    The inaugural session was attended by esteemed dignitaries from India and France with Dr. Antoine Petit, Chairman and CEO, CNRS, France; Prof. Ranjana Aggarwal, Director, CSIR-NIScPR; Prof. Nitin Seth, Director, CEFIPRA; Dr. Srinivasa Reddy, Director, CSIR-IICTon the dais.

    “We are delighted to organize this event with CNRS, France, to promote open science and research data sharing,” said Prof. Ranjana Aggarwal, Director, CSIR-NIScPR setting the tone for the conference. Describing the relevance of the event she said, “This seminar marks an important step towards fostering international collaboration and advancing sharing of scientific research for all sections of the society.” She also mentioned “One Nation One Subscription” initiative of Indian Government and its role in providing open access to larger number of stakeholders.

    Prof. Nitin Seth, Director, Indo-French Centre for the Promotion of Advanced Research (CEFIPRA) recollected how they started with 1-2 calls annually to now with so many several dedicated partnerships in S&T between the two countries. He also shared his views about the expectations from this seminar. “Open access made scientific knowledge accessible, it brings a lot of opportunities”, Dr. Srinivasa Reddy, Director CSIR-IICT shared his thoughts in theinaugural session. He also mentioned the collaborations CEFIPRA has had with CSIR-IICT from last several years.

    From the National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS), Dr. Antoine Petit, Chairman and CEO; Dr. Sylvie Rousset, Senior Scientist & Head, Open Research Data Department (DDOR) gave a brief of CNRS and DDOR, its objectives functions and roles they are playing in making open access of articles and data, a norm in scientific research. Dr. Kasturi Mandal, CSIR-NIScPR and Dr. Sylvie Rousset, CNRS-DDOR provided the overview of the program of two days seminar like topics of discussions, and takeaways from the sessions.

    The first session of the seminar was designed on theme “Policies for Open Access, Open science in France and in India” was, chaired by Prof. Vivek Kumar Singh, Senior Adviser, NITI Aayog, Govt. of India. Dr. Marin Dacos from the French Ministry of Higher Education and Research discussed the benefits of open science like increase in academic efficiency, reproducibility, prevention of duplication, and increasing citation. He also shared highlights of French open science policies in the country. Dr. Remya Haridasan from the PSA Office, Govt. of India, discussed flagship ‘One Nation One Subscription’ (ONOS) initiative in detail like why it was needed, the impact it has on science dissemination and the hurdles faced by the stakeholders during the implementation. The other speakers who shared their thoughts on open science and data includes Dr. Sylvie Rousset and Mr. Mukesh Pund Chief Scientist, CSIR-NIScPR.

    The second session was based on topic “Open Access: A Diversity of Routes”. The session was chaired by Prof. Anirban Chakraborti, School of Computational and Integrative Sciences (SCIS), JNU, New Delhi. Dr. Bénédicte Kuntziger, CCSD, CNRS, during his talk said, “At CCSD, we promote open access through HAL, the French national open access repository, ensuring long-term, barrier-free access to publications. Notably, 167,751 full-text documents were deposited in 2024 alone, bringing the total to over 1.4 million full-text documents available through HAL as on January 2025”, he added. Dr. Françoise Rousseau, Couperin Consortium shared the model through which they negotiate with major science publishers to advance open science. Other speakers including Dr. Subbiah Arunachalam from DST-CPR, IISc Bangalore, presented an overview of open access in India, highlighting the country’s progress in promoting open access to research and Dr. Geetha Vani Rayasam, Head, CSIR-HRDG presented a perspective on open source and drug discovery, highlighting the potential of open source approaches in accelerating drug discovery and development.

    The third session of day 1 was extension of session 2 under the theme “Open Access: A Diversity of Routes (Part II)”. Session was chaired by Dr. Laurence El Khouri from CNRS-DDO. The speakers including Dr. Lidia Borrell-Damian, Science Europe discussed the benefits of Diamond Action Plan which proposes to align and develop common resources for the entire Diamond OA ecosystem. Prof. Rajeswari Raina from Shiv Nadar University asked researchers and policy makers to think step ahead while saying it’s not about one scheme, one nation or one sector, we have to see the global aspects and thus need to set the horizons and limits of open access at global level. Dr. Raphael Tournoy from Episciences discussed the importance of Overlay Journals.

    All the sessions of day 1 concluded with Q&A, where experts answered questions from the audience and shared their insights on the future of open science. This was followed by Felicitation of the guests and speakers of the event.

    The second day of the India-France seminar on Open Science and Research Data concluded successfully, featuring insightful discussions and presentations on computational innovation, research evaluation, and open data sharing.The day’s proceedings began with a session on “R&D in Computational Innovation and Open Source Software,” chaired by Dr. Avinash Kshitij, Principal Scientist, CSIR-NIScPR. The speakers included- Prof. Roberto Di Cosmo, INRIA, who discussed the “Software Heritage initiative. Prof. P. K. Suri, Delhi Technological University, delivered a talk on “Data Standardization in Agricultural.Dr. Sridhar Gautam, ICAR-Indian Institute of Horticultural Research, spoke on “Advancing R&D with Open Source Software, Open Access, and Open Data”.Sh. G Mayli Muthu Kumaran Deputy Director General, National Informatics Center (NIC) discuss on the computational innovation and open source and elaborated on the initiative towards the R&D in computational innovation at NIC. This was followed by a session on “Reforming the Evaluation of Research,” which featured presentations from:Dr. Lidia Borrell-Damian, Science Europe, discussed “Reforming Research Assessment and CoARA Initiative”. Dr. Vinayak, Principal Scientist, CSIR-NIScPR spoke on “Some New Methods for Measuring Phases of Science.” Dr. Moumita Koley from IISc, Bengaluru, discussed on the topic “Rethinking Research Assessment: Building an Efficient and Innovative Research Ecosystem in India” and Dr. Nishy. P, CSIR-NIIST, spoke on “Open Source for Research Evaluation and Future Trends”.

    The seminar also featured a session on “Open Data Sharing,” with presentations from Ms. AlkaMisra, Deputy Director General, NIC, who discussed the “Open Data sharing initiative of Govt. of India”. Dr. Marin Dacos, French Ministry of Higher Education and Research, presented “An ecosystem for sharing and opening research data” and Dr. Naresh Kumar, Chief Scientist, CSIR-NIScPR, presented his talk on “Sharing data in Science.

    The seventh session of the seminarhaving a panel discussion on “Future for Open Science, Open Data, and Open Source,” featuring experts from various fields, including Dr. Sujit Bhattacharya; Dr. Laurence El Khouri, CNRS-DDOR; Dr. Roberto Di Cosmo, INRIA Software Heritage; Dr. Deepali Kuberkar, Tata Memorial Hospital; Dr. Kasturi Mandal, CSIR-NIScPR, New Delhi; Dr. Yogesh Dhoble, CSIR-IPU, New Delhi and Dr. Sandhiya Lakshmanan, CSIR-NIScPR.

    The Indo-French Joint Seminar concluded with the valedictory session during which Dr. Naresh Kumar, Scientists, CSIR-NIScPR delivered the welcome address and highlights of the two-days intense deliberation on the Open Science, Open Source and Open Data in the R&D in Computational Innovation. Prof. Anirban Chakraborti from JNU address the need of balanced approach in moving towards the conduct of Open Science, Dr. Laurence and Dr Avinash Kshitij summarise the two-days deliberation amongst the 6 different topics, Mr.Mukesh Pund, CSIR-NIScPR shows his gratitude towards the Indian and French speakers, scholars, delegates and the all individuals involved in different roles during his address for Vote of Thanks.

     

    About CSIR-NIScPR

    The CSIR-National Institute of Science Communication and Policy Research (NIScPR) is a premier institute in India, engaged in science communication, STI based policy studies and research.

    About CNRS

    The French National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS) is a government-funded research organization, dedicated to advancing scientific knowledge and innovation in France and globally.

    ****

    NKR/PSM

    (Release ID: 2109124) Visitor Counter : 22

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Socio-economic consequences of the new ‘EU ETS 2’ emissions-trading system – E-000578/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-000578/2025/rev.1
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Marie-Luce Brasier-Clain (PfE), Ondřej Knotek (PfE), Jaroslav Bžoch (PfE), Branko Grims (PPE), Kateřina Konečná (NI), Anna Bryłka (PfE), Dominik Tarczyński (ECR), Julie Rechagneux (PfE), Ewa Zajączkowska-Hernik (ESN), Filip Turek (PfE), Barbara Bonte (PfE), Philippe Olivier (PfE), Jean-Paul Garraud (PfE), Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă (NI), Gilles Pennelle (PfE), Roman Haider (PfE), Valérie Deloge (PfE), Malika Sorel (PfE), Angéline Furet (PfE), Nikola Bartůšek (PfE), Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR)

    On 22 January 2025, Donald Tusk, the Polish Prime Minister, presented his government’s priorities to MEPs in Strasbourg. He expressed concern at the introduction of a new carbon-trading system, EU ETS 2, which will apply to emissions from road transport and heating. In his words: ‘[h]igh energy prices might bring the downfall of many democratic governments’ in the EU.

    Several Member States, including France, have already criticised the viability of this measure, risking as it does driving up energy bills of businesses and households in this difficult socio-economic climate, when the Green Deal is being criticised from all sides owing to its detrimental effects on growth and prosperity and the lack of true safeguards.

    In response to Mr Tusk’s comments, can the Commission therefore say:

    • 1.whether it is considering, under the aegis of the Polish Presidency, reviewing or even repealing the regulation on this new emissions-trading system?
    • 2.whether it has conducted a detailed impact assessment of its socio-economic consequences and the expected effects of its ‘Social Climate Fund’, which is intended to compensate for the increases in future bills?

    Supporter[1]

    Submitted: 7.2.2025

    • [1] This question is supported by a Member other than the authors: Julien Leonardelli (PfE)

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Assessing the Damage of a Trump-Putin Deal

    Source: Universities – Science Po in English

    This is not the “end of history” heralded by some after 1989, but certainly the end of an era marked by the post-war transatlantic alliance of Western democracies. The Alliance was created at the instigation of the United States; it is being undone by the United States. Trump’s pivot to Russia in dealing with the war in Ukraine closes a 75-year-old chapter in our history. It leaves behind a series of casualties’, not just collateral damage.

    Jacques Rupnik, Research Professor Emeritus at Sciences Po Center for International Studies (CERI) briefly sketched the most important. An article originally published by our partner The Conversation.

    The first casualty is Ukraine

    After the Alliance, first and most obvious is Ukraine. After the roasting given to president Zelensky in the White House, broadcast live to the world, the message is clear: there will be a ‘peace’ negotiated by Trump and Putin (their foreign ministers’ meeting was held in Ryiad) and imposed on the Ukrainians. It’s not a “give and take” negotiation, it is “take it or leave it”. Trump branded as a minor trophy in his speech to the Congress on 4 March 2025, the letter received from the Ukrainian president, revising his defiant stance: “I want peace quickly and am prepared to negotiate now”. “Negotiate”? He has not so far been invited to a negotiation which will be about Ukraine without Ukraine. Chose your historical analogy: Munich where Britain and France abandoned Czechoslovakia to Hitler in 1938 or the Hitler-Stalin pact of August 1939 which divided East European spheres of influence between them.

    In accepting the would-be ‘peace deal’ Ukraine would also give the US access to rare earth in Ukraine (some of it happens to be in Donbas controlled by Russia). In short, Ukraine’s choice, now deprived of US military backing (including intelligence and the capacity to strike in Russian territory), is: do you want to continue fighting on your own with the risk of being gradually exhausted and occupied by Russia or are you willing to cede, say, half of your territory – to the “Donald Trump & Co” mining company? Make-up your mind fast as the US president promised the deal would be settled within hundred days.

    The second casualty is Europe

    The second casualty is Europe or more precisely the political and security predicament inherited from the cold-war era and confirmed during America’s “unipolar moment” (Charles Krauthammer) which followed 1989. The moment was just that, a moment. Until now, the overwhelming majority of EU member-states cherished as an article of faith the idea that the American security umbrella was there and would stay there. That meant clinging to US foreign and security agenda and provide support to US international adventures including the 2003 war in Iraq. The East Europeans in particularly were adamant: you follow the US in the Mesopotamian desert, whether or not you believed the case made for it, but because you considered it as the best investment in your own security just as you were joining NATO. America was and remained the “indispensable nation” as Madeleine Albright put it. For many, particularly in Germany, Trump’s first term in office was seen as a mere parenthesis. Now it is Biden’s presidency which looks like a parenthesis between Trump I and Trump II.

    Macron’s call for European “strategic autonomy” or “European sovereignty” were seen with some suspicion as perhaps another neo-Gaullist ploy to distance Europeans from their American allies. A misperception as what was Macron was proposing was “Eurogaullism”, i.e. not French but European “strategic autonomy”.

    The harsh truth about Trump’s pivot to Russia

    Now the Europeans in a state of shock have to confront some harsh truths about Trump’s pivot to Russia and the Alliance losing its most precious asset: trust. The Nato article 5 guarantee – the principle of collective defence, which means that an attack against one Ally is considered as an attack against all Allies – is still formally there, but the faith in the American guarantee is gone.

    What we have just witnessed is the ‘de-coupling’ between the European and American allies. That had been a long-term objective of Soviet foreign policy during the cold war; it now comes true under Putin. In the 1980’s when the Soviet SS20 medium range missiles were deployed (could hit Western Europe, not the US), West Europeans supported the deployment of American Pershing missiles. French president Mitterrand went to the Bundestag to make the case in the face of a strong pacifist reaction in Germany: “Les missiles sont à l’Est, les pacifistes sont à l’Ouest” (“Missiles are in the East, pacifists are in the West”), Mitterrand said.

    A defining moment for Europeans

    This is now a defining moment for Europeans and it remains to be seen if and how they will rise to the occasion. The Munich conference displayed one, not very encouraging version. J. D. Vance first surprised his audience saying he was more worried about the threat from within (liberalism and its liberal and/or progressive values) than from without (Putin). He chastised the Europeans for not living up to the democratic values, leaving the European establishment present at the conference baffled and amazed: not just the war in Ukraine, but democracy too was now explictly part of the new Atlantic divide. Tensions between popular sovereignty as expressed in elections, and the rule of law with the separation of powers and its constitutional constraints, has been at the center of a more than two centuries old debate on both sides of the Atlantic (back to Tocqueville and his warnings about the “tyrany of the majority”). Vance made the case for the Trumpian version of “populist democracy” attacking the prevailing European version of liberal democracy based on the rule of law. Instead of responding in kind, as Vance rushed off to his meeting with the leader of the extreme right AfD, the president of the Munich conference, Christoph Heussgen, an experienced German diplomat, collapsed in tears. The whipping boy vs the weeping boy. A sad symbolic moment for Europe.

    However, in response to Trump’s pivot to Russia, the Europeans are coming to terms with the fact that they are now on their own. The meeting organised in London on 2 March 2025, suggests that a coalition of the willing is in the making in support of Ukraine and determined to give substance to a European “common security and defense policy” long discussed, now to be implemented.

    Who will be part of it?

    Who will be part of it? France and Britain, because of their military capacity, their nuclear power status and their old strategic culture. The Weimar triangle Paris-Berlin Warsaw is likely be its crucial axis within the EU. Macron has taken an increasingly tough stance on Russia and can claim to be a forerunner in terms of Europe’s “strategic autonomy”. The new German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, has for the first time openly suggested that defense spending should not be constrained by outdated spending limits and that German/European security will have to be envisaged independently of the US.

    Poland’s Donald Tusk, now in charge of EU’s rotating presidency, has been a forerunner in his warnings about Russian expansionist ambitions and is the most explicit among Europeans concerning the effort needed in terms of building a European defense capacity (Poland spends 4,5% of the GDP for defense). The coalition will also include the Nordic countries: Danmark, mobilised in defense of… Greenland (!), Finland and Sweden who know a thing or two about the Russian threat and have now joined Nato only to discover that its founder is on the way out…

    As Tusk aptly put it: “500 million Europeans expect 340 million Americans to protect them against 140 million Russians”. Time for Europeans to take charge of their own destiny.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Academic freedom and democracy under siege: how a Nobel peace prize could help defend them

    Source: Universities – Science Po in English

    Echoing the Stand Up for Science movement, which was organised in the US to defend academic freedom, a call to mobilise in France has been launched for Friday, 7 March. Conferences, rallies and marches are being organised on the initiative of scientists united under the banner of Stand Up for Science France. Sciences Po, along with its partner The Conversation, has been committed from the outset to supporting those who advance research.

    March 7 has been recognized as the “Day of the Stand Up for Science Movement”, launched in 2017 in response to the anti-science actions of the first Trump administration. Under the second, attacks on scientists and scientific inquiry have escalated into a systematic assault–tantamount to a coup d’Etat against science itself.

    While Donald Trump is often portrayed as erratic, his policies in this area have followed a consistent trajectory. His new administration has once again declared ‘war’ on evidence-based national policymaking and science diplomacy in foreign affairs as evidenced by several early actions. Immediately after taking office, Donald Trump issued executive orders freezing or canceling tens of billions in research funding. All National Science Foundation projects have been halted pending review, while the National Institutes of Health faces suspensions under Health and Human Services directives. The US has withdrawn from the Paris Agreement and the World Health Organization, alongside a sweeping review of 90% of USAID-funded projects, signaling a major retreat from climate and global health diplomacy. Federal agencies and universities are in turmoil, leaving thousands of research-professors in limbo amid a politically driven funding freeze. The 2025 March simply calls for the restoration of federal research funding and an end to government censorship and political interference in science.

    The US is the world’s undisputed scientific superpower–for now

    While the Trump administration is not the sole force undermining academia worldwide, its actions are particularly striking coming from the world’s leading scientific superpower. Moreover, the situation is especially concerning because developments in the United States often have a ripple effect, shaping policies in other regions in the years that follow.

    Neither of the world’s top two scientific superpowers–Washington and Beijing–is positioned to champion academic freedom. China, having failed a liberal constitutional tradition and academic independence since the 1920s, restricts academic freedom to the confines of one-party rule. Caught between these rival scientific giants–both partners and competitors–the “old” Europe and like-minded coutries remain the only actors capable of setting new standards for academic freedom.

    A Nobel prize for academic freedom

    A decisive step toward its legal protection would be formal recognition by the Nobel Committees for Peace and Science of academic freedom’s fundamental role–both in ensuring scientific excellence and as a pillar of free, democratic societies.

    For the past decade, the Scholars at Risk association (SAR) has documented a broader global decline in academic freedom in its annual Free to Think Report. The 2024 edition highlights particularly alarming situations in 18 countries and territories (including the United States), which recorded 391 attacks on scholars, students, or institutions across 51 regions in a year. Data from the Academic Freedom Index in Berlin confirm that more than half of the world’s population lives in regions where academic freedom is either entirely or severely restricted. Some of the most concerning conditions are in emerging scientific ecosystems such as Turkey, Brazil, Egypt, South Africa, or Saudi Arabia. The overall trend is deteriorating: only 10 out of 179 countries have improved, while many democratic regimes are increasingly affected.

    Academic freedom in the European Union remains relatively high compared to the rest of the world. However, nine EU member states fall below the regional average, and in eight of them, it has declined over the past decade–signaling a gradual erosion of this fundamental value. Hungary ranks the lowest among EU countries, placing in the bottom 20–30% worldwide. Recent laws have further weakened university autonomy across the EU: financial autonomy in Austria, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Slovakia; organizational autonomy in Slovenia, Estonia, and Denmark; staffing autonomy in Croatia and Slovakia; and academic autonomy in Denmark and Estonia. Moreover, the European Parliament’s first report on academic freedom (2023) highlights emerging threats in France–political, educational, and societal–that impact the freedom of research, teaching, and study.

    Academic freedom, a professional right granted to a few for the benefit of all

    Freedom of expression, a fundamental pillar of academic freedom, has long been established as a human right, overcoming centuries of censorship and authoritarian control. In contrast, academic freedom is a more recent principle, granting scholars–recognized by their peers–the right and responsibility to research and teach freely in pursuit of knowledge. Like press freedom for journalists, it is a right granted to a few for the benefit of all.

    Rooted in medieval Europe, academic freedom has evolved from a privilege granted to students in the Quartier Latin to a recognized principle in international rights frameworks. It gained a collective and concrete dimension in the late 18th and early 19th centuries with the rise of the modern university. Wilhelm von Humboldt, founder of the modern public university in Berlin (1810), articulated the concept of ‘freedom of science’ (Wissenschaftsfreiheit), later enshrined in the Weimar Constitution of 1919, which declared that “art, science, and education are free.” The rise of American universities around the same time reshaped the concept, giving rise to “professional academic freedom.” This was formalized in the American Association of University Professors’ 1915 Declaration of Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure, which affirmed the scholar’s primary duty to seek and establish truth. Though its roots lie in Germany, academic freedom ultimately became a cornerstone of American academic discourse.

    In the United States, academic freedom draws from multiple sources, with its protection varying by state laws, customs, institutional practices, and the status of higher education institutions. However, U.S. Supreme Court rulings have gradually reinforced its constitutional foundation, particularly after the McCarthy era, by invoking the First Amendment. Landmark cases such as Adler v. Board of Education (1952), Wieman v. Updegraff (1952), and Sweezy v. New Hampshire (1957) helped establish a constitutional doctrine on academic freedom. Finally, Keyishian v. Board of Regents (1967) extended First Amendment protections to academia, ruling that mandatory loyalty oaths violated both academic freedom and freedom of association.

    Interestingly, the American interpretation of academic freedom is currently more restrictive than the German model in certain respects. Article 5(3) of the 1989 Basic Law affirms the “right to adopt public organizational measures essential to protect a space of freedom, fostering independent scientific activity”. In contrast, the U.S. places greater emphasis on prohibitions and prioritizing individual rights over institutional autonomy.

    The ‘right to be wrong’

    Despite local variations, academic freedom is fundamentally tied to a shared vision of the university that upholds freedom of thought, with rationality and pluralism at its core. It includes the genuine “right to be wrong”–the understanding that a scientific opinion may be incorrect or even proven so does not diminish its protection. This stands in stark contrast to the anti-science, scientistic, or techno-nationalist approach, which views knowledge as a tool of power to serve a predetermined truth and objective of dominance. Authoritarian science, driven by power interests, seeks to diminish critical humanities and social sciences while elevating religion. It tends to reject interdisciplinary work, is exclusively mathematized, and is oriented toward a centralized yet deregulated autocratic tech-utopian state model.

    Since 1945, we have operated under the illusion that academic freedom is an indispensable condition for scientific excellence. However, we have recently learned that no systematic link exists between academic freedom and breakthrough scientific innovation in our era of new technologies. Given these circumstances, this proposal advocates for a nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize, for the first time in its history, in recognition of academic freedom.

    The Nobel Prize Committees for Science and Peace share the responsibility of using their prestigious platforms to uphold fundamental scientific and democratic values. They are uniquely positioned to champion humanist science, reinforcing its importance for scholars, students, and civil societies worldwide. Since the 1950s, around 90% of Nobel Prize laureates in scientific fields have either been US citizens or have studied and worked at Ivy League research institutions.

    While some US scientists are contesting actions of the Trump administration in court, academics worldwide should stand in solidarity with their American colleagues in resisting the erosion of science. To strengthen their efforts, they require the support of the Nobel Prize Committees.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI: THSYU: The Secure & High-Speed Crypto Exchange Taking France by Storm

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    DENVER, March 07, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — THSYU, the bold new cryptocurrency exchange, has unleashed a global call-to-action with its ambassador program, drawing crypto pioneers, tech enthusiasts, and visionary investors from every corner of the planet. Offering jaw-dropping token incentives, tiered rewards, and exclusive partnership perks, THSYU isn’t just a platform—it’s a movement. This is your chance to shape the future of crypto finance, and THSYU is proving it’s all-in on rewriting the rules of the game.

    A Fortress of Trust Meets Rocket-Fueled Innovation
    What powers THSYU’s meteoric rise? An elite squad of blockchain wizards, fintech trailblazers, and cybersecurity titans. This dream team has engineered a platform that’s as impenetrable as a vault and as fast as a lightning strike. With military-grade encryption, multi-layer cold storage, and an AI-driven threat detection system that reacts in milliseconds, THSYU turns the chaos of crypto into a fortress of confidence. Meanwhile, its trading engine—capable of processing 1 million transactions per second—lets users ride every market wave with precision. “It’s like trading on steroids,” said a thrilled Parisian user. “Secure, fast, and unstoppable.”

    France Leads, the World Follows: A Crypto Experience Like No Other
    THSYU isn’t just playing the global game—it’s rewriting it with a France-first flair. Tailored euro trading pairs, French-language support, and seamless integration with local banks make it a homegrown hero for French investors. But the real kicker? THSYU’s commitment to EU regulatory excellence sets a platinum standard that resonates worldwide. From Tokyo to New York, users get a bespoke trading experience that feels personal, secure, and lightning-quick—no matter their timezone. This isn’t just expansion; it’s a global love letter to crypto fans everywhere.

    Powerhouse Partnerships Unlock a World of Wealth
    THSYU isn’t going it alone. By teaming up with top-tier global investment firms, the platform secures the firepower to dominate markets while handing users a golden key to untapped opportunities. Whether you’re a high-rolling trader chasing massive gains or a newcomer testing the waters, THSYU bridges borders and bankrolls dreams. Cross-border trades? Done. Access to elite market resources? Yours. From steady wins in Europe to explosive growth in Asia, THSYU delivers the tools to conquer the crypto frontier.

    Why THSYU Is the Hottest Ticket in 2025
    With Bitcoin’s halving ripples and a global crypto surge heating up, 2025 is primed to be a blockbuster year—and THSYU is stealing the spotlight. France, long a sleeping giant in crypto adoption, now has its wake-up call. THSYU’s unbeatable combo of ironclad security, warp-speed trades, and localized genius positions it as the ultimate launchpad for wealth creation. “This isn’t just a platform—it’s my edge,” said a Lyon-based investor. Will you seize the moment?

    The Future Is Now—Are You In?
    THSYU isn’t waiting for the crypto world to catch up—it’s blazing the trail. With its relentless focus on user empowerment, world-class tech, and strategic alliances, THSYU promises a trading platform that’s safer, faster, and more lucrative than ever before. Every move it makes pulls users closer to the heart of global finance, making them not just players, but pioneers in the new era of crypto wealth. Visit www.thsyu.com today and ignite your future!

    Contact Information:

    Jessica Green
    Chief Operating Officer
    Thsyu CRYPTO GROUP LIMITED
    Address:1670 Broadway, Denver, CO 80202, US
    Email:jessica.green@thsyu.com
    Website: www.thsyu.com

    A photo accompanying this announcement is available at https://www.globenewswire.com/NewsRoom/AttachmentNg/5a5e96c5-6d5d-442a-9b9e-ea29c7fc7188

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Atos launches a reverse stock split

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Press release

    Atos launches a reverse stock split

    Paris, France – March 7, 2025. – Atos SE (the “Company”) announces the implementation of a reverse stock split of the shares comprising its share capital, through the exchange of 10,000 old shares of €0.0001 par value for 1 new share of €1.00 par value.

    Given the number of Atos shares issued during the capital increases carried out as part of the Company’s accelerated safeguard plan and the low share value, the reverse stock split aims to restore a normal number of shares, reduce share price volatility and support a new stock market dynamic.

    The reverse stock split is a purely technical exchange transaction with no direct impact on the total value of the Company’s shares held by each shareholder.

    For example, for a shareholder holding 30,000 shares before the operation:

      Before the reverse stock split

    (until April 23, 2025)

    After the reverse stock split

    (from April 24, 2025)

    Number of shares 30,000 3
    Indicative value of the share (1) €0.0049 €49
    Portfolio value (2) €147 €147

    (1)Value at the close of trading on March 6, 2025.
    (2)Excluding price fluctuations.

    Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ) relating to the reverse stock split are available on the Company’s website in the “Investors” section.

    Main terms and conditions of the reverse stock split

    Following delegation of powers by the shareholders’ combined General Meeting of January 31, 2025 (29th resolution), the Board of Directors, at its meeting on March 6, 2025, decided on the terms and conditions of the reverse stock split, which are detailed below.

    • Start date of the reverse stock split operations: March 25, 2025.
    • Effective date of the reverse stock split: April 24, 2025.
    • Basis of the reverse stock split: exchange of 10,000 ordinary shares with a par value of 0.0001 euro each for 1 new share with a par value of 1 euro and current dividend rights.
    • Number of old shares subject to the reverse stock split: 190,229,952,668 shares with a par value of 0.0001 euro.1
    • Number of new shares to be issued as a result of the reverse stock split: 19,022,995 shares with a par value of 1 euro.1
    • Exchange period: 30 days from the start date of the reverse stock split, i.e. from March 25 (inclusive) to April 23, 2025 (inclusive).
    • Whole shares: the conversion of old shares into new shares will be carried out automatically (procédure d’office).
    • Fractional shares: shareholders who do not hold a number of old shares corresponding to a whole number of new shares must personally purchase or sell fractional old shares, in order to obtain a multiple of 10,000 until April 23, 2025 inclusive.

    After this period, shareholders who have not been able to obtain a number of shares that is a multiple of 10,000 will be compensated by their financial intermediary in accordance with Articles L. 228-6-1 and R. 228-12 of the French Commercial Code and market practice.

    Old shares that have not been consolidated will be delisted at the end of the reverse stock split period.

    • Rights attached to the shares: the new shares will carry immediate voting rights. At the end of the reverse split period, shares that have not been consolidated will lose their voting rights and will no longer be included in the calculation of the quorum, and their rights to future dividends will be suspended.
    • Centralization: all transactions relating to the reverse stock split will be carried out by Société Générale Securities Services, 32 rue du Champ de Tir, CS 30812, 44308 Nantes Cedex 3, appointed as agent for the centralization of reverse stock split transactions.

    Pursuant to Articles L. 228-6-1 and R. 228-12 of the French Commercial Code and in accordance with the decision of the Board of Directors held on March 6, 2025, at the end of a period of thirty days from March 25, 2025, the new shares that could not be allocated individually and correspond to fractional rights will be sold on the stock market by the account holders, and the proceeds of the sale will be allocated in proportion to the fractional rights of each rights holder.

    The old shares subject to the reverse stock split will be admitted to trading on the Euronext regulated market in Paris under ISIN code FR0000051732, until the last day of trading on April 23, 2025. The new shares resulting from the reverse stock split will be admitted to trading on the Euronext regulated market in Paris from April 24, 2025, the first day of trading, under ISIN code FR001400X2S4.

    • Suspension of the exercise of securities giving access to the share capital: the exercise of share subscription warrants issued by the Company (the “BSA”) is suspended from March 17, 2025 to April 27, 2025 (inclusive).
    • Adjustment of the exercise parity for BSA and free share allocation rights: following the reverse stock split, the BSA exercise parity and free share allocation rights under the Company’s current free share allocation plans will be adjusted to take account of the reverse stock split, in accordance with the terms and conditions applicable to each of the instruments concerned.

    A notice of reverse stock split and suspension of the right to exercise share subscription warrants will be published in the Bulletin des Annonces Légales Obligatoires (BALO) on March 10, 2025.

    Reverse stock split indicative timetable

    March 10, 2025 Publication of the notice of reverse stock split in the BALO and of the notice of suspension of share subscription warrants (BSA)
    March 17, 2025 Start of the period of suspension of exercise of the BSA
    March 25 to April 23, 2025 Exchange period: shareholders can buy and sell shares to manage fractional shares
    From March 26, 2025 Suspension of DSS (Deferred Settlement Service) for old shares
    April 23, 2025 Last day of the exchange period and last trading day for old shares
    April 24, 2025 Effective date of the reverse stock split and first day of trading of the new shares
    April 24 to May 25, 2025 Compensation period for shareholders with fractional rights through their financial intermediaries
    April 28, 2025 Restart of the period of suspension of exercise of the BSA

    ***

    About Atos

    Atos is a global leader in digital transformation with c. 78,000 employees and annual revenue of c. €10 billion. European number one in cybersecurity, cloud and high-performance computing, the Group provides tailored end-to-end solutions for all industries in 68 countries. A pioneer in decarbonization services and products, Atos is committed to a secure and decarbonized digital for its clients. Atos is a SE (Societas Europaea), and listed on Euronext Paris.

    The purpose of Atos is to help design the future of the information space. Its expertise and services support the development of knowledge, education and research in a multicultural approach and contribute to the development of scientific and technological excellence. Across the world, the Group enables its customers and employees, and members of societies at large to live, work and develop sustainably, in a safe and secure information space.

    Contacts

    Investor relations: David Pierre-Kahn | investors@atos.net | +33 6 28 51 45 96
    Sofiane El Amri | investors@atos.net | +33 6 29 34 85 67
    Individual shareholders: +33 8 05 65 00 75
    Press contact: globalprteam@atos.net


    1 The number of shares resulting from the reverse stock split may be adjusted in the event that holders of securities giving access to the share capital exercise their rights outside the period of suspension of their right to do so. The definitive number of shares resulting from the reverse split will be recorded by the Board of Directors or by the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer at the end of the reverse split.

    Attachment

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-Evening Report: The EU will spend billions more on defence. It’s a powerful statement – but won’t do much for Ukraine

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jessica Genauer, Senior Lecturer in International Relations, Flinders University

    On March 3, US President Donald Trump paused all US military aid to Ukraine. This move was apparently triggered by a heated exchange a few days earlier between Trump, Vice President JD Vance and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in the Oval Office.

    In response, European Union leaders have now committed to rearm Europe by mobilising €800 billion (about A$1.4 trillion) in defence spending.

    26 of the EU leaders (excluding Hungary) signed an agreement that peace for Ukraine must be accompanied by “robust and credible” security guarantees.

    They agreed there can be no negotiations on Ukraine without Ukraine’s participation. It was also agreed the EU will continue to provide regular military and non-military support to Ukraine.

    This jump in defence spending is unprecedented for the EU, with 2024 spending hitting a previous record high of €326 billion (A$558 billion).

    At the same time, the United Kingdom has committed to the biggest increase in defence spending since the Cold War.

    The EU’s united front will create strong defences and deter a direct attack on EU nations.

    However, for Ukraine, it will not lead to a military victory in its war with Russia. While Europe has stepped up funding, this is not sufficient for Ukraine to defeat Russian forces currently occupying about 20% of the country.

    For Ukraine, the withdrawal of US support will severely strain their ability to keep fighting. Ukraine will likely need to find a way to freeze the conflict this year. This may mean a temporary truce that does not formally cede Ukrainian territory to Russia.

    A Trumpian worldview

    The vastly different approaches of the US under Trump and the EU point to a deeper ideological divide.

    While the Trump administration has acted more quickly and assertively in foreign affairs than many expected, its approach is not surprising.

    Since Trump won the US presidential election in November last year, Europe and Ukraine have known that a shift in US policy would be on the cards.

    Trump’s approach to Ukraine is not only about economic concerns and withdrawing US military aid. It is about a deeper, more significant clash of worldviews.

    Trump (and, it appears, his core support base) hold a “great power politics” approach to world affairs.

    This approach assumes we live in a competitive world where countries are motivated to maximise gains and dominate. Outcomes can be achieved through punishments or rewards.

    Countries with greater military or economic strength “count” more. They are expected to impose their will on weaker countries. This viewpoint underpinned much of the colonial activity of the 19th and 20th centuries.

    This worldview expects conflict – and it expects stronger countries to “win”.

    Consistent with Trump’s outlook, Russia is a regional power that has the “right” to control smaller countries in its neighbourhood.

    Trump’s approach to Ukraine is not an anomaly. Nor is it a temporary and spontaneous measure to grab the global spotlight.

    Trump’s worldview leads to the logical and consistent conclusion that Russia will seek to control countries within its sphere of influence.

    Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine represented an attempt to impose its will on a militarily weaker country that it considered to be in its rightful domain of control.

    The EU alternative

    Contrary to this view, the EU is founded on the premise that countries can work together for mutual gains through collaboration and consensus. This approach underpins the operation of what are called the Bretton Woods Institutions created in the aftermath of World War II.

    This worldview expects collaboration rather than conflict. Mutually beneficial and cooperative solutions are found through dialogue and negotiation.

    According to this perspective, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is about a conflict between the values of a liberal democracy and those of an oppressive authoritarian regime.

    Zelensky has himself consistently framed the conflict as being about a clash of values: freedom and democracy versus authoritarianism and control.

    A mix of both?

    Since Trump’s second inauguration, European leaders have presented a united front, motivated by facing a world where US military backing cannot be guaranteed.

    However, there is internal division within European countries. Recent years has seen a sharp rise in anti-EU sentiment within EU member states. The UK’s exit from the EU is an example of this phenomenon.

    EU leaders previously followed a path of cooperation with Russia, with limited success. Following Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, France and Germany helped mediate the Minsk Agreements. These agreements, signed in 2014 and 2015, were designed to prevent further incursions by Russian-backed groups into Ukrainian sovereign territory.

    This did not prevent Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

    In an emerging new world order, leadership might require going beyond the seeming contradiction of a focus on military strength or cooperation. Leaders may need to integrate both.

    Jessica Genauer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. The EU will spend billions more on defence. It’s a powerful statement – but won’t do much for Ukraine – https://theconversation.com/the-eu-will-spend-billions-more-on-defence-its-a-powerful-statement-but-wont-do-much-for-ukraine-251710

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: Jonathan Cook: Yes, Trump is vulgar. But the US global shakedown is the same one as ever

    Report by Dr David Robie – Café Pacific.

    ANALYSIS: By Jonathan Cook

    If there is one thing we can thank US President Donald Trump for, it is this: he has decisively stripped away the ridiculous notion, long cultivated by Western media, that the United States is a benign global policeman enforcing a “rules-based order”.

    Washington is better understood as the head of a gangster empire, embracing 800 military bases around the world. Since the end of the Cold War, it has been aggressively seeking “global full-spectrum domination”, as the Pentagon doctrine politely terms it.

    You either pay fealty to the Don or you get dumped in the river. Last Friday, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was presented with a pair of designer concrete boots at the White House.

    The US president looked like a gangster as he roughed up Zelensky. But he wasn’t the one who stoked a war that’s killed huge numbers of Ukrainians and Russians. Image: www.jonathan-cook.net

    The innovation was that it all happened in front of the Western press corps, in the Oval Office, rather than in a back room, out of sight. It made for great television, Trump crowed.

    Pundits have been quick to reassure us that the shouting match was some kind of weird Trumpian thing. As though being inhospitable to state leaders, and disrespectful to the countries they head, is unique to this administration.

    Take just the example of Iraq. The administration of Bill Clinton thought it “worth it” – as his secretary of state, Madeleine Albright, infamously put it — to kill an estimated half a million Iraqi children by imposing draconian sanctions through the 1990s.

    Under Clinton’s successor, George W Bush, the US then waged an illegal war in 2003, on entirely phoney grounds, that killed around half a million Iraqis, according to post-war estimates, and made four million homeless.

    Those worrying about the White House publicly humiliating Zelensky might be better advised to save their concern for the hundreds of thousands of mostly Ukrainian and Russian men killed or wounded fighting an entirely unnecessary war — one, as we shall see, Washington carefully engineered through Nato over the preceding two decades.

    Henchman Zelensky
    All those casualties served the same goal as they did in Iraq: to remind the world who is boss.

    Uniquely, Western publics don’t understand this simple point because they live inside a disinformation bubble, created for them by the Western establishment media.

    Henry Kissinger, the long-time steward of US foreign policy, famously said: “It may be dangerous to be America’s enemy, but to be America’s friend is fatal.”

    Zelensky just found that out the hard way. Gangster empires are just as fickle as the gangsters we know from Hollywood movies. Under the previous Joe Biden administration, Zelensky had been recruited as a henchman to do Washington’s bidding on Moscow’s doorstep.

    The background — the one Western media have kept largely out of view — is that, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US tore up treaties crucial to reassuring Russia of Nato’s good intent.

    Viewed from Moscow, and given Washington’s track record, Nato’s European security umbrella must have looked more like preparation for an ambush.

    Keen though Trump now is to rewrite history and cast himself as peacemaker, he was central to the escalating tensions that led to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

    In 2019, he unilaterally withdrew from the 1987 Treaty on Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces. That opened the door to the US launching a potential first strike on Russia, using missiles stationed in nearby Nato members Romania and Poland.

    He also sent Javelin anti-tank weapons to Ukraine, a move avoided by his predecessor, Barack Obama, for fear it would be seen as provocative.

    Repeatedly, Nato vowed to bring Ukraine into its fold, despite Russia’s warnings that the step was viewed as an existential threat, that Moscow could not allow Washington to place missiles on its border, any more than the US accepted Soviet missiles stationed in Cuba back in the early 1960s.

    Washington pressed ahead anyway, even assisting in a colour revolution-style coup in 2014 against the elected government in Kyiv, whose crime was being a little too sympathetic to Moscow.

    With the country in crisis, Zelensky was himself elected by Ukrainians as a peace candidate, there to end a brutal civil war — sparked by that coup — between anti-Russian, “nationalistic” forces in the country’s west and ethnic Russian populations in the east. The Ukrainian President soon broke that promise.

    Trump has accused Zelensky of being a “dictator”. But if he is, it is only because Washington wanted him that way, ignoring the wishes of the majority of Ukrainians.

    Reddest of red lines
    Zelensky’s job was to play a game of chicken with Moscow. The assumption was that the US would win whatever the outcome.

    Either Russian President Vladimir Putin’s bluff would be called. Ukraine would be welcomed into Nato, becoming the most forward of the alliance’s forward bases against Russia, allowing nuclear-armed ballistic missiles to be stationed minutes from Moscow.

    Or Putin would finally make good on his years of threats to invade his neighbour to stop Nato crossing the reddest of red lines he had set over Ukraine.

    Washington could then cry “self-defence” on Ukraine’s behalf, and ludicrously fearmonger Western publics about Putin eyeing Poland, Germany, France and Britain next.

    Those were the pretexts for arming Kyiv to the hilt, rather than seeking a rapid peace deal. And so began a proxy war of attrition against Russia, using Ukrainian men as cannon fodder.

    The aim was to wear Russia down militarily and economically, and bring about Putin’s overthrow.

    Zelensky did precisely what was demanded of him. When he appeared to waver early on, and considered signing a peace deal with Moscow, Britain’s prime minister of the time, Boris Johnson, was dispatched with a message from Washington: keep fighting.

    That is the same Boris Johnson who now breezily admits that the West is fighting a “proxy war” against Russia.

    His comments have generated precisely no controversy. That is particularly strange, given that critics who pointed this very obvious fact out three years ago were instantly denounced for spreading “Putin disinformation” and Kremlin “talking points”.

    For his obedience, Zelensky was feted a hero, the defender of Europe against Russian imperialism. His every “demand” — demands that originated in Washington — was met.

    Ukraine has received at least $250 billion worth of guns, tanks, fighter jets, training for his troops, Western intelligence on Russia, and other forms of aid.

    Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian and Russian men have paid with their lives — as have the families they leave behind.

    Mafia etiquette
    Now the old Don in Washington is gone. The new Don has decided Zelensky has been an expensive failure. Russia isn’t lethally wounded. It’s stronger than ever. Time for a new strategy.

    Zelensky, still imagining he was Washington’s favourite henchman, arrived at the Oval Office only to be taught a harsh lesson in mafia etiquette.

    Trump is spinning his stab in the back as a “peace agreement”. And in some sense, it is. Rightly, Trump has concluded that Russia has won — unless the West is ready to fight World War III and risk a potential nuclear war.

    Trump has faced up to the reality of the situation, even if Zelensky and Europe are still struggling to.


    Trump’s overt ‘genocidal’ warning over Gaza.   Video: TRT World News

    But his plan for Ukraine is actually just a variation of his other peace plan — the one for Gaza. There he wants to ethnically cleanse the Palestinian population and, on the bodies of the enclave’s many thousands of dead children, build the “Riviera of the Middle East” — or “Trump Gaza” as it is being called in a surreal video he shared on social media.

    Similarly, Trump now sees Ukraine not as a military battlefield but as an economic one where, through clever deal-making, he can leverage riches for himself and his billionaire pals.

    He has put a gun to Zelensky and Europe’s head. Make a deal with Russia to end the war, or you are on your own against a far superior military power. See if the Europeans can help you without a supply of Washington’s weapons.

    Not surprisingly, Zelensky, Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer and French President Emmanuel Macron huddled together at the weekend to find a deal that would appease Trump. All Starmer has revealed so far is that the plan will “stop the fighting”.

    That is a good thing. But the fighting could have been stopped, and should have been stopped, three years ago.

    Money, not peace
    It is deeply unwise to be lulled into tribalism by all this — the very tribalism Western elites seek to cultivate among their publics to keep us treating international affairs no differently from a high-stakes football match.

    No one here has behaved, or is behaving, honourably.

    A ceasefire in Ukraine is not about peace. It’s about money, just as the earlier war was. As all wars are, ultimately.

    An acceptable ceasefire for Trump, as well as for Putin, will involve a carve-up of Ukraine’s goodies. Rare earth minerals, land, agricultural production will be the real currency driving the agreement.

    Zelensky now understands this. He knows that he, and the people of Ukraine, have been scammed. That is what tends to happen when you cosy up to the mafia.

    If anyone doubts Washington’s insincerity over Ukraine, look to Palestine for clarity.

    In his earlier presidency, Trump tried to bring about what he termed the peace “deal of the century” whose centrepiece was the annexation of much of the Occupied West Bank.

    The hope was that the Gulf states would ultimately fund an incentivisation programme — the carrot to Israel’s stick — to encourage Palestinians to make a new life in a giant, purpose-built industrial zone in Sinai, next to Gaza.

    That plan is still simmering away in the background. At the weekend, Israel received a green light from Washington to revive its genocidal starvation of Gaza’s population, after Israel refused to negotiate the second phase of the original ceasefire agreement.

    The Trump administration and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu are now spinning their own bad faith as Hamas “rejectionism”.

    They and the echo chamber that is the Western media are blaming the Palestinian group for refusing to be gulled into an “extension” of what was never more than a phoney ceasefire — Israel’s fire never ceased. Israel wants all the hostages back, without having to leave Gaza, so that Hamas has no leverage to stop Israel reviving the full genocide.

    The people of Gaza are still being fed into the Washington mafia’s meatgrinder, just as the Ukrainian people have been.

    Trump wants them out of the way so he can develop a Mediterranean playground for the rich, paid for with Gulf oil money and the so-far untapped natural gas reserves just off Gaza’s coast.

    Unlike his predecessors, Trump doesn’t pretend that Ukraine and Gaza are anything more than geostrategic real estate for Washington.

    The big shakedown
    Zelensky’s shakedown did not come out of the blue. Trump and his officials had been flagging it well in advance.

    Two weeks ago, the industrial correspondent for Britain’s Daily Telegraph wrote an article headlined “Here’s why Trump wants to make Ukraine a US economic colony”.

    Trump’s team believes that Ukraine may have rare-earth minerals under the ground worth some $15 trillion — a treasure trove that will be critical to the development of the next generation of technology.

    In their view, controlling the exploration and extraction of those minerals will be as important as control over the Middle East’s oil reserves was more than a century ago.

    And most important of all, the US wants China, its chief economic — if not military — rival excluded from the plunder. China currently has an effective monopoly on many of these critical minerals.

    Or as the Telegraph puts it, Ukraine’s “minerals offer a tantalising promise: the ability for the US to break its dependence on Chinese supplies of critical minerals that go into everything from wind turbines to iPhones and stealth fighter jets”.

    A draft of the plan seen by the Telegraph would, in its words, “amount to the US economic colonisation of Ukraine, in legal perpetuity”.

    Washington wants first refusal on all deposits within the country.

    At their Oval Office confrontation, Trump reiterated this goal: “So we’re going to be using that [Ukraine’s rare earth minerals], taking it, using it for all of the things we do, including AI, and including weapons, and the military. And it’s really going to very much satisfy our needs.”

    All of this means that Trump has a keen incentive to get the war finished as quickly as possible, and Russia’s territorial advance halted. The more territory Moscow seizes, the less territory is left for the US to plunder.

    Self-sabotage
    The battle against China over rare-earth minerals isn’t a Trump innovation either — and adds an additional layer of context for why Washington and Nato have been so keen over the past two decades to prise Ukraine away from Russia.

    Last summer, a Congressional select committee on competition with China announced the formation of a working group to counter Beijing’s “dominance of critical minerals”.

    The chairman of the committee, John Moolenaar, noted that the current US dependence on China for these minerals “would quickly become an existential vulnerability in the event of a conflict”.

    Another committee member, Rob Wittman, observed: “Dominance over global supply chains for critical mineral and rare earth elements is the next stage of great power competition.”

    What Trump appears to appreciate is that Nato’s proxy war against Russia in Ukraine has, by default, driven Moscow deeper into Beijing’s embrace. It has been self-sabotage on a grand scale.

    Together, China and Russia are a formidable opponent, and one at the centre of the ever-growing Brics group — comprised of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. They have been seeking to expand their alliance by adding emerging powers to become a counterweight to Washington and Nato’s bullying global agenda.

    But a deal with Putin over Ukraine would provide an opportunity for Washington to build a new security architecture in Europe — one more useful to the US — that places Russia inside the tent rather than outside it.

    That would leave China isolated — a long-time Pentagon goal.

    And it would also leave Europe less central to the projection of US power, which is why European leaders — led by Keir Starmer — have been looking and sounding so unnerved over the past few weeks.

    The danger is that Trump’s “peacemaking” in Ukraine simply becomes a prelude to the fomenting of a war against China, using Taiwan as the pretext in the same way Ukraine was used against Russia.

    As Moolenaar implied, US control over critical minerals — in Ukraine and elsewhere — would ensure the US was no longer vulnerable in the event of a war with China to losing access to the minerals it would need to continue the war. It would free Washington’s hand.

    Trump may be behaving in a vulgar manner. But the gangster empire he now heads is conducting the same global shakedown as ever.

    Jonathan Cook is an award-winning British journalist. He was based in Nazareth, Israel, for 20 years and returned to the UK in 2021. He is the author of three books on the Israel-Palestine conflict, including Disappearing Palestine: Israel’s Experiments in Human Despair (2008). In 2011, Cook was awarded the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism for his work on Palestine and Israel. This article was first published in Middle East Eye and is republished with the author’s permission.

    This article was first published on Café Pacific.

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI China: Russia warns of NATO involvement

    Source: China State Council Information Office 3

    Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov speaks during his annual press conference in Moscow, Russia, on Jan. 14, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

    Russia would view the potential deployment of European troops to Ukraine as direct NATO involvement in the conflict, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said on Thursday.

    Lavrov called the move a “direct, official and undisguised involvement of NATO countries in a war against the Russian Federation” and warned that the presence of such forces in Ukraine would be unacceptable to Moscow.

    The remarks came after French President Emmanuel Macron announced Wednesday that he would consider sending European troops to Ukraine to enforce a peace deal, although he said the troops would not engage in frontline combat.

    “This is a threat to Russia,” said Lavrov, adding that Moscow sees “no room for compromise” on the issue of deploying European forces to Ukraine.

    “This discussion is being conducted with an openly hostile objective,” he said.

    The foreign minister added that suspending U.S. military aid to Ukraine could help end the conflict quickly.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: Russia warns of NATO involvement as Macron pushes for truce in Ukraine

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    Russia would view the potential deployment of European troops to Ukraine as direct NATO involvement in the conflict, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said on Thursday.

    Lavrov called the move a “direct, official and undisguised involvement of NATO countries in a war against the Russian Federation” and warned that the presence of such forces in Ukraine would be unacceptable to Moscow.

    The remarks came after French President Emmanuel Macron announced Wednesday that he would consider sending European troops to Ukraine to enforce a peace deal, although he said the troops would not engage in frontline combat.

    “This is a threat to Russia,” said Lavrov, adding that Moscow sees “no room for compromise” on the issue of deploying European forces to Ukraine.

    “This discussion is being conducted with an openly hostile objective,” he said.

    The foreign minister added that suspending U.S. military aid to Ukraine could help end the conflict quickly. 

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: “Ukraine has a right to peace and security, and it is in our interest”

    Source: France-Diplomatie – Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Development

    President Emmanuel Macron addresses the French people from the Élysée Palace (March 5, 2025)

    Men and women of France, my fellow citizens,

    I am speaking to you this evening because of the international situation and its consequences for France and Europe, following several weeks of diplomatic activity.

    You are rightfully concerned by the historic events under way that are disrupting the world order.

    The war in Ukraine, which has killed or injured nearly a million people, is continuing at the same level of intensity.

    The United States of America, our ally, has changed its position on this war, lessening its support for Ukraine and raising doubts about what is to come. At the same time, the United States intends to impose tariffs on products from Europe.

    Meanwhile, the world continues to be ever more violent, and the terrorist threat has not lessened.

    All in all, our prosperity and our security have become increasingly uncertain. Clearly, we are entering a new era.

    The war in Ukraine has gone on for more than three years now. We decided on day one to support Ukraine and to sanction Russia, and it was the right thing to do, because not only are the Ukrainian people bravely fighting for their freedom, but our own security is under threat as well.

    Indeed, if a country can invade its European neighbor with impunity, we can no longer be certain of anything. Might makes right and peace can no longer be guaranteed on our own continent. History has taught us this.

    The Russian threat goes beyond Ukraine and affects every country in Europe. It affects us.

    Russia has already made the Ukrainian conflict a global conflict. It has deployed North Korean soldiers and Iranian equipment on our continent, while helping those countries to further rearm. President Putin’s Russia violates our borders to murder his opponents and manipulates elections in Romania and Moldova. It organizes digital attacks against our hospitals to keep them from functioning. Russia is attempting to manipulate our opinions, spreading lies on social media. Basically, it is testing our limits in the air, on the seas, in space and behind our screens. Its aggressiveness seems to know no bounds. At the same time, Russia is continuing to rearm, spending more than 40% of its budget for that purpose. By 2030, it plans to have further expanded its army – to have an additional 300,000 troops, 3,000 tanks and 300 fighter planes. So how believable is it, then, that today’s Russia will stop at Ukraine? Russia has become a threat to France and Europe now and for years to come. I deeply regret it and I am convinced that in the long term, peace will return to our continent, with a once-again peaceable and peaceful Russia, but this is where we are today and we have to deal with it.

    In this world fraught with danger, it would be madness to stand back and watch from the sidelines. We must make decisions about Ukraine and about the security of the French people and the people of Europe without further delay.

    About Ukraine, first of all. All initiatives that help bring about peace are a step in the right direction, and I want to applaud them this evening. We must continue helping the Ukrainians to resist until they can negotiate a deal with Russia that ensures a solid peace for themselves and for all of us. That’s why we can’t abandon Ukraine on the road to peace – on the contrary. A peace deal can’t be signed at any price on orders from Russia. Peace can’t mean Ukraine’s capitulation. It can’t mean its collapse. Nor can it come about through a ceasefire, which would be too fragile. Why? Because once again, we’ve learned from the past. We can’t forget that Russia began its invasion of Ukraine in 2014, that we negotiated a ceasefire in Minsk, that Russia did not abide by that ceasefire and that we were unable to maintain it due to a lack of solid guarantees. We can no longer take Russia at its word.

    Ukraine has a right to peace and security, and it is in our interest – the interest of European security. It is with this in mind that we are working with our British and German friends, as well as several other European countries. That’s why over the past few weeks, you saw me bring together several of them in Paris, and that’s why I met with them again a few days ago in London, to solidify the necessary commitments to Ukraine. Once a peace deal has been signed, ensuring that Ukraine will not be invaded again by Russia, we have to prepare for it. That will most certainly require long-term support for the Ukrainian army. It may also involve the deployment of European forces. They wouldn’t immediately go off to fight – they wouldn’t be fighting on the front lines – but they would be there once a peace deal is signed in order to ensure full compliance. Next week, the joint chiefs of the countries that wish to shoulder their responsibilities in this regard will meet in Paris. What we prepared together with the Ukrainians and several European partners is a plan for a solid, lasting, verifiable peace. It’s the plan I championed in the United States two weeks ago, and around Europe. I want to believe that the United States will stand with us, but we must be ready if that’s not the case.

    Whether or not peace is achieved quickly in Ukraine, the European nations must be able to better defend themselves and to deter any new aggression, given the Russian threat I just described. Yes, whatever happens, we must be better equipped; we must improve our defense posture for the sake of peace and for the purpose of deterrence. In that regard, we remain committed to NATO and to our partnership with the United States, but we must do more – we must increase our independence in the areas of security and defense. Europe’s future cannot be decided in Washington or Moscow. And yes, the threat is back in the East, and the innocence, as it were, of the last 30 years, since the fall of the Berlin Wall, is now a thing of the past.

    In Brussels tomorrow, at the extraordinary meeting with the 27 heads of state and government, the Commission and the Council President, we will take decisive steps. We will make several decisions that France has been proposing for years. Member states will be able to increase their military spending without adding to their deficit. We will decide on large-scale, joint funding for the purchase and production in Europe of ammunition, tanks, weapons and some of the most innovative equipment that exists. I have asked my administration to work to make sure that this strengthens our military as quickly as possible and accelerates the reindustrialization of every region in France. I will be holding a meeting with the relevant ministers and industry representatives in the coming days.

    Now, the Europe of Defense that we have been championing for eight years has become a reality. That means European countries that are better able to defend and protect themselves, that work together to produce the equipment that they need in their own countries, and that are willing to cooperate more and reduce their dependence on the rest of the world, and that’s a good thing. Germany, Poland, Denmark, the Baltic states and many other partners of ours have announced plans for unprecedented military spending.

    Now, at this long-awaited time for action, France is in a unique position. We have the most effective military in Europe and, thanks to the decisions made by our predecessors after World War II, we possess nuclear deterrence capabilities. That affords us much better protection than a number of our neighbors. Moreover, we didn’t wait for the invasion of Ukraine to understand that the world was in trouble, and, thanks to the two military programming laws that I put forth, which were passed by two successive Parliaments, our military budget will have doubled over close to ten years. However, given the way that threats are evolving and in light of the acceleration I just described, we will need to make new budgetary decisions and additional, henceforward essential investments.

    I have asked my administration to get to work on this as quickly as possible. These new investments will require us to mobilize both private and public funding without raising taxes. To achieve this, we will need reforms, choices and courage.

    Our nuclear deterrence protects us. It is thorough, sovereign and French from start to finish. Since 1964, it has played a clear role in the preservation of peace and security in Europe. However, in response to the historic call sounded by the future Chancellor of Germany, I decided to launch a strategic debate on using our deterrence to protect our allies on the European continent. Whatever happens, that decision has always been, and will always be, up to the President and Commander in Chief of France.

    In order to control our destiny and increase our independence, we must step up our military efforts, as well as our economic efforts. Economic, technological, industrial and financial independence are critical. We must be prepared for the United States to impose tariffs on European goods, just as they confirmed they are doing with Canada and Mexico. This decision, which is just as incomprehensible for the U.S. economy as it is for our own, will bear consequences for some of our sectors. It makes these times more difficult but we will not let these tariffs go unanswered. Therefore, as we prepare to respond with our European colleagues, as I did two weeks ago, we will continue trying to convince them by every means possible that this decision will hurt us all. And yes, I hope that I can convince and dissuade the President of the United States of America.

    In sum, this time calls for decisions that have no precedent going back for many decades. When it comes to our agriculture, our research, our industrial sector, and all of our public policies, we cannot keep having the same debates as before. That is why I asked the Prime Minister and his cabinet to make proposals in light of this new context. I invite all the political, economic and union representatives of France to do the same. Tomorrow’s solutions cannot be yesterday’s habits.

    My fellow citizens,

    Faced with these challenges and these irreversible changes, we must not give in to any form of excess: neither excessive warmongering, nor excessive defeatism. France will follow only one course: that of the desire for peace and freedom, true to its history and its principles. Yes, that is what we believe in for our security, and that is also what we believe in when it comes to defending democracy, a certain idea of the truth, a certain idea of free research, a certain idea of respect in our society, a certain idea of freedom of expression that eschews hate speech, and a certain idea of humanism. That is what we believe in and that is what is at stake. Our Europe has the economic strength, the power and the talent to rise to meet our time. We have the means to hold our own in comparison with the United States of America and, to an even greater extent, Russia. Therefore, we must take action, united as Europeans and determined to protect ourselves. That is why our country needs you and your commitment. Political decisions, military equipment and budgets are important, but they can never replace a nation’s strength of character. No longer will our generation enjoy the peace dividends. It is up to us to ensure that one day, our children will enjoy the dividends of our efforts.

    So we will face this together.

    Vive la République.

    Vive la France

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: General Assembly Debates Russian Federation’s Security Council Veto of European Amendments Seeking ‘Just’ Peace in Ukraine Based on United Nations Charter

    Source: United Nations General Assembly and Security Council

    The General Assembly today addressed what many delegations decried as “misuse” of the Security Council veto by the Russian Federation on 24 February — the third anniversary of its aggression against Ukraine.

    On that day, Moscow vetoed two of the three European proposals seeking to align the United States-authored draft resolution with the Charter of the United Nations.  The two amendments — one inserting a reference to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and another adding a reference to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine in line with the UN Charter — garnered 9 and 11 votes in favour, respectively, but were not adopted due to the negative votes cast by the Russian Federation.  The other amendment seeking to insert a reference to Moscow’s “full-scale invasion” of Ukraine failed to obtain enough votes to pass.  In the end, the text tabled by the United States was adopted as resolution 2774 (2025) by a vote of 10 in favour to none against, with 5 abstentions (Denmark, France, Greece, Slovenia, United Kingdom), without any amendments.

    Opening today’s plenary, Philémon Yang (Cameroon), President of the General Assembly, expressed regret over another meeting pursuant to A/RES/76/262 following the casting of the veto by a permanent member of the Council — noting that the frequency of vetoes has continued to rise since 2022.  Affirming that Council and Assembly efforts must be complementary, he noted that, while the Veto initiative demonstrates improvement in the United Nations’ capacity to address matters of international security, “we could do more”.  Calling for the Assembly to reflect on how the outcomes of deliberations on the Veto initiative can be more binding.

    He recalled that, at the eleventh Emergency Special Session on 24 February, the Assembly adopted two resolutions:  “Advancing a Comprehensive, Just and Lasting Peace in Ukraine” and “The Path to Peace”, reaffirming its unwavering commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders.

    In the ensuing debate, the Russian Federation’s representative recalled the Security Council meeting on 24 February and welcomed the adoption of the United States’ text “as a step in the right direction”.  The change of approach in Washington, D.C., following President Donald J. Trump’s inauguration, caught “European pseudo-peacekeepers off guard”.  Allies of the Kyiv regime have been consistently putting forward anti-Russian Federation draft resolutions with no bearing on reality.  Member States should not just choose Charter principles that are more to their taste, he said, as it is not a “restaurant menu”.  The Kyiv regimes’ non-compliance with the Charter caused the Ukraine conflict, he stated.

    However, Ukraine’s delegate stressed that the Russian Federation’s behaviour in the Council following its aggression against her country “is the most vivid example of how detrimental the misuse of the veto could be”.  The Russian Federation vetoed all draft resolutions that the Council attempted to adopt in response to its aggression against Ukraine since 2014. Amendments would have reaffirmed the commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, while the resolution lacks classification of the war as an act of aggression by one Member State against another.  Use of the veto should be restricted when a permanent member is directly involved in the conflict under consideration and therefore cannot be expected to exercise its voting rights and privileges in an impartial manner.  “Nobody wants peace more than Ukrainians, but peace must be real, not just a word,” she stressed.

    Throughout the debate, the Assembly heard a chorus of European voices condemning Russian Federation’s actions in the Council. “Let it be clear, Russia is abusing its veto power to block references to the principle of territorial integrity,” said a representative of the European Union, in its capacity as observer, also citing a second veto obstructing a call for a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in line with the UN Charter.  The Russian Federation has bombed Ukraine cities daily as part of its unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression.  “Russia is undermining the core principles of our multilateral system,” she stated, adding:  “We cannot accept an equivalence between the aggressor and the victim of aggression.”

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: With Yemen Poised for Renewed Conflict, Insufficient Aid and Environmental Crisis, Security Council Hears Political Process, Humanitarian Funding Urgently Needed

    Source: United Nations General Assembly and Security Council

    “Numbers in My Next Briefings Will Be Worse,” Says Emergency Relief Coordinator

    Fear of Yemen plunging back into widespread conflict is “palpable”, the United Nations’ top official in that country told the Security Council today, calling on the parties to refrain from military posturing and instead agree on a nationwide ceasefire.

    “I see and hear the deep frustration of the Yemeni people who continue to bear the heavy burden of a decade of war” and whose grinding hardship “only deepens”, said Hans Grundberg, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Yemen.  He added that gross domestic product (GDP) per capita has more than halved, the Yemeni rial in Government-controlled areas has fallen by 50 per cent in the last year and poverty has surged across the country.

    Even though large-scale ground operations have not resumed since the UN-mediated truce was implemented in April 2022, he reported that military activity continues.  On that, he voiced concern over recent reports of shelling, drone attacks, infiltration attempts and mobilization campaigns recently witnessed in Ma’rib, Al Jawf, Shabwa and Ta’iz.  Relatedly, he warned against a rise in rhetoric from the parties, who are pre-positioning themselves publicly for military confrontation.  Words, intent and signals matter, and “escalatory discourse can have real consequences”, he added.

    Stressing that his team remains “undeterred” amid enormous challenges, he highlighted its recent, relentless engagement with both Yemeni and international stakeholders.  To settle the conflict, the parties must agree on a nationwide ceasefire and a mechanism to implement it.  Furthermore, he underlined the need for a political process that includes “a broad spectrum of Yemenis that will allow this conflict to settle once and for all”.

    While welcoming the continued cessation of attacks by Ansar Allah on vessels in the Red Sea and targets in Israel during the last month, he emphasized that “enabling environments for peace can be fragile and fleeting” and “positive developments must be put on a more-permanent footing”.  Reiterating his determination to convene the parties at any opportunity to end this decade-long conflict, he stated:  “We owe it to the millions of Yemenis not to waver or falter in our determination on this.”

    “I am not here to defend programmes, spreadsheets and institutions, but people,” said Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator.  Severe funding cuts are a “body blow”, he stressed.  Humanitarian coordinators are analysing where to make dramatic cuts, as well as “the implications of the tough choices we are making on which lives not to save”, he added.  On the United States’ designation of the Houthis as a foreign terrorist organization, he said that it is vital to ensure civilians in Yemen have access to essential food and medicine — whether through commercial or humanitarian channels.

    Continuing, he observed that 9.6 million women and girls in Yemen are in severe need of life-saving humanitarian assistance, while 1.5 million girls remain out of school — preventing them from breaking cycles of discrimination.  “As your funding for Yemen evaporates, the numbers in my next briefings will be worse,” he warned, adding that more women will die and more will be forced into survival sex, begging, coerced prostitution, human trafficking and selling their children.  And yet, he noted, women remain on the frontlines of survival and recovery — 40 per cent of the Yemen Humanitarian Fund goes to women-led organizations, most of which are local.

    Also briefing the Council today was Nesmah M. Ali, civil-society representative from the Peace Track Initiative, who said that Yemen’s myriad crises have weakened State institutions, collapsed social protection systems and created multidimensional insecurities.  Recalling that she was forced to leave her hometown in 2020, she stated:  “I am a migrant of conflict and climate change.”  The war has devastated Yemen’s environment, she said, adding that attacks on oil refineries and ports, landmines in fields and coastal areas and destruction of power stations and water systems have left that country in ruins.

    And climate change is deepening Yemen’s crisis, she stressed, as floods displace landmines, complicate demining actions and exacerbate pre-war intertribal conflicts over scarce resources.  While women are disproportionately affected by climate change and more vulnerable to natural disasters, their stories of determination — “amid vanishing fish, ruined crops and deferred dreams” — highlight their unwavering strength, and she urged the Council to prioritize the impact of climate change and conflict on gender equality.

    Council Members Condemn Detentions

    In the ensuing discussion, many Council members condemned the ongoing detention by the Houthis — officially known as Ansar Allah — of UN personnel and the tragic death of a World Food Programme (WFP) staff member in their captivity.

    Among them was Panama’s delegate, who called for the immediate and unconditional release of all humanitarian and diplomatic personnel, as well as respect for their fundamental human rights.  The representative of France urged the Houthis to end all threats and disinformation campaigns against humanitarian actors.  Picking up that thread, the United Kingdom’s delegate expressed support for the UN’s decision to pause humanitarian operations in Saada, describing this pause as “a direct consequence” of the Houthi threat undermining the security and safety of aid workers.

    United States Designates Houthis as Terrorist Organization, Others Urge Dialogue

    The representative of the United States said that her country is taking concrete steps to eliminate the Houthis’ capabilities by designating them as a foreign terrorist organization and using targeted sanctions to deprive them of illicit revenues.  “Our sanctions seek to preserve space for legitimate activities that support Yemenis living in Houthi-controlled territory who bear no responsibility for the Houthis’ malign actions,” she stressed.  Washington, D.C., will also take steps to stop Iran’s support for Houthi terrorism, and she added:  “We will take action against the Houthis should they resume their reckless attacks in the Red Sea and surrounding waterways and on Israel.”

    However, her counterpart from the Russian Federation called on the United States Government to reconsider its decision to designate Ansar Allah as a terrorist organization, stressing that “openly antagonising one of the key sides to the conflict will do no good”.  The voices of all political forces must be considered, and the ineffective logic of maximum pressure abandoned, he stressed, drawing attention to Moscow’s proposal to create a framework for collective security in the Persian Gulf.

    Pakistan’s delegate also emphasized the critical role of dialogue, highlighting regional initiatives led by Saudi Arabia and Oman.  He also noted that there have been no new attacks on commercial shipping since the onset of the ceasefire in Gaza.  “While we unequivocally condemn such attacks,” he added that it is crucial to acknowledge that “the absence of the attacks coincides with the maintenance of the ceasefire in Gaza”. 

    While also welcoming the pause in attacks in the Red Sea and on Israel, the representative of the Republic of Korea voiced concern over the Houthis’ “repeatedly declared” readiness to resume such attacks if the hard-won ceasefire and hostage deal in Gaza breaks down.  “This is simply unacceptable,” he asserted.

    Speakers Underline Nexus between Conflict and Environment

    On the fragile situation on the ground, the speaker for Greece said that “the risk of military escalation has not eclipsed”.  As a historic seafaring nation, Greece supports the freedom of navigation and is committed to safeguarding maritime security in the region.  Highlighting the interconnectedness of climate, peace and security, he said that the FSO Safer and the Greek-flagged MV Sounion cases demonstrated the conflict’s environmental and humanitarian consequences.

    The convergence of prolonged conflict, environmental degradation and climate change has created a perfect storm of crises in Yemen, echoed Denmark’s delegate, Council President for March, speaking in her national capacity.  As the world’s third-most vulnerable country to climate change, Yemen is highly affected by climate-induced disasters, she observed, urging the Council to ensure that climate considerations are integrated into peacebuilding strategies, local mediation efforts and a future peace settlement process.

    Also highlighting the impact of climate change and conflict on food and water insecurity, the representative of Slovenia — whose country is a founding member of the Global Alliance to Spare Water from Armed Conflicts — called for the protection and development of water resources and infrastructure in Yemen.  “We strongly believe that water issues can be an entry point for grassroots dialogue and mutual understanding between parties, as well as empowering women,” he added. 

    Painting a grim picture of the dire humanitarian situation in Yemen, Sierra Leone’s delegate — who also spoke for Algeria, Guyana and Somalia — called for increased support for the 2025 Humanitarian Response Plan. “Despite shrinking aid budgets, we recognize the tireless efforts of humanitarian organizations and their personnel to meet the urgent needs of the Yemeni people,” he said.  China’s representative also urged States to increase humanitarian assistance and prioritize food security, emphasizing that “a political solution is a fundamental way out of the Yemeni issue”.

    Yemen’s Speaker Urges Aid Organizations Relocate to Aden

    As the conflict enters its eleventh year, the Yemeni people aspire to peace, said that country’s representative. However, these aspirations could not materialize due to the destructive approach of Iran-backed Houthi militias who rejected all efforts to that end, he said, welcoming the United States’ designation of the Houthis as a terrorist organization.  He underscored the importance of strategic partnerships to support the Government’s efforts to end the coup, restore State institutions and extend State authority over all Yemeni soil. 

    He further stressed that, despite the economic, humanitarian, social and institutional challenges caused by the war, the Government is making “tremendous efforts” to address currency depreciation and unemployment.  Condemning the ongoing detention of international personnel, he cautioned that the militias “will not stop their blackmailing of the international community”.  Accordingly, he urged the UN and other international organizations to transfer their headquarters to Aden, the temporary capital.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth Greets the United Kingdom’s Secretary of State for Defence John Healey and Takes Questions From the Press

    Source: United States Department of Defense

    SECRETARY OF DEFENSE PETE HEGSETH: Well, Mr. Secretary, your entire delegation, welcome to the Pentagon. It’s great to see you. It was wonderful to meet you the first time in Brussels, and have some great interactions about our mutual interest, no doubt. And your prime minister, it was a privilege to meet him as well. He was here last week. Our nations, as you know, share a long and special relationship. Stronger today than ever before. I experienced that firsthand myself, as many of our generation has, on the battlefield, shoulder-to-shoulder with British troops in Afghanistan. I know how capable they are, how tough they are, and how close our bond is as brothers across the Atlantic, full stop.

    And so we are grateful for oh the many years that we have stood by each other’s side. And at the same, we are in the middle of a dynamic security environment, where on that continent, President Trump is calling on our European allies to take the lead, and you have done just that, sir. In fact, you chaired the first meeting of the Ukraine defense contact group that I had a pleasure to speak to. That was your first time as chair, and you’ll continue to it. And that’s, again, the United Kingdom stepping up.

    And then, once again, when your prime minister was here, you called me, we had a chance to speak briefly about the increase in defense spending that the U.K. is undertaking. So U.K. leadership is absolutely critical, and we very much appreciate it. We want to work together to achieve peace and security in Europe by working to bring an end to the war in Ukraine, building sustainable deterrence on the continent, and then increasing our allied capabilities and interoperability.

    And European leadership of NATO, led by the U.K., led by others, is, we believe, the future of defense on the continent, ensuring we provide a peaceful future for your kids and my kids and your grandkids and my grandkids. That’s ultimately what it’s about. I also want to thank the British people for the warm support they give to US forces stationed in the U.K. as well. It’s a long-standing relationship that we are very grateful for. So, you’re true allies, longtime friends. We’re new friends, but we’re getting there, and fellow warriors, so thank you very much for being here, Mr. Secretary.

    SECRETARY OF STATE FOR DEFENCE JOHN HEALEY: Mr. Secretary, thank you for such a warm welcome and such warm words. It’s great to be back in Washington, and it’s good to see you again. We last met last month in NATO, and then you challenged Europe to step up. You challenged us to step up on Ukraine, on defense spending, on European security. And I say to you that we have, we are, and we will further. And last week, the British prime minister announced the biggest increase in defense spending since the end of the Cold War, and we will go further.

    You also asked the U.K. to step up on leadership on Ukraine alongside the U.S., and indeed, you were with me when we had the 46 nations round the table at a week’s notice at the Ukraine Contact Group. Our meeting today follows very good discussions between President Trump and Prime Minister Starmer a week ago today, in which they both pledged to work together, our nations would work together to secure lasting peace in Ukraine. And we have a chance today to discuss the progress on that path to peace, with the opportunity that President Trump has created now since the 20th of January.

    When your president and my prime minister met last week, your president also said that the U.K. and the U.S. have a relationship like no other, and I think for me, that was exemplified last night at the British Embassy, when we were able to lay on a party to celebrate the 250th birthday of the U.S. Marine Corps. And for more than a century, your U.S. Marines and our Royal Marines have trained together. They fought together, and too often they’ve died together, defending the values that our two free nations share.

    And Pete, as you say, you know that from your own experience and your own service. And in many ways, for me, they embody the sort of warrior force that both you and I as defense secretaries are dedicated in our roles to strengthen because we know that we have to strengthen together with allies, deterrence in the face of rising threats.

    And finally, if I may, you’ve spoken about the deep bond between our two nations, and I’d say to you, I’m here today to strengthen that defense and security bond between our two nations. It’s needed now more than ever in this new era that we must face together. So thank you for receiving us and thank you for welcoming our delegation and I look forward to the discussions ahead.

    SECRETARY HEGSETH: And to that, I say, amen. Thank you. Appreciate you being here. If it’s OK, we’ll take a few questions for either myself or the secretary.

    Pentagon Press Secretary John Ullyot : We’ll take two from the U.S. press, and we’ll take two from the British press. Go with the U.S.

    Q: Mr. Secretary, you have said that Europe needs to do more to contribute to defense. Is a security guarantee of troops from France and the U.K. enough for Ukraine?

    SECRETARY HEGSETH: I think it’s been very encouraging to watch our friends in the U.K. and in France step up to say they are prepared to take the lead to ensure an enduring peace in Ukraine. What the president has also said time and time again is, let’s not get ahead of ourselves. Let’s get both sides to the table. Let’s get a commitment to peace, and that is what President Trump is actively doing, both with the Russians and Vladimir Putin and also the Ukrainians and Zelenskyy. So, there will be…in order to maintain enduring peace, there’s a security aspect to it. The U.K. and France have pledged, along with others, to be the core part of that, there will be other aspects that are part of further terms of the negotiation.

    Mr. Ullyot: British press. Go ahead.

    Q: Mr. Secretary, there are reports that a negotiating team will be going to Saudi Arabia next week. Given a renewed push for peace, will you reconsider resupplying Ukraine with weapons, or have the taps been turned off permanently?

    SECRETARY HEGSETH: As the president has pointed out, it is a pause. Exactly what he said from the beginning, pause pending a true commitment to a path to peace. The president is paying a very keen eye to precisely what the Ukrainians are saying and doing about committing to that peace process, and we’re very encouraged by the signs we’re seeing. Ultimately, he will make the determination, but it is a pause for now.

    Q: Thank you.

    Mr. Ullyot: U.S. press.

    Q: Missy Ryan, Washington Post. Secretary Healey, a question for you. Obviously, you both have referenced this strong, historic relationship. At the same time, what does it mean for the U.K. that its closest ally is now voicing the same narrative that Russia is voicing, vis a vis the war in Ukraine and seeming to align itself more closely with Russia versus what it has done in the past?

    SECRETARY HEALEY: Look, first of all, I don’t believe as members of government and decision takers, we’re the people to comment on every twist and turn in this process. I’m fixed on the historic opportunity the president has created to bring a lasting and secure peace to Ukraine. That’s what he and my prime minister dedicated themselves to do last week. And you’ve seen since then, the British prime minister pulled together in London, leaders of 18 nations to discuss the detail of a path to peace. And the president also has asked Europe to step up, and we are.

    The U.K. is ready to take on a leadership in that task. You saw that from Keir Starmer at the weekend, in the way that he is pulling the parties together, ensuring that we take Ukraine with us and that we work closely alongside the United States. And it’s the detail of those discussions which are rightly behind the scenes that the defense secretary and I will now pursue this afternoon.

    Mr. Ullyot: Last question from Danielle with the U.K. press.

    Q: Yeah. Thank you so much. Danielle [inaudible] Daily Telegraph. This is for both secretaries. What’s the plan if the Ukrainian Front line falls apart in the next couple of days? Does Britain, Europe have permission to intervene and help? And secondly, if I may, does Britain have the ability to use its nuclear deterrent by itself?

    SECRETARY HEALEY: Nobody who has been to Ukraine, who has talked with Ukraine, who has worked with the Ukrainian leaders, or met the Ukrainian servicemen and women, or the civilians, believe that they will not fight, nor do I or the prime minister doubt that as President Zelenskyy has said, they are ready to sign the important economic deal with the U.S. They are ready for a ceasefire. They want the guarantees and the security that must follow to ensure that they will not again face Russian invasion and Russian aggression. But they, like we, are willing to work to make the most of this unique opportunity that we now have, and that’s a responsibility on all of us. And that is very clear from our prime minister. It’s clear from the president. It’s also clear from President Zelenskyy, too.

    And as far as your question about nuclear, it is a question that it will be unthinkable and unprecedented for any defense secretary or any government to start commenting on or speculating on.

    SECRETARY HEGSETH: We are watching, obviously very closely, the front line of troops. I mean, our chairman our defense department, of course, we monitor that very closely. But ultimately, we’re interested in creating the conditions for peace. I mean, to the previous question from the Washington Post, the press is interested in narratives. Our president is interested in peace. So, we will get characterized one way or another, oh, your stance is pro Russia or pro…it’s all garbage. The president got elected to bring peace in this conflict, and he is working with both sides in a way that only President Trump can. Let’s be clear, only President Trump can, to bring them to the table to end the killing. And I can tell you from being behind the scenes, he is laser-focused on making that happen, and we’re closer today than we’ve ever been because of his leadership. Thank you very much.

    Mr. Ullyot: Thank you very much, press.

    MIL OSI USA News