Category: Germany

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: National Supercomputing Mission

    Source: Government of India

    National Supercomputing Mission

    Powering India’s Future with Indigenous High-Performance Computing

    Posted On: 28 APR 2025 6:00PM by PIB Delhi

     

    “India’s mantra is Atmanirbharta through research, Science for Self-Reliance.”

    – Prime Minister Narendra Modi

     

    Introduction

    The National Supercomputing Mission (NSM) is a flagship initiative by the Government of India to empower the country with high-performance computing (HPC) capabilities. Launched in 2015, the mission aims to enhance India’s technological prowess in supercomputing, foster research and development (R&D), and support scientific advancements across academia, industry, and government sectors.

    The Mission envisages empowering our national academic and R&D institutions spread over the country by installing supercomputers of various capacities. Access to these supercomputers is provided through the National Knowledge Network (NKN). The NKN is another program of the government which connects academic institutions and R&D labs over a high-speed network.

    Academic and R&D institutions as well as key user departments/ministries would participate by using these facilities and develop applications of national relevance. The Mission also includes development of highly professional High-Performance Computing (HPC) aware human resource for meeting challenges of development of these applications. HRD activities in this area are steered through five training centres at Pune, Kharagpur, Chennai, Palakkad, and Goa to expand the awareness and familiarization of supercomputing with college students and researchers.

     

    Current Status & Achievements

     

    Under NSM, as of March 2025, a total of 34 supercomputers with a combined compute capacity of 35 Petaflops, have been deployed across various academic institutions, research organizations, and R&D labs, including prominent institutions like IISc, IITs, C-DAC, and other institutions from Tier-II and Tier III cities of the country under NSM. The supercomputing systems commissioned under NSM have achieved an overall utilization rate of over 85%, with many systems exceeding 95%, demonstrating a high level of usage and efficiency in their computational capacity

    The contribution of these supercomputing systems to the Research and Development (R&D) sector has been highly impactful, facilitating over 10,000 researchers, including more than 1,700 PhD scholars from over 200 academic institutions and R&D labs across the country. These supercomputing systems have supported research in critical domains such as Drug Discovery, Disaster Management, Energy Security, Climate Modeling, Astronomical Research, Computational Chemistry, Fluid Dynamics, and Material Research. NSM has created opportunities for researchers from Tier II and Tier III cities to conduct research by providing access to state-of-the-art supercomputing facilities. These researchers have completed over 1 crore compute jobs and published more than 1,500 papers in leading national and international journals. Additionally, more than 22,000 individuals have been trained in HPC and AI skills. Start-ups and MSMEs are leveraging these supercomputing resources to advance their HPC-driven projects.

     

     

    In parallel, under the NSM, C-DAC has developed the indigenous high-speed communication network, “Trinetra,” to enhance data transfer and communication between computing nodes, strengthening India’s supercomputing capabilities. Trinetra is being implemented in three phases: Trinetra-POC, a proof-of-concept system to validate key concepts; Trinetra-A (100 Gigabits per second), a network with advanced connections, successfully deployed and tested in the 1PF PARAM Rudra at C-DAC Pune; and Trinetra-B (200 Gigabits per second), an upgraded version with improved capabilities, set to be deployed in the upcoming 20PF PARAM Rudra supercomputer at C-DAC Bangalore.

    In 2024, the Prime Minister dedicated three PARAM Rudra supercomputers to the young researchers, scientists and engineers of nation facilitating advanced studies in physics, earth sciences, and cosmology. These supercomputers have been deployed in Pune, Delhi and Kolkata to facilitate pioneering scientific research. PARAM Rudra supercomputers are built using indigenously designed and manufactured HPC servers, known as “Rudra”, along with an indigenously developed system software stack. “Rudra” Server is the first of its kind in India which is at par with globally available other HPC class Servers.

    The Government has initiated a project AIRAWAT for providing a common compute platform for AI research and knowledge assimilation. This AI computing infrastructure will be used by all Technology Innovation Hubs, research labs, scientific community, industry, start-ups and institutions under the NKN. The Proof of Concept (PoC) for AIRAWAT will be developed with 200 petaflops mixed precision AI machine which will be scalable to a peak compute of 790 AI petaflops. The AIRAWAT has secured 75th position in Top 500 Global Supercomputing List declared at International Supercomputing Conference (ISC 2023), Germany putting India on top of AI Supercomputing nations worldwide.

    In 2022, Indian Institute of Science (IISc), Bengaluru has installed Param Pravega, one of the most powerful Indian supercomputers. Param Pravega having a supercomputing power of 3.3 petaflops, is the largest supercomputer that has been installed in an Indian academic institution.

    In 2019, the Prime Minister inaugurated National Supercomputing Mission’s first indigenously build supercomputer ‘Param Shivay’ at Indian Institute of Technology, BHU, Varanasi.

    In 2024-25, additional ~45 PF of computing infrastructure creation is envisaged using indigenously developed server and technologies.

     

    NSM Infrastructure

    The National Supercomputing Mission aims at achieving the goals of attaining self-reliance in supercomputing, building the culture of using supercomputing for carrying out R&D and problem-solving in various domains of scientific and technological endeavours, and designing solutions for various societal applications, and positioning the supercomputing ecosystem in the country at a globally competitive level. The systems and facilities created as part of the infrastructure under this mission are divided into three phases: Phase I, Phase II, and Phase III.

    Phase 1: This phase focused on creating a basic supercomputing infrastructure by installing six supercomputers across various institutions, with a significant portion of the components being assembled domestically. The aim was to build an ecosystem for the assembly of system components within the country.

    Phase 2: Building on Phase 1, this phase aimed to move towards indigenous manufacturing of supercomputers, including developing a local software stack. This phase also saw an increase in the value addition from India to 40%.

    Phase 3: This phase focuses on complete indigenization of supercomputing, including the design, development, and manufacturing of key components within India. The plan includes installing supercomputers at various academic and research institutions, as well as establishing a national facility with a high-performance computing capability.

    The Mission is being steered jointly by the Department of Science and Technology (DST) and Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY) and implemented by the Centre for Development of Advanced Computing (C-DAC), Pune and the Indian Institute of Science (IISc), Bengaluru. The Mission implementation would bring supercomputing within the reach of the large scientific & technology community in the country and enable the country with a capacity of solving multi-disciplinary grand challenge problems.

    NSM has planned to expand the number of supercomputers to select institutions including IITs with more compute power including 20 Peta Flop systems. An amount of Rs. 1874 crore has been allocated / utilized to develop and provide the super-computing facility for research and other allied areas. This includes funds for infrastructure creation, undertaking R&D in applied areas, applications, HRD and for mission management.

     

    Strengthening NSM through India Semiconductor Mission (ISM)

     

    The India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) is set to give a big boost to the National Supercomputing Mission (NSM). Supercomputers need powerful parts like processors, memory chips, and special accelerators — all of which are made using advanced semiconductor technology. Until now, India had to rely heavily on imports for these components.

    With ISM, India is focusing on making these high-tech parts right here at home. This will make supercomputers faster, more energy-efficient, and much more affordable. It will also allow India to build supercomputers that are customized for our own scientific and industrial needs. By developing these technologies within the country, ISM will help NSM move closer to its dream of making India self-reliant and a global leader in supercomputing.

     

    Conclusion

     

    The National Supercomputing Mission is a transformative initiative that strengthens India’s position in global supercomputing. By fostering indigenous development, research, and innovation, NSM supports critical sectors and prepares the nation for future technological challenges. With continued investment and strategic deployment, India is poised to become a global leader in High-Performance Computing.

     

    References

    https://nsmindia.in/

    https://ism.gov.in/

    https://pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1666447

    https://pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2081061

    https://pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1800356

    https://dst.gov.in/pm-launches-country-1st-indigenously-build-supercomputer

    https://pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetailm.aspx?PRID=2087506

    https://pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2088268

    https://sansad.in/getFile/loksabhaquestions/annex/184/AU2084_k8K63G.pdf?source=pqals

    https://sansad.in/getFile/annex/267/AU3905_rZLY5P.pdf?source=pqars

    National Supercomputing Mission

    ***

    Santosh Kumar | Sarla Meena | Rishita Aggarwal

    (Release ID: 2124920) Visitor Counter : 42

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Trump is prompting China to change its relationship with the world

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ming Gao, Research Scholar of East Asia Studies, Lund University

    China has spent much of the past two months shoring up friendships both near and far. Two rounds of ministerial meetings with regional rivals Japan and South Korea took place in Tokyo and Seoul at the end of March.

    And earlier in April the red carpet was rolled out for the Spanish prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, for his second visit to Beijing in less than seven months. This came shortly before the Chinese president, Xi Jinping, embarked on his first overseas trip of 2025 – a charm offensive to Vietnam, Malaysia and Cambodia.

    Central to these diplomatic moves is Donald Trump, whose return to the White House has clearly unsettled the boundaries between friend and foe.

    China, Japan and South Korea have historically approached one another with caution. This is a legacy of imperial aggression, unresolved territorial disputes and diverging security alignments with the US.

    But the unpredictability of the Trump administration, which has most recently been demonstrated by the imposition of sweeping trade tariffs, seems to be bringing the three countries closer together.

    At the ministerial meeting in Tokyo in March, their respective governments agreed to extend the tenure of the secretary-general and deputy secretaries of the Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat from two years to three. This still relatively unknown international organisation was established in 2011 in an effort to promote cooperation between the three countries.

    The decision, while seemingly a minor administrative adjustment, symbolises a growing mutual trust between these nations. China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi, has explicitly acknowledged that the extension represents a full endorsement of the organisation’s role. And China has now called on Japan for a coordinated response to US tariffs.

    This renewed momentum in regional cooperation set the stage for Xi’s broader diplomatic offensive through south-east Asia, where China sought to reinforce strategic ties and assert its leadership.

    China rolled out an elaborate diplomatic programme for Xi’s stop in Vietnam. It aimed to reaffirm ideological ties of “comrades and brothers” and counter Hanoi’s recent deepening relations with Washington.

    Following talks with Xi, the general secretary of the Communist party of Vietnam, To Lam, said that his country has always regarded developing relations with China as “a strategic choice and top priority”.

    Malaysia, on the other hand, is one of the earliest supporters of Xi’s signature belt and road initiative. It officially joined the Brics group of emerging economies as a “partner country” in 2025 and currently holds the rotating chairmanship of the Asean group of south-east Asian states. This gives Malaysia a central role in coordinating China’s relations with the bloc.

    During Xi’s visit, the Malaysian prime minister, Anwar Ibrahim, made the alignment between the two countries clear. He stated that Malaysia “stands with China” in the face of US threats. Malaysia is one of China’s main trading partners.

    Cambodia is also considered one Beijing’s most loyal partners in south-east Asia. In May 2024, it even named a road in the capital, Phnom Penh, “Xi Jinping Avenue” to thank China for its contribution to Cambodia’s development.

    The authorities pulled out all the stops for Xi’s latest visit. Cambodia’s king, Norodom Sihamoni, personally greeted Xi at the airport in an unprecedented break from protocol. And the two countries elevated their ties to an “all-weather” partnership, a label signalling that their relationship is resilient to external shifts.

    Relations with Europe

    Sánchez’s April visit to Beijing, meanwhile, marked an important point in relations between China and the EU. Following the ramping up of US tariffs, Xi called for the EU and China to “jointly resist unilateral bullying”. This appears to have resonated in Madrid.

    The Spanish delegation carried a message that Washington’s tariff hikes were “neither fair nor just” and had harmed the EU economy. It also said that Europe must “strengthen unity and coordination to safeguard its own interests”.

    This message appears to be filtering through wider European circles, with some leaders signalling their interest in stabilising ties with Beijing. Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, for example, has engaged in “constructive” discussions with Chinese premier Li Qiang to address potential trade disruptions from US tariffs.

    Yet the EU faces an obvious dilemma: whether to engage China as an alternative economic partner or push back against a likely surge in redirected Chinese exports that would threaten European industries and deepen existing political tensions.

    Spain, for its part, has its own strategic calculations. Sánchez’s return to China highlights Madrid’s interest in positioning itself as the European leader in renewable energy, with Chinese investment expected to play a central role in this transition.

    This helps explain why, when asked about the EU’s tariff policy on China during a press briefing in September 2024, Sánchez remarked that “Europe needs to reconsider this decision”. Spain ultimately chose to abstain in the EU’s vote on imposing tariffs on the Chinese EV industry.

    China’s message to the world is clear. It is a stable partner and a defender of free trade. Whether China can persuade the world to trust its leadership amid deepening geopolitical uncertainty remains an open question.

    Ming Gao receives funding from the Swedish Research Council. This research was produced with support from the Swedish Research Council grant “Moved Apart” (nr. 2022-01864). Ming Gao is a member of Lund University Profile Area: Human Rights.

    ref. How Trump is prompting China to change its relationship with the world – https://theconversation.com/how-trump-is-prompting-china-to-change-its-relationship-with-the-world-253567

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: Energy Secretary Chris Wright Delivers Keynote Remarks at the Three Seas Business Forum in Warsaw, Poland

    Source: US Department of Energy

    WARSAW, POLAND— U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright delivered keynote remarks today at the Inaugural Session of the Three Seas Business Forum. 

    Secretary Wright’s full remarks from the Three Seas Business Forum are below:

    It is a great honor to stand here before you all at the 2025 Three Seas. A truly visionary idea from 10 years ago to unite the proud Central European nations in building infrastructure and investment in pursuit of opportunity and prosperity.

    Eight years ago, President Trump addressed the Three Seas right here in Poland and I will quote his words: “We support your drive for greater prosperity and security. We applaud your initiative to expand infrastructure. And we welcome this historic opportunity to deepen our economic partnership with your region.” 

    I can’t top those words, but I can reiterate them today. The United States stands here in partnership with all of you. We seek to work with you all for much betterment via energy, economic and strategic cooperation. 

    President Trump’s agenda is simple: Prosperity at home and peace abroad. He was elected by the American people to bring back commonsense to Washington and focus on bettering the lives of our citizens and our allies. I am in a room full of allies. Thank you all for that. 

    I thank Poland for hosting this fabulous conference and for inviting me to attend. I thank Poland and its people for its steadfast alliance with the United States that began with our Revolutionary War and continues today, as evidenced by our growing cooperation in LNG and our large-scale partnership in nuclear energy that was highlighted earlier today with a signing ceremony and press conference. 

    This nuclear partnership is strategic and long-lasting. It will grow and scale as we jointly pursue expansions of nuclear deployment in Poland and other countries. I am here to celebrate this emerging nuclear partnership between the United States and Poland, made possible through the tireless efforts of President Duda and Prime Minister Tusk.

    Partnership in energy, if chosen wisely, tends to be very long lasting. The U.S. nuclear relationship with Poland will tightly bind our nations through the next century. I will come back to natural gas and nuclear at the end of my words. 

    This visit is personal to me. I love the Three Seas nations. You have faced grave geopolitical challenges throughout history and have always faced them with courageous resolve. 

    I traveled on my own to Czechoslovakia — yes, that was a country then — and Hungary in 1987. I saw a people struggling under an external yoke and stymied in their pursuit of freedom and prosperity. Yet, I also saw unbowed commitment to our universal values and a yearning for freedom. I engaged in hushed conversations with those that I met. I left with the conclusion that surely this externally imposed suppression cannot last forever. 

    Little did I realize then that it would all come crashing down only two and half years later. Amen. A fork in the road arrived and Central Europe chose freedom and prosperity. 

    As a lifelong energy entrepreneur, please allow me to be blunt regarding another fork in the road. This is a “time for choosing”, to quote the late, great President Ronald Reagan. 

    After the Global Financial Crisis 15 years ago, the major nations of Western Europe — not Central Europe — choose one side of a fork in the road and the U.S. chose the other side. On one side is energy for the sake of human flourishing. Energy that is abundant, secure, affordable and reliable. Energy that comes from innovation and choice. 

    This is the road to economic growth, advancing the interests of our citizens and securing the economic and national security of our nations. A simple realization that energy’s true purpose is to better human lives. Full stop. 

    I testified in the British House of Lords more than a decade ago, urging the U.K. to choose our side of the fork. I failed. 

    The other side of the fork deprives citizens, consumers of choice. It is top-down imposition of mandates for the energy system. This top-down imposition of enforced “climate policies” is justified as necessary to save the world from climate change. 

    Might the causation actually run in the opposite direction? Could it be instead that a desire to grow centralization and re-establish top-down control is best served by climate alarmism? Is it the chicken or the egg? I don’t know.

    But I can say that climate alarmism has clearly reduced energy freedom, and, hence, prosperity and national security across Western Europe. Let me say that again. Climate alarmism has reduced freedom, prosperity, and national security. 

    On the other hand, top-down diktats have not been successful in reducing global greenhouse gas emissions. They have indeed reduced local Western European greenhouse gas emissions. Europe, however, represents only 8% of global emissions and this impoverishing energy model is unlikely to spread globally because the emissions reductions are mainly due to two highly undesirable factors: 

    First, as Germany and the U.K. have both illustrated, an expensive and unreliable energy system drives industry and economic activity out of national borders and towards other nations with more rational energy policies. Moving industry from your nation and to another nation. Is that success? I suggest it is not. 

    Second, we have seen that more expensive energy imposes on citizens an economic necessity to reduce energy consumption and shrink families spending power, which limits a nation’s citizens’ pursuit of hopes and dreams. 

    Germany has more than doubled its electricity generation capacity over the last 15 years, yet German electricity production today is 20% below where it was 15 years ago. And each unit of electricity has tripled in cost. Is that success?

    Let me illustrate my point via a macroeconomic comparison of the EU and the U.S. over the last 15 years since the fork in the road. 

    In 2010, the U.S. and the EU each represented roughly 25% of global consumption. Today, U.S. consumption has risen to 28% of global consumption and EU consumption has declined to only 18% in dollar terms. This data is from 2023, but I have not seen any recent reversal of this trend. 

    Surely many things are responsible for this dramatic divergence. It is my belief that diverging energy pathways has been the largest driver of economic outcomes. Affordable, reliable, secure energy is essential to economic prosperity and national security.

    The previous U.S. administration worked hard to move the United States onto that same fork. The fork with mandated, top-down, expensive, unreliable energy that would drive de-industrialization of America. The American people rejected this pathway after seeing the ruinous toll that lay down that road. Instead, they re-elected President Trump to bring back freedom and prosperity. 

    Before I conclude let me say a few more words about climate change. I have been engaged in the climate discussion for over 20 years, mostly in the areas of physical science and economics.

    Unfortunately, most of the climate action we hear today in the media has been in the politics and social science areas of climate change. I urge a little more focus on the science and economics. I believe that might help drive a more balanced and beneficial approach. 

    While climate change is a real physical phenomenon, nothing in the data indicates that climate change is even close to the world’s most urgent problem. In fact, the clarion conclusion from economic studies of climate change is that Net Zero 2050 is absolutely the wrong goal. Not only is it unachievable, but the blind pursuit of it will cause, is causing, far more human damage than climate change itself. 

    Over two billion people today still lack access to basic energy services like clean cooking fuels. Millions annually die from indoor air pollution from burning wood and dung indoors. More than half of humanity is still living their lives in hand washed cloths still not utilizing the enormous time-saving and women-liberating benefits of washing machines.

    Today, folks struggling to pay their bills while aspiring to live highly energized lifestyles like you and I is a far bigger global challenge than climate change. Energy access is far too important to get wrong. 

    Only a billion people live the highly energized lifestyles of the people in this room traveling to conferences, having custom controls on our temperatures, turning off our cooking stoves when we want, driving around in motorized transport or riding in motorized transport. Seven billion people only aspire to what we have. Fulfilling their energy aspirations is the energy challenge of our time. 

    For my friends tightly focused on climate change, no nation has reduced greenhouse gas emissions more than the United States. While the U.S. gets a little more than 80% of our energy from hydrocarbons, Germany still gets 74%. A little difference. Not a lot. Although the difference in human opportunity through energy cost and availability is a lot. 

    It turns out to be very hard to transform energy systems. Decarbonization will likely take generations. Only time and innovation will deliver the low-carbon affordable, reliable secure energy that will gain widespread adoption.

    The two biggest “climate solutions” in the coming decades are the same as they were in the last two decades, natural gas and nuclear, for the simple reason that they work. They supply affordable, reliable, secure energy. 

    Central Europe faces a time for choosing. You all have a long history of choosing freedom and sovereignty for your citizens. 

    We warmly welcome you to join us on Team Energy Freedom and prosperity for citizens. President Trump’s agenda of prosperity at home and peace abroad is a team sport! God bless you all.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Secretary General welcomes German Federal President to NATO to mark 70 years of Germany’s membership in the Alliance

    Source: NATO

    On Monday (28 April 2025), NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte welcomed the President of the Federal Republic of Germany Frank-Walter Steinmeier to NATO to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the Federal Republic of Germany’s accession to NATO. Mr Steinmeier was accompanied by the Acting Minister of Defence Boris Pistorius.

    The Secretary General and the German Federal President laid a wreath together at the NATO headquarters in Brussels and held bilateral talks. Mr Rutte emphasised that a strong Germany matters for Europe’s security and for global stability, “with troops along the eastern part of the Alliance, jets patrolling the Baltic skies, and ships protecting key supply lines and critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. Germany is also the largest European contributor of military aid to Ukraine,” he said.

    This year Germany marks 70 years of membership in NATO, an anniversary that reflects its deep commitment to peace, security and international cooperation. Since becoming NATO’s 15th member in 1955, just a decade after the Second World War, Germany has undergone a remarkable transformation from a divided, war-torn nation to one of NATO’s leading members. It stands as a symbol of how former adversaries can become pillars of peace through shared values and collective defence. 

    Following the ceremony at the NATO headquarters, the German Federal President met with Philippe, King of the Belgians, at the Palace of Laeken.  

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Europe: OSCE supports Ukraine in fighting illicit trafficking of firearms and explosives

    Source: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe – OSCE

    Headline: OSCE supports Ukraine in fighting illicit trafficking of firearms and explosives

    Panellists at an expert roundtable on preventing and combating illicit trafficking of weapons, ammunition and explosives (WAE) in Ukraine, Kyiv, 25 April 2025. (OSCE) Photo details

    The OSCE, in partnership with Ukraine’s Ministry of Interior, convened an expert roundtable to discuss various aspects of preventing and combating illicit trafficking of weapons, ammunition and explosives (WAE) in Ukraine on 25 April.
    The roundtable focused on the development of Ukraine’s national control system over firearms, which is a permit-based system that streamlines proper storage and adherence to public carry restrictions of civilian firearms. More than 50 representatives of Ukrainian law enforcement sector, parliament and international organizations that provide subject matter support to Ukraine attended the event held in Kyiv.
    “Counteracting the illicit trafficking of weapons cannot be postponed to later – our joint actions today define safety and security of our communities tomorrow. Even during the war, we introduce systemic solutions for better tracing and thus control over firearms, which is a unique experience by itself,” said Ihor Klymenko, Ukraine’s Minister of Interior in his opening address.
    Reflecting on the threats illicit weapons currently pose in Ukraine, the participants shared their thoughts on appropriate response measures, such as improving national legislation on firearms, strengthening inter-agency co-ordination, implementing awareness raising campaigns, as well as enhancing capabilities of Ukraine’s law enforcement agencies in detection and investigation of illicit WAE. How to work closely with the Ukrainian society in curbing illicit circulation of firearms in the country was also discussed.
    “The recently launched mechanism for voluntary declaration of unregistered weapons and further digitalization of this process is a tangible step of the Ukrainian government towards reducing the risks of gun violence in Ukraine. Understanding deep trauma caused by the war and people’s natural desire of self-protection, it is important to build trustful relations between competent authorities and the population against illicit possession of firearms,” said Petr Mareš, the Special Representative of the OSCE Chairpersonship – Project Co-ordinator in Ukraine.
    The crucial role of the international support and synergy among all assistance providers on combating illicit WAE and affiliated threats in Ukraine was emphasized to ensure tailored address for Ukraine’s needs. Shawn DeCaluwe, Deputy Director of the OSCE Conflict Prevention Centre highlighted the OSCE’s role in providing training, specialized equipment and a platform for regular co-ordination among the organizations supporting Ukraine’s efforts in combating illicit WAE.
    The event was held as part of the OSCE extrabudgetary project “In support of strengthening the capacities of Ukrainian authorities in preventing and combating illicit trafficking of weapons, ammunition and explosives in all its aspects”, financed by the European Union, Finland, France, Germany, Slovakia and Poland.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Winning hearts and power: how Mali’s military regime gained popular support

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Morten Bøås, Research Professor, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs

    Mali’s interim president, Colonel d’Armée Assimi Goïta, who came to power in a coup on 18 August 2020, enjoys remarkably strong public support. Survey data from pan-African research network Afrobarometer and the Mali-Métre survey, run by Germany’s Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung since 2012, indicate high levels of satisfaction with junta rule. In the 2024 Mali-Métre, nine out of ten respondents considered the country to be moving in the right direction.

    Yet economic conditions are worsening for Malians. In a recent analysis the World Bank pointed out that the junta was finding it difficult to deliver services amid sluggish growth, high inflation and extreme poverty.

    That Malians still seem to be very satisfied with their leader needs some explanation.

    In a recent paper, we draw on our extensive fieldwork experience in Mali. We argue that Goïta has crafted a new social contract based on a strongman narrative, portraying himself as Mali’s defender. The regime has used dissatisfaction with international interventions to frame Goïta as an “exceptional man” in “exceptional times”, in ways that resonate with Malian myths and traditions.

    We show how the regime’s new social contract is based not on public services but on the idea of Goïta as Mali’s defender and liberator. In this way, the regime has established a social bond with the population that places dignity above all.

    A new social bond

    In 2012, Mali experienced a severe crisis triggered by a separatist rebellion in the northern regions of the country. Jihadist insurgent groups took over the rebellion, leading to a military coup. International interventions followed. The regional grouping Ecowas, the UN and France made efforts to restore security, stability and peace.

    But the deployment of 5,000 French troops and 15,000 UN peacekeepers failed to prevent a deterioration in security.

    At the same time, Mali’s democratic institutions failed to restore territorial control and address corruption and poverty, despite regular elections being held.

    Mass protests calling for the resignation of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta paved the way for the 2020 military takeover.

    These failures offered the junta a rich repertoire to draw on for its own legitimacy. With Goïta came a new narrative, not about liberal state-building and development, but about restoring Malian sovereignty and dignity.

    These ideas are conveyed through speeches at forums like the UN general assembly and public addresses shared through the media, along with an organised network of online influencers.

    Public debates about fighting the forces of neocolonialism and reclaiming sovereignty predate the junta. The regime has harnessed these sentiments. It contrasts decades of indignity, weakness, and dependence on France with a glorified vision of Mali’s ancient past.

    Popular protest movements such as Yerewolo Debout sur le Remparts have long done the same.

    Now, so the narrative goes, Goïta has emerged as a hero capable of leading his people towards a new age in which Mali is treated with respect.

    This framing has rekindled the legacy of Thomas Sankara, the late military leader of Burkina Faso (1983–1987). Often dubbed Africa’s Che Guevara, Sankara was a charismatic revolutionary known for his passionate speeches, bold stance against corruption, and efforts to challenge former colonial powers. He was assassinated in a coup in 1987, but his legacy continues to inspire young Africans.

    Regime figures, particularly foreign minister Abdoulaye Diop, often refer to legends and historical narratives as part of this myth-making:

    According to recent survey data from the Mali-Mètre, 70% of Malians identified combating insecurity as their highest priority. This indicates how many Malians feel they face a threat similar to the one that existed when the Malinke people pleaded with Sunjata to be their saviour.

    Thus, in an environment of chaos, war, confusion and despair, a hunter-warrior hero is needed. This agent can not only save society, but re-set it in an orderly and just manner, bringing dignity to his people if they undergo the necessary sacrifices.

    This story requires a villain. Finding culprits in Mali was not difficult. All it required was harnessing of social frustrations already directed against France and other external forces failing to combat insurgents and restore security.

    A unifying enemy

    As shown by Afrobarometer and Mali-Mètre, many Malians, as poor and destitute as they may be, take comfort from the regime’s confrontations with and – as it is presented to them – victories over such formidable adversaries as France and the UN.

    With nearly 60% of its population under the age of 25, Mali is one of the youngest countries in the world. The Malian case shows a youthful African population that is desperate for social change and willing to endure hardship to reach their promised land.

    The current political landscape in Mali, and in neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger where conditions are similar, is an invitation to reconsider local agency. Citizens actively and rationally respond to their political contexts. Writing off people as ignorant or stupid will not advance understanding of the new political terrain.

    Our journal article is part of a forthcoming special issue in the Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding.

    – Winning hearts and power: how Mali’s military regime gained popular support
    – https://theconversation.com/winning-hearts-and-power-how-malis-military-regime-gained-popular-support-254518

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Global: Winning hearts and power: how Mali’s military regime gained popular support

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Morten Bøås, Research Professor, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs

    Mali’s interim president, Colonel d’Armée Assimi Goïta, who came to power in a coup on 18 August 2020, enjoys remarkably strong public support. Survey data from pan-African research network Afrobarometer and the Mali-Métre survey, run by Germany’s Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung since 2012, indicate high levels of satisfaction with junta rule. In the 2024 Mali-Métre, nine out of ten respondents considered the country to be moving in the right direction.

    Yet economic conditions are worsening for Malians. In a recent analysis the World Bank pointed out that the junta was finding it difficult to deliver services amid sluggish growth, high inflation and extreme poverty.

    That Malians still seem to be very satisfied with their leader needs some explanation.

    In a recent paper, we draw on our extensive fieldwork experience in Mali. We argue that Goïta has crafted a new social contract based on a strongman narrative, portraying himself as Mali’s defender. The regime has used dissatisfaction with international interventions to frame Goïta as an “exceptional man” in “exceptional times”, in ways that resonate with Malian myths and traditions.

    We show how the regime’s new social contract is based not on public services but on the idea of Goïta as Mali’s defender and liberator. In this way, the regime has established a social bond with the population that places dignity above all.

    A new social bond

    In 2012, Mali experienced a severe crisis triggered by a separatist rebellion in the northern regions of the country. Jihadist insurgent groups took over the rebellion, leading to a military coup. International interventions followed. The regional grouping Ecowas, the UN and France made efforts to restore security, stability and peace.

    But the deployment of 5,000 French troops and 15,000 UN peacekeepers failed to prevent a deterioration in security.

    At the same time, Mali’s democratic institutions failed to restore territorial control and address corruption and poverty, despite regular elections being held.

    Mass protests calling for the resignation of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta paved the way for the 2020 military takeover.

    These failures offered the junta a rich repertoire to draw on for its own legitimacy. With Goïta came a new narrative, not about liberal state-building and development, but about restoring Malian sovereignty and dignity.

    These ideas are conveyed through speeches at forums like the UN general assembly and public addresses shared through the media, along with an organised network of online influencers.

    Public debates about fighting the forces of neocolonialism and reclaiming sovereignty predate the junta. The regime has harnessed these sentiments. It contrasts decades of indignity, weakness, and dependence on France with a glorified vision of Mali’s ancient past.

    Popular protest movements such as Yerewolo Debout sur le Remparts have long done the same.

    Now, so the narrative goes, Goïta has emerged as a hero capable of leading his people towards a new age in which Mali is treated with respect.

    This framing has rekindled the legacy of Thomas Sankara, the late military leader of Burkina Faso (1983–1987). Often dubbed Africa’s Che Guevara, Sankara was a charismatic revolutionary known for his passionate speeches, bold stance against corruption, and efforts to challenge former colonial powers. He was assassinated in a coup in 1987, but his legacy continues to inspire young Africans.

    Regime figures, particularly foreign minister Abdoulaye Diop, often refer to legends and historical narratives as part of this myth-making:

    According to recent survey data from the Mali-Mètre, 70% of Malians identified combating insecurity as their highest priority. This indicates how many Malians feel they face a threat similar to the one that existed when the Malinke people pleaded with Sunjata to be their saviour.

    Thus, in an environment of chaos, war, confusion and despair, a hunter-warrior hero is needed. This agent can not only save society, but re-set it in an orderly and just manner, bringing dignity to his people if they undergo the necessary sacrifices.

    This story requires a villain. Finding culprits in Mali was not difficult. All it required was harnessing of social frustrations already directed against France and other external forces failing to combat insurgents and restore security.

    A unifying enemy

    As shown by Afrobarometer and Mali-Mètre, many Malians, as poor and destitute as they may be, take comfort from the regime’s confrontations with and – as it is presented to them – victories over such formidable adversaries as France and the UN.

    With nearly 60% of its population under the age of 25, Mali is one of the youngest countries in the world. The Malian case shows a youthful African population that is desperate for social change and willing to endure hardship to reach their promised land.

    The current political landscape in Mali, and in neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger where conditions are similar, is an invitation to reconsider local agency. Citizens actively and rationally respond to their political contexts. Writing off people as ignorant or stupid will not advance understanding of the new political terrain.

    Our journal article is part of a forthcoming special issue in the Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding.

    Morten Bøås receives funding for the research that this article is based on from the Research Council of Norway – grant number 325236

    Viljar Haavik receives funding from the Research Council of Norway: Grant Number 325236.

    ref. Winning hearts and power: how Mali’s military regime gained popular support – https://theconversation.com/winning-hearts-and-power-how-malis-military-regime-gained-popular-support-254518

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Italy’s Meloni is positioning herself as bridge between EU and Trump – but will it work?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Julia Khrebtan-Hörhager, Associate Professor of Critical Cultural & International Studies, Colorado State University

    Italy Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni looks to thread a divide. Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images

    Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni recently became the first European leader to visit the United States after President Donald Trump announced a new tariff regime on trading partners, including a 20% levy on imports from the European Union.

    While those tariffs are currently on hold, the ongoing threat of them being enacted provided a telling backdrop for Meloni’s mid-April 2025 visit.

    Controversial and often perceived by critics as calculating, Meloni has walked a tightrope between European Union solidarity and embracing far-right causes since becoming Italy’s prime minister in 2022. She was the only European leader to attend Trump’s inauguration in January 2025 and counts tech titan Elon Musk among her allies.

    In many ways, Meloni reflects Europe’s own identity crisis: a regional power with global ambition. Italy, after all, was a founding pillar of the European Union, hosting the signing of the Treaties of Rome in 1957 establishing the European common market. Yet, for decades, Italy has often stood just outside the core of EU influence, overshadowed by the Franco-German partnership.

    Still, when the moment is right, Italy knows how to wield its leverage, especially as a bridge between clashing camps in Brussels.

    In Washington, Meloni made her pitch to Trump: a tighter ideological alliance over shared disdain for “woke” politics, diversity, equity and inclusion agendas, and lax immigration. She offered a sweetener – more Italian investment in the U.S. as a sop to the transatlantic trade dispute. But she also reiterated her and the EU’s support for Ukraine, a direct contrast to Trump’s skepticism to continued U.S. support in Ukraine’s conflict with Russia.

    In so doing, Meloni has cast herself as someone who can serve both Brussels and Washington without burning bridges on either side. The gamble? That balancing act could backfire. Trump’s demands over trade and increased defense spending by NATO countries force Meloni to choose between appeasing Washington or staying in line with EU norms. Her overtures to Trump risk alienating key European allies who are wary of his disruptive politics.

    In trying to play both sides, she could end up isolated from both – undermining Italy’s credibility and influence on the world stage.

    Italy was a founder member of the European Union, but it is often a third wheel behind Germany and France.
    Simona Granati/Corbis/Corbis via Getty Images

    Meloni as a bridge

    The story of modern Italy has been one of playing off sides.

    During the Cold War, Italy walked a fine line between NATO commitments and accommodating a powerful domestic Communist Party.

    Italy was regularly governed by a series of often fraught center-right coalitions that were forced to navigate fractious politics and quid pro quo political violence between the far right and far left. The center-right Christian Democrats that dominated this period married conservatism at home with a strong pro-European outlook.

    In the first decades after the Cold War ended, Italy continued to carve out its own lane – pushing for leniency on issues like immigration and fiscal rules. The period saw Italy oscillate between pro-European integration and bouts of euroscepticism, with successive governments frequently challenging Brussels over budgetary constraints or border management.

    Meloni’s own rise is deeply rooted in the post-2015 tensions, when Italy – overwhelmed by the Mediterranean migrant crisis – felt abandoned by its European partners. Her party’s hard-line stance on immigration capitalized on public frustration. While she now presents herself as firmly pro-EU, it’s a version of Europe that aligns with her own vision: more secure borders, stronger national sovereignty and less technocratic interference.

    Ironically, as the bloc itself drifts rightward on migration, Meloni’s positions no longer seem so fringe – perhaps allowing her to embrace the EU pragmatically, even as she critiques it ideologically. Meloni’s own background and rise reflect this ambiguity and duality. Emerging from a political movement with fascist roots, she now presents herself as a passionate Europeanist and pacifist while maintaining right-wing positions on immigration and cultural issues.

    Meloni has governed in that fashion: cultivating ties with conservative heavyweights like Trump and right-wing European leaders, pushing back against Brussels on contentious policy issues, but also remaining firmly committed to the European project when it suits her. Especially when the economy is at stake.

    Meloni as pragmatic European

    Meloni’s strongly nationalist rhetoric and right-wing cultural views might appear at odds with the EU’s purpose, but her approach to the continent is highly pragmatic.

    While she regularly critiques EU bureaucracy at home, her government remains the largest recipient of EU recovery funds, securing €191.5 billion (US$218 billion) from the EU’s post-COVID recovery plan program. That critical cash infusion for an aging country with persistently sluggish growth comes with a commitment to enact a series of stringent fiscal reforms and austerity measures by 2026. In addition, Italy continues to benefit from long-standing cohesion and structural funds, particularly the economically struggling south,.

    Meanwhile, Meloni’s support for Ukraine helps her stand apart from pro-Russia voices in her coalition and strengthens Italy’s standing with NATO and the EU. It’s another strategic move that boosts her credibility both at home and abroad. Far from being a fringe player, Italy under Meloni is central to the EU’s narrative of unity, solidarity and survival.

    A spaghetti Western alliance?

    While Meloni reconciles her nationalist views vis-a-vis the supranationalist EU, she has also prioritized selling her idea of Italy on a bilateral basis.

    That has largely focused on a shrewd charm offensive in the U.S., particularly since the return of Trump, whose right-wing administration provides any easy fit for Meloni. She has attempted to play both Trump and Musk to Italy’s advantage, leveraging Rome’s geopolitical position to secure economic agreements and ease tensions wrought by Trump tariffs, which Meloni called “wrong.”

    Trump has been quick to praise her stance against “anti-woke” politics, while Meloni promises to help resolve trade issues and boost U.S. gas imports, all while keeping Italy at the forefront of negotiations. With Musk, she has attempted to position Italy as a key partner in tech and energy, navigating the global game with both finesse and ambition.

    Italy runs a substantial trade surplus with the U.S. and underspends on NATO defense – two things that typically trigger Trump’s criticism. Yet with Meloni, Trump has been full of admiration: “She’s taken Europe by storm,” he said in April, agreeing during their last meeting to meet again in Rome in the near future.

    Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, left, has expressed solidarity with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
    Thierry Monasse/Getty Images

    Meloni’s diplomatic ambitions extend beyond the U.S., including making moves in the Middle East, particularly with Saudi Arabia. By promoting Italy as a gateway to Europe, she is securing key investments in energy and infrastructure, while boosting Italian exports and increasing her diplomatic leverage. The fact that many in Europe, and indeed Italy, eye such overtures toward Saudi money with distaste, appears neither here nor there. After all, in Italy there has long been an attitude among leaders that “money does not smell” – or “pecunia non olet” as the locals say – a phrase that by legend was uttered by Emperor Vespasian while slapping a tax on public urinals.

    Will all roads lead to Rome?

    While Meloni’s approach of casting Italy as a bridge between the U.S. and Europe may yield some short-term diplomatic gains, it’s nonetheless a delicate path fraught with risk. Cozying up to Washington under Trump, whose policies – especially on trade – have engendered widespread outrage in Europe, risks ruffling feathers in Brussels. Indeed, while Trump praised Meloni’s leadership, and both sides talked trade with no urgency on tariffs, Europe watched warily.

    Trying to navigate between Trump’s protectionist leanings and the EU’s collective trade stance could leave Meloni unable to satisfy either side. Should Trump push for concessions – like shrinking Italy’s trade surplus with the U.S. or increasing defense spending – Meloni may find herself at odds with EU standards and alienating European partners. But leaning too far into EU alignment – and the bloc’s commitment to Ukraine – risks souring her ties with Trump’s camp, potentially weakening her influence across the Atlantic.

    In trying to please both Washington and Brussels, Meloni could end up with enemies on both fronts – and very few wins to show for it.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Italy’s Meloni is positioning herself as bridge between EU and Trump – but will it work? – https://theconversation.com/italys-meloni-is-positioning-herself-as-bridge-between-eu-and-trump-but-will-it-work-254955

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Bureaucrats get a bad rap, but they deserve more credit − a sociologist of work explains why

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Michel Anteby, Professor of Management and Organizations & Sociology at Questrom School of Business & College of Arts and Sciences, Boston University

    It’s telling that U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration wants to fire bureaucrats. In its view, bureaucrats stand for everything that’s wrong with the United States: overregulation, inefficiency and even the nation’s deficit, since they draw salaries from taxpayers.

    But bureaucrats have historically stood for something else entirely. As the sociologist Max Weber argued in his 1921 classic “Economy and Society,” bureaucrats represent a set of critical ideals: upholding expert knowledge, promoting equal treatment and serving others. While they may not live up to those ideals everywhere and every day, the description does ring largely true in democratic societies.

    I know this firsthand, because as a sociologist of work I’ve studied federal, state and local bureaucrats for more than two decades. I’ve watched them oversee the handling of human remains, screen travelers for security threats as well as promote primary and secondary education. And over and over again, I’ve seen bureaucrats stand for Weber’s ideals while conducting their often-hidden work.

    Bureaucrats as experts and equalizers

    Weber defined bureaucrats as people who work within systems governed by rules and procedures aimed at rational action. He emphasized bureaucrats’ reliance on expert training, noting: “The choice is only that between ‘bureaucratisation’ and ‘dilettantism.’” The choice between a bureaucrat and a dilettante to run an army − in his days, like in ours − seems like an obvious one. Weber saw that bureaucrats’ strength lies in their mastery of specialized knowledge.

    I couldn’t agree more. When I studied the procurement of whole body donations for medical research, for example, the state bureaucrats I spoke with were among the most knowledgeable professionals I encountered. Whether directors of anatomical services or chief medical examiners, they knew precisely how to properly secure, handle and transfer human cadavers so physicians could get trained. I felt greatly reassured that they were overseeing the donated bodies of loved ones.

    Weber also described bureaucrats as people who don’t make decisions based on favors. In other forms of rule, he noted, “the ruler is free to grant or withhold clemency” based on “personal preference,” but in bureaucracies, decisions are reached impersonally. By “impersonal,” Weber meant “without hatred or passion” and without “love and enthusiasm.” Put otherwise, the bureaucrats fulfill their work without regard to the person: “Everyone is treated with formal equality.”

    The federal Transportation Security Administration officers who perform their duties to ensure that we all travel safely epitomize this ideal. While interviewing and observing them, I felt grateful to see them not speculate about loving or hating anyone but treating all travelers as potential threats. The standard operating procedures they followed often proved tedious, but they were applied across the board. Doing any favors here would create immense security risks, as the recent Netflix action film “Carry-On” − about an officer blackmailed into allowing a terrorist to board a plane − illustrates.

    Advancing the public’s interests

    Finally, Weber highlighted bureaucrats’ commitment to serving the public. He stressed their tendency to act “in the interests of the welfare of those subjects over whom they rule.” Bureaucrats’ expertise and adherence to impersonal rules are meant to advance the common interest: for young and old, rural and urban dwellers alike, and many more.

    The state Department of Elementary and Secondary Education staff that I partnered with for years at the Massachusetts Commission on LGBTQ Youth exemplified this ethic. They always impressed me by the huge sense of responsibility they felt toward all state residents. Even when local resources varied, they worked to ensure that all young people in the state − regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity − could thrive. Based on my personal experience, while they didn’t always get everything right, they were consistently committed to serving others.

    Today, bureaucrats are often framed by the administration and its supporters as the root of all problems. Yet if Weber’s insights and my observations are any guide, bureaucrats are also the safeguards that stand between the public and dilettantism, favoritism and selfishness. The overwhelming majority of bureaucrats whom I have studied and worked with deeply care about upholding expertise, treating everyone equally and ensuring the welfare of all.

    Yes, bureaucrats can slow things down and seem inefficient or costly at times. Sure, they can also be co-opted by totalitarian regimes and end up complicit in unimaginable tragedies. But with the right accountability mechanisms, democratic control and sufficient resources for them to perform their tasks, bureaucrats typically uphold critical ideals.

    In an era of growing hostility, it’s key to remember what bureaucrats have long stood for − and, let’s hope, still do.

    Michel Anteby was during a decade a member of the Massachusetts Commission on LGBTQ Youth and a former Vice-Chair, and then Chair of the Commission.

    ref. Bureaucrats get a bad rap, but they deserve more credit − a sociologist of work explains why – https://theconversation.com/bureaucrats-get-a-bad-rap-but-they-deserve-more-credit-a-sociologist-of-work-explains-why-253317

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Australia: NT man charged over Territory’s largest ever ketamine importation

    Source: Northern Territory Police and Fire Services

    A Northern Territory man appeared in Darwin Local Court last Thursday after being charged with the alleged importation and possession of more than 4kg of ketamine.

    It is believed to be the Northern Territory’s largest ketamine seizure.

    The man, 32, who was arrested on Wednesday 23 April 2025, is due to face court again on 2 May 2025.

    A Northern Territory Joint Organised Crime Taskforce (NT JOCTF) investigation began in April 2025, after Australian Border Force (ABF) members at Sydney Airport identified a consignment suspected of containing ketamine that arrived on a flight from Germany.

    Investigators from NT JOCTF, which comprises of members from the Northern Territory Police Force, Australian Federal Police, ABF and Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission (ACIC), replaced the illicit drugs – which were disguised in several sports energy drink and protein bar packages – with an inert substance.

    After retrieving the crystallised ketamine from the packages, officers determined the estimated weight of the illicit drugs to be 4.08kg. This amount of ketamine has an estimated street value of $800,000.

    The parcel was then delivered to its intended address in Zuccoli, near Darwin, where officers allegedly observed a man signing and taking possession of the delivery.

    NT JOCFT investigators then executed a search warrant at the property and arrested the man.

    During the search, officers allegedly located the opened parcel containing the substituted illicit drugs.

    The man, 32, was charged with the following offences:

    • One count of importing a commercial quantity of ketamine, contrary to section 307.1(1) of the Criminal Code (Cth);
    • One count of possessing a dangerous drug, contrary to section 7(1) of the Misuse of Drugs Act 1990 (NT); and
    • One count of supply a dangerous drug, contrary to section 5(1) of the Misuse of Drugs Act 1990 (NT).

    Each of these offences carries a maximum penalty of life imprisonment.

    NT Police Force Detective Superintendent Lee Morgan said, “This operation has resulted in the Northern Territory’s largest ever recorded ketamine seizure. 

    “4 kilograms of Ketamine is 40,000 times the minimum commercial quantity and is estimated to be worth $800,000 when sold.

    “This package was delivered from outside of the country and the NT Police Force reiterate that these drugs are manufactured in unregulated and unhygienic conditions, and anyone choosing to use them is gambling with their life. We will continue to work closely with our partner agencies to combat imports of illicit substances into the Northern Territory.”

    AFP Superintendent Greg Davis said the AFP and its law enforcement, intelligence and border agency partners worked tirelessly to identify, target and disrupt criminal syndicates in their attempts to import and distribute illicit drugs into Australia.

    “The AFP, together with our partners under the NT JOCTF have prevented ketamine from reaching Australian streets under this investigation,” Supt Davis said.

    “Our investigators continue to work collaboratively to ensure Australia remains a hostile environment for criminal syndicates in order to prevent any form of illicit drugs from entering the Australian community and causing widespread harm.

    “Ketamine specifically is a dangerous sedative; its dissociative effects block sensory brain signals and can cause memory loss, feelings of being detached from one’s body and the inability to perceive dangers.

    “This operation should serve as a significant warning to transnational serious organised crime syndicates – the AFP and our partners remain one step ahead of your illicit activities and will ensure you are brought to justice.”

    This is a joint media release between the Northern Territory Police Force, Australian Federal Police, Australian Border Force and Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission

    MIL OSI News

  • MIL-OSI Video: Peacekeeping: Berlin Ministerial (13-14 May) to Shape Future Missions and Reforms | United Nations

    Source: United Nations (Video News)

    Peacekeeping Chief Jean-Pierre Lacroix today (24 Apr) told reporters in New York that the Peacekeeping Ministerial 2025, taking place in Berlin on 13-14 May, will be “a very important opportunity” for the UN and Member States to determine how to address challenges to ensure peacekeeping remains an “important, viable, credible and effective tool of the United Nations and multilateralism in the future.”

    Lacroix said another issue to be discussed will be “how we can make peacekeeping more cost effective, because we are aware that we are operating, and we will be operating under increasingly severe financial constraints.”

    He confirmed that Secretary-General António Guterres “will be participating in the Berlin meeting in two weeks’ time.”

    Joining Lacroix, Germany’s State Secretary at the Federal Ministry of Defence, Nils Hilmer said, “we are convinced that UN peacekeeping has proven to be one of the most important tools the international community has an international crisis management. However, we still face many challenges with regards to changing conflict dynamics, disinformation campaign, or targeting missions. Hence, it is all the more important to discuss about the future of peacekeeping.”

    Hilmer said, “we want to provide a forum for Member States to discuss how we can continue making UN peacekeeping strong, effective and fit for the future,” adding that “by participating at the Berlin Ministerial, delegations can underline their political support for UN peacekeeping, contribute to closing critical capability gaps, and reinvigorate UN peacekeeping reform efforts.”

    The results of the discussions, he said, “will provide important input to the UN Secretary-General’s review on the future of all forms of peace operations mandated in the Pact for the Future.”

    The goal of the Berlin Ministerial, Hilmer explained, will be to “ensure UN peacekeeping remains at a sufficient level of preparedness for both current and potential future missions, and we want to increase overall mission effectiveness while enhancing safety and security of our personnel deployed.”

    Germany’s Director-General for International Order, United Nations, and Disarmament at the Federal Foreign Office, Katharina Stasch, said the Berlin Ministerial’s aim, “is really to provide a follow up to the Pact for the Future. Actions must follow words.”

    Responding to journalists’ questions, Lacroix said, “the United States is and has always been a very important part, and I should say, also a very important supporter of peacekeeping operation throughout the years. And we look forward to continuing cooperation with the United States. Now, when it comes to finances, I think that in any case, we are looking at times where financial resources will be limited. I think a very important challenge, to all of us really, is how we can improve the cost efficiency of peacekeeping.”

    He said, “we operate on mandates, you know, those mandates are given to us by Member States, by the Security Council. We keep telling our Member States, please prioritize those mandates. You know, make sure that, you know, we know what are the key mandated tasks from your point of view that we have to implement. And then please give us an adequate level of resources, and please pay on time and in full.”

    Leading up to the 80th anniversary of the United Nations and marking the 10-year anniversary of the Leaders’ Summit on Peacekeeping, the 2025 Berlin UN Peacekeeping Ministerial is the latest in a series of meetings held at the Head of State, Government, or Ministerial level.

    The UN Peacekeeping Ministerial will serve as a high-level political forum to discuss the future of peacekeeping and for Member States to express and demonstrate their political support. It will also provide a platform for delegations to announce substantial pledges in support of closing capability gaps and adapting peace operations to better respond to existing challenges and new realities, in line with the pledging guide.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yDTwQDb56gU

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Updating of designations of wine grape varieties with reference to origin – E-001573/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-001573/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Christine Schneider (PPE)

    Part B of Annex IV to Delegated Regulation (EU) 2019/33 lists designations that are linked to a specific origin. Accordingly, wines from Germany may not bear the variety names Barbera or Sangiovese, for instance.

    Part B of Annex IV dates back to a time when geographical protection was not yet enshrined in German wine designation law and was therefore not of strategic importance. For some of the grape varieties listed in Part B of Annex IV, there were official authorisations for testing from the time of the Germanic designation system. At present, no varietal wine can be produced in the vineyards concerned with indication of grape variety. Under the new system of geographical protection, i.e. designations of origin, official authorisations for testing are no longer possible. Clarification is therefore needed as to how the relevant vineyards and wines should be dealt with.

    • 1.Is the Commission planning to revise and adapt Part B of Annex IV in order to take account of new developments in grape variety cultivation, including as regards necessary changes in the range of grape varieties as a result of climate change?
    • 2.What legal changes does the Commission intend to prompt so that, for example, German wines produced from the Barbera or Sangiovese varieties can be marketed with indication of grape variety?
    • 3.How should existing vineyards be dealt with in Germany if the vines concerned were originally planted lawfully and indication of wine grape variety is no longer possible?

    Submitted: 17.4.2025

    Last updated: 28 April 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Written question – Building the new northern section of the A33 motorway through a Natura 2000 site – E-001537/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Question for written answer  E-001537/2025
    to the Commission
    Rule 144
    Jutta Paulus (Verts/ALE)

    Germany is planning to build a new northern section of the A33 motorway in the Osnabrück area. Building that section is termed a motorway completion measure. The plan is for the section to run from the current motorway endpoint in Belm municipality and link up with the A1 motorway at Bramsche. The motorway will run through predominantly agricultural areas in Belm municipality and through residential parts of the village of Rulle in Wallenhorst municipality. The new section will cross a Natura 2000 site: the Wiehengebirge bat habitat near Osnabrück (EEA-ID DE3614334). As a Natura 2000 site will be affected by construction of the new section, the Commission’s approval is required.

    • 1.When Germany applies for authorisation, does the Commission intend to check whether there is sufficient provision for the requisite coherence measures?
    • 2.In the Commission’s view, can a Natura 2000 site be called into question at all by Member States and, if so, how does the Commission intend to ensure that equivalent sites are designated in the immediate vicinity of the Natura 2000 site affected that afford precisely the same protected status?
    • 3.If Germany’s application is approved, does the Commission intend to press for a speed limit to be introduced so as to safeguard the Natura 2000 site, since the types of habitat there are subject to nitrogen pollution, which is very high in some instances, and a speed limit might possibly provide a remedy?

    Submitted: 15.4.2025

    Last updated: 28 April 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI: Share subscription price and market value of the Siili Solutions Plc stock options 2025A

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Share subscription price and market value of the Siili Solutions Plc stock options 2025A

    Siili Solutions Plc Stock Exchange Release 28 April 2025 at 12:00 EEST

    The Board of Directors of Siili Solutions Plc resolved on 19 December 2024, by virtue of an authorisation granted by the Annual General Meeting of Shareholders held on 3 April 2024, to issue stock options to the employees of Siili Solutions Plc and its subsidiaries. Stock options are issued as part of the employee share savings plan, launched by the company, in return for company shares purchased with the savings of the participants. Over 80 employees of the company enrolled in the eighth plan period of the Siili Solutions Plc employee share savings plan.

    The share subscription price for stock options 2025A is the trade volume weighted average price of the share on Nasdaq Helsinki Ltd between 1 March 2025 and 31 March 2025, i.e. 6,09 euros per share. The annually paid dividends and repayment of equity will be deducted from the subscription price. With the stock options 2025A, it is possible to subscribe for a maximum total of 50,000 new shares in Siili Solutions Plc or existing shares held by Siili Solutions Plc. The share subscription period for the stock options is between 1 August 2027 and 1 August 2028.

    The number of stock options 2025A issued is 50,000. The theoretical market value of one stock option 2025A at the time of the determination of the subscription price was approximately 1,41 euros per stock option and in total approximately 70,500 euros. The theoretical market value of stock options has been determined by using the Black–Scholes-Merton stock option pricing model with the following input factors: share price EUR 5.90, share subscription price EUR 6.09, risk-free interest rate 2.21%, validity of stock options approximately 3.33 years and volatility 30.90%.

    The terms and conditions of the stock options are available on the company’s website at sijoittajille.siili.com/en/

    Siili Solutions Plc

    For more information:
    CFO Aleksi Kankainen
    Phone: +358 40 534 2709, email: aleksi.kankainen(at)siili.com

    Distribution:
    Nasdaq Helsinki Ltd
    Main media
    www.siili.com/fi

    Siili Solutions in brief:

    Siili Solutions Plc is a forerunner in AI-powered digital development. Siili is the go-to partner for clients seeking growth, efficiency and competitive advantage through digital transformation. Our main markets are Finland, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and Germany. Siili Solutions Plc’s shares are listed on the Nasdaq Helsinki Stock Exchange. Siili has grown profitably since its founding in 2005. www.siili.com

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Russia: NSU graduate talks about Novosibirsk residents’ contribution to the Victory in the Great Patriotic War

    Translation. Region: Russian Federal

    Source: Novosibirsk State University – Novosibirsk State University –

    A graduate gave an open public lecture “Novosibirsk residents to the front” at Novosibirsk State University Humanitarian Institute of NSU, Honorary Archivist of the Russian Federation, Leading Archivist of the State Archives of the Novosibirsk Region Igor Samarin. He spoke about the creation of the 133rd Rifle (later the 18th Guards Insterburg) Division in Novosibirsk in 1939 and its combat path during the Great Patriotic War, as well as about the formation of the 1st Siberian Volunteer Division. It was in its ranks that Mikhail Perevozchikov, Olga Zhilina, Boris Bogatkov, whose names are given to streets in Novosibirsk, fought.

    “Breakthrough Division”

    This is what the 133rd Rifle Division (later the 18th Guards Insterburg) was called during the Great Patriotic War. The division covered itself with unfading glory in the Battle of Moscow in late 1941 – early 1942, in the Rzhev-Sychevka offensive operation, in the Oryol and Vitebsk-Orsha offensive operations, in the East Prussian offensive operation, as a result of which the city of Insterburg and the city of Koenigsberg, considered impregnable, were captured. The “breakthrough division” ended its combat path by capturing the seaport – the Pillau fortress.

    The 133rd separate rifle division was formed in the military town of Novosibirsk in 1939 according to the order of the Military Council of the Siberian Military District dated September 8. It was formed on the basis of the 78th and 71st rifle divisions and their assigned personnel, living in the settlements of Altai and Siberia.

    — The division’s fighters received the news of the beginning of the Great Patriotic War at the summer camps in the vicinity of Biysk, where they were training. Early in the morning of June 22, 1941, there was a parade dedicated to the opening of military training. After the parade, sports competitions began. They were interrupted by a government radio message about the attack of Nazi Germany on the Soviet Union. After 2-3 hours, rallies were held in all regiments. And the next day, by order of the Siberian Military District command, all personnel of the 133rd Division regiments returned to winter quarters. Only one day was allocated for training to be sent to the front. At night, the fighters received combat equipment. In 24 hours, ammunition, weapons, camouflage, draft power and transport were collected, — said Igor Samarin.

    The division was immediately thrown into defensive battles near Moscow, which went into a counteroffensive by winter. On July 5, 1941, the 2nd Battalion of the 133rd Division arrived at the destination station of Vyazma. After a long march, the battalion occupied a defensive line on the Dnieper River. The battalion was advanced by the lead detachment 70 km. On July 7, 1941, the 133rd Division, having unloaded at Vyazma station and joined the 24th Army, moved to the concentration area and took up defensive positions on the eastern bank of the Dnieper River. From July 10, it participated in the Battle of Smolensk.

    On September 1, 1941, by order of the General Command, the 133rd Rifle Division was transferred to the Velikiye Luki direction, to the area of the city of Andreapol in the Kalinin region, where it became part of the 22nd Army of Major General V.A. Yushkevich. Two days later, units of the 133rd Rifle Division, having arrived in the concentration area of the Soblago-Pena station, went out to occupy a new line of defense. The division fought fierce battles in the area of Mosty, Vitbino, Zhabero, Okhvat, where, having inflicted significant damage on the enemy, it delayed his advance from the eastern side. In this area, it advanced 10-12 km through fighting and liberated about 20 settlements. And on September 30, 1941, the great battle of Moscow began. It is divided into two periods: defensive (September 30 – December 4, 1941) and counteroffensive (December 5–6, 1941 – January 7–8, 1942), which then grew into a general offensive of our troops in the Western (Moscow), Northwestern and Southwestern directions (January 7–10 – April 20, 1942).

    In January – early March 1942, the 133rd Rifle Division fought as part of the 49th Army. As a result of battles and offensive actions, units of the division liberated 88 settlements.

    On March 17, 1942, for the heroism, discipline and exemplary performance of combat missions in the fight against German fascism, the 133rd Separate Rifle Division was transformed into the 18th Guards Rifle Division by order of the People’s Commissar of Defense of the USSR No. 78 of March 17, 1942, and on May 3 of the same year, by Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, the division was awarded the Order of the Red Banner for successful combat operations against the Nazi invaders.

    From March 20, 1942 to February 9, 1943, the division fought heavy defensive battles on the 15 km long Sukov line (the villages of Novo-Sukovka and Sukovka), nicknamed “Little Sevastopol”.

    Igor Samarin illustrated the story of the combat path of the “Breakthrough Division” with a vivid presentation with pictures of priceless archival documents and frontline photographs. Among them is the division’s combat log, which, in addition to the advances of the combat unit and the awards received by the soldiers and commanders, also contains information about losses. In January 1942 alone, the division, numbering 12-13 thousand people, lost 2,725 soldiers and officers, in February – 2,534, and in March – 4,314.

    — At that time, positional warfare was being waged on this section of the front. There was no large-scale offensive or large-scale defense, but there were fierce battles — the so-called “trench warfare.” The division’s fighters drew off enemy forces that, under other conditions, could have replenished the enemy army rushing to Moscow. If “trench warfare” had not been waged on some sections of the front, there would have been no decisive attacks and breakthroughs on others. However, this division participated not only in heavy positional battles, otherwise it would not have been called a “breakthrough division.” It had many heroic attacks and assaults on enemy fortifications, but its most striking feat was the capture of Königsberg. Not only does this city stand on a hill, it is also surrounded by high medieval fortress walls. An impregnable stronghold. But our fighters did what seemed impossible, — explained Igor Samarin.

    Photographs and documents from the State Archives of the Novosibirsk Region contain evidence of the exploits of the fighters of the “Breakthrough Division”. The lecturer showed the audience photo portraits of its heroes. Among them was Private Ikram Tashmetov, who initiated the sniper movement in the division and personally destroyed 105 fascists – an enemy company – in 9 months. Another sniper, Sergeant Ivan Saenko, destroyed 240 German soldiers and officers from February 1942 until the end of the war. This fact is confirmed by a certificate issued to him by the commander of the unit in which he served his military career.

    The grandson of the legendary hero of the civil war Vasily Chapaev, Alexander, also served in the division as an artillery squad commander. His photo was published in a front-line newspaper, which has been preserved in the archives to this day.

    A photo of the orchestra of the 18th Guards Rifle Division has also survived. At the beginning of the war, the divisional orchestra consisted of 30 people and was led by Mikhail Kazakov. Three regimental brigades were created on the basis of the divisional orchestra, which operated directly on the front line. They gave concerts in dugouts and bunkers, even if there were only 10-15 spectators and the performances took place in several stages. The repertoire of the divisional orchestra was not limited to bravura marches. It was wide and varied, including classical works.

    The division also had its own newspaper, “Defense of the Motherland,” and printed leaflets. It even had its own artist, Ivan Titkov. His pencil drawings have been perfectly preserved to this day. The subjects were varied: our soldiers on the offensive, on defense, on reconnaissance, during rest hours, and captured enemy soldiers.

    Volunteers

    The 1st Siberian Volunteer Division of Siberian Warriors was created in July 1942 on the initiative of the Novosibirsk Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). Subsequently, it was named the 150th Rifle Division, then became the 22nd Guards Riga Division. It was in this famous division that our fellow countrymen fought, after whom streets in Novosibirsk are named – Mikhail Perevozchikov, Olga Zhilina, Boris Bogatkov.

    — In the summer of 1942, the enemy was still strong and was gathering new forces for an offensive on the Caucasus, Moscow, and Stalingrad. In these conditions, volunteer divisions began to form in many regions of our country. Novosibirsk Oblast was no exception. This initiative was formalized and sent to Joseph Stalin. His consent was received a few days later, on July 2. And already on July 4, the first application was submitted. And by July 7, there were already 2,723 of them. By July 22, 5,410 privates and 715 junior officers were accepted into the volunteer division, and another 984 people from the regular junior staff arrived. In total, the division at that time numbered 7,179 soldiers and junior officers. And the recruitment of volunteers did not end there, — said Igor Samarin.

    The first commander of the division was Nikolai Guz. The lecturer showed the audience a unique document – his award sheet for the Order of the Red Banner, stored in the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, and said that Nikolai Olimpievich was an outstanding officer. He commanded the 345th Rifle Division, which participated in the defense of Sevastopol (the division was completely destroyed, but the banner was saved), was the commander of the 150th Rifle Volunteer Division named after Stalin, and then the 22nd Guards Rifle Division and the 338th Rifle Division. Cavalier of the Order of the Red Banner and the Order of the Patriotic War, 1st degree.

    — The party leadership of the Novosibirsk region was given the task of not just creating a volunteer division, but also providing it with comprehensive assistance and replenishment. That it would fully assist and replenish it, which was done with great dedication and efficiency, — noted Igor Samarin.

    Among the volunteers was Mikhail Perevozchikov. Since he was the secretary of the Novosibirsk regional committee of the Komsomol, he had a deferment, but nevertheless, Mikhail Georgievich persistently sought to get to the front. He went to the front as a volunteer and died in a fierce battle with the fascists near the city of Bely on November 25, 1942, repelling an enemy tank attack. A street in the Zaeltsovsky district of Novosibirsk is named after him.

    One of the streets in the Central District of Novosibirsk is named after Olga Zhilina, who was one of the first girls to apply to be included in the 22nd Volunteer Division.

    — The life of this amazing woman is shrouded in mystery. The exact date of her birth is unknown, only the year — 1914. Olga Vasilievna was born in Kolyvan, and as a child, she lost her parents and was taken into the care of her aunts, who took her to Novosibirsk. Today, employees of the State Archives of the Novosibirsk Region have tried to establish her date of birth. To do this, they turned to the registers of Orthodox churches in Kolyvan. From 1914, only two churches out of three that existed at that time have preserved registers. Olga Zhilina’s birth and baptism were not recorded in them. The third register could not be found, — the lecturer said.

    Olga graduated from high school, studied at the workers’ faculty, but did not graduate. For some time she worked as a saleswoman in a store, and then mysteriously ended up in the personnel department of the regional party committee. Then – in the personnel department of the NKVD administration for the Novosibirsk region, and then she even headed the military department in the Central district party committee. In addition, Olga Zhilina was engaged in shooting, showing excellent results, was fond of sports, ran cross-country, and studied German. She, like Mikhail Perevozchikov, also had an “iron” exemption, but nevertheless, she preferred to take nursing courses and become a front-line medical instructor.

    During her two years at the front as a medical battalion instructor, Olga Zhilina suffered eight wounds, carrying the wounded out of the heaviest battles. At the same time, she was also a sniper and has killed enemy soldiers and officers.

    On October 8, 1944, in the area of the village of Bumbieri near Riga, she carried 17 wounded soldiers out of a burning barn set on fire by the Nazis. She was mortally wounded there. But even here there were mysteries. Later, an eyewitness to these events was found. The woman said that Olga Zhilina came out of the ill-fated barn alive, but with two wounds. She refused to have her wounds bandaged. Then they went together to the front line to carry the wounded from the battlefield. And it was there that Olga Vasilyevna was killed.

    Olga Zhilina received 4 military awards for her military exploits, including the Order of the Red Star, the Order of the Red Banner, the Medal for Military Merit, and the Order of the Patriotic War, 1st degree, posthumously.

    The young Novosibirsk poet Boris Bogatkov also fought in the 22nd Siberian Volunteer Division. His poems began to be published in 1940 in the magazine “Sibirskie Ogni”. In 1941, he volunteered for the front, but after a concussion he was evacuated to Novosibirsk. In 1942, despite the doctors’ prohibitions, he returned to the front. He died a year later in the Smolensk region, raising his platoon to attack. According to eyewitnesses, at that moment his platoon was going at the enemy with his song. He was only 20 years old.

    Boris Bogatkov was posthumously awarded the Order of the Patriotic War, 1st class. A street, school and library in Novosibirsk are named after him.

    “Novosibirsk residents to the front”

    Novosibirsk residents made a significant contribution to the Victory in the Great Patriotic War not only on the battlefields, but also in the deep rear. They provided assistance to the residents of Leningrad – they sent trains with butter, clothes, food and everything necessary.

    – “Novosibirsk Komsomolets” – the so -called columns of tanks and squadrons of planes, and there were six of them. The State Archive of the Novosibirsk Region stores amazing documents-signature sheets on raising funds for the construction of the second squadron “Novosibirsk Komsomolets” among students of grades 2-3 of schools of the Suzunsky district. Children gave their pocket money, saying about adults who donated their savings. There are cases when people who were awarded the Stalin Prize, all of it were given to the defense fund without a trace, or sent to the construction of the Novosibirsk Komsomolets air squadron or “for their homeland!”. Industrial enterprises, collective farms, state farms, various labor collectives participated in financing the construction of combat aircraft and tanks. Also, 24 guards mortars of BM-13 Katyusha were built at the expense of the workers, which were transferred to the 4th Guards mortar Sevastopol Regiment, over which our region took patronage. The submarine “Novosibirsk Komsomolets” was also completed with folk money. The construction of the submarine began before the war, and it was intended to be sent to the Black Sea Fleet, but for some reason the work was discontinued. The Novosibirsk made an initiative to raise money to complete the construction and proposed transferring the submarine to the Northern Fleet. With the assistance of the Komsomol regional committee and a large -scale response by the population, the necessary amount was collected. The submarine was completed, the name “Novosibirsk Komsomolets” was given to her and sent by rail to the Northern Fleet base to the city of Polar. The delegation of the Novosibirsk Komsomol members was present on August 10, 1943 at a rally on the occasion of the transfer of the Novosibirsk Komsomolets to the Northern Fleet sailors. In total, this boat made 4 military campaigns, according to official figures, one transport was sunk, but the boat crew itself claimed that 2 enemy ships of a large displacement were destroyed. Since then, there is always a submarine with the name “Novosibirsk Komsomolets” in the Northern Sea Fleet, ”said Igor Samarin.   

    During the war, Novosibirsk lived by one motto: “Everything for the front, everything for victory.” Igor Samarin voiced some data collected with historians and archival employees to justify assigning Novosibirsk the title of “City of Labor Valor.” This information is impressive: Novosibirsk defense enterprises produced almost a third of the shells (about 125 million) and a quarter of the combat fighters (more than 15 and a half thousand). Collective and state farms of the Novosibirsk region prepared more than 1 million 750 thousand tons of grain and more than 70 thousand tons of meat for the state, transferred almost 4 thousand cars and tractors, about 28 thousand horses for the needs of the front.

    Igor Samarin accompanied his lecture with vivid presentations with photos of unique and rare documents from the State Archives of the Novosibirsk Region and the archives of the Novosibirsk Military Historical Scientific Society, which was perceived by the audience with particular interest, especially since the majority of them were undergraduate and graduate students in the field of History, as well as employees of the Humanities Institute of NSU.

    Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Africa: The end of Ebola outbreak in Uganda demonstrates World Health Organization (WHO)’s value in controlling and stopping diseases

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    KAMPALA, Uganda, April 27, 2025/APO Group/ —

    Uganda has officially declared the end of the Ebola disease outbreak, which was confirmed on 30 January 2025 by Uganda’s Ministry of Health. The outbreak infected 14 people, two of whom were probable (not confirmed by laboratory tests) and caused four deaths (including two probable). 

    Disease outbreaks, such as Ebola, Marburg, and yellow fever, are not new in Uganda. The country has faced multiple outbreaks and, in doing so, has built a resilient health system capable of detecting and containing outbreaks rapidly. With active support from the World Health Organization (WHO) and other partners, this outbreak again demonstrated Uganda’s capacity to deal with such challenges. 

    The latest Ebola disease outbreak occurred in the bustling, highly mobile city of Kampala. In many places, such an announcement could have triggered widespread panic. But, within 72 hours of confirmation, the Ministry of Health, actively supported by the WHO and health partners, activated its response mechanisms. Rapid response teams were deployed on the ground, identifying contacts to the confirmed patient, collecting samples for testing, setting up treatment units, and educating the community about Ebola prevention. 

    Similarly, within 24 hours of notification, the WHO Deputy Director General and Executive Director for Emergencies, Dr Mike Ryan, was in Uganda to guide WHO’s strategic and operational support to the response. 

    “The outbreak occurring in an urban setting is of significant concern to us, given past experiences. In this outbreak, every minute is of the essence, and we must set up rapidly to avert a potential disaster,” said Dr Mike Ryan upon arrival in the country.

    WHO mobilized 129 national and international staff to support the response. They brought a wealth of technical expertise, ensuring that WHO’s input was present at every critical stage.

    The impact of these efforts was quickly evident. On 14 March 2025, the last confirmed patient was discharged, and 534 contacts had been successfully identified and followed up daily. This is no mean achievement given the area in which the outbreak occurred. It is a testament to Uganda’s strengthened capacity to detect and respond to disease outbreaks in line with the International Health Regulations (2005) (IHR), for which WHO is the principal custodian.

    Uganda has now completed the 42-day mandatory countdown without a confirmed Ebola case. During this critical period, WHO worked closely with the Ministry of Health to conduct active case search and mortality surveillance to ensure that no potential chains of transmission went undetected.

    It’s important to acknowledge the groundwork that made this rapid response possible. WHO’s presence on the ground through its regional hubs and prior technical leadership in helping Uganda develop a multisectoral preparedness and response plan were pivotal. These provided clear direction for all responding actors, enabling effective coordination, optimizing resource allocation, and preventing duplication.

    Another key enabler was the swift deployment by WHO of 165 multidisciplinary Rapid Response Team members (RRTs) to hotspot districts. These members strengthened local capacity for alert management, case investigation, and contact tracing, even in remote areas. Backed by WHO’s technical training and tools, the RRTs worked hand in hand with district teams to ensure that no case went undetected. This strong collaboration helped halt the further spread of the disease.

    Special attention was also given to border health. With the international imperative to prevent cross-border transmission, health workers were rapidly reoriented, thermal scanners were deployed, and screening protocols were enforced at 13 key entry points, especially at Entebbe International Airport. 

    The laboratory response was equally robust. Over 1500 samples were collected, transported, and tested, with national labs rising to the challenge. Thanks to WHO’s prior technical support, Uganda had the capacity to manage samples under strict biosafety and quality standards. Laboratory teams at the Uganda Virus Research Institute and Central Public Health Laboratories handled the workload professionally and efficiently, earning praise for their quick turnaround. 

    At the heart of the response was a courageous and well-prepared case management team. Equipped with WHO Ebola supplies designed to protect health workers and support clinical care, they treated patients with professionalism and care. Of the 12 confirmed cases, two patients succumbed, while the rest were successfully treated and reintegrated into their communities. Two probable cases were identified after their death, therefore not managed in the treatment center. 

    WHO-supported 78 Emergency Medical Teams (EMTs) further reinforced case management efforts. These highly trained and well-equipped teams ensured the safe transportation and treatment of patients across affected regions, delivering high-quality care at every step.

    For the second time in an Ebola outbreak caused by the Sudan virus in Uganda,  WHO  deployed anthropologists, risk communication experts, and community engagement teams. These specialists worked directly with communities to address stigma, mistrust, and misinformation, while providing real-time public health information. Their efforts were instrumental in gaining trust and reinforcing safety practices.

    Despite the absence of a licensed vaccine against the Sudan virus, candidate vaccines are in various phases of clinical trials, recommended by the independent WHO candidate vaccine prioritisation working group. Within four days of the government’s declaration of the outbreak, a randomized clinical trial for vaccine safety and efficacy using the ring vaccination approach was launched. In addition, the administration of Remdesivir treatment under the Monitored Emergency Use of Unregistered and Experimental Interventions (MEURI) protocol was initiated. 

    Ecological studies aimed at identifying the source of infection were initiated and are continuing. These are important because they help to anticipate risks of outbreaks as well as ensure health systems are well prepared and ready to detect outbreaks early and respond effectively.

    Behind the scenes, coordination and partner engagement played crucial roles. WHO was responsible for aligning resources, reducing duplication, and maximizing impact. Through its coordination role, WHO mapped out key stakeholders and facilitated effective resource use at all levels of the response.

    No successful outbreak response is complete without adequate financial backing. So far, WHO has mobilized and utilized US $6.2 million for this response. This support, along with in-kind contributions of essential medicines, supplies, and equipment, has been vital in maintaining the momentum of operations.

    WHO acknowledges and deeply appreciates all partners who contributed through the WHO Contingency Fund for Emergencies (CFE), including: Germany, Norway, Ireland, Canada, France, New Zealand, Kuwait, Portugal, Philippines, Republic of Korea, Switzerland, Estonia, and the WHO Foundation. Thanks to the United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland, the Netherlands, the European Commission – Health Emergency Preparedness and Response (HERA), International Development Research Centre (IDRC), European Commission – European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (DG ECHO) and the African Public Health Emergency Fund (APHEF) for supporting WHO’s interventions.

    As the situation in Uganda stabilizes, this outbreak highlights three clear lessons: early preparedness saves lives, rapid response is critical, and WHO’s support remains vital, not only for Uganda, but for global health security.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Global: Skilled migrants are leaving the U.S. for Canada — how can the north gain from the brain drain?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ashika Niraula, Senior Research Associate, Canada Excellence Research Chair in Migration & Integration Program, Toronto Metropolitan University

    Skilled migrants and international students are leaving the United States for Canada in growing numbers. A March 2025 report by Statistics Canada reveals a sharp rise in the numbers of American non-citizen residents moving to Canada. Reasons given are largely restrictive U.S. immigration policies, visa caps and long wait times for green cards.

    This is a shift from earlier decades when American-born citizens dominated the trend. By 2019, nearly half of those making the move were U.S. non-citizen residents.

    Since U.S. President Donald Trump’s election win and early days in office, Google searches by American residents on how to move to Canada, New Zealand and Australia have surged.

    Several high-profile academics have relocated to Canadian universities amid growing concerns over threats to academic freedom.

    British Columbia recently announced plans to launch landmark policies to streamline the credential recognition process for internationally trained health-care professionals, particular American doctors and nurses.

    Skilled talent like health-care professionals, researchers and engineers are essential to building innovative, future-ready economies. But attracting them requires staying competitive in an increasingly global bid for talent.

    Global competition for talent

    In this global race for talent, Canada and Australia need to offer not only efficient immigration pathways but also faster credential recognition and better integration support.

    Yet both nations find themselves walking a tightrope. Once both celebrated as welcoming destinations for global talent, each country has experienced recent immigration restrictions and growing anti-immigration sentiments, undermining those reputations.




    Read more:
    Canada at a crossroads: Understanding the shifting sands of immigration attitudes


    What can these countries learn from each other to stay competitive and benefit from this talent flow?

    Research from Toronto Metropolitan University’s Migration and Integration Program shows Canada’s appeal for skilled migrants is rooted in a mix of practical and aspirational factors. This includes a combination of high living standards, the promise of better career prospects, more accessible permanent residency pathways and a broadly welcoming society.

    But for migrants in Canada, these goals are becoming harder to attain.

    A more cautious approach

    Since the pandemic, Canada’s immigration approach has shifted. During the early COVID-19 years, Canada was praised for its inclusive response, including recognizing immigrants as essential to economic recovery. Temporary workers, including essential workers, international student graduates and French-speaking immigrants, were offered new routes to permanent residency through a federal program.

    However, since 2024, Canada has taken a more cautious approach.

    New policy changes that target international students and cut temporary and permanent migration numbers have tarnished Canada’s global reputation as a welcoming place.

    While permanent residency is still more accessible than in the U.S., skilled migrants are increasingly questioning whether the wait for permanent residency is worth it.

    Australia visa rules slow things down

    Australia faces similar dilemmas. In late 2023, the government launched a new migration strategy to address critical workforce shortages in construction, tech and health care. The Skills in Demand visa promised faster processing and clearer pathways to permanent residency for workers in priority sectors.

    Yet a recent report by the Grattan institute warns that tighter eligibility rules risk excluding much-needed talent, potentially weakening Australia’s competitiveness.

    Growing visa delays are also noted to be an additional barrier that may deter both prospective migrants and employers.

    Working in jobs far below qualifications

    Migration data often tells a story of numbers, categories and eligibility thresholds. However, the human stories behind the numbers reveal deep systemic issues and missed opportunities. One recurring issue is the widespread phenomenon of deskilling.

    In both Canada and Australia, many skilled migrants often find themselves working in jobs far below their qualifications.

    These experiences are part of a pattern that affects not only individuals but also national economies, which lose out on the full potential of their skilled workforce.

    Credential recognition systems are opaque, inconsistent and frequently biased.

    Another overlooked issue is that many skilled migrants do not move alone. People arrive with spouses, children and sometimes elderly parents.

    Yet immigration and settlement systems in both countries are largely structured around individual economic migrants rather than families. In Canada, for instance, federally funded settlement services are mainly geared toward supporting only permanent residents.

    Many spouses, particularly women, face even greater barriers to employment. Issues also include things like high fees for visa processing for parents. Other considerations include children who may struggle with schooling and identity in unfamiliar environments.

    Housing shortages and high costs in major urban centres compound these challenges, pushing newcomers into unaffordable living conditions.

    All this contributes to growing disillusionment. Migrants initially drawn to Canada or Australia as alternatives to unwelcoming environments elsewhere may choose to still come, but it doesn’t mean they will stay.




    Read more:
    Canada halts new parent immigration sponsorships, keeping families apart


    Learning from each other: Canada and Australia

    The experiences of skilled migrants in Canada and Australia show that attracting talent is only half the battle. The real challenge is in retention and integration.

    Many countries like Germany, Japan, South Korea and some Gulf states have begun offering more competitive pathways to immigration along with promises of a work-life balance, streamlined visa programs and competitive salaries. This means skilled migrants are increasingly mobile.




    Read more:
    The states want a bigger say in skilled migration – but doing that actually leaves them worse off


    Australia has made strides in streamlining visa categories and targeting sectoral needs, while Canada has built a strong narrative around inclusion and multiculturalism.

    However, there is a need to combine Australia’s responsiveness and Canada’s inclusive ethos to build resilient migration systems.

    Build future-ready migration systems

    In an era defined by geopolitical uncertainties, countries can no longer afford to treat skilled migrants as temporary fixes or just economic inputs. They are people with aspirations, with families and with dreams.

    They must be seen and supported as future citizens. To build future-ready migration systems Canada must:

    • Ensure transparency and consistency in immigration pathways to reduce uncertainties caused by policy reversals and lengthy processing times.

    • Improve credential recognition and career support to help skilled migrants, including temporary residents, transition into roles that match their qualifications.

    • Develop regional settlement strategies to address where migrants settle and ensure equitable access to services, job markets and housing, especially outside major cities.

    • Adopt inclusive, intersectional policies that consider gender, race and class in shaping the migrant experience, including support for spouses, children and aging parents.

    • Foster collaborative and responsive policymaking. This involves connecting researchers, employers, community organizations and migrants to inform policy making.

    For Canada, the challenge ahead is clear. It’s not just about opening the door. It’s about making sure that once here, migrants have the support, rights and opportunities to walk through that door — and thrive.

    ​Ashika Niraula works as a Senior Research Associate at the Canada Excellence Research Chair in Migration & Integration Program at Toronto Metropolitan University. The Skilled Migrant Decision Making Under Uncertainty project has received financial support from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council Insight Grant (435-2021-0752) and from the wider program of the Canada Excellence Research Chair in Migration and Integration at Toronto Metropolitan University.

    Iori Hamada does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Skilled migrants are leaving the U.S. for Canada — how can the north gain from the brain drain? – https://theconversation.com/skilled-migrants-are-leaving-the-u-s-for-canada-how-can-the-north-gain-from-the-brain-drain-254435

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: 80 years after Benito Mussolini’s death, what can democracies today learn from his fascist rise?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Matthew Sharpe, Associate Professor in Philosophy, Australian Catholic University

    Hitler and Mussolini in Munich, Germany, June 18, 1940. Everett Collection/Shutterstock

    This Monday marks 80 years since Italian dictator Benito Mussolini was killed in an Italian village towards the end of the Second World War in 1945. The following day, his body was publicly desecrated in Milan.

    Il Duce, as Mussolini was known, was Hitler’s inspiration.
    State Library of Victoria

    Given the scale of Adolf Hitler’s atrocities, our image of fascism today has largely been shaped by Nazism. Yet, Mussolini preceded Hitler. Il Duce, as Mussolini was known, was Hitler’s inspiration.

    Today, as commentators, bloggers and scholars are debating whether the governments of US President Donald Trump, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban and Russian President Vladimir Putin are “fascist”, we can learn from Il Duce’s career about how democracies fail and dictators consolidate autocratic rule.

    The early years

    The term “fascist” itself originated around the time of Mussolini’s founding in 1914 of the Fasci d’Azione Rivoluzionaria, a militaristic group promoting Italy’s entry into the First World War.

    Mussolini had been raised in a leftist family. Before WWI, he edited and wrote for socialist newspapers. Yet, from early on, the young rebel was also attracted to radically anti-democratic thinkers like Friedrich Nietzsche, George Sorel, and Wilfred Pareto.

    When WWI broke out, Mussolini broke from the socialists, who opposed Italy’s involvement in the conflict. Like Hitler, he fought in the war. Mussolini considered his front-line experience as formative for his future ideas around fascism. His war experience led him to imagine making Italy great again – an imperial power worthy of the heritage of ancient Rome.

    In March 1919, Mussolini formed the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento in Milan. This group brought together a motley collection of war veterans, primarily interested in fighting the socialists and communists. They were organised in squadristi (squads), which would become known for their black shirts and violence – they forced many of their targets to drink castor oil.

    The political success of Mussolini’s fascist ideals, however, was neither instant nor inevitable. In the 1919 Italian elections, Mussolini received so few votes, communists held a mock funeral march outside his house to celebrate his political death.

    The rise to power and the march on Rome

    Fascism became a part of national political life in 1920-21, following waves of industrial and agricultural strikes and worker occupations of land and factories.

    As a result, rural and industrial elites turned to the fascist squadristi to break strikes and combat workers’ organisations. Fascist squads also overturned the results of democratic elections in Bologna and Cremona, preventing left-wing candidates from assuming office.

    Mussolini’s political capital, remarkably, was boosted by this violence. He was invited to enter Prime Minister Ivanoe Bonomi’s first government in July 1921.

    The following October, fascists occupied the towns of Bolzano and Trento. The liberals, socialists and Italian monarchy were indecisive in the face of these provocations, allowing Mussolini to seize the moment. Mustering the fascist squads, he ordered the famous “march on Rome” in late October 2022 to demand he be appointed prime minister.

    All the evidence suggests if the government had intervened, the march on Rome would have disbanded. It was a bold piece of political theatre. Nevertheless, fearing civil war — and the communists more than the black shirts — King Victor Emmanuel III caved in without a shot being fired.

    Mussolini was made leader of a new government on October 31, 1922.

    The consolidation of dictatorship

    Like Hitler in 1933, Mussolini’s rule started as the head of a coalition government including non-fascist parties. Yet, with the repressive powers of the state now at his disposal, Mussolini exploited the division among his rivals and gradually consolidated power.

    In 1923, the communist party was targeted with mass arrests and the fascist squads were brought under official state control as a paramilitary force. Mussolini began to use state powers to surveil all non-fascist political parties.

    In the 1924 general election, with fascist militia menacingly manning the polls, Il Duce won 65% of the vote.

    Then, in June, socialist leader Giacomo Matteotti was kidnapped and murdered by black shirts. When investigations pointed to Mussolini’s responsibility, he at first denied any knowledge of the killing. Months later, however, Mussolini proudly admitted responsibility for the deed, celebrating the fascists’ brutality. He faced no legal or political consequences.

    The last nail in the coffin of Italy’s enfeebled democracy came in late 1926. Following an assassination attempt in which Mussolini’s nose was grazed (he wore a bandage for a time afterwards), Mussolini definitively banned all political opposition.

    The “lesser evil”

    Following his death in April 1945, Mussolini’s dictatorship was often portrayed as “dictatorship-lite”, a “lesser evil” compared to Nazism or Stalinist Russia. This narrative, bolstered by German crimes against Italians in the last months of the war, has understandably been embraced by many Italians.

    Yet, Mussolini’s was the first regime to advertise itself as totalitarian. Styling himself as a “man of destiny”, Mussolini claimed that fascism embodied the “spiritual renewal” of the Italian people.

    His goal of making Italy a power again required total control of the state. His 1932 “Doctrine of Fascism” describes the need “to exercise power and to command” all administrative, policing, and judicial institutions. This included censorship of the press and educational institutions.

    Mussolini announcing Italy’s declaration of war on France and Britain in 1940.
    Australian War Memorial

    While portraying fascism as a “populist” movement, Mussolini also shut down independent trade unions, bailed out big banks, and prevented the right to strike. As a result, economic inequality between Italians actually grew wider under his rule.

    Mussolini also pursued an imperialist dream by invading Ethiopia. Defying international conventions, Il Duce’s troops used chemical weapons and summary executions to quell acts of resistance. Over 700,000 Ethiopians are estimated by scholars to have been killed by the invaders, with around 35,000 forced into internment camps.

    Italian Ca-111 bombers over Ethiopia in the 1930s.
    Getty Images/Wikimedia Commons

    Mussolini’s fascists ran over 30 concentration camps from 1926–45, almost all of them offshore. Some 50–70,000 Libyans alone died in camps set up under Italy’s brutal colonial regime from 1929–34. Many more died through executions, starvation and ethnic cleansing.

    When the notorious SS leader Heinrich Himmler visited Libya in in 1939, he deemed the Italian colony a successful model to emulate.

    And after Mussolini’s forces aided the Axis invasions of Yugoslavia, Albania and Russia in the Second World War, more than 80,000 more prisoners were interned in camps. At the camp on the Croatian Island of Rab, more than 3,000 prisoners died in grossly inhumane conditions in 1942–43, at a mortality rate higher than the Nazi camp at Buchenwald.

    Slovenian prisoner of the Italian Rab concentration camp.
    Archives, Museum of Modern History, Ljubljana/Wikimedia Commons

    From late 1943, Italian fascists also participated in the rounding up of over 7,000 Italian Jews to transfer to Auschwitz. Almost all of them were murdered.

    Following the war, even with Il Duce dead, few perpetrators faced justice for these atrocities.

    Lessons for democracies after 80 years

    The infamy of the crimes associated with the word “fascism” has meant that few people today claim the label – even those attracted to the same kinds of authoritarian, ethnonationalist politics.

    Mussolini, even more than Hitler, can seem a bombastic fool, with his uniform, theatrical gestures, stylised hyper-masculinity and patented steely jaw.

    Yet, one of the lessons of Mussolini’s career is that such political adventurists are only as strong as the democratic opposition allows. To fail to take them seriously is to enable their success.

    Mussolini pushed his luck time and again between 1920 and 1926. As the wonderful recent teleseries of his ascent, Mussolini, Figlio del Seculo shows, time and again, the opposition failed to concertedly oppose the fascists’ attacks on democratic norms and institutions. Then it was too late.

    Democracies mostly fall over time, by a thousand cuts and shifts of the goalposts of what is considered “normal”. Fascism, moreover, depends in no small measure on shameless political deception, including the readiness to conceal its own most radical intentions.

    Fascist “strongmen” like Mussolini accumulate power thanks to people’s inabilities to believe that the barbarisation of political life – including open violence against opponents – could happen in their societies.

    And there is a final, unsettling lesson of Mussolini’s career. Il Duce was a skilled propagandist who portrayed himself as leading a popular revolt to restore respectable values. He was able to win widespread popular support, including among the elites, even as he destroyed Italian democracy.

    Yet, if the monarchy, military, other political parties and the church had attempted a principled, united opposition to fascism early enough, most of Mussolini’s crimes would likely have been avoided.

    Matthew Sharpe has in the past (2013-17) received funding from the ARC to study religion and politics in the contemporary world.

    ref. 80 years after Benito Mussolini’s death, what can democracies today learn from his fascist rise? – https://theconversation.com/80-years-after-benito-mussolinis-death-what-can-democracies-today-learn-from-his-fascist-rise-251154

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Security: Senior NATO advisors meet in Kyiv to discuss priorities for joint NATO-Ukraine lessons learned centre

    Source: NATO

    The Senior Advisory Board (SAB) of the NATO-Ukraine Joint Analysis, Training and Education Centre (JATEC) met in Kyiv, Ukraine on 25 April 2025, to discuss key priorities. Since its opening in February 2025, the Centre has already carried out its first projects focused on air defence, protection of critical infrastructure, and resilience and total defence.

    For this second SAB meeting, NATO senior representatives were invited to Kyiv by Ukrainian Deputy Minister of Defense Serhiy Boyev. Assistant Secretary General for Operations Tom Goffus chaired the meeting with representatives from Ukraine, NATO and Poland. ASG Goffus said that hosting the meeting in Kyiv not only highlighted JATEC’s importance but also demonstrates NATO’s continued and steadfast support to Ukraine.

    NATO leadership discussed JATEC’s Programme of Work, priorities and next steps. They agreed to deliver concrete and actionable combat lessons for both Ukraine and NATO, whilst embedding civilian-military aspects within the JATEC organisation. 

    NATO continues to provide political and practical support for Ukraine. In the first three months of 2025, Allies have already pledged over 20 billion euros in security assistance for Ukraine this year. In Wiesbaden, Germany, NATO Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine (NSATU) is coordinating the delivery of training and security assistance to Ukraine. And in Bydgoszcz, Poland, JATEC is analysing crucial lessons from the battlefield in Ukraine. The first civil-military organisation to be jointly run by NATO and Ukraine, JATEC and its work will help further strengthen Ukraine’s defence sector, enhance its deterrence and defence, and reach full interoperability with NATO.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-Evening Report: ER Report: A Roundup of Significant Articles on EveningReport.nz for April 26, 2025

    ER Report: Here is a summary of significant articles published on EveningReport.nz on April 26, 2025.

    80 years after Benito Mussolini’s death, what can democracies today learn from his fascist rise?
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matthew Sharpe, Associate Professor in Philosophy, Australian Catholic University Hitler and Mussolini in Munich, Germany, June 18, 1940. Everett Collection/Shutterstock This Monday marks 80 years since Italian dictator Benito Mussolini was killed in an Italian village towards the end of the Second World War in 1945. The

    Samoan nun tells of ‘like a blur’ awesome meeting with Pope Francis
    By Susana Suisuiki, RNZ Pacific presenter The doors of St Peter’s Basilica in the Vatican have now been closed and the coffin sealed, ahead of preparations for tonight’s funeral of Pope Francis. The Vatican says a quarter of a million people have paid respects to Pope Francis in the last three days. Sister Susana Vaifale

    Israel’s endgame for tormented Gaza is political and physical erasure
    COMMENTARY: By Nour Odeh There was faint hope that efforts to achieve a ceasefire deal in Gaza would succeed. That hope is now all but gone, offering 2.1 million tormented and starved Palestinians dismal prospects for the days and weeks ahead. Last Saturday, the Israeli Prime Minister once again affirmed he had no intention to

    Trump signs ‘deeply dangerous’ order to fast-track deep sea mining
    An ocean conservation non-profit has condemned the United States President’s latest executive order aimed at boosting the deep sea mining industry. President Donald Trump issued the “Unleashing America’s offshore critical minerals and resources” order on Thursday, directing the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) to allow deep sea mining. The order states: “It is the

    Election Diary: Dutton tops list of most distrusted, amid deepening voter cynicism about political leaders
    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra In this election, voters are more distrustful than ever of politicians, and the political heroes of 2022 have fallen from grace, swept from favour by independent players. A Roy Morgan survey has found, for the first time, that Australians are

    Pacific editor welcomes US court ruling in favour of Radio Free Asia
    By Koroi Hawkins, RNZ Pacific editor The former head of BenarNews’ Pacific bureau says a United States court ruling this week ordering the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) to release congressionally approved funding to Radio Free Asia and its subsidiaries “makes us very happy”. However, Stefan Armbruster, who has played a key role in

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-Evening Report: 80 years after Benito Mussolini’s death, what can democracies today learn from his fascist rise?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matthew Sharpe, Associate Professor in Philosophy, Australian Catholic University

    Hitler and Mussolini in Munich, Germany, June 18, 1940. Everett Collection/Shutterstock

    This Monday marks 80 years since Italian dictator Benito Mussolini was killed in an Italian village towards the end of the Second World War in 1945. The following day, his body was publicly desecrated in Milan.

    Il Duce, as Mussolini was known, was Hitler’s inspiration.
    State Library of Victoria

    Given the scale of Adolf Hitler’s atrocities, our image of fascism today has largely been shaped by Nazism. Yet, Mussolini preceded Hitler. Il Duce, as Mussolini was known, was Hitler’s inspiration.

    Today, as commentators, bloggers and scholars are debating whether the governments of US President Donald Trump, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban and Russian President Vladimir Putin are “fascist”, we can learn from Il Duce’s career about how democracies fail and dictators consolidate autocratic rule.

    The early years

    The term “fascist” itself originated around the time of Mussolini’s founding in 1914 of the Fasci d’Azione Rivoluzionaria, a militaristic group promoting Italy’s entry into the First World War.

    Mussolini had been raised in a leftist family. Before WWI, he edited and wrote for socialist newspapers. Yet, from early on, the young rebel was also attracted to radically anti-democratic thinkers like Friedrich Nietzsche, George Sorel, and Wilfred Pareto.

    When WWI broke out, Mussolini broke from the socialists, who opposed Italy’s involvement in the conflict. Like Hitler, he fought in the war. Mussolini considered his front-line experience as formative for his future ideas around fascism. His war experience led him to imagine making Italy great again – an imperial power worthy of the heritage of ancient Rome.

    In March 1919, Mussolini formed the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento in Milan. This group brought together a motley collection of war veterans, primarily interested in fighting the socialists and communists. They were organised in squadristi (squads), which would become known for their black shirts and violence – they forced many of their targets to drink castor oil.

    The political success of Mussolini’s fascist ideals, however, was neither instant nor inevitable. In the 1919 Italian elections, Mussolini received so few votes, communists held a mock funeral march outside his house to celebrate his political death.

    The rise to power and the march on Rome

    Fascism became a part of national political life in 1920-21, following waves of industrial and agricultural strikes and worker occupations of land and factories.

    As a result, rural and industrial elites turned to the fascist squadristi to break strikes and combat workers’ organisations. Fascist squads also overturned the results of democratic elections in Bologna and Cremona, preventing left-wing candidates from assuming office.

    Mussolini’s political capital, remarkably, was boosted by this violence. He was invited to enter Prime Minister Ivanoe Bonomi’s first government in July 1921.

    The following October, fascists occupied the towns of Bolzano and Trento. The liberals, socialists and Italian monarchy were indecisive in the face of these provocations, allowing Mussolini to seize the moment. Mustering the fascist squads, he ordered the famous “march on Rome” in late October 2022 to demand he be appointed prime minister.

    All the evidence suggests if the government had intervened, the march on Rome would have disbanded. It was a bold piece of political theatre. Nevertheless, fearing civil war — and the communists more than the black shirts — King Victor Emmanuel III caved in without a shot being fired.

    Mussolini was made leader of a new government on October 31, 1922.

    The consolidation of dictatorship

    Like Hitler in 1933, Mussolini’s rule started as the head of a coalition government including non-fascist parties. Yet, with the repressive powers of the state now at his disposal, Mussolini exploited the division among his rivals and gradually consolidated power.

    In 1923, the communist party was targeted with mass arrests and the fascist squads were brought under official state control as a paramilitary force. Mussolini began to use state powers to surveil all non-fascist political parties.

    In the 1924 general election, with fascist militia menacingly manning the polls, Il Duce won 65% of the vote.

    Then, in June, socialist leader Giacomo Matteotti was kidnapped and murdered by black shirts. When investigations pointed to Mussolini’s responsibility, he at first denied any knowledge of the killing. Months later, however, Mussolini proudly admitted responsibility for the deed, celebrating the fascists’ brutality. He faced no legal or political consequences.

    The last nail in the coffin of Italy’s enfeebled democracy came in late 1926. Following an assassination attempt in which Mussolini’s nose was grazed (he wore a bandage for a time afterwards), Mussolini definitively banned all political opposition.

    The “lesser evil”

    Following his death in April 1945, Mussolini’s dictatorship was often portrayed as “dictatorship-lite”, a “lesser evil” compared to Nazism or Stalinist Russia. This narrative, bolstered by German crimes against Italians in the last months of the war, has understandably been embraced by many Italians.

    Yet, Mussolini’s was the first regime to advertise itself as totalitarian. Styling himself as a “man of destiny”, Mussolini claimed that fascism embodied the “spiritual renewal” of the Italian people.

    His goal of making Italy a power again required total control of the state. His 1932 “Doctrine of Fascism” describes the need “to exercise power and to command” all administrative, policing, and judicial institutions. This included censorship of the press and educational institutions.

    Mussolini announcing Italy’s declaration of war on France and Britain in 1940.
    Australian War Memorial

    While portraying fascism as a “populist” movement, Mussolini also shut down independent trade unions, bailed out big banks, and prevented the right to strike. As a result, economic inequality between Italians actually grew wider under his rule.

    Mussolini also pursued an imperialist dream by invading Ethiopia. Defying international conventions, Il Duce’s troops used chemical weapons and summary executions to quell acts of resistance. Over 700,000 Ethiopians are estimated by scholars to have been killed by the invaders, with around 35,000 forced into internment camps.

    Italian Ca-111 bombers over Ethiopia in the 1930s.
    Getty Images/Wikimedia Commons

    Mussolini’s fascists ran over 30 concentration camps from 1926–45, almost all of them offshore. Some 50–70,000 Libyans alone died in camps set up under Italy’s brutal colonial regime from 1929–34. Many more died through executions, starvation and ethnic cleansing.

    When the notorious SS leader Heinrich Himmler visited Libya in in 1939, he deemed the Italian colony a successful model to emulate.

    And after Mussolini’s forces aided the Axis invasions of Yugoslavia, Albania and Russia in the Second World War, more than 80,000 more prisoners were interned in camps. At the camp on the Croatian Island of Rab, more than 3,000 prisoners died in grossly inhumane conditions in 1942–43, at a mortality rate higher than the Nazi camp at Buchenwald.

    Slovenian prisoner of the Italian Rab concentration camp.
    Archives, Museum of Modern History, Ljubljana/Wikimedia Commons

    From late 1943, Italian fascists also participated in the rounding up of over 7,000 Italian Jews to transfer to Auschwitz. Almost all of them were murdered.

    Following the war, even with Il Duce dead, few perpetrators faced justice for these atrocities.

    Lessons for democracies after 80 years

    The infamy of the crimes associated with the word “fascism” has meant that few people today claim the label – even those attracted to the same kinds of authoritarian, ethnonationalist politics.

    Mussolini, even more than Hitler, can seem a bombastic fool, with his uniform, theatrical gestures, stylised hyper-masculinity and patented steely jaw.

    Yet, one of the lessons of Mussolini’s career is that such political adventurists are only as strong as the democratic opposition allows. To fail to take them seriously is to enable their success.

    Mussolini pushed his luck time and again between 1920 and 1926. As the wonderful recent teleseries of his ascent, Mussolini, Figlio del Seculo shows, time and again, the opposition failed to concertedly oppose the fascists’ attacks on democratic norms and institutions. Then it was too late.

    Democracies mostly fall over time, by a thousand cuts and shifts of the goalposts of what is considered “normal”. Fascism, moreover, depends in no small measure on shameless political deception, including the readiness to conceal its own most radical intentions.

    Fascist “strongmen” like Mussolini accumulate power thanks to people’s inabilities to believe that the barbarisation of political life – including open violence against opponents – could happen in their societies.

    And there is a final, unsettling lesson of Mussolini’s career. Il Duce was a skilled propagandist who portrayed himself as leading a popular revolt to restore respectable values. He was able to win widespread popular support, including among the elites, even as he destroyed Italian democracy.

    Yet, if the monarchy, military, other political parties and the church had attempted a principled, united opposition to fascism early enough, most of Mussolini’s crimes would likely have been avoided.

    Matthew Sharpe has in the past (2013-17) received funding from the ARC to study religion and politics in the contemporary world.

    ref. 80 years after Benito Mussolini’s death, what can democracies today learn from his fascist rise? – https://theconversation.com/80-years-after-benito-mussolinis-death-what-can-democracies-today-learn-from-his-fascist-rise-251154

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI China: Macao int’l travel expo opens for global tourism opportunities

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    MACAO, April 25 — The 13th Macao International Travel (Industry) Expo (MITE) kicked off on Friday, setting new records with 755 exhibitors from 70 countries and regions.

    Organized by the tourism office of the Macao Special Administrative Region (SAR) government and coordinated by the Macao Travel Agency Association, the event aims to foster global tourism cooperation and strengthen Macao’s international connectivity.

    Over 500 participants gathered for the opening ceremony, including the SAR Chief Executive Sam Hou Fai, Director of the Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in the Macao SAR Zheng Xincong, and Commissioner of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Macao SAR Liu Xianfa.

    With 30,000 square meters of exhibition space, this year’s expo showcased 1,502 booths. Tourism authorities from Qatar, Hamburg of Germany, Sweden, Burundi, Kenya and Türkiye participated for the first time. According to the Macao SAR tourism office, the number of international exhibitor booths increased by 50 percent this year.

    New highlights for this year’s MITE include a live-streaming section for exhibitors from Belt and Road countries, a coffee station showcasing products from Portuguese-speaking nations, and a foodie market that celebrates the culinary diversity of Macao.

    In her opening address, Maria Helena de Senna Fernandes, director of the Tourism Office of the Macao SAR government, said that Macao continuously enhances the role of a bridge to connect the tourism industries of Macao, the Chinese mainland, and the international community. She also called for the expansion of the international network to promote mutually beneficial development in the global tourism industry.

    The expo runs until Sunday with over 70 activities, including promotional sessions and forums.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI Video: Building Confidence Through Strength

    Source: United States Department of Defense (video statements)

    —————
    @usarmy soldiers from the 2nd Cavalry Regiment tackle the CS gas chamber while building confidence in their M50 protective mask during the Wolf Blitz 25 training exercise at Grafenwoehr Training Area, Bavaria, Germany.

    #army #military #usa

    For more on the Department of Defense, visit: http://www.defense.gov
    —————
    Keep up with the Department of Defense on social media!

    Like the DoD on Facebook: http://facebook.com/DeptofDefense
    Follow the DoD on Twitter: http://twitter.com/DeptofDefense
    Follow the DoD on Instagram: http://instagram.com/DeptofDefense
    Follow the DoD on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/DeptofDefense

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_Xsdx4i8yDs

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Press Briefing Transcript: European Department, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    April 25, 2025

    PARTICIPANTS:

     MR. HELGE BERGER, Deputy Director, European Department, IMF

     MS. OYA CELASUN, Deputy Director, European Department, IMF

     MR. ALFRED KAMMER, Director, European Department, IMF

    MODERATOR: 

    MS. CAMILA PEREZ, Senior Communications Officer, IMF

    *  *  *  *  *

    P R O C E E D I N G S

    (10:00 a.m.)

    MS. PEREZ: Hi everyone.  Thank you so much for joining today’s press conference on the European Economic Outlook.  I’m Camila Perez.  I’m a Communications Officer with the IMF.  We’re pleased to be joined today by Alfred Kammer, sitting next to me, Director of the European Department here at the IMF.  Also, with us we’ve got Oya Celasun and Helge Berger, both Deputy Directors of the Department. 

    We’ll begin as usual with some opening remarks from Alfred, and then we’ll take your questions.  I see some colleagues joining online, so we will also go to your questions online.  Alfred, over to you. 

    MR. KAMMER: Welcome to this press conference on Europe. I have posted my opening remarks and also circulated.  You should have them.  So, I will just make a few points for emphasis. 

    First of all, in terms of the outlook, we have had a meaningful downgrade for Europe that reflects the impact of tariffs, partially compensated by an increase in infrastructure spending and defense spending, in particular from Germany.  But the biggest impact is coming from uncertainty and tighter financial conditions.  The impact is different for the Euro area versus CESEE (Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe).  CESEE is more affected as it has a larger manufacturing sector and is more exposed to tariffs. 

    Second point to make is when we are looking at the medium term, we see rather weak growth, and that has not changed from our previous outlook.  And that is a clear result of a large productivity gap Europe has to the global economy.  And that is something which clearly needs to be fixed.  We were talking about internal barriers; we are talking about financial barriers which need to be overcome.  So that’s part of the medium-term growth story, and that is something for the policy part. 

    On the policy recommendations, first, our recommendation is more trade is better and therefore we are very encouraged that the European Union is continuing to move forward on trade agreements.  Those who have been — which have been negotiated, they should be brought to a conclusion. 

    The second policy advice is on the monetary side.  In the Euro area, we had success in the disinflation effort.  We are forecasting now that we hit the target in the second half of 2025.  What does that mean for ECB monetary policy?  One more cut in the summer of 25 basis points and then keep the rate on hold at 2 percent until — unless major shocks ask for a recalibration of that monetary stance.  A bit different in CESEE, where inflation is more persistent and still higher, and there needs to be taken more caution in terms of the easing part.

    On fiscal consolidation, fiscal consolidation should continue.  Europe needs to build up buffers for the next shock.  But also, Europe needs to build fiscal space for long-term spending pressures, which we have on aging, health care, the energy transition, and of course, now an accelerated need is on defense spending. 

    Final point, focus needs to be on structural reforms.  In Europe, we have been making suggestions on reforms which could be taken at the EU level.  Draghi Letta, we have a shared diagnostic.  We also have an understanding of the policy solutions.  These reforms should be undertaken with urgency.  We selected a number of key reforms which are under discussion.  If we are looking at the benefit of the implementation, it would add 3 percent to the level of GDP in Europe.  So, these reforms need to be pushed forward with urgency. 

    There’s also a need for national structural reforms.  There’s lots of benefit to those.  Priority in Europe actually is on the labor market side, including on upskilling and reskilling of workers.  We put together, country by country, a set of priority reform areas.  If countries actually close the gap to the best-performing countries, best-practice countries in these areas by only 50 percent, it would give a boost to the level of GDP by 5 percent for advanced European countries, by 6 to 7 percent for CESEE countries and for the Western Balkan countries, the number is 9 percent increase in GDP.  So, the reform areas are discussed, the reform areas are agreed.  What now needs to happen is the political will, and that is not easy to overcome vested interests, but it needs to be done because this is to secure the future of Europe.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks so much, Alfred. We can now start with your questions.  We will go to the room.  Please raise your hand when called, identify yourself, name, and outlet.  We’re going to get started with the lady sitting here.  Thank you.  First row. 

    QUESTIONER: Hi, good morning.  Thank you for taking my question.  So, in recent weeks financial market has shown increasing pressure on U.S. Treasury while demand on the European debt appears to be rising.  Do you believe this shift represents a sustainable trend?  And more broadly, do you think that what some have termed European exceptionalism could eventually supplant the American exceptionalism in the global economic and financial order?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: First, to move to European exceptionalism. It’s still a long and hard road away, and it starts with utilizing the single market in order to create the productivity gains necessary actually to create markets to scale and to create financing to scale so that we get a dynamic business sector going.  And that is a must, which needs to be done in order to increase growth, and also, given all of the spending needs coming to secure the European welfare state. 

    On your other question, we should not overinterpret the shifts which have taken place on the portfolio side over the last few weeks.  When markets are adjusting, you would expect rebalancing to take place.  At this stage, way too early to say whether there has been a structural shift. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you, Alfred. We’re going to go now to the gentleman in the fourth row with the blue jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER: Mr. Kammer, Germany has been very praised here during the Spring Meetings for its new fiscal stimulus package.  But in Germany we have a little bit of different discussion.  A lot of economists criticize the lack of structural reforms in Germany.  Do you have already a first assessment of how the fiscal stimulus package could boost the weak German potential growth?  And do you think that the expenditures are in line with the EU fiscal rules, or must the EU fiscal rules be reformed again so that Germany just can spend the money in the end?  Thanks.

    MR. KAMMER: On your first question, yes, we do. And I hand over to Oya. 

    MS. CELASUN: Thank you very much. So, you’re asking how the fiscal stimulus will impact the German economy and how it fits in with the broader structural reform agenda.  So, it will bring some — blow some energy into the economy after several years of weak growth.  We don’t expect the ramp-up in expenditures to be very quick.  We expect the peak effect in 2026.  Basically in ’25, it will bring some partial offset to the increased drags we are seeing from the trade side from global uncertainty, weak consumer and business confidence.  But as we move into 2026 and 2027, it will be a dominant factor offsetting the expected ongoing drag from trade tensions.  So, it will certainly lift aggregate demand. 

    And the part on infrastructure spending is very welcome.  For years we’ve pointed to deficient public infrastructure as a factor holding back growth in Germany.  So not only will it help growth in the near-term through aggregate demand, but it should have, if fully spent, it should have an effect on lifting potential growth in the long-term as well.  It is one of the important areas we see for lifting potential growth as Germany moves into a period with weak growth in its workforce — in fact, a sharp contraction in the coming five years.  So that’s very welcome.  But there are other important areas.  One of them is cutting red tape, actually important for lifting public infrastructure spending as well.  It’s important for Germany to be a leader in pushing European integration and also deal with its shrinking labor force by helping women work full-time.  Thanks. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks, Oya. We’re —

    QUESTIONER: [off mic]

    MS. CELASUN: So maybe the important thing to mention is that Germany has fiscal space, it has low debt, it has low deficits, it has low borrowing costs. So that’s very important.  We, our own forecasts suggest that Germany, once you exclude defense spending of about 1.5 percent of GDP relative to 2021, will keep its deficits below 3 percent.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: We’re going to go now to the center. Gentlemen on the second row.  Thank. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you.  In the updated World Economic Outlook, the IMF downgraded its projection for Ukraine up to 2 percent this year compared with the November forecast, which was 2.5-3.5 percent.  Could you please elaborate on the aspects that have affected the current forecast?  What share of this is due to the global and regional slowdown, domestic factors, war, or external support?  And secondly, may I ask you to comment on the issue of debt restructuring for Ukraine?  Do you have communication with the Ukrainian government on this, and how do you evaluate the risks for Ukraine if they couldn’t reach a deal on this issue?  Thank you.

    MS. PEREZ: Let me see if there’s any other questions on Ukraine. The lady in the third row.  Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: I also want to ask you about the crisis and there are — have many — many different cases, many countries have had their debt written off.  And do you recommend the creditors write off part of Ukraine’s debt, and is this option being considered now?  Thank you.

    MR. KAMMER: So, let me start with a question on growth first. What we are seeing is lower growth momentum carrying forward from 2024.  That is a reflection of the bombing of the energy infrastructure and that is hampering the economy.  It’s also reflecting a very tight labor market and it’s reflecting continued uncertainty of the length of the war and how the war will evolve and affect the economy.  And that is clearly weighing on growth in 2025. 

    I should say, of course, and emphasize again that the Ukraine economic team, Minister of Finance, Central Bank Governor are doing an extraordinary job to maintain macro stability under these conditions and also to prepare the economy for a post-war reconstruction period.  And important for that is the need to work on the medium-term national revenue strategy because Ukraine will need revenue in order to provide all of the necessary service of a modern state and their support the reconstruction.  So, I think that’s very important.  But praise again for the economic team to operate and attain macro stability in this difficult situation. 

    On the debt part, what we are seeing is that there is a credible process underway with private creditors that is proceeding, and that is an important element of the Fund program.  So that in the end, under the Fund program, we are going to see that sustainability in Ukraine emerging. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you. We’re going to go to this side of the room.  The lady in the second row.  Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: Hi, good morning.  A question on the UK.  There’s a lot of speculation in the UK about a potential trade deal with the U.S.  Will it make any difference to growth?  And our finance minister was on the radio this morning saying our trading relationship with Europe was arguably even more important because they’re nearer to us.  Do you agree with that?

    MR. KAMMER: Helge?

    MR. BERGER: We agree with everybody who concludes that more trade is better than less trade. We understand that trade has been sort of in the past and will be in the future, I’m sure, an engine for growth and productivity improvements. So, in that spirit, sort of any trade agreements that the UK will be concluding with any country going forward that will improve sort of the trading relationships that they already have are very welcome.  And we would generally encourage all countries to follow this path. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you. We’re going to go.  The gentleman in the second row. 

    QUESTIONER: Hi. I was just wondering, during the meetings this week, there seem to be differing opinions among European leaders about the prospects of a trade deal with the United States.  The French saying they think perhaps a deal might be some way off.  The Germans expressing more optimism.  I just wondered from your vantage point how important you think it is that a deal be done for growth for the European Union and for Europe more broadly.  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, so clearly our message is more trade is better. Trade tensions are bad for growth.  And so, we are encouraging to have constructive negotiations.  And the U.S. is a large trading partner of the European Union, so we are hoping that there will be successful negotiations taking place.  And in our discussions with European leaders, I don’t sense any difference of views with regard to the importance of that relationship and that an effort needs to be made to de-escalate and to negotiate a deal. 

    MS. PEREZ: We’re going to go online now. Go ahead please.  You can unmute yourself. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Thank you so much.  Trade between Russia and Europe has shrunk dramatically due to sanctions and counter-sanctions.  How does the IMF characterize the current state of Russia-Europe trade flows?  Are we essentially seeing a permanent decoupling of the Russian economy from its European trading partners, or are there still significant economic interactions that could influence the outlook?  Moreover, what does the IMF foresee for the future of these trade relations?  Is any normalization expected within the forecast horizon, taking into account U.S. tariffs, or will they remain at minimal levels?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: So, it would be speculative on my side to pronounce on what the future will bring with regard to the European Russian relations. Fact is that there has been a decoupling taking place, or trade has been reduced quite considerably. And Russia, in response, has increased domestic production, import substitution, and reoriented trade relations, in particular to China and India.  So that has taken place.  When we are looking at the Russian economy, what we are seeing is a quite sharp slowdown this year from last year’s growth, and that shows the strain the war is imposing on the Russian economy.  Importantly, what we see is if this isolation of Russia is going to continue, it will impact, of course, on the transfer of technology.  And we are forecasting that potential growth in Russia has fallen significantly to 1.2 percent.  And with such a potential growth rate, it will not converge to Western European living standards.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks. We’re going to go with the first row.  The gentleman in the jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you.  Italy’s growth forecast was cut in half, almost from 0.7 to 0.4.  Was it just on account of trade or for other factors?  And if you have any policy recommendation for the government.  And also, another question on the ECB, you are recommending that they cut 2 percent.  Most economists expect the rate to go down below 2 percent.  Are you suggesting they should stay at that level.

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, maybe I’ll start with the ECB question, and Helge can take the question on the growth performance of Italy. So, what we are seeing is that inflation is coming down as expected. The uncertainty at this stage is at the wage side.  But here we also see a slowdown, and we are expecting wages to converge to projections by the end of this year.  And the bottom line of this is that we expect that the inflation target of 2 percent will be sustainably met in the second half of 2025.  We will see that headline inflation may be a bit below and that reflects the impact of lower energy prices.  We will see that core inflation may stay a bit above 2.  The bottom line on our side is we are looking at a monetary policy stance which will maintain sustainably this inflation rate at 2 percent.  And we are seeing that can be achieved with another 25-basis point cut and then hold at 2 percent.  We don’t see a need for going lower than 2 percent. 

    This, of course, is subject to major shocks affecting the monetary policy stance in the future.  We should not forget.  And we are emphasizing major shocks because the impact on monetary policy on inflation is not going to become evident within the first 18 months.  So, this is a long-term endeavor whenever you are changing the monetary stance.

    MS. PEREZ: Helge. 

    MR. BERGER: Italy.  So, thanks for the question.  The downgrade as in 2025, this year, 2.4 from 0.7, and next year from 0.9 to 0.8, is roughly in line what we have seen in other countries.  So, there are two factors at play.  One is the trade tensions.  They have a direct element, so there’s an exposure to tariffs.  But there’s also trade uncertainty.  And this uncertainty has also left its marks on financial conditions which have tightened.  So, all these factors sort of slow down growth. 

    In ’26, the downgrade is a bit lower because some of these effects are less urgent.  But we also do have some countervailing factors such as the NRP public investment surging as the program comes to an end.  And that’s something we welcome.  The government is making good progress in this area, and we like the public investment and reforms attached to it.  It is also clear that after ’26, when this program is over, there is an opportunity to ramp up domestic structural reforms.  The country has a comprehensive agenda which we encourage it to continue on.  That includes reforms in education and upskilling, includes business environment reforms.  And finally, labor market participation is a perennial issue in Italy, as we heard.  It’s also an issue in other countries, but I think Italy is part of this. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go towards the back of the room.  The lady in the light green jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thank you.  I would like to ask about Turkish economy.  In the World Economic Outlook report, unlike most countries, we see a slight upward revision in Türkiye’s growth forecast this year.  And the country’s economic growth is also projected to accelerate next year.  How do you assess the current state of Turkish economy?  Also, how does the IMF view the country’s progress in controlling inflation? 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, so what we are seeing under growth performance is to some extent a carryover from a very strong momentum in the second half of 2024.  And that led to a growth upgrade, a small one, but compensating.  And that is important for the negative impact of tariffs and uncertainty on the outlook. 

    With regard to the government’s disinflation program that is moving forward.  The economic team is implementing disinflation program.  Our recommendation remains, disinflation should happen faster and that requires a tighter macroeconomic policy mix.  And the linchpin of that needs to be tighter fiscal policy.  And why do we advocate that?  The longer the disinflation effort is dragging out the longer the time of vulnerability and being hit by shocks which we don’t know yet to even think about it.  So, disinflation program accelerate linchpin is tied to fiscal policy. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go with the gentleman on the fifth row.  Thank you. 

    QUESTIONER:  Good afternoon.  Mr. Kammer, you strongly advocate trade agreements between Europe and other countries.  As you well know, France is quite reluctant to sign the Mercosur Agreement.  The whole political spectrum is very reluctant, saying that there are issues on farming and environment.  What would you say to convince France and other maybe reluctant countries to sign this Mercosur Agreement? 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, I would say first, it’s not just Mercosur.  Mercosur is one aspect.  There are other trade agreements in place.  And when you’re looking at the success of technology and of trade in terms of lifting up living standards globally, is just immense.  It’s not just putting people out of poverty, it is helping the rich world also grow richer. 

    There’s no question that whenever you have technological changes or when you are getting rid of trade barriers, that some sectors and some industries and the people working there will be negatively affected.  And on that our recommendation has always been and continues to be, and this has to be a continuous focus when you’re looking at the transformation which will be triggered by technological progress and artificial intelligence in particular, to make sure that the people have a social safety net to fall into.  It’s one part. 

    But then also, and that is as important, and that needs to be strengthened, to upskill skills of the labor force so that they find jobs in growing new dynamic sectors.  And that has to be a focus.  If I see one model which works and worked very well in the global economy, it’s the Flexicurity program in Denmark, which allows workers to move to jobs quickly, including getting the reskilling and upskilling.  And I think that needs to be the focus. 

    But it’s very clear we need to take care of those who are displaced and who are losing their jobs.  And we know how to do this, but it needs to be done. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go to the first row here, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thank you.  In the context of European and European market integration, do you see that it’s possible Bulgaria to become next member of the euro area in the next year?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: The answer is definitely yes.  But Helge, you may want to elaborate. 

    MR. BERGER: Thanks for the setup.  So, yes, we’re following this closely, of course.  I think it’s clear that Bulgaria has made major progress towards fulfilling the conditions for the access to the eurozone.  We have seen deficits in line with the EU fiscal framework of 3 percent.  We have seen inflation coming down.  So, the next step is for the European authorities to speak to this, the European Commission, the ECB, will speak to accession and then we expect the process to continue.

    From our end, this would be a welcome step for the country.  EU accession, sorry, euro accession means lower trading costs, more beneficial environment for the FDI flows, and so on.  So, there’s, there are a lot of upsides for the country, but of course it should enter strongly, just as strongly as it has performed in the last few years.  That means sort of taking care of fiscal policy, remain prudent, have an open eye on any financial sector risks that could come, including from accession, and last, not least, sort of work to complete the structural form agenda that the government has.  You know, you want to enter the euro, but you want to enter it on a strong footing. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go online now.  Olena, please unmute yourself.

    QUESTIONER:  Hi, everyone.  I have a question related to Europe.  Although you mentioned that increased defense spending is an upside risk, do you think that trade wars and tariffs can undermine its role for growth on European continent?  And if we compare, how do you evaluate the implementation of your policy recommendations by Europe comparing to the previous outlook? 

    MR. KAMMER: Sorry, I didn’t get the last part. 

    QUESTIONER:  How do you evaluate the implementing of policy recommendations in Europe comparing to your previous outlook? 

    MR. KAMMER: Okay, good.  So, clearly tariffs do have an impact and the longer they last, the more pronounced the impact will be, including on the medium-term outlook.  And therefore, our call on talking in terms of de-escalating and negotiating agreements, but also in general the idea of trade matters and more trade is better to look for new opportunities to lower trade barriers. 

    When it comes to our recommendations with regard to Europe, I would say on the macroeconomic front, both on the monetary policy side and also on the fiscal policy side, the right steps were taken, and the right steps are being implemented.  And clearly, on the monetary policy side, they are already showing the results.  Monetary policy, again, showed that it works in order to bring inflation down.  That was doubted at one point in time over the last few years.

    Where we seem to be repeating our policy recommendations is under EU reforms and also under structural reform sides.  And those reform areas are more difficult to tackle.  They are facing political economy considerations and resistance.  And so, clearly what we are happy about is that there is a shared diagnostic and there is a shared understanding of the policy solutions. 

    And I could tell you in our discussion with the European policymakers during these meetings, that is the case.  They all agree on the diagnostics and they all agree also on what needs to be done on the policy solution side.  And what we discussed was, so how to actually do it.  There’s willingness to do it, but it is some of the things are technical.  But there’s a lot of resistance, of course, from certain sectors and in certain countries towards change.  And what one needs to consider is maybe have a bigger approach to that and to start not discussing and negotiating just individual areas of reform where you have perceived winners and losers, but to think about more of a package deal where everybody can see something which is a win situation, and they need to make compromise on other parts. 

    I think on our side, what we are trying to do in messaging, it is very little understood, and it’s not really communicated by policymakers and politicians of the huge value an integrated single market is created for Europe.  You usually hear a point towards net contribution to a very small European budget, which is 1 percent of European GDP.  That is just a rounding mistake in the bigger scheme of things, of what wealth that single market already has created for all of the member countries and what it can create in the future by deepening this market.  And I think that is something where we are trying to help policymakers with, to change that narrative that Europe is a burden.  No.  Europe is a winner for all the 27 countries which are participating in the European Union.  And I think that’s an important message to make. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re running out of time, so we’ll take one or two more questions.  We’re going to go with the gentleman on the fifth row, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thanks.  I have two questions.  One is, could you a little bit elaborate more on your policy advice?  For example, in Austria we have a big debate about should wage costs go down in order to bring back industry.  But if I’m correct, I hear that you see more potential in kind of a stronger integration in Europe. 

    And my second question is, I was just at the Peterson Institute where they said basically that this 10 percent appreciation of the euro versus the dollar is more or less equivalent to the 20 percent additional tax.  So what was your assumption on the exchange rate of the dollar and the euro?  And is there a danger that this might lead to more trouble if the dollar keeps getting weaker?  Thanks.

    MR. KAMMER: Mm-hmm.  Oya, do you want to take this question? 

    MS. CELASUN: Sure.  On the Austrian side, basically what we have, we’ve recently concluded a consultation with Austria and the reforms that we found to be the most important ones were to lift female and elderly labor force participation because Austria, like others, is aging rapidly.  And for that, childcare and elder care availability and access are very important.  Also, Austria is yet another country where we would see a strong push, we would like to see a strong push for European integration.  Especially the regulatory growth financing environment for startups need to be bolstered and that those require, in our view, reforms at the European level. 

    On the second side, I don’t think I caught everything. 

    MR. KAMMER: Okay.  So, on the euro, first of all, we shouldn’t translate swings and volatility into long-term trends.  We need to be careful about that.  But, of course, the exchange rate will have an impact on Europe, including on the inflation outlook, if persistent.  But what I would point towards is, there is a narrative out there that Europe is not competitive.  And that narrative is actually wrong.  Europe is competitive.  Europe has a current account surplus versus the rest of the world.  What we are arguing is that Europe has a gap in its productivity and in particular a gap in labor productivity.  And it is that to focus on in order to actually create more income.  And that’s the important stuff. 

    Now, how to deal with changes in the external environment.  The key message to Europe for that is external shocks are going to persist.  Transformations will have to take place because technology is moving, energy security needs to be established.  The green transition is a key policy priority for Europe.  And for that we need a more dynamic business sector.  And we don’t have that in Europe.  When you’re looking at startups in particular, it’s not that Europe doesn’t have the capacity to innovate, it does.  Does Europe have the startups?  Europe has the startups.  But we don’t have the environment for these startups to flourish.  They don’t need bank loans, bank loans need collateral.  And many of the startups are in the intellectual sphere in terms of what they’re providing.  And so, what you need for that is risk capital, equity and venture capital for those startups to move forward.  Many will die, but there will be winners, and they need to scale up.  And for that you need to have this risk capital.  And what happens right now is they’re going to the U.S. for that.  And that’s one part of the business dynamism which is actually taken away from Europe because companies cannot scale up.  We have these internal barriers. 

    And companies cannot scale up because we have the financial barriers.  And the financial barriers are, in Europe, we don’t have deep capital markets which can provide debt risk capital to these young startups.  We have an abundance of small and medium-sized enterprises in Europe and when you’re looking at comparison to the U.S. these small and medium term and medium sized enterprises, they are old, and their productivity is not that high.  But the young spectrum is missing.  And when we have successes, then you need to for these success stories to have the market to operate in and scale up.  We don’t yet.  And you need the capital for those companies to grow to scale.  And again, many of these companies who reach that state, they list at the New York Stock Exchange because European capital markets are too small. 

    So, if I point towards a big issue in order to address many of the problems we are seeing in the future, it must be a more dynamic business sector, including more exit of firms which are not viable. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you so much.  I’m afraid we’re going to have to leave it here, but please do come to us bilaterally for the questions we couldn’t take.  I would like to thank our speakers and thank you here, joining us, and colleagues joining us online with this.  We can wrap it up.  Have a good day everyone. 

    MR. KAMMER: Thank you. 

    *  *  *  *  *

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Camila Perez

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/04/25/tr-04252025-eur-press-briefing-transcript

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Press Briefing Transcript: European Department, Spring Meetings 2025

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    April 25, 2025

    PARTICIPANTS:

     MR. HELGE BERGER, Deputy Director, European Department, IMF

     MS. OYA CELASUN, Deputy Director, European Department, IMF

     MR. ALFRED KAMMER, Director, European Department, IMF

    MODERATOR: 

    MS. CAMILA PEREZ, Senior Communications Officer, IMF

    *  *  *  *  *

    P R O C E E D I N G S

    (10:00 a.m.)

    MS. PEREZ: Hi everyone.  Thank you so much for joining today’s press conference on the European Economic Outlook.  I’m Camila Perez.  I’m a Communications Officer with the IMF.  We’re pleased to be joined today by Alfred Kammer, sitting next to me, Director of the European Department here at the IMF.  Also, with us we’ve got Oya Celasun and Helge Berger, both Deputy Directors of the Department. 

    We’ll begin as usual with some opening remarks from Alfred, and then we’ll take your questions.  I see some colleagues joining online, so we will also go to your questions online.  Alfred, over to you. 

    MR. KAMMER: Welcome to this press conference on Europe. I have posted my opening remarks and also circulated.  You should have them.  So, I will just make a few points for emphasis. 

    First of all, in terms of the outlook, we have had a meaningful downgrade for Europe that reflects the impact of tariffs, partially compensated by an increase in infrastructure spending and defense spending, in particular from Germany.  But the biggest impact is coming from uncertainty and tighter financial conditions.  The impact is different for the Euro area versus CESEE (Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe).  CESEE is more affected as it has a larger manufacturing sector and is more exposed to tariffs. 

    Second point to make is when we are looking at the medium term, we see rather weak growth, and that has not changed from our previous outlook.  And that is a clear result of a large productivity gap Europe has to the global economy.  And that is something which clearly needs to be fixed.  We were talking about internal barriers; we are talking about financial barriers which need to be overcome.  So that’s part of the medium-term growth story, and that is something for the policy part. 

    On the policy recommendations, first, our recommendation is more trade is better and therefore we are very encouraged that the European Union is continuing to move forward on trade agreements.  Those who have been — which have been negotiated, they should be brought to a conclusion. 

    The second policy advice is on the monetary side.  In the Euro area, we had success in the disinflation effort.  We are forecasting now that we hit the target in the second half of 2025.  What does that mean for ECB monetary policy?  One more cut in the summer of 25 basis points and then keep the rate on hold at 2 percent until — unless major shocks ask for a recalibration of that monetary stance.  A bit different in CESEE, where inflation is more persistent and still higher, and there needs to be taken more caution in terms of the easing part.

    On fiscal consolidation, fiscal consolidation should continue.  Europe needs to build up buffers for the next shock.  But also, Europe needs to build fiscal space for long-term spending pressures, which we have on aging, health care, the energy transition, and of course, now an accelerated need is on defense spending. 

    Final point, focus needs to be on structural reforms.  In Europe, we have been making suggestions on reforms which could be taken at the EU level.  Draghi Letta, we have a shared diagnostic.  We also have an understanding of the policy solutions.  These reforms should be undertaken with urgency.  We selected a number of key reforms which are under discussion.  If we are looking at the benefit of the implementation, it would add 3 percent to the level of GDP in Europe.  So, these reforms need to be pushed forward with urgency. 

    There’s also a need for national structural reforms.  There’s lots of benefit to those.  Priority in Europe actually is on the labor market side, including on upskilling and reskilling of workers.  We put together, country by country, a set of priority reform areas.  If countries actually close the gap to the best-performing countries, best-practice countries in these areas by only 50 percent, it would give a boost to the level of GDP by 5 percent for advanced European countries, by 6 to 7 percent for CESEE countries and for the Western Balkan countries, the number is 9 percent increase in GDP.  So, the reform areas are discussed, the reform areas are agreed.  What now needs to happen is the political will, and that is not easy to overcome vested interests, but it needs to be done because this is to secure the future of Europe.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks so much, Alfred. We can now start with your questions.  We will go to the room.  Please raise your hand when called, identify yourself, name, and outlet.  We’re going to get started with the lady sitting here.  Thank you.  First row. 

    QUESTIONER: Hi, good morning.  Thank you for taking my question.  So, in recent weeks financial market has shown increasing pressure on U.S. Treasury while demand on the European debt appears to be rising.  Do you believe this shift represents a sustainable trend?  And more broadly, do you think that what some have termed European exceptionalism could eventually supplant the American exceptionalism in the global economic and financial order?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: First, to move to European exceptionalism. It’s still a long and hard road away, and it starts with utilizing the single market in order to create the productivity gains necessary actually to create markets to scale and to create financing to scale so that we get a dynamic business sector going.  And that is a must, which needs to be done in order to increase growth, and also, given all of the spending needs coming to secure the European welfare state. 

    On your other question, we should not overinterpret the shifts which have taken place on the portfolio side over the last few weeks.  When markets are adjusting, you would expect rebalancing to take place.  At this stage, way too early to say whether there has been a structural shift. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you, Alfred. We’re going to go now to the gentleman in the fourth row with the blue jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER: Mr. Kammer, Germany has been very praised here during the Spring Meetings for its new fiscal stimulus package.  But in Germany we have a little bit of different discussion.  A lot of economists criticize the lack of structural reforms in Germany.  Do you have already a first assessment of how the fiscal stimulus package could boost the weak German potential growth?  And do you think that the expenditures are in line with the EU fiscal rules, or must the EU fiscal rules be reformed again so that Germany just can spend the money in the end?  Thanks.

    MR. KAMMER: On your first question, yes, we do. And I hand over to Oya. 

    MS. CELASUN: Thank you very much. So, you’re asking how the fiscal stimulus will impact the German economy and how it fits in with the broader structural reform agenda.  So, it will bring some — blow some energy into the economy after several years of weak growth.  We don’t expect the ramp-up in expenditures to be very quick.  We expect the peak effect in 2026.  Basically in ’25, it will bring some partial offset to the increased drags we are seeing from the trade side from global uncertainty, weak consumer and business confidence.  But as we move into 2026 and 2027, it will be a dominant factor offsetting the expected ongoing drag from trade tensions.  So, it will certainly lift aggregate demand. 

    And the part on infrastructure spending is very welcome.  For years we’ve pointed to deficient public infrastructure as a factor holding back growth in Germany.  So not only will it help growth in the near-term through aggregate demand, but it should have, if fully spent, it should have an effect on lifting potential growth in the long-term as well.  It is one of the important areas we see for lifting potential growth as Germany moves into a period with weak growth in its workforce — in fact, a sharp contraction in the coming five years.  So that’s very welcome.  But there are other important areas.  One of them is cutting red tape, actually important for lifting public infrastructure spending as well.  It’s important for Germany to be a leader in pushing European integration and also deal with its shrinking labor force by helping women work full-time.  Thanks. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks, Oya. We’re —

    QUESTIONER: [off mic]

    MS. CELASUN: So maybe the important thing to mention is that Germany has fiscal space, it has low debt, it has low deficits, it has low borrowing costs. So that’s very important.  We, our own forecasts suggest that Germany, once you exclude defense spending of about 1.5 percent of GDP relative to 2021, will keep its deficits below 3 percent.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: We’re going to go now to the center. Gentlemen on the second row.  Thank. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you.  In the updated World Economic Outlook, the IMF downgraded its projection for Ukraine up to 2 percent this year compared with the November forecast, which was 2.5-3.5 percent.  Could you please elaborate on the aspects that have affected the current forecast?  What share of this is due to the global and regional slowdown, domestic factors, war, or external support?  And secondly, may I ask you to comment on the issue of debt restructuring for Ukraine?  Do you have communication with the Ukrainian government on this, and how do you evaluate the risks for Ukraine if they couldn’t reach a deal on this issue?  Thank you.

    MS. PEREZ: Let me see if there’s any other questions on Ukraine. The lady in the third row.  Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: I also want to ask you about the crisis and there are — have many — many different cases, many countries have had their debt written off.  And do you recommend the creditors write off part of Ukraine’s debt, and is this option being considered now?  Thank you.

    MR. KAMMER: So, let me start with a question on growth first. What we are seeing is lower growth momentum carrying forward from 2024.  That is a reflection of the bombing of the energy infrastructure and that is hampering the economy.  It’s also reflecting a very tight labor market and it’s reflecting continued uncertainty of the length of the war and how the war will evolve and affect the economy.  And that is clearly weighing on growth in 2025. 

    I should say, of course, and emphasize again that the Ukraine economic team, Minister of Finance, Central Bank Governor are doing an extraordinary job to maintain macro stability under these conditions and also to prepare the economy for a post-war reconstruction period.  And important for that is the need to work on the medium-term national revenue strategy because Ukraine will need revenue in order to provide all of the necessary service of a modern state and their support the reconstruction.  So, I think that’s very important.  But praise again for the economic team to operate and attain macro stability in this difficult situation. 

    On the debt part, what we are seeing is that there is a credible process underway with private creditors that is proceeding, and that is an important element of the Fund program.  So that in the end, under the Fund program, we are going to see that sustainability in Ukraine emerging. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you. We’re going to go to this side of the room.  The lady in the second row.  Thank you.

    QUESTIONER: Hi, good morning.  A question on the UK.  There’s a lot of speculation in the UK about a potential trade deal with the U.S.  Will it make any difference to growth?  And our finance minister was on the radio this morning saying our trading relationship with Europe was arguably even more important because they’re nearer to us.  Do you agree with that?

    MR. KAMMER: Helge?

    MR. BERGER: We agree with everybody who concludes that more trade is better than less trade. We understand that trade has been sort of in the past and will be in the future, I’m sure, an engine for growth and productivity improvements. So, in that spirit, sort of any trade agreements that the UK will be concluding with any country going forward that will improve sort of the trading relationships that they already have are very welcome.  And we would generally encourage all countries to follow this path. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you. We’re going to go.  The gentleman in the second row. 

    QUESTIONER: Hi. I was just wondering, during the meetings this week, there seem to be differing opinions among European leaders about the prospects of a trade deal with the United States.  The French saying they think perhaps a deal might be some way off.  The Germans expressing more optimism.  I just wondered from your vantage point how important you think it is that a deal be done for growth for the European Union and for Europe more broadly.  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, so clearly our message is more trade is better. Trade tensions are bad for growth.  And so, we are encouraging to have constructive negotiations.  And the U.S. is a large trading partner of the European Union, so we are hoping that there will be successful negotiations taking place.  And in our discussions with European leaders, I don’t sense any difference of views with regard to the importance of that relationship and that an effort needs to be made to de-escalate and to negotiate a deal. 

    MS. PEREZ: We’re going to go online now. Go ahead please.  You can unmute yourself. 

    QUESTIONER: Good morning.  Thank you so much.  Trade between Russia and Europe has shrunk dramatically due to sanctions and counter-sanctions.  How does the IMF characterize the current state of Russia-Europe trade flows?  Are we essentially seeing a permanent decoupling of the Russian economy from its European trading partners, or are there still significant economic interactions that could influence the outlook?  Moreover, what does the IMF foresee for the future of these trade relations?  Is any normalization expected within the forecast horizon, taking into account U.S. tariffs, or will they remain at minimal levels?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: So, it would be speculative on my side to pronounce on what the future will bring with regard to the European Russian relations. Fact is that there has been a decoupling taking place, or trade has been reduced quite considerably. And Russia, in response, has increased domestic production, import substitution, and reoriented trade relations, in particular to China and India.  So that has taken place.  When we are looking at the Russian economy, what we are seeing is a quite sharp slowdown this year from last year’s growth, and that shows the strain the war is imposing on the Russian economy.  Importantly, what we see is if this isolation of Russia is going to continue, it will impact, of course, on the transfer of technology.  And we are forecasting that potential growth in Russia has fallen significantly to 1.2 percent.  And with such a potential growth rate, it will not converge to Western European living standards.  Thank you. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thanks. We’re going to go with the first row.  The gentleman in the jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER: Thank you.  Italy’s growth forecast was cut in half, almost from 0.7 to 0.4.  Was it just on account of trade or for other factors?  And if you have any policy recommendation for the government.  And also, another question on the ECB, you are recommending that they cut 2 percent.  Most economists expect the rate to go down below 2 percent.  Are you suggesting they should stay at that level.

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, maybe I’ll start with the ECB question, and Helge can take the question on the growth performance of Italy. So, what we are seeing is that inflation is coming down as expected. The uncertainty at this stage is at the wage side.  But here we also see a slowdown, and we are expecting wages to converge to projections by the end of this year.  And the bottom line of this is that we expect that the inflation target of 2 percent will be sustainably met in the second half of 2025.  We will see that headline inflation may be a bit below and that reflects the impact of lower energy prices.  We will see that core inflation may stay a bit above 2.  The bottom line on our side is we are looking at a monetary policy stance which will maintain sustainably this inflation rate at 2 percent.  And we are seeing that can be achieved with another 25-basis point cut and then hold at 2 percent.  We don’t see a need for going lower than 2 percent. 

    This, of course, is subject to major shocks affecting the monetary policy stance in the future.  We should not forget.  And we are emphasizing major shocks because the impact on monetary policy on inflation is not going to become evident within the first 18 months.  So, this is a long-term endeavor whenever you are changing the monetary stance.

    MS. PEREZ: Helge. 

    MR. BERGER: Italy.  So, thanks for the question.  The downgrade as in 2025, this year, 2.4 from 0.7, and next year from 0.9 to 0.8, is roughly in line what we have seen in other countries.  So, there are two factors at play.  One is the trade tensions.  They have a direct element, so there’s an exposure to tariffs.  But there’s also trade uncertainty.  And this uncertainty has also left its marks on financial conditions which have tightened.  So, all these factors sort of slow down growth. 

    In ’26, the downgrade is a bit lower because some of these effects are less urgent.  But we also do have some countervailing factors such as the NRP public investment surging as the program comes to an end.  And that’s something we welcome.  The government is making good progress in this area, and we like the public investment and reforms attached to it.  It is also clear that after ’26, when this program is over, there is an opportunity to ramp up domestic structural reforms.  The country has a comprehensive agenda which we encourage it to continue on.  That includes reforms in education and upskilling, includes business environment reforms.  And finally, labor market participation is a perennial issue in Italy, as we heard.  It’s also an issue in other countries, but I think Italy is part of this. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go towards the back of the room.  The lady in the light green jacket, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thank you.  I would like to ask about Turkish economy.  In the World Economic Outlook report, unlike most countries, we see a slight upward revision in Türkiye’s growth forecast this year.  And the country’s economic growth is also projected to accelerate next year.  How do you assess the current state of Turkish economy?  Also, how does the IMF view the country’s progress in controlling inflation? 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, so what we are seeing under growth performance is to some extent a carryover from a very strong momentum in the second half of 2024.  And that led to a growth upgrade, a small one, but compensating.  And that is important for the negative impact of tariffs and uncertainty on the outlook. 

    With regard to the government’s disinflation program that is moving forward.  The economic team is implementing disinflation program.  Our recommendation remains, disinflation should happen faster and that requires a tighter macroeconomic policy mix.  And the linchpin of that needs to be tighter fiscal policy.  And why do we advocate that?  The longer the disinflation effort is dragging out the longer the time of vulnerability and being hit by shocks which we don’t know yet to even think about it.  So, disinflation program accelerate linchpin is tied to fiscal policy. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go with the gentleman on the fifth row.  Thank you. 

    QUESTIONER:  Good afternoon.  Mr. Kammer, you strongly advocate trade agreements between Europe and other countries.  As you well know, France is quite reluctant to sign the Mercosur Agreement.  The whole political spectrum is very reluctant, saying that there are issues on farming and environment.  What would you say to convince France and other maybe reluctant countries to sign this Mercosur Agreement? 

    MR. KAMMER: Yeah, I would say first, it’s not just Mercosur.  Mercosur is one aspect.  There are other trade agreements in place.  And when you’re looking at the success of technology and of trade in terms of lifting up living standards globally, is just immense.  It’s not just putting people out of poverty, it is helping the rich world also grow richer. 

    There’s no question that whenever you have technological changes or when you are getting rid of trade barriers, that some sectors and some industries and the people working there will be negatively affected.  And on that our recommendation has always been and continues to be, and this has to be a continuous focus when you’re looking at the transformation which will be triggered by technological progress and artificial intelligence in particular, to make sure that the people have a social safety net to fall into.  It’s one part. 

    But then also, and that is as important, and that needs to be strengthened, to upskill skills of the labor force so that they find jobs in growing new dynamic sectors.  And that has to be a focus.  If I see one model which works and worked very well in the global economy, it’s the Flexicurity program in Denmark, which allows workers to move to jobs quickly, including getting the reskilling and upskilling.  And I think that needs to be the focus. 

    But it’s very clear we need to take care of those who are displaced and who are losing their jobs.  And we know how to do this, but it needs to be done. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go to the first row here, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thank you.  In the context of European and European market integration, do you see that it’s possible Bulgaria to become next member of the euro area in the next year?  Thank you. 

    MR. KAMMER: The answer is definitely yes.  But Helge, you may want to elaborate. 

    MR. BERGER: Thanks for the setup.  So, yes, we’re following this closely, of course.  I think it’s clear that Bulgaria has made major progress towards fulfilling the conditions for the access to the eurozone.  We have seen deficits in line with the EU fiscal framework of 3 percent.  We have seen inflation coming down.  So, the next step is for the European authorities to speak to this, the European Commission, the ECB, will speak to accession and then we expect the process to continue.

    From our end, this would be a welcome step for the country.  EU accession, sorry, euro accession means lower trading costs, more beneficial environment for the FDI flows, and so on.  So, there’s, there are a lot of upsides for the country, but of course it should enter strongly, just as strongly as it has performed in the last few years.  That means sort of taking care of fiscal policy, remain prudent, have an open eye on any financial sector risks that could come, including from accession, and last, not least, sort of work to complete the structural form agenda that the government has.  You know, you want to enter the euro, but you want to enter it on a strong footing. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re going to go online now.  Olena, please unmute yourself.

    QUESTIONER:  Hi, everyone.  I have a question related to Europe.  Although you mentioned that increased defense spending is an upside risk, do you think that trade wars and tariffs can undermine its role for growth on European continent?  And if we compare, how do you evaluate the implementation of your policy recommendations by Europe comparing to the previous outlook? 

    MR. KAMMER: Sorry, I didn’t get the last part. 

    QUESTIONER:  How do you evaluate the implementing of policy recommendations in Europe comparing to your previous outlook? 

    MR. KAMMER: Okay, good.  So, clearly tariffs do have an impact and the longer they last, the more pronounced the impact will be, including on the medium-term outlook.  And therefore, our call on talking in terms of de-escalating and negotiating agreements, but also in general the idea of trade matters and more trade is better to look for new opportunities to lower trade barriers. 

    When it comes to our recommendations with regard to Europe, I would say on the macroeconomic front, both on the monetary policy side and also on the fiscal policy side, the right steps were taken, and the right steps are being implemented.  And clearly, on the monetary policy side, they are already showing the results.  Monetary policy, again, showed that it works in order to bring inflation down.  That was doubted at one point in time over the last few years.

    Where we seem to be repeating our policy recommendations is under EU reforms and also under structural reform sides.  And those reform areas are more difficult to tackle.  They are facing political economy considerations and resistance.  And so, clearly what we are happy about is that there is a shared diagnostic and there is a shared understanding of the policy solutions. 

    And I could tell you in our discussion with the European policymakers during these meetings, that is the case.  They all agree on the diagnostics and they all agree also on what needs to be done on the policy solution side.  And what we discussed was, so how to actually do it.  There’s willingness to do it, but it is some of the things are technical.  But there’s a lot of resistance, of course, from certain sectors and in certain countries towards change.  And what one needs to consider is maybe have a bigger approach to that and to start not discussing and negotiating just individual areas of reform where you have perceived winners and losers, but to think about more of a package deal where everybody can see something which is a win situation, and they need to make compromise on other parts. 

    I think on our side, what we are trying to do in messaging, it is very little understood, and it’s not really communicated by policymakers and politicians of the huge value an integrated single market is created for Europe.  You usually hear a point towards net contribution to a very small European budget, which is 1 percent of European GDP.  That is just a rounding mistake in the bigger scheme of things, of what wealth that single market already has created for all of the member countries and what it can create in the future by deepening this market.  And I think that is something where we are trying to help policymakers with, to change that narrative that Europe is a burden.  No.  Europe is a winner for all the 27 countries which are participating in the European Union.  And I think that’s an important message to make. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you.  We’re running out of time, so we’ll take one or two more questions.  We’re going to go with the gentleman on the fifth row, please. 

    QUESTIONER:  Thanks.  I have two questions.  One is, could you a little bit elaborate more on your policy advice?  For example, in Austria we have a big debate about should wage costs go down in order to bring back industry.  But if I’m correct, I hear that you see more potential in kind of a stronger integration in Europe. 

    And my second question is, I was just at the Peterson Institute where they said basically that this 10 percent appreciation of the euro versus the dollar is more or less equivalent to the 20 percent additional tax.  So what was your assumption on the exchange rate of the dollar and the euro?  And is there a danger that this might lead to more trouble if the dollar keeps getting weaker?  Thanks.

    MR. KAMMER: Mm-hmm.  Oya, do you want to take this question? 

    MS. CELASUN: Sure.  On the Austrian side, basically what we have, we’ve recently concluded a consultation with Austria and the reforms that we found to be the most important ones were to lift female and elderly labor force participation because Austria, like others, is aging rapidly.  And for that, childcare and elder care availability and access are very important.  Also, Austria is yet another country where we would see a strong push, we would like to see a strong push for European integration.  Especially the regulatory growth financing environment for startups need to be bolstered and that those require, in our view, reforms at the European level. 

    On the second side, I don’t think I caught everything. 

    MR. KAMMER: Okay.  So, on the euro, first of all, we shouldn’t translate swings and volatility into long-term trends.  We need to be careful about that.  But, of course, the exchange rate will have an impact on Europe, including on the inflation outlook, if persistent.  But what I would point towards is, there is a narrative out there that Europe is not competitive.  And that narrative is actually wrong.  Europe is competitive.  Europe has a current account surplus versus the rest of the world.  What we are arguing is that Europe has a gap in its productivity and in particular a gap in labor productivity.  And it is that to focus on in order to actually create more income.  And that’s the important stuff. 

    Now, how to deal with changes in the external environment.  The key message to Europe for that is external shocks are going to persist.  Transformations will have to take place because technology is moving, energy security needs to be established.  The green transition is a key policy priority for Europe.  And for that we need a more dynamic business sector.  And we don’t have that in Europe.  When you’re looking at startups in particular, it’s not that Europe doesn’t have the capacity to innovate, it does.  Does Europe have the startups?  Europe has the startups.  But we don’t have the environment for these startups to flourish.  They don’t need bank loans, bank loans need collateral.  And many of the startups are in the intellectual sphere in terms of what they’re providing.  And so, what you need for that is risk capital, equity and venture capital for those startups to move forward.  Many will die, but there will be winners, and they need to scale up.  And for that you need to have this risk capital.  And what happens right now is they’re going to the U.S. for that.  And that’s one part of the business dynamism which is actually taken away from Europe because companies cannot scale up.  We have these internal barriers. 

    And companies cannot scale up because we have the financial barriers.  And the financial barriers are, in Europe, we don’t have deep capital markets which can provide debt risk capital to these young startups.  We have an abundance of small and medium-sized enterprises in Europe and when you’re looking at comparison to the U.S. these small and medium term and medium sized enterprises, they are old, and their productivity is not that high.  But the young spectrum is missing.  And when we have successes, then you need to for these success stories to have the market to operate in and scale up.  We don’t yet.  And you need the capital for those companies to grow to scale.  And again, many of these companies who reach that state, they list at the New York Stock Exchange because European capital markets are too small. 

    So, if I point towards a big issue in order to address many of the problems we are seeing in the future, it must be a more dynamic business sector, including more exit of firms which are not viable. 

    MS. PEREZ: Thank you so much.  I’m afraid we’re going to have to leave it here, but please do come to us bilaterally for the questions we couldn’t take.  I would like to thank our speakers and thank you here, joining us, and colleagues joining us online with this.  We can wrap it up.  Have a good day everyone. 

    MR. KAMMER: Thank you. 

    *  *  *  *  *

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    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Experts of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination Hold Half Day of General Discussion on Reparations for the Injustices from the Transatlantic Trade of Enslaved Africans

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination this afternoon held a half day of general discussion on reparations for the injustices from the transatlantic trade of enslaved Africans, their treatment as chattel, and the ongoing harms to and crimes against people of African descent.  The half-day consisted of opening statements two panel discussions, hearing from Committee members, experts in international law, representative from the diplomatic corps, and political and civil society leaders.

    Speaking in the first panel discussion on “Reparations and International Law: Legal Frameworks, Obligations and Enforcement” were Pela Boker-Wilson, Committee Expert; Joshua Castellino, Executive Dean, College of Arts, Law & Social Sciences, Brunel University of London; Patricia Sellers, former Special Advisor to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court; Britta Redwood, Assistant Professor, Seton Hall School of Diplomacy and Seton Hall Law School; Adejoké Babington-Ashaye, former Investigator at the International Criminal Court; and Bernard Duhaime, Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence.

    Speaking in the second panel discussion on “The Legacy of Chattel Slavery: Structural Racism and Institutional Accountability” were Tendayi Achiume, former Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance; Matthew Anthony Wilson, Permanent Representative of Barbados to the United Nations Office at Geneva; Eric Phillips, Vice-Chairperson of the Caribbean Community’s Reparations Commission; Ibrahima Guissé, Committee Expert; and Dennis O’Brien, Founder of the Repair Campaign.

    The programme of work and other documents related to the session can be found here.  Summaries of the public meetings of the Committee can be found here, while webcasts of the public meetings can be found here.

    The Committee will next meet in public on Monday, 28 April at 3 p.m. to begin its consideration of the combined twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth periodic reports of Mauritius (CERD/C/MUS/24-25).

    Opening Statements

    MICHAL BALCERZAK, Committee Chairperson, welcomed participants to the half-day of general discussion to advance the development of a general recommendation on reparations for the historical injustices rooted in the chattel enslavement of Africans and the enduring harms experienced by people of African descent.  The proposed general recommendation sought to clarify the scope and content of the right to reparations under international human rights law and address the harms caused by the forced capture and transatlantic transport of Africans, their enslavement as chattel, and the lasting consequences of these crimes. 

    To inform this process, the Committee had issued a public call for input on 14 February 2025 and had been encouraged by the engagement, with 56 submissions received from a wide range of stakeholders.  Today’s discussion provided a space to reflect on the submissions received, deepen the collective understanding of applicable international legal standards, and further examine the contemporary legacy of the transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans.  In the coming months, the Committee would prepare a draft text of the general recommendation, which would be made publicly available for input from all stakeholders prior to finalisation. 

    MAHAMANE CISSÉ-GOURO, Director, Human Rights Council and Treaty Mechanisms Division, Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, said today’s topic addressed a matter of deep historical significance and urgent contemporary relevance: reparatory justice for the injustices arising from the trade in enslaved Africans, their treatment as chattel, and the continuing harms and crimes suffered by people of African descent.  In 2001, at the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, States adopted by consensus the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, which recognised slavery and the slave trade as a crime against humanity, and among the major sources and manifestations of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance.  Contemporary structures and systems, such as racial profiling, police brutality, unequal access to education and employment, disparities in health and housing, and the denial of political participation and justice were rooted in these enduring harms.

    International human rights law and political commitments by States provided a clear framework for attaining substantive racial justice and equality.  A central element of dismantling systemic racism was addressing the past and redressing its legacies through reparatory justice, to transform the present and secure a just and equitable future.  The High Commissioner had called for reparatory justice to transform structures and systems which were designed and shaped by enslavement, colonialism and successive racially discriminatory policies and systems. States and others that had benefited and continued to benefit from these legacies should make amends for centuries of violence and discrimination through wide-ranging and meaningful initiatives, including through formal apologies, truth-telling processes, and reparations in various forms.  This called for political leadership, and creative, effective and comprehensive responses to legacies of the past.  Since the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, the international community had taken important steps; however, as the Convention commemorated its sixtieth anniversary, it was evident that these commitments and recommendations had not resulted in durable, transformative change. 

    The development of this general recommendation was timely and necessary.  It would clarify the scope and content of the right to reparations for historical injustices under international human rights law and provide States with guidance to fulfil their obligations under the Convention.  Mr. Cissé-Gouro encouraged all participants to engage and emphasised that the Office of the High Commissioner supported the process. 

    GAY MCDOUGALL, Committee Vice-Chairperson, said this year marked the sixtieth anniversary of the Convention, which remained the normative centre of international efforts to end racism. In commemoration of the anniversary year, the Committee had decided to prepare a general recommendation on reparations to clarify and elaborate the legal obligations of States to repair the harms inflicted by the forced capture of Africans, the transatlantic transport of those captives, their enslavement as chattel, and the massive and continuing harms suffered by them and their descendants.  The transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans constituted the largest and most concentrated forced deportation of human beings ever recorded, implicating several regions of the world during more than four centuries. Between 12 to 13 million Africans were violently uprooted from Africa for sale and enslavement. 

    The system of colonial rule had enabled and facilitated the development of the uniquely brutal system of chattel enslavement, and the resulting massive gross abuses of human rights that followed for centuries.  The transatlantic slave trade was inextricably tied to European colonial domination of Africa, the Americas, the Caribbean and parts of Asia.  It was a system that enriched Europe, and the institutions in power, and it existed today in many contemporary forms.  Now it was widely agreed that all forms of slavery were violations of international law and most domestic laws gave rise to the responsibility to ensure reparations.  However, the harms inflicted by these events had never been addressed, including how they negatively impacted the economic, social, political, civic and cultural rights of countries around the world.   The Committee’s proposed general recommendation would provide guidance on the scope and content of the right to reparations under international human rights law. 

    Panel Discussion One on Reparations and International Law: Legal Frameworks, Obligations and Enforcement

    Opening Remarks by the Moderator of the Panel

    PELA BOKER-WILSON, Committee Expert and Panel Moderator, said the chattel enslavement of Africans was a human rights violation, and victims had a right to reparations based on their right to a remedy.  At the same time, today the legacies of chattel enslavement could be seen in daily lives.  Chattel enslavement and its legacies were the foundation on which systematic racism permeated and the history which drove discriminatory laws and policies based on race. Several legal challenges remained which would be discussed during the panel. 

    Summary of Remarks by the Panellists

    Some speakers, among other things, noted that the trade in enslaved Africans began in the fifteenth century, when Portuguese traders established sugar plantations in the Atlantic islands of Madeira, the Azores, and São Tomé.  At the time, the justification for the enslaved status of African labourers was based on the notion that these labourers had been enslaved because they had been taken captive in just wars.  The slave trade was the reduction of a free person to the status of being enslaved, by whatever means, including kidnap, capture, transfer, or sale.  Slave trading comprised not only the initial transatlantic passages, but internal acts of trade in enslaved persons throughout the Americas and the Caribbean.  These two prongs of the slave trade, trans-Atlantic and internal or domestic slave trading, had occurred for centuries. 

    One speaker said the photograph of a South African billionaire of European descent, arm raised in a Nazi salute, was perhaps the most apt icon for that particular civilization.  It epitomised success in generating wealth by extraction, disregarding surroundings in constructing systems where some had an inherent sense of entitlement to everything, even if it devastated others.  Another speaker said an immeasurable toll of sexual, reproductive and gendered practices and institutions had persisted throughout the hundreds of years of slavery and of slave trading in North and South America and in the Caribbean. 

    A speaker underscored that the transatlantic chattel slavery had created and entrenched anti-Black racism. Although slavery had been abolished, the persistence of the social, psychological, and economic harms of racial discrimination persisted until today.  Another speaker noted that the racial hierarchy that was at the root of the slave trade and slavery had no foundation in international law at that time, just as it had no legitimacy under international law today.  One speaker said reparations for people of African descent were not only a matter of justice for the past, but also a foundation for a more equitable and peaceful future.

    Reparations were vital in seeking justice for colonial crimes, but also to eliminate the root cause of historic and continuing colonial existence.  States must ensure that reparations were not merely symbolic, but concrete and enforceable, through judicial rulings as well as administrative or legislative reparation programmes.  These programmes could be supported by national or international funding and must be accessible, gender-sensitive, victim-centred, and rights-based.  In line with established standards, reparations needed to be comprehensive, encompassing restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction, and guarantees of non-repetition.  States should establish robust legal and institutional frameworks and ensure stable financial allocations that were protected from political or economic fluctuations.  Crucially, reparation measures must be proportional to the gravity of the harm and address the full scope of the violations.  It was also important to ensure that victims participated in the reparations process. 

    Successful reparations had stemmed from attempts to seek victim-oriented justice. These included local revolutions achieving regime change and victims’ framing of legal arguments to hold power to account.  The dismissal of reparations as solely pertaining to the past needed to be confronted; reparations appeared to be about the past but they were also about the present.  Redress by reparations required recognition that sexual abuse was omnipresent in the lives of the enslaved.  The quest for reparations needed to be achieved through evidence-based reasoning. They had to be shaped to show how the few, irrespective of race, had benefitted from the exploitation of the many, irrespective of race. 

    The Convention was a power instrument for redress.  Under article 11, States could bring complaints against other States for violations of the Convention.  Article 14 allowed individuals and groups to submit petitions directly to the Committee provided that the respondent State had recognised the Committee’s jurisdiction to receive individual petitions.  The Basic Principles on Reparations, a United Nations resolution from 2005, established five aspects of reparations that must follow a significant human rights violation, including the need to guarantee the non-recurrence of the human rights violation at issue. 

    The Convention and subsequent jurisprudence of the Committee required material compensation and policy changes to address the legacy of transatlantic chattel slavery and the system of racial discrimination that was created to entrench it. 

    Structural discrimination that arose from anti-Black racism was an ongoing human rights violation and needed to be addressed by States parties to the Convention.   The Committee was urged to recognise the gendered injustices intrinsic of the transatlantic slave trade and slavery and to include them as germane to the redress considered in the forthcoming general recommendation on reparations. 

    Discussion 

    Several speakers spoke from the floor. One speaker welcomed the Committee’s initiative to develop a general recommendation on reparations, which was a vital step towards accountability.  Reparations were grounded in international law, carrying legal consequences which could not be erased by time.  Another speaker said that at the minimum, States parties were required to provide reparations for their failure to eliminate the systemic racism and inequality arising from their inadequate remediation of chattel slavery and its legacies.  The Committee was urged to adopt a comprehensive and transformative approach to address both systemic racism and structural economic inequalities arising from chattel slavery and colonialism in the general recommendation.  A speaker said the time had come to move from rhetoric to concrete measures for reparations for historical and cultural monuments destroyed and looted during centuries of colonialism and slavery. One speaker said reparations were not a favour, but were moral and political obligations of States. 

    Panel Discussion Two on the Legacy of Chattel Slavery: Structural Racism and Institutional Accountability

    Summary of Remarks by the Panellists

    Some speakers, among other things, commended the Committee for the draft general recommendation, which dealt with a vital issue and was long overdue.  The Committee should be applauded for its work and the call for input, and those who had answered the call were thanked.  The call for input document prepared by the Committee did an excellent job of highlighting the history, global responses and objectives, while pointing out the milestones along the way. 

    Chattel slavery was the first global regime of State-legalised racial capitalism, speakers said.  The laws that built it had been dismantled in name, but never in consequence.  The transatlantic slave trade was not just a chapter in history, but was a crime against humanity.  Slavery had funded the economic development of colonial countries, particularly the industrial revolution, and put Britain in the wealthy position that it was in today. The European Union and its members, particularly France, Holland and Spain, and other countries like Germany and Denmark had also participated in this genocide as well. 

    Racism was not a relic of the past; it was present, global, systemic and was still taking lives.  Yet Europe had yet to fully confront this issue.  One speaker commented that Black communities across Europe were too often overlooked, marginalised and ignored by those in power; this must change.   

    There was a painful trail of historical legal construction of racial hierarchy that had occurred during chattel slavery.  This included the British Board of Trade that codified economic enslavement through slave codes and land seizure laws; and France’s Code Noir that created racialised personhood in law.  Portugal and Spain had used religious sanction known as Papal Bulls to erase African legal identity, while the Colonial Laws Validity Act of 1865 insulated colonial laws from challenge.  Today, these laws had mutated into many forms of structural, perceptual and institutional racism, including through education exclusion, Afrophobia, epistemicide and religious erasure.  These laws must be named, acknowledged, and formally repudiated by the United Kingdom and France as a first step in reparatory processes.

    Some speakers noted that chattel slavery was not just a legal and economic construct, it was also a social construct.  When the laws had changed and the cost benefit of slavery was eroded, what remained was institutional racism and structural racism – global inequalities caused by historical injustices.  Those who were descendants of the enslaved lived with the emotional scars of a society that kept ancestors as slaves for longer than people had equal rights under the law.  Chattel slaves were still impacted in deep and wide-ranging ways, with effects spanning economic, social, psychological, and cultural dimensions.  The descendants of the slave owners and the perpetrators of slavery should live with generational repentance. 

    One speaker noted that the 2013 Caribbean Community’s Reparations Commission continued to lead the call for reparations.  The Commission recognised that the persistent harm and suffering experienced today by victims of slavery and colonialism was the primary cause of development failure in the Caribbean.  Through its Ten-Point Reparations Plan, it sought to reposition reparations not in terms of a simple transfer of funds, but rather through a plurality of actions such as debt cancellation, education programmes and technology transfer, amongst other elements.

    The call for reparations and restorative justice did not come from a void; it had always been part of decolonisation.  The need for reparations was a pressing and current issue across all parts of the world affected by the African slave trade.  Reparations should be accessible in the form of compensation, addressing the deficits in equity and opportunity.  Reparations were about transforming systems, narratives and institutions, and creating a Europe where black lives were not just tolerated but celebrated and empowered. 

    Some speakers noted that the Convention needed to be more concertedly mobilised as a framework which was central to achieving reparations directly, including through article 6.  The Committee needed to underscore that reparations were required under the Convention.  It was recommended that European governments begin with a sincere formal apology.  However, apologies without material or structural redress were merely symbolic and could never compensate for the wealth extraction, trauma, or the ongoing inequalities faced by African descendants.  Reparations were about reforming entire legal, economic and social structures that still had forms of racism at their core in the present.  It was not just about addressing harms in the past, but also dealing with those in the present.  The Durban Declaration and Programme for Action and its framework provided for combatting racism and should be powerful guidance for the Committee as it prepared the general recommendation. 

    A speaker said the European Union and its Member States should ensure that the European Union’s anti-racism action plan was renewed, with a focus on reparatory justice.  The European Union and the United Kingdom should jointly fund a reparations programme on an intergenerational basis.  This was not a development issue; it was a justice issue. The United Kingdom and the European Union should start engaging with the political leadership of the Caribbean Community to achieve reparatory justice. 

    Discussion

    Several speakers spoke from the floor. One speaker said during the Second International Decade for People of African Descent, the international community should act to acknowledge and rectify longstanding economic and social inequities, which had economically stagnated the region and resulted in protracted inter-generational trauma.  Another speaker reiterated strong support for the general recommendation.  The sixtieth anniversary of the Convention should also be used as an opportunity to acknowledge the victories of civil society led by African people, including the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action. Racism was a disease, and the actions by the Committee to combat all forms of racism were appreciated.  A speaker said that according to research, stakeholders across the region in all 15 Caribbean Community countries had emphasised the connection between the transatlantic slave trade and unequal access to land ownership, which constituted a continuation of historical injustice. 

    Closing Remarks

    VERENE ALBERTHA SHEPHERD, Committee Vice-Chairperson, in closing remarks, thanked everyone for the amazing discussion which was a social justice exercise that would hopefully reset global relations.  Racism and racial discrimination were creatures of colonialism and many States parties to the Convention still suffered from the legacies of colonialism, especially those that suffered the ravages of the transatlantic trafficking in enslaved Africans, chattel enslavement, and socio-economic underdevelopment in the post-slavery period.  The interventions this afternoon had raised awareness on the racialised nature of the transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans and the ways in which, along with chattel enslavement and unjust enrichment, race and racism were attached to people from Africa and skin shade discrimination was further used to deny them rights.

    There had been several key takeaways from the discussion, including that African chattel enslavement was the first global regime of State-legalised racial capitalism.  Chattel enslavement, an invention of Europeans, was an organised and intentional system based on the legal determination that enslaved Africans were non-human.   

    Chattel enslavement was not gender neutral.  Racism was a direct legacy of the institution of transatlantic chattel slavery, and was an ongoing harm to all who experienced it.  Another takeaway issue was that as chattel enslavement ended, new anti-Black institutions were developed to maintain racial hierarchies, creating persistent economic and social disadvantages for Africans and people of African descent that continued to this present day.  Chattel slavery had no foundation in international law at that time, just as it had no legitimacy under international law today.

    However, as some of the legal experts on the panels had shown, there were legal tools which made reparations unavoidable.  The law could now be rightfully and effectively applied to deliver justice for the profound and continuing harms caused by the trafficking in Africans, chattel enslavement, and the colonisation of Africa.

    It was time that such an injustice be reversed by the payment of reparations to the descendants of those harmed, to ensure the development of areas exploited for the development of Europe. This must start with restitution of the ransom extracted from Haiti and the modern equivalent of the 20 million pounds paid by Britain to enslavers.

    Ms. Shepherd thanked all those who had made the discussion possible and pledged her support to the general recommendation. 

    GAY MCDOUGALL, Committee Vice-Chairperson, thanked all those who had been involved in the panel discussions and those who had made the half day of general discussion possible. 

    MICHAL BALCERZAK, Committee Chairperson, thanked everyone who had been involved in the discussion, which would help inform the work of the Committee. 

    ___________

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CERD25.004E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: WAVES Bazaar unveils Its First-Ever ‘Top Selects’ Lineup Showcasing 15 Projects in 9 Languages

    Source: Government of India

    Posted On: 25 APR 2025 4:10PM by PIB Mumbai

    India occupies a dominant position in Media & Entertainment sector with talents spread across different geographies of the country, creating compelling contents through its rich cultural heritage. The World Audio Visual & Entertainment Summit (WAVES), to be held from 1st to 4th May in Mumbai, is poised to become one of the landmarks in the Media and Entertainment sector. The summit will promote India as one stop destination for content creation, Investment destination and leverage ‘Create in India’ opportunities as well as for global outreach.

    WAVES Bazaar is the premier global marketplace for the media and entertainment industry, a dynamic platform designed to foster connection, collaboration, and growth. It offers filmmakers and industry professionals the opportunity to engage with buyers, sellers, and a wide range of projects and profiles, while also showcasing their skills and expanding their professional network.

    The Viewing Room is a dedicated physical platform set up at Waves Bazaar, taking place from May 1st to 4th, 2025. It serves as a space for showcasing recently completed films and projects in Post Production from around the world. These films are actively seeking opportunities for film festivals, global sales, distribution partnerships, and finishing funds.

    Designed for film programmers, distributors, world sales agents, investors and other industry professionals, the Viewing Room offers a secure environment where delegates attending Waves Bazaar can watch these films, access detailed project information, and connect directly with filmmakers through our specialized Viewing Room Software.

    For the first ever WAVES Bazaar, a total 100 films from 8 countries namely India, Sri Lanka, USA, Switzerland, Bulgaria, Germany, Mauritius and UAE will be available to watch in the Viewing Room Library. The overall lineup includes 18 titles of NFDC produced and co-produced films and adds 8 restored classics from the National Film Archive of India (NFAI). It also includes 19 student projects from Film & Television Institute of India (FTII, Pune) and Satyajit Ray Film & Television Institute (SRFTI, Kolkata)

    These 15 Projects selected for the WAVES Bazaar Top Selects Section from the Viewing Room includes 9 Feature projects, 2 documentaries, 2 Short films and 2 Web-Series which will pitch their films to producers, sales agents, distributors, festival programmers and potential investors in an open pitching session during WAVES Bazaar at the Jio World Centre, Mumbai on 2nd May, 2025.

    WAVES Bazaar Top Selects 2025

    1. The Wage Collector | Tamil | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Infant Soosai | Producer – Bagavathi Perumal

    1. Putul | Hindi | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Radheshyam Pipalwa | Producer – Sharad Mittal

    1. Doosra Byaah ( Levir) | Haryanvi,Hindi | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Bhagat Singh Saini | Producer – Parveen Saini

    1. Pankhudiyaan (Petals in the Wind) | Hindi | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Abdul Aziz | Producer – Abdul Aziz, Jyotsana Rajpurohit

    1. Khidki Gaav (If on a Winter’s Night) | Malayalam | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Sanju Surendran | Producer – Dr. Surendran M N

    1. Suchana – The Beginning | Bangla | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Pausali Sengupta | Producer – Avinanda Sengupta

    1. Swaha In the Name of Fire | Magahi | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Abhilash Sharma | Producer – Vikash Sharma

    1. Gotipua – Beyond Borders | English ,Hindi,Odia  | India | Documentary Feature

    Director & Producer – Chintan Parekh

    1. From India | English | USA | Documentary Short

    Director & Producer – Mandar Apte

    1. Third Floor | Hindi | India | Short Film

    Director – Amandeep Singh | Producer – Amandeep Singh

    1. Jahaan | Hindi | India | Fiction Short

    Director & Producer – Rahul Shetty

    1. Planet India | English,Hindi | India | TV Show

    Director – Colin Butfield | Producer – Tamseel Hussain

    1. Bharti Aur Bibo | Hindi | India | Animation Web-Series/TV

    Director – Sneha Ravishankar | Producer – National Film Development Corporation &

    Puppetica Media Pvt. Ltd

    1. Achappa’s Album (Grampa’s Album) | Malayalam | India | Fiction Feature

    Director – Deepti Pillay Sivan | Producer – National Film Development Corporation

    1. Duniya Na Mane (The Unexpected) | Hindi | India | Fiction Feature

    Director & Producer – V. Shantaram

     

    About WAVES

    The first World Audio Visual & Entertainment Summit (WAVES), a milestone event for the Media & Entertainment (M&E) sector, will be hosted by the Government of India in Mumbai, Maharashtra, from May 1 to 4, 2025.

    Whether you’re an industry professional, investor, creator, or innovator, the Summit offers the ultimate global platform to connect, collaborate, innovate and contribute to the M&E landscape.

    WAVES is set to magnify India’s creative strength, amplifying its position as a hub for content creation, intellectual property, and technological innovation. Industries and sectors in focus include Broadcasting, Print Media, Television, Radio, Films, Animation, Visual Effects, Gaming, Comics, Sound and Music, Advertising, Digital Media, Social Media Platforms, Generative AI, Augmented Reality (AR), Virtual Reality (VR), and Extended Reality (XR).

    Have questions? Find answers here  

    Stay updated with the latest announcements from PIB Team WAVES

    Come, Sail with us! Register for WAVES now

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  • MIL-OSI USA: Letter to Chief Justice Roberts re: President Trump’s Smithsonian Institution Proclamation

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Hakeem Jeffries (8th District of New York)

    Dear Chief Justice Roberts:

    I write to express my strong opposition to President Trump’s Proclamation (the “Proclamation”), issued on March 27, which preposterously purports to restore “truth and sanity to American history” by censoring “improper ideology” at the Smithsonian Institution. It is imperative that you, along with your fellow Regents, continue the storied legacy of the Smithsonian that tells the American story honestly and completely. President Trump’s proclamation, which seeks to whitewash our history, is cowardly and unpatriotic. It must fail.

    The Smithsonian attracts tens of millions of visitors a year and works with the finest subject matter experts in virtually every field. The fact that the Proclamation prominently singles out the National Museum of African American History and Culture speaks volumes about Donald Trump’s actual motivation. To be clear: Black history is American history. It cannot and will not be erased.

    History is replete with dangerous efforts to manipulate cultural and historical narratives in order to consolidate power, including during twentieth-century regimes like those in the Soviet Union and 1930s Germany. That is not America. I strongly urge you to reject the Proclamation targeting the Smithsonian and to uphold the 175-year tradition that has made the Institution the preeminent museum, educational and cultural system in the world.

    Sincerely,

    Hakeem Jeffries
    Democratic Leader

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Chair’s Statement: Fifty-First Meeting of the IMFC – Mr. Mohammed Aljadaan, Minister for Finance of Saudi Arabia

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    April 25, 2025

    In the context of the Fifty-First Meeting of the IMFC that took place in Washington, D.C. on 24th and 25th April, IMFC members welcomed the ongoing efforts to end wars and conflicts, recognizing that peace is essential to restoring stability and fostering sustainable growth. IMFC members underscored that all states must act in a manner consistent with the Purposes and Principles of the UN Charter in its entirety. They acknowledged, however, that the IMFC is not a forum to resolve geopolitical and security issues which are discussed in other fora.

    The world economy is at a pivotal juncture. Following several years of rising concerns over trade, trade tensions have abruptly soared, fueling elevated uncertainty, market volatility, and risks to growth and financial stability. Near-term growth is projected to slow and intensifying downside risks dominate the outlook. We will step up our efforts to strengthen economic resilience and build a more prosperous future. We underline the critical role of the IMF in helping us navigate this challenging environment, as a trusted advisor and champion of strong policy frameworks. We thank our Deputies for discussing the medium-term direction of the IMF during their meeting in Diriyah, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on April 6-7, 2025, and we agree on the annexed Diriyah Declaration.

     

    1. The world economy is at a pivotal juncture. Following several years of rising concerns over trade, trade tensions have abruptly soared, fueling elevated uncertainty, market volatility, and risks to growth and financial stability. Near-term growth is projected to slow, while disinflation is expected to continue but at a slower pace. Intensifying downside risks dominate the outlook, in an already challenging context of weak growth and high public debt. Wars and conflicts impose a heavy humanitarian and economic toll. Transformative forces, such as digitalization/artificial intelligence, demographic shifts, and climate transitions are creating opportunities, but also challenges.
    1. We will step up our efforts to strengthen economic resilience and break from the low-growth, high-debt path, while harnessing transformative forces, to build a more prosperous future. Comprehensive and well calibrated, well sequenced, and well communicated reforms and policy actions are needed to boost private sector-led growth, productivity, and job creation. We will pursue sound macroeconomic policies and advance structural reforms to improve the business environment, streamline excessive regulation, fight corruption, and mobilize innovation and technology adoption. We will deepen our pivot toward growth-friendly fiscal adjustments to ensure debt sustainability and rebuild buffers where needed. Fiscal adjustments should be mindful of distributional impacts and underpinned by a credible medium-term consolidation plan, while strengthening the efficiency of public spending, protecting the vulnerable, and supporting growth-enhancing public and private investments, taking into account country circumstances. Central banks remain strongly committed to maintaining price stability, in line with their respective mandates, and will continue to adjust their policies in a data dependent and well-communicated manner. We will continue to closely monitor and, as necessary, tackle financial vulnerabilities and risks to financial stability, while harnessing the benefits of innovation. We will work together to improve the resilience of the world economy and build prosperity and ensure the stability and effective functioning of the international monetary system. We will also work together to address excessive global imbalances, support an open, fair and rules-based international economic order, and reinforce supply chain resilience. We reaffirm our April 2021 exchange rate commitments.
    1. We will continue to support countries as they undertake reforms and address debt vulnerabilities and debt service challenges. We acknowledge the specific challenges faced by low-income and vulnerable countries, including fragile and conflict-affected states (FCS) and small developing states (SDS), which are further compounded by recent decrease in official development assistance. We underline the importance of the Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust. We welcome the progress made on debt treatments under the G20 Common Framework (CF) and beyond. We remain committed to addressing global debt vulnerabilities in an effective, comprehensive, and systematic manner, including further stepping up the CF’s implementation in a predictable, timely, orderly, and coordinated manner, and enhancing debt transparency. We look forward to further work at the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable on ways to address debt vulnerabilities and restructuring challenges. We encourage the IMF and the World Bank to help advance the implementation of the 3-pillar approach to address debt service pressures in countries with sustainable debt, including through supporting them to implement growth-enhancing reforms, mobilize domestic resources, and attract private capital. We look forward to the review of the Low-Income Country Debt Sustainability Framework (LIC-DSF).
    1. We welcome the Managing Director’s Global Policy Agenda.
    1. We support further sharpening the focus of surveillance based on analytical rigor, evenhandedness, and tailored policy advice. We welcome a strong focus on helping countries strengthen their economic resilience and achieve macroeconomic and financial stability and sustainable growth by increasing productivity, addressing macro-critical risks, reducing excessive imbalances, achieving debt sustainability, and mitigating disruptive capital flows and exchange rate volatility. We look forward to the Comprehensive Surveillance Review that will set future surveillance priorities and modalities; and the Review of Financial Sector Assessment Programs to keep financial surveillance in step with evolving financial stability risks.
    1. We look forward to the Review of Program Design and Conditionality to strengthen further the effectiveness of IMF-supported programs and to the Review of the Short-Term Liquidity Line. We also look forward to the assessment of the Global Financial Safety Net, including the role of Regional Financing Arrangements (RFAs), and its ability to safeguard global financial stability.
    1. We support efforts to further strengthen capacity development and to ensure the sustainability of financing. We welcome the IMF’s ongoing work with the World Bank on the Joint Domestic Resource Mobilization Initiative. We welcome a more flexible and tailored delivery, better integrated with policy advice and program design, as set out in the 2024 Capacity Development Strategy Review.
    1. We reaffirm our commitment to a strong, quota-based, and adequately resourced IMF at the center of the GFSN. We have advanced the domestic approvals for our consent to the quota increase under the 16th General Review of Quotas and we look forward to the finalization of this process as soon as possible. We recognize that realignment in quota shares should aim at better reflecting members’ relative positions in the world economy, while protecting the voice of the poorest members. We acknowledge, however, that building consensus among members on quota and governance reforms will require progress in stages. In this regard, we agree on the annexed Diriyah Declaration on the way forward.
    1. We underline the critical role of the IMF in helping us navigate the current challenging environment, as a trusted advisor and champion of strong policy frameworks. We reaffirm our commitment to the institution and look forward to discussing further ways to ensure the Fund remains agile and focused, working in collaboration with partners and other IFIs. We reiterate our appreciation for staff’s high-quality work and dedication to support the membership and continue to encourage further efforts to improve regional and women’s representation within staff positions, and women’s representation at the Executive Board and in Board leadership positions.
    1. Our next meeting is expected to be held in October 2025.

    Annexed Diriyah Declaration

    Recalling the October 2024 IMFC Chair’s Statement, which stated: “We reiterate our strong commitment to the Fund on its 80th anniversary and look forward to further discussing at our next meeting ways to ensure the Fund remains well-equipped to meet future challenges, in line with its mandate, and in collaboration with partners and other IFIs. We ask our Deputies to prepare for this discussion.”; and

    Drawing on the work advanced by our Deputies, who met in the historic town of Diriyah in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on April 6-7, 2025, to prepare for this discussion;

    We thank our Deputies and agree on the following Diriyah Declaration on the way forward with regard to IMFC processes and IMF quota and governance reforms.

    *****

    Enhancing IMFC Processes

    We agree that the IMFC plays a key role in the IMF’s governance structure, offering the IMF Board of Governors trusted advice and providing strategic direction to the work and policies of the Fund through structured, high-level, and consensus-driven policy guidance on all relevant issues.

    To enhance its effectiveness as a forum for effective engagement and consensus-building on complex challenges, we agree to further strengthen IMFC processes. To this end, we welcome recent improvements to the format of the Introductory IMFC session and the use of concise, accessible communiqués to effectively convey key IMFC messages to a broader audience. Moreover, we agree that deputy-level meetings focused on strategic rather than routine issues could support the work of IMFC principals.

    We appreciate the value of engagement across the international financial architecture, including with Regional Financing Arrangements (RFAs), to enhance cooperation and strengthen the resilience of the international monetary system.

     

    Strengthening IMF Governance

    We note that the world economy currently faces significant challenges and agree that the IMF makes a vital contribution to international cooperation, providing a long-established and trusted institution for policy discussions informed by rigorous analysis. We stress that the IMF’s mandate to promote macroeconomic and financial stability remains as relevant as ever, and its role to support members in addressing macroeconomic challenges through analysis and policy advice, capacity development, and financing where relevant, is key. We agree on the need to ensure that the institution remains strong, quota-based, adequately resourced, and efficiently managed to fulfil its mandate at the center of the global financial safety net.

    We agree that a strong, inclusive, and representative governance framework is fundamental to maintaining the Fund’s credibility and legitimacy among its diverse membership. Strengthening IMF governance will support its continued ability to effectively promote consensus among the membership in addressing global challenges. These efforts are also essential to fostering multilateralism and international cooperation.

    Given the strategic importance of governance reforms, we recognize that progress toward consensus should be made in stages. In this context, we agree to develop as a first step a set of general principles to guide future discussions and help foster convergence of views. Work on these principles should be completed in a timely manner to help ensure the efficient progression of future General Reviews of Quotas (GRQs), including under the 17th GRQ. Establishing these guiding principles would help ensure that governance changes are gradual, widely acceptable, and reflective of the interests of the entire membership, as well as maintain the Fund’s financial soundness.

    The Way Forward

    We agree that implementation of the 16th GRQ remains a priority. We recognize that realignment in quota shares should aim at better reflecting members’ relative positions in the world economy, while protecting the voice of the poorest members. To build consensus on future governance reforms, including under the 17th GRQ, we call on the Executive Board to develop, by the 2026 Spring Meetings, a set of principles to guide future discussions on IMF quotas and governance, drawing from the deliberations by IMFC Deputies during their meeting in Diriyah, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on April 6-7, 2025. We look forward to a discussion of the status of advancement of this work at our next meeting. We ask our Deputies to prepare for this discussion.

    INTERNATIONAL MONETARY AND FINANCIAL COMMITTEE

     ATTENDANCE 

    Chair

    Mohammed Aljadaan, Minister of Finance, Saudi Arabia

    Managing Director

    Kristalina Georgieva

    Members or Alternates

    Ayman Alsayari, Governor of the Saudi Central Bank, Saudi Arabia (Alternate for Mohammed Aljadaan, Minister of Finance, Saudi Arabia)

    Mohammed bin Hadi Al Hussaini, Minister of State for Financial Affairs, United Arab Emirates

    Edgar Amador Zamora, Minister of Finance and Public Credit, Mexico

    Scott Bessent, Secretary of the Treasury, United States

    Edouard Normand Bigendako, Governor, Bank of the Republic of Burundi

    Luis Caputo, Minister of Economy, Argentina

    Tiff Macklem, Governor of the Bank of Canada (Alternate for Francois-Philippe Champagne, Minister of Finance, Canada)

    Sang Mok Choi, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy and Finance, Republic of Korea

    Giancarlo Giorgetti, Minister of Economy and Finance, Italy

    Gabriel Galipolo, Governor, Central Bank of Brazil (Alternate for Fernando Haddad, Minister of Finance, Brazil)

    Jan Jambon, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, Pensions, National Lottery and Federal Culture Institutions, Belgium

    Katsunobu Kato, Minister of Finance, Japan

    Daniela Stoffel, State Secretary for International Finance, Federal Department of Finance, Switzerland (Alternate for Karin Keller-Sutter, Minister of Finance, Switzerland)

    Lesetja Kganyago, Governor, South African Reserve Bank, South Africa

    Jörg Kukies, Federal Minister of the Ministry of Finance, Germany

    François Villeroy de Galhau, Governor of the Bank of France (Alternate for Eric Lombard, Minister for the Economy, Finance and Industrial and Digital Sovereignty, France)

    Adebayo Olawale Edun, Minister of Finance and the Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Nigeria

    Gongsheng Pan, Governor of the People’s Bank of China

    Rachel Reeves, Chancellor of the Exchequer, H.M. Treasury, United Kingdom

    Pavel Snisorenko, Director, Department of International Financial Relations (Alternate for Anton Siluanov, Minister of Finance, Russian Federation)

    Sanjay Malhotra, Governor, Reserve Bank of India (Alternate for Nirmala Sitharaman, Minister of Finance, India)

    Mehmet Simsek, Minister of Treasury and Finance, Republic of Türkiye

    Salah-Eddine Taleb, Governor, Bank of Algeria

    Perry Warjiyo, Governor, Bank of Indonesia

    Ida Wolden Bache, Governor, Bank of Norway

    Observers

    Agustín Carstens, General Manager, Bank for International Settlements (BIS)

    Elisabeth Svantesson, Chair, Development Committee (DC) and Minister for Finance, Sweden

    Christine Lagarde, President, European Central Bank (ECB)

    Valdis Dombrovskis, Commissioner for Economy and Productivity, European Commission (EC)

    Klaas Knot, Chair, Financial Stability Board (FSB) and President of De Nederlandsche Bank

    Celeste Drake, Deputy Director-General, International Labour Organization (ILO)

    Mathias Cormann, Secretary-General, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)

    Mohannad Alsuwaidan, Economic Analyst, Petroleum Studies Department, Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC)

    Achim Steiner, UNDP Administrator, United Nations (UN)

    Rebeca Grynspan, Secretary-General, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)

    Ajay Banga, President of the World Bank Group, The World Bank (WB)

    Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director-General, World Trade Organization (WTO)

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Wafa Amr

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/04/25/pr-123-imfc-chairs-statement-fifty-first-meeting-of-the-imfc

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump can’t decide who to blame for a failing peace deal that would only lead to further conflict

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stefan Wolff, Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham

    After a second consecutive night of deadly Russian air attacks – against the capital Kyiv on April 23 and the eastern Ukrainian city of Pavlohrad on April 24 – a ceasefire in Ukraine seems as unrealistic as ever.

    With Russian commitment to a deal clearly lacking, the situation is not helped by US president Donald Trump. He can’t quite seem to decide who he will ultimately blame if his efforts to agree a ceasefire fall apart.

    Before the strikes on Kyiv, Trump blamed Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky, for holding up a deal by refusing to recognise Crimea as Russian. The following day, he chided Vladimir Putin for the attacks, calling them “not necessary, and very bad timing” and imploring Putin to stop.

    The main stumbling bloc on the path to a ceasefire is what a final peace agreement might look like and what concessions Kyiv – and its European allies – will accept. Ukraine’s and Europe’s position on this is unequivocal: no recognition of the illegal Russian annexation.

    This position is also backed by opinion polls in Ukraine, which indicate only limited support for some, temporary concessions to Russia. The mayor of Kyiv, Vitali Klitschko, also suggested that temporarily giving up territory “can be a solution”.

    The deal that Trump’s envoy Steve Witkoff apparently negotiated over three rounds of talks in Russia was roundly rejected by Ukraine and Britain, France and Germany, who lead the “coalition of the willing” of countries pledging support for Ukraine.




    Read more:
    Could Trump be leading the world into recession?


    This prompted Witkoff and US secretary of state Marco Rubio to pull out of follow-up talks in London on April 24. These ended with a fairly vacuous statement about a commitment to continuing “close coordination and … further talks soon”.

    And even this now appears as quite a stretch. Coinciding with Witkoff’s fourth trip to see Putin on April 25, European and Ukrainian counterproposals were released that reject most of the terms offered by Trump or at least defer their negotiation until after a ceasefire is in place.

    Why is it failing?

    The impasse is unsurprising. Washington’s proposal included a US commitment to recognise Crimea as Russian, a promise that Ukraine would not join Nato and accept Moscow’s control of the territories in eastern Ukraine that it currently illegally occupies. It also included lifting all sanctions against Russia.

    In other words, Ukraine would give up large parts of territory and receive no security guarantees, while Russia is rewarded with reintegration into the global economy.

    It is the territorial concessions asked of Kyiv which are especially problematic. Quite apart from the fact that they are in fundamental breach of basic principles of international law – the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states – they are unlikely to provide solid foundations for a durable peace.

    Much like the idea of Trump’s Ukraine envoy, Keith Kellogg, to divide Ukraine like post-1945 Berlin, it betrays a fundamental misunderstanding of what, and who, drives this war.

    Recent London peace talks in April failed to make progress.

    Kellogg later clarified that he was not suggesting a partition of Ukraine, but his proposal would have exactly the same effect as Trump’s most recent offer.

    Both proposals accept the permanent loss to Ukraine of territory that Russia currently controls. Where they differ is that Kellogg wants to introduce a European-led reassurance force west of the river Dnipro, while leaving the defence of remaining Ukrainian-controlled territory to Kyiv’s armed forces.

    If accepted by Russia – unlikely as this is given Russia’s repeated and unequivocal rejection of European peacekeeping troops in Ukraine – it would provide at best a minimal security guarantee for a part of Ukrainian territory.

    What it would almost inevitably mean, however, is a repeat of the permanent ceasefire violations along the disengagement zone in eastern Ukraine where Russian and Ukrainian forces would continue to face each other.

    This is what happened after the ill-fated Minsk accords of 2014 and 2015, which were meant to settle the conflict after Russia’s invasion of Donbas in 2014. A further Russian invasion could be just around the corner once the Kremlin felt that it had sufficiently recovered from the current war.




    Read more:
    Ukraine deal: Europe has learned from the failed 2015 Minsk accords with Putin. Trump has not


    The lack of a credible deterrent is one key difference between the situation in Ukraine as envisaged by Washington and other historical and contemporary parallels, including Korea and Cyprus.

    Korea was partitioned in 1945 and has been protected by a large US military presence since the Korean war in 1953. After the Turkish invasion of 1974, Cyprus was divided between Greek and Turkish Cypriots along a partition line secured by an armed UN peacekeeping mission.

    Trump has ruled out any US troop commitment as part of securing a ceasefire in Ukraine. And the idea of a UN force in Ukraine, briefly floated during the presidency of Petro Poroshenko between 2014 and 2019, never got any traction, and is not likely to be accepted by Putin now.

    The assumed parallels with the situation in Germany after the second world war are even more tenuous. Not only did Nazi Germany unconditionally surrender in May 1945 but its division into allied zones of occupation was formally and unanimously agreed by the victorious allies in Potsdam in August 1945.

    Muddling up Potsdam and Munich?

    By the time two separate German states of East and West Germany were established in 1949, the western allies had fallen out with Stalin but remained firmly united in Nato and western Europe. So the west German state was firmly protected under the US nuclear umbrella.

    The agreements made in Potsdam didn’t have the same implication of permanence as the US suggestion to formally recognise Crimea as Russian territory. The suggestion was always that the allied forces would pull out of Germany at some stage, and restore the country’s sovereignty.

    Most importantly, the allies did not reward the aggressor in the war or create the conditions for merely a brief interruption for an aggressor’s revisionist agenda.

    After all, what has driven Putin’s war against Ukraine is his conviction that “the collapse of the Soviet Union was the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century”.

    The Trump administration deludes itself that it is applying the lessons of Potsdam by recognising Russia’s territorial conquests in Ukraine and handing them over. Instead it is falling into the trap of the 1938 Munich Agreement. Negotiators in Munich tried, but failed, to avoid the second world war by appeasing and not deterring an insatiable aggressor – a historical lesson that doesn’t need repeating.

    Stefan Wolff is a past recipient of grant funding from the Natural Environment Research Council of the UK, the United States Institute of Peace, the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK, the British Academy, the NATO Science for Peace Programme, the EU Framework Programmes 6 and 7 and Horizon 2020, as well as the EU’s Jean Monnet Programme. He is a Trustee and Honorary Treasurer of the Political Studies Association of the UK and a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Centre in London.

    Tetyana Malyarenko does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Trump can’t decide who to blame for a failing peace deal that would only lead to further conflict – https://theconversation.com/trump-cant-decide-who-to-blame-for-a-failing-peace-deal-that-would-only-lead-to-further-conflict-254841

    MIL OSI – Global Reports