With the lineup of the upcoming celebrity series of The Traitors recently leaked online, people are once again debating the best strategies that players might use to succeed. But a player’s voting history can also reveal the psychological dynamics at play, particularly alliances they may be subconsciously forming.
For those who aren’t familiar, the premise of the show is that each player is given the role of either “faithful” or “traitor”. Only the traitors know everyone’s roles in the game. If the faithful players eliminate all of the traitors by the end of the game, they divide the prize money equally among themselves. However, if one or more traitors remain by the end, all of the money goes to them instead.
There are two ways for someone to be eliminated from the game. First, all of the players vote on who to “banish” at the round table each day. Second, the traitors decide on one person to “murder” overnight, who is then removed from the game before breakfast the following morning. There are also occasional tweaks to this format depending on the stage of the game.
Ideally, faithful players would spot the lies that traitors tell. However, research shows that people don’t fare much better than chance at doing this, although certain individuals (who are often found to be working in law enforcement) or specialised groups, such as members of the US Secret Service, may be.
Instead, players may base their decisions on unreliable biases. In a game where there’s so little to go on, they risk being blinded by the trustworthiness of a (fake) Welsh accent, for example, or drawing suspicions for simply being too quiet or too noisy. After all, there is a lot of behaviour that people often incorrectly link with deception. For instance, westerners commonly associate someone averting their gaze with lying but researchers have shown that looking away isn’t linked to deception.
Information from interactions with other players can be unreliable, but players also get to see how others vote at the round table. And this is where real evidence can be found.
The faithful players have little to go on, so they end up voting for anyone – faithful and traitors alike. In contrast, traitors can direct their votes only at the faithful. If we combine these ideas, we see that traitors are more likely to be voted for by faithful players, even if this is by accident.
The traitors don’t tend to vote for each other because they naturally form an alliance, working together to shape the game. Their secret meetings in Traitors’ Tower, shared uniform (a cloak and hood), and power to murder the faithful, construct a sense of “us versus them”. In fact, very little is needed for people to start behaving this way. Known as the minimal group paradigm, research has shown that simply segregating people based on their preference for certain artists or their eye colour is enough to change the way they behave towards each other.
They may be happy to deceive the faithful, but the traitors are generally willing to trust each other. This mirrors a 2018 study where “deviant” study participants (who cheated on a task) felt connected to their team and trusted its members when the team engaged in coordinated acts of deviance (helping each other to cheat). Although they knew logically that their team shouldn’t be trusted, their sense of connection led to a feeling of trust nonetheless.
Do voting records actually reveal players’ roles?
Conveniently, all of the voting records for the show have been collated online. Let’s first exclude voting rounds which restrict the traitors’ options. During a round table which results in a traitor’s banishment, most players have voted for that traitor. There is good reason for other traitors to jump on the bandwagon at that point, to blend in and appear more faithful. Similarly, voting is limited after a tie, where the remaining options may force particular decisions.
After excluding these two types of voting context, I investigated the votes for players who were traitors at the time of voting (rather than switching to this role later on) for the three series of the UK show. I also considered other completed series of English-language versions of the show: the US, Australia, Canada and New Zealand.
Altogether, 95% of the 76 votes for traitors were cast by faithful players. Remember Jake from series three earlier this year? As a faithful player, he voted for Linda right at the beginning of the game. When Linda was later revealed as a traitor, Jake’s abilities were championed by the other players, earning him the nickname “traitor hunter” and convincing them that he was faithful.
So whenever a traitor is banished, players should consider who voted for that traitor in previous round tables – as we’ve seen, those votes probably came from the faithful. However, as the game progresses, there’s always the possibility that a faithful player could later be “seduced” into becoming a traitor, so it’s important to keep this in mind too.
Players may not be able to rely on spotting “tells” or other cues to deception in the game, but there are always patterns in the ways people behave. You just need to know where to look.
Robin Kramer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The UK Supreme Court ruling backing the “biological” definition of a woman has been hailed by many as providing clarity on the law. But far from the matter being settled, it has raised complex questions, particularly when we consider that half of all transgender people are trans men. It even raises the possibility of trans men being excluded from both men and women’s spaces.
The court unanimously agreed that, regardless of any gender reassignment or possession of a gender recognition certificate (GRC) recognising them as female, transgender women should not be recognised as women for the purposes of the Equality Act 2010. This means that access to single-sex spaces should be determined by biological gender assigned at birth.
Meanwhile, the Equality and Human Rights Commission has said it will “pursue” the NHS unless it changes its gender policies. The NHS policies currently state that transgender patients should be accommodated in accordance with their self-identified gender, based on appearance, name and pronouns.
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For many complex reasons, trans men generally feature far less in the public discourse around trans issues. Trans men are currently under-researched and rarely considered by the mainstream media or academic literature.
The Supreme Court’s own summary of the case sets out the issue in terms of the definition of “woman”. But it is clear that the judgment applies equally to trans men as it finds that each of the terms “man”, “woman” and “sex” in the Equality Act refer to biological sex. The court concludes that any other definition would be “incoherent and unworkable”.
The Office for National Statistics estimates there are roughly equal numbers (48,000) of trans men and trans women in England and Wales. This is supported by data from the US, which also shows roughly equal populations of trans men and trans women.
Issues for trans men
Those who support a biological definition of sex have framed their position as one which protects women’s rights and keeps women’s spaces safe by excluding men. By legal definition, that now includes trans women. However, it does not include trans men, who would have been born biologically female.
This judgment means that trans men can be excluded from men’s single-sex spaces. But there may also be cases where they are excluded from women’s spaces too, despite being considered women under the ruling.
The court found that it might be proportionate to exclude a trans man from a women’s single-sex service such as counselling for survivors of sexual abuse where “reasonable objection is taken to their presence … because the gender reassignment process has given them a masculine appearance…”.
This statement highlights the flawed legal reasoning around trans men. In most circumstances they are to be treated as women, even if that creates absurdities in practical implementation. And yet, they can also be excluded from some women’s spaces if they appear too masculine. It could be argued that it is this decision which is “incoherent and unworkable”.
The Supreme Court decision repeatedly makes the point that “neither possession of a GRC [gender recognition certificate] nor the protected characteristic of gender reassignment require any physiological change or even any change in outward appearance”.
However, in practice a GRC can’t be issued without a medical diagnosis of gender dysphoria. It is very difficult for an individual to meet the diagnostic criteria for gender dysphoria without making changes to their appearance or pursuing medical transition.
Testosterone treatment means that trans men may find it easier to “pass” (be perceived as the gender they identify with) than trans women. Testosterone generally causes facial hair to grow, and creates a more masculine physique and a deeper voice without the need for any additional procedures.
There are no official statistics, but a 2022 report by the advocacy group TransActual found that around 90% of trans respondents have accessed hormone therapy or surgery, or hope to do so in the future.
This likely means that a majority of the 48,000 estimated trans men in England and Wales are likely to present as masculine, and be perceived as cisgender men. This is where any implementation of the Supreme Court’s ruling becomes complicated.
Single-sex spaces
The decision, subject to any future clarification, means that trans men are not permitted to enter men’s single-sex spaces such as men’s toilets, gym changing rooms or hospital wards. Instead, they should use the women’s single-sex spaces including communal changing areas, in accordance with their biological sex.
The justices briefly considered this issue when they gave the example of an employer requiring that a warden in a women’s or girls’ hostel be female. Before this ruling, such a role would be open to a trans woman with a GRC, but not to a trans man with a GRC.
There is also the concern that both trans men and trans women will expose themselves to a greater risk of harassment, which has already increased considerably, if they are forced to out themselves by using facilities which don’t align with the gender they present as.
Daniel Alge does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The five-page ultimatum reads like a political ransom note. It calls on Harvard to make major “governance reform” including enforcing “viewpoint diversity” in admissions and hiring, squashing diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives, and more screening of foreign student applicants for their beliefs and reporting those who commit “conduct violations” to authorities.
Now, the White House says it was all a big misunderstanding – that the letter was “unauthorized” and that it was Harvard’s fault for not recognising the mistake. Instead of “pick[ing] up the phone … Harvard went on a victimhood campaign,” said a senior policy strategist for Trump in the New York Times. Never mind, as Harvard noted, that the letter was signed by three federal officials and printed on official letterhead.
But the war between the White House and Harvard is far from over. Trump is likely to be in it for the long game and have many more plays to make.
On Monday, Harvard announced it was suing the Trump administration for its prior threat to axe the school’s funding – a move Harvard said would have “severe and long-lasting” effects.
Harvard’s huge US$50 billion endowment gives it the ability to absorb federal spending cuts in a way that even other wealthy US universities can’t. Yet the university’s leadership still says that it would need to make draconian slashes to its research and student programming if federal cuts happened.
“We are going to choke off the money to schools that aid the Marxist assault on our American heritage and on Western civilization itself,” Trump has previously stated, hinting at his wider project to wield power over universities and significantly change the way they operate.
Part of a bigger plan
It’s not just Harvard that’s facing the heat — although as the nation’s most prestigious and high-profile university, its decisions will set the tone for the rest of the sector. More than 40 universities across the US are under investigation by the Trump administration, including for alleged illicit actions by DEI offices and charges of tolerating anti-semitism.
Another Ivy League university, Columbia in New York, for example, has caved to Trump’s demands as a precondition for restoring US$400 million in federal grants, with one group alleging that the cuts constitute an existential “gun to the head”. Johns Hopkins University, in Maryland, has seen at least US$800 million in federal spending cut, forcing the school to slash more than 2,000 jobs.
J.D. Vance outlines his views on US universities.
It’s hard to overstate the backlash. Princeton president Christopher Eisgruber has called Trump’s latest moves “the greatest threat to American universities since the Red Scare of the 1950s”. Political analyst Fareed Zakaria believes that the Trump White House is waging a version of Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution, when the Chinese leader took control of China’s leading universities.
“No government — regardless of which party is in power — should dictate what private universities can teach, whom they can admit and hire, and which areas of study and inquiry they can pursue,” said Harvard president Alan Garber.
Trump’s attacks on universities follow a blueprint: identify institutions seen as elite, liberal and out of touch, and undercut their legitimacy relentlessly.
Perhaps the only question is why the Trump administration didn’t come after universities sooner. As CNN’s Stephen Collinson has noted: “Harvard University is such a perfect foil for Trumpism that it’s a wonder it avoided the MAGA maelstrom for so long.”
Recent campus unrest and rising concerns over anti-semitism — spotlighted by a trio of controversial congressional testimonies by the presidents of Harvard, MIT, and the University of Pennsylvania in 2023 — have provided a convenient political opening for Maga crusaders. However, Trump’s latest tirade almost certainly has less to do with principle than political opportunity.
Recent polling from Gallup shows that trust in higher education has plummeted since roughly the first time Trump ran for president. In 2015, 57% of Americans possessed “a great deal” or “quite a lot” of confidence in higher education. Today, that number is just 36%. For Republicans, those numbers have dropped even more sharply, from 56% to 20%.
There’s plenty of speculation about what’s driving these figures, but most are inextricably linked to partisan politics. Harvard Law School’s Jack Goldsmith and Adrian Vermeuele say that elite colleges have made it easy for conservatives to dislike them, and should reflect on why.
Critiques of academia include accusations that faculties and student bodies tilt far to the left. At Harvard, for example, just 3% of professors identify as conservative, and 13% of recent graduates.
These charges coincide with allegations of illiberal student “mobs” who shout down and heckle speakers and refuse to allow dissenting opinions. According to the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, for instance, Harvard is at the bottom of the table – scoring zero out of 100 – in its annual college free speech ranking.
Adding to the controversy are claims that DEI offices have gone “too far” in inculcating a “oppressor-oppressed” mentality on campuses. The Trump administration views universities as ground-zero of the broader DEI trend that proliferated in the public and private sector during the Biden years.
Declining trust in universities has doubtlessly been exacerbated by Maga rhetoric. Before being elected, Vice-President J.D. Vance announced that “the professors are the enemy”. Marc Lampkin, a longtime Republican strategist, said that “Republicans believe that … universities are the training ground for left, progressive camps”.
That Harvard sits on a US$50 billion endowment, even as it takes advantage of tax benefits as a nonprofit, strikes many in the Trump camp as unfair.
The clash between Harvard and the White House is laying the groundwork for a high-stakes showdown, pitting academia’s defenders against the Magaverse. Yet it’s possible to believe two things at once: that universities do suffer from some, even many, of the ailments that Trump has alleged; and that Trump’s onslaught against higher education is strategically misguided, politically motivated and aimed at putting universities under the president’s thumb.
Thomas Gift teaches an annual course in the Harvard Summer School, and worked full-time at the Harvard Kennedy School in 2015-16.
As the sun rises over the river Thames on marathon day this year, tens of thousands of cheering spectators will fill the streets and a record-breaking 56,000 adrenaline-fuelled runners will gather at the starting line of the TCS London marathon.
At the start of the gun, the stampede of runners will surge forward bringing the streets of London alive with the rhythmic thud of trainers, the sweat of determination, and the roaring of the crowd shouting: “Come on, you can do it!”
The race isn’t just about competition; it’s a celebration of perseverance, passion and overcoming adversity. “Every marathon is up and down, very emotional” says “Britain’s bladerunner” double Paralympic gold medallist Richard Whitehead, who holds the Guinness World Record for fastest double amputee marathon in 2024.
At the finish line, exhaustion is mixed with triumph and runners share in a sense of collective achievement. But, once the race is over, it’s back home to daily tasks; the gruelling demands of the training schedule vanish, and the highs of the marathon can fade quickly.
The low after the high
While marathon runners usually experience a great sense of accomplishment and euphoria after completing a race, it can often be followed by a lingering sense of emptiness.
A 2024 study found that endurance athletes often face a mixture of emotions after a race, both physically and mentally. Their feelings seem to depend on factors like how much time they spent training and their ability to set new goals for the next phase of training.
A comedown after a major event is a common experience for many athletes. After the months of intense training, physical exertion and the emotional high of participating in such a momentous event, the mind and body can experience a crash and “post-marathon blues” can set in as the excitement, adrenaline and sense of purpose and meaning fades.
The post-marathon blues describes mild depression and feelings of emptiness. It’s characterised by increased anxiety levels, depression, burnout and challenges in adjusting back to everyday life.
Set goals, rest and recover
Marathon runners report that it can take between one to eight weeks before they feel their wellbeing return to pre-race levels. While setting goals ahead of time could help alleviate negative emotions after the marathon, attempting to achieve another goal too soon also has its risks, including injury and training plateau.
I run because if I didn’t, I’d be sluggish and glum and spend too much time on the couch. I run to breathe in fresh air. I run to explore. I run to escape the ordinary. I run … to savour the trip along the way. Life becomes a little more vibrant, a little more intense. I like that.
Setting a new goal, however, doesn’t have to be another marathon or even another sports-related goal. Reflect on and enjoy the sense of achievement from running a marathon and channel this into other aspects of your life and explore other interests like a DIY project or a hobby.
A post-marathon plan is just as crucial as the pre-marathon training schedule. Proper recovery and continued maintenance of your physical and mental wellbeing are essential for long-term performance, injury prevention and overall health. While there is no one-size-fits-all recovery plan, some suggest a phased recovery, building up to a return to training after adequate recovery time.
In the end, post-marathon blues is a real challenge. Despite the euphoria of such an incredible achievement, experiencing negative emotions is inevitable and something you might not be able to avoid. But post-marathon blues doesn’t have to define the journey. It’s all part of the process. And athletes, if physically and psychologically prepared, can turn the finishing line into a new starting point.
Helen Owton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
For a new report on the state of the journalism profession in the UK in the 2020s, my colleagues and I asked journalists what they think their role in society should be today. Facing a world of rising authoritarianism, war in Europe and catastrophic climate change, a younger generation of UK journalists increasingly believe they should occupy a more activist role in society.
We asked a representative sample of 1,130 UK journalists how important a selection of 24 roles were to them. These included informer roles such as “being a detached observer”, to advocating roles such as “promote peace and tolerance” and audience-oriented roles such as “provide entertainment and relaxation”. We measured their answers on a scale from “not at all important” to “extremely important”.
These questions were part of a wider survey my colleagues Neil Thurman, Sina Thäsler-Kordonouri and I conducted at the end of 2023. Our survey is the UK leg of the third wave of the Worlds of Journalism Study, a global project researching the state of journalism across 75 countries.
The survey follows a similar one conducted eight years earlier. Comparing journalists’ answers to both allows us to understand how their professional attitudes have changed.
Then and now, the roles journalists hold to be most important are those considered to be the traditional purpose of journalism: being a detached observer (linked to objectivity), providing analysis of current affairs, and – the classic watchdog role – monitoring and scrutinising those in power. More than half of our respondents thought that these roles were “extremely” or “very important”.
However, we found a notable shift in which roles journalists emphasise over others. While they still consider their traditional roles to be essential, many appear to be leaning more towards activist roles, and away from roles linked to objectivity.
In 2015, 77% of respondents thought that “being a detached observer” was “extremely” or “very important”. In 2023, it was 69%. Tellingly, there is also a generational shift. While 74% of respondents over 40 rate their role as detached observers as very or extremely important, just 60% of those under 40 do.
The activist role
UK journalists’ interest in the more activist watchdog role has risen between 2015 and 2023. It should be noted that the question was asked slightly differently in 2015. Then, 48% found it very or extremely important to monitor and scrutinise political leaders, and 59% thought the same about business. In 2023, 65% considered monitoring and scrutinising those in power very or extremely important.
In general, we found that as younger journalists are turning away from roles that can be considered more neutral, such as “providing analysis of current affairs”, they are becoming more interested in more activist roles.
Roles such as “speaking on behalf of the marginalised” and “shining a light on society’s problems” are both more important for journalists under 40 than for older journalists.
We also found that the role of “educating the audience” was significant – 88% of respondents said it was important. This role can sometimes be considered more activist, as it may involve conveying cultural or moral values in addition to information. Along with younger journalists, we found those who produce for podcasts and for radio are significantly more interested in this role than other journalists.
Young journalists were more likely to embrace activist roles. Silatip/Shutterstock
We also observed that roles which support active participation in democracy, such as “provide information people need to form political opinions”, are more favoured by journalists working for local and regional media than by their colleagues at national outlets.
Those working for internet native media reported being less interested in these roles than those in legacy media (newspaper, TV or radio). Additionally, journalists’ interest in commercially driven roles like “providing the kind of news that attracts the largest audience”, has decreased.
Responding to pressure
Recent political and social upheavals have raised confronting questions about journalists’ role in society.
Our survey points to a notable shift in journalists’ professional attitudes. UK journalists, especially the younger generation, seem to respond more to the pressures that challenge their traditional roles. Meanwhile, local news outlets and legacy media emerge as the most determined advocates for journalism’s democratic role.
The dispute about the contested value of journalistic objectivity has become a bellwether for journalists’ changing professional culture. Our survey shows that, while still important for UK journalists, it is indeed eroding.
Imke Henkel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Brown rice contains more arsenic than white rice, according to a recent study from the US. Understandably, that might sound alarming. After all, arsenic is a well-known toxin. But the levels found in brown rice are not a health risk. And brown rice, like other whole grains, is still an important part of a healthy diet.
To understand the issue, it helps to remember an old principle from toxicology: the dose makes the poison. In other words, harmful substances can be harmless – or even beneficial – at low enough doses.
Arsenic, while dangerous in high amounts, is naturally found in soil and water and can show up in many foods, including rice.
The new study makes this very clear: the amount of arsenic in brown rice is far below any level considered risky for human health. What matters is both how much is present and how often it is consumed.
For most people, the exposure from eating brown rice is minimal and not something to worry about.
Despite the study’s reassuring conclusion, some news outlets ran with scary headlines. Such as: Toxic metal linked to cancer, autism found in brown rice as scientists say it’s time to rethink healthy option. And: Think brown rice is healthier than white rice? Study finds high level of carcinogen in brown rice in the US.
Pesticides, preservatives, trace metals – all can sound scary out of context. But for most people, the health risks don’t come from what’s in our food in tiny amounts – they come from our everyday choices.
What we should be worried about
In countries like the UK, less than one in 1,000 people follow all aspects of national dietary guidelines. That means most people aren’t eating enough fruit, vegetables and whole grains – and that’s a much bigger problem.
In fact, poor diet is a bigger cause of illness and early death worldwide than smoking or alcohol. Two of the top dietary risk factors? Eating too much salt and not enough whole grains.
Cardiovascular disease, the world’s leading cause of death for decades, kills around 20 million people each year. During the COVID pandemic, it remained deadlier than the virus itself. One of the simplest ways to reduce your risk of cardiovascular disease is to eat more whole grains.
So while it’s true that brown rice has more arsenic than white rice, not eating brown rice (or other whole grains) may pose a greater health risk. (Other whole grains options to choose from include: oats, quinoa, barley and whole wheat pasta and bread.)
If you’re fortunate enough to have choices about what to eat, take a moment to reflect on how your habits align with national dietary guidelines. If you’re already eating well, great – keep it up. If not, start small: swap in a few whole grains and reduce your salt intake.
And if you’re still not convinced about brown rice, that’s OK. Choose another whole grain that works for you. Just don’t let a misunderstood detail about arsenic scare you away from one of the most positive foods choices you can make.
Iain Brownlee currently receives funding from the European Research Agency/Medical Research Council and the National Institute of National Institute of Health and Care Research. He has previously received funding from multiple government organisations in the UK, Singapore and Australia, as well as multiple industry funders including Nestlé/Cereal Partners Worldwide.
What if your work self didn’t know about your personal life, and your home self had no idea what you did for a living? In Apple TV’s Severance, that’s exactly the deal: a surgical procedure splits the memories of employees into “innies” (who only exist at work) and “outies” (who never recall what they do from nine to five).
On the surface, it sounds like an ideal solution to a growing cybersecurity problem of insider threats, such as leaks or sabotage by employees. After all, if an employee can’t remember what they accessed at work, how can they leak it, sabotage it, or sell it?
As someone who has researched insider threats for the last decade I can’t help but see Severance as a cautionary tale of what happens when we try to eliminate threats without understanding people.
The threat from within
Insider threats really hit prominence in the wake of high-profile incidents like Chelsea Manning and Edward Snowden, who both leaked top secret government information. These threats are one of the most persistent challenges in security because unlike “traditional” hackers, insiders already have access to sensitive systems and information.
They might act maliciously, stealing trade secrets or exposing data, or accidentally, through phishing links or lost devices. Either way, the consequences can be more serious because of the unprecedented levels of access someone has while working within an organisation.
While we often think of the high-profile cases in the first instance, the reality of most insider incidents is far less dramatic. Think of the disgruntled employee who downloads a client database before leaving, or the well-meaning staff member who shares a sensitive file via the wrong link.
In fact, one of the most iconic examples of an insider threat in fiction is Jurassic Park. The entire catastrophe begins, not with a dinosaur, but with a software engineer, Dennis Nedry, who disables the park’s security in an attempt to steal trade secrets. It’s a reminder that even the most sophisticated systems can be undone by a single rogue employee.
Organisations try to manage this through access controls, behaviour monitoring and training. But people are unpredictable. Insider threats sit at the messy intersection of human behaviour, organisational culture and digital systems.
This is where Severance strikes a chord. What if you could eliminate the human risk altogether, by turning employees into separate, tightly compartmentalised selves? In the show, workers at the shadowy Lumon Corporation have no memory of their job outside the office and vice versa.
In a sense, it’s the ultimate form of “need to know.” An “innie” can’t tell anyone what they do because they don’t know anything beyond their desk. It’s a very elegant, although ethically problematic, solution for someone working in security. However, as the series unfolds, it becomes clear that the levels of control on offer through the process of severance come with a terrible cost.
The problem with control
The innies in Severance are trapped in an endless workday, unable to understand the meaning or value of their tasks. They form bonds, question authority and ultimately rebel. Ironically, it is the severed employees, the ones who are most closely controlled in the company, who become the greatest insider threat to Lumon.
This mirrors something we know from real organisations: excessive surveillance, control and secrecy often backfires. For instance, Amazon has faced repeated criticism over its use of tracking technologies to monitor warehouse workers’ movements and productivity, with reports suggesting this has contributed to high stress, burnout and even rule-breaking as workers try to “game” the system.
A 2022 study published in Harvard Business Review found that employees who feel overly monitored are significantly more likely to break rules or engage in counterproductive behaviour – undermining the very goals of workplace surveillance. If people feel undervalued or mistreated, they’re more likely to become disengaged or actively hostile. Security systems that ignore culture and trust are therefore often brittle.
What Severance gets right is that insider threats are emotional and ethical problems as much as technical ones. They stem from how people feel about their role, their autonomy and their identity within a system. This is something that we can’t simply patch within a piece of software.
Lessons from fiction
Thankfully, no company in the real world is proposing surgical memory separation, at least not yet. But in an age of algorithmic management, increasing surveillance, and growing concerns about privacy, Severance resonates. It forces us to ask just how far should we go in the name of security?
The answer isn’t to separate people from their work, but to build systems that are secure and respectful of the people within them; something increasingly backed by research.
That means better design, clearer boundaries and a workplace culture that values openness, not just compliance. For example, implementing clear expectations around work hours and communication norms can help prevent burnout and promote wellbeing.
Encouraging open communication channels, such as anonymous feedback systems, empowers employees to voice concerns without fear, fostering a culture of trust. Additionally, designing physical workspaces that promote collaboration, like open-plan areas and communal lounges, can enhance team cohesion and reflect organisational values.
If we follow the example set by Lumon and try to remove all risk then we lose something far more essential – the humanity at the centre of our systems and organisations. Ultimately, removing that human focus could be the most significant vulnerability of all.
Oli Buckley receives funding from Jason R.C. Nurse receives funding from The Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC) and Responsible AI UK.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Freddie Daley, Research Associate, Centre for Global Political Economy, University of Sussex
corlaffra / shutterstock
The UK government is about to host a summit with the International Energy Agency (IEA) on the future of energy security. It does so as the world grapples with war, geopolitical realignments and trade barriers, against a backdrop of accelerating climate upheavals. One of the expected outcomes of this summit is a new, agreed definition of what constitutes energy security in the 21st century.
Common understandings of energy security have focused on making supplies reliable and affordable, with less attention paid to ensuring sources of energy are sustainable and less volatile over the medium- and long-term. This neglect compromises our collective security.
The IEA’s 31 member countries and 13 associates include most of the world’s most powerful states. Its influence means that this new definition of energy security will be used to inform government policies and investment decisions around the world. Given the cost of energy infrastructure, and the lengthy time it takes to build these projects, this definition is set to shape our future, economically and climatically.
But there is a very real risk that this definition will open the door to further investments into fossil fuel production under the guise of energy security.
International Energy Agency (IEA) member and ‘association member’ countries. IEA, CC BY-SA
After Russia invaded Ukraine, governments rushed to cut their reliance on Russian fossil fuels. This caused major disruptions as prices spiked and millions were pushed into energy poverty.
Europe alone spent an extra €517–€831 billion (£444–£713 billion) on energy in 2021 and 2022, even though some imports from Russia continued through so-called “shadow fleets”. Some argued that high fossil fuel prices only embolden leaders like Putin and help fund their conflicts.
Governments responded with “energy nativism”, as they sought to secure as much energy as possible for their citizens at whatever cost. This typically meant boosting renewables and bulk buying oil and gas. In the UK’s case, it also meant the previous government issuing hundreds of new licenses to drill for oil and gas to “increase energy security” – licenses the current government says it will honour).
Shipments of liquified natural gas (LNG) were also redirected from poorer countries like Pakistan and Bangladesh towards the highest bidders in Europe and Asia. This raises the question of who exactly is becoming more energy secure and at what cost.
Meanwhile, large fossil fuel exporters like Qatar, the US and Australia ramped up production. A US official even referred to its gas exports as “molecules of freedom”. Australia has exported so much natural gas it may have to buy its own gas back from Japan at market price.
The sheer volume of investment in new oil and gas infrastructure like offshore rigs or LNG terminals, combined with long build times, has locked in higher fossil fuel production and pushed emissions to record levels. This poses significant risks for both exporters and importers, especially as future demand is uncertain and energy markets remain volatile.
Fossil fuels remain dominant
More fundamentally, continued reliance on fossil fuels is making humanity less secure. The vast majority of emissions still come from burning coal, oil or gas. Preventing climate catastrophe therefore requires us to phase out fossil fuels as fast as possible – with wealthy nations leading the charge. In their place, we’ll have to generate energy from renewable sources that do not replicate the volatility of globally traded fossil fuels.
Yet despite some progressive policies, fossil fuels remain dominant across the global economy. Investment in oil and gas today is almost double the level it must fall below if the world is to reach net zero by 2050, according to the IEA’s own modelling.
The pursuit of energy security has boosted renewables, but adding additional clean energy isn’t enough – it must ultimately displace fossil fuels entirely. This will require a whole-economy shift. That means cutting production of fossil fuels while also reducing demand, stabilising prices and building out clean energy fast enough to support the electrification of transport, industry and heating.
But supply chains for batteries, solar panels and other key technologies are vulnerable. Delays and shortages could mean electricity prices spike, sparking social unrest. This is yet another risk of getting energy security wrong: if inflationary pressures drive the immiseration of the general public, governments and their energy plans will be short lived.
The definition of energy security that comes out of the IEA summit should reflect the fact we’re now in a world of constant crises. True energy security means charting a path towards a world that is more socially, economically and environmentally secure. This means developing a well-managed global plan to phase out fossil fuels.
Peter Newell receives research funding from UKRI for work on energy transitions.
Freddie Daley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
UK journalism has a class problem. This statement will not surprise most people familiar with UK newsrooms. What is astonishing, though, is the scarcity of empirical data that could help us better understand the extent to which class inequality affects journalists and their work.
For the first time, research by my colleagues and me an for the report UK Journalists in the 2020s uses a representative sample of UK journalists to measure their socioeconomic background. The vast majority of our respondents came from a privileged background, measured by their schooling and by the job held by their main household earner when they were a child.
Previous research on this issue was based on considerably more limited data. In July 2009, a report commissioned by the then Labour government found that journalism was one of two professions that had experienced the biggest decline in social mobility (the other being accountancy).
Research by the Sutton Trust established repeatedly (most recently in 2019), that leading news editors, broadcasters and newspaper columnists are about six to seven times more likely to be privately educated than the general population, a typical marker for privilege in Britain.
Some of the best data we have regarding UK journalists’ social class was collected by the National Council for the Training of Journalists, who since 2017 has regularly published reports on the diversity among UK journalists.
However, as the report’s author Mark Spilsbury concedes, the findings have a considerable margin of error. The report uses data from the UK Government Labour Force Survey, and only extrapolates its figures for the small fraction of journalists within that workforce.
Our report, for the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism at the University of Oxford, draws on a survey that media researchers Neil Thurman, Sina Thäsler-Kordonouri and I conducted between September 27 and November 30 2023.
We used data from the 2021 Census for England, Wales, and Northern Ireland and from the Roxhill Media database to estimate the total number of UK journalists to be 68,279. Given how notoriously reluctant journalists are to respond to surveys, already swamped as they are with similar requests, we sent our questionnaire to 16,497 randomly selected participants.
We considered journalists to be those who worked for a media outlet with an identifiable focus on news, and who earned at least 50% of their income from journalism or worked at least 50% of their working week as a journalist. To be included in our survey, respondents also needed to work for a news outlet with a UK base and that was aimed, at least in part, at a UK audience.
After data cleaning, we retained a final sample of 1,130 respondents, a sufficient size to achieve a confidence level of at least 95% and a maximum error margin of 3%.
Our survey is part of the international Worlds of Journalism Study, which uses the same core questionnaire across 75 countries. The survey covers a wide range of topics, including journalists’ demographics, working conditions and their experience of safety and wellbeing.
For the UK study, we added two questions regarding journalists’ socioeconomic background. First, we asked what job the main earner in their households held when the respondents were 14 years old. Second, we asked about the school journalists attended: fee-paying private or state primary and secondary school, non-fee-paying selective secondary school (such as grammar school) or a school not in the UK.
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The question on parents’ occupation allowed respondents to write in the title of the relevant job. We coded the replies manually using the nine categories of the Office for National Statistics’ 2020 Standard Occupational Classification.
Seventy-one percent of journalists in our sample came from a privileged background, with the main earner in their childhood household holding a job within the three top categories of the classification. Only 12% of our respondents came from a working-class background (sales and customer service occupations; process, plant and machine operatives and elementary occupations).
We lack the data for an outright comparison with the general population. But the 2021 census gives an indication. It shows that 23.3% of the main earner in all households in England and Wales held a job in the highest AB social grade, about equivalent to the top three categories in our classification. Nearly double (43.9%) fell into the social grade C2 and DE, roughly equivalent with our bottom three categories.
Journalists’ privilege also shows in their schooling. Twenty-two percent of journalists in our sample attended a fee-paying secondary, and 13% attended a fee-paying primary school. Around 6% of the general pupil population in England attends private schools, and fewer in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
Does privilege matter?
Our data does not suggest that a privileged upbringing makes it more likely for journalists to hold a top management position. Where it does make a difference, though, is whether they work for national media or outlets with international presence (like the Guardian or the Financial Times). Of those who do only 9% come from a working-class background, while 72% come from a privileged one (the rest come from the middle groups in our classification).
In contrast, 20% of journalists working for local and regional outlets (including regional arms of national outlets, such as BBC Wales) have a working-class background, and 57% grew up in a more privileged household.
Our survey also shows other areas of inequality. An interesting one is age. Both women and journalists from an ethnic minority background seem to drop out of the profession after the age of 50. Journalists with an Asian or Black background in particular remain underrepresented compared to the overall population, as they were in 2015.
Female journalists are also still less well paid, less likely to have a permanent contract or to hold a top management role than their male colleagues. They also more often report feeling stressed out. Their disadvantage against their male colleagues may well be a reason.
New survey data shows that of those who work for national media, 72% are from a privileged background. Zeynep Demir Aslim/Shutterstock
One reason for the privileged background of so many journalists will be that journalism has become a thoroughly academic profession. Nine out of ten journalists in our sample were university educated.
In an increasingly complex world, there may be good reasons for those who report on it to undergo an academic training. However, as some scholars have argued, trust in journalism not only depends on accurate and reliable reporting, but also on emotional and social factors that are essential for the relationship between journalists and audiences.
Given the lack of trust in news and rising news avoidance among UK audiences, the inequalities our report found should be of concern. If journalists are found to belong to a privileged elite they are less likely to be trusted by the general public. Reliable data on the inequalities that shape the journalism profession is a necessary start to tackle this problem.
Imke Henkel does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Stephen Appiah Takyi, Senior Lecturer, Department of Planning, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST)
Urban flooding is a major problem in the global south. In west and central Africa, more than 4 million people were affected by flooding in 2024. In Ghana, cities suffer damage from flooding every year.
Ghana’s president, John Dramani Mahama, has established a task force to find ways of improving flood resilience in the country. This is partly driven by an increase in flooding incidents in cities such as Accra and Kumasi in the last decade.
We are urban planning and sustainability scholars. In a recent paper we analysed whether flooding in Accra, Ghana’s capital, was caused by climate change or poor land use planning.
We conclude from our analysis that flooding is caused by poor and uncoordinated land use planning rather than climate change. We recommend that the physical planning department and other regulatory agencies are equipped to ensure the effective enforcement the relevant land use regulations.
Mixed push factors
The Accra metropolitan area is one of the 29 administrative units of Ghana’s Greater Accra region. It is the most populous region in Ghana, with over five million residents, according to the 2021 Housing and Population Census.
the nature and areas most prone to flooding in the study area
the frequency of flooding
land use planning and regulations and their influence on flooding.
About 40% of the people we interviewed attributed flooding to both weak enforcement of land use regulation and changes in rainfall patterns. Most of the households (52%) said floods in Accra were the result of weak enforcement of land use regulations, while 8% blamed changes in land use regulations.
We also analysed recorded data on flood incidence and rainfall. We found no correlation between increased rainfall and flooding. For example in 2017 there was a decrease in rainfall, but an increase in flooding.
This finding points to the fact that rainfall isn’t the only factor contributing to flooding in the city.
The agencies and city residents reported that between 2008 and 2018, they could see that more people were encroaching on the city’s wetlands by building homes and commercial infrastructure. This has changed the natural flow of water bodies. The Greater Accra Metropolitan and its environs has major wetlands such as Densu Delta, Sakumo Lagoon and Songor Lagoon.
Interview respondents noted that the siting of unauthorised buildings and the encroachment on buffer zones of water bodies in the city could have been averted. They blamed political interference in the enforcement of land use regulation. The government makes the situation worse in two ways, they said:
planning standards and regulations are neglected in the development process. The processes involved in acquiring development permits are cumbersome and expensive, so people go ahead and develop without permits.
regulatory institutions and authorities are ineffective. This is clear from the fact that planning happens chaotically. No attention is given to the ecological infrastructure that’s needed.
The way forward
We conclude that land use malpractices remain the dominant causes of flooding in Accra. They include:
poor disposal of solid waste, which eventually blocks drains and results in water overflow during heavy rains
building on wetlands as a result of non-compliance or non-enforcement of land use regulations.
There is an urgent need for Ghana’s cities to adopt best practices in waste management. These include recycling of plastic waste and composting for urban agriculture. An environmental excise tax was introduced in 2011 to fund plastic waste recycling and support waste management agencies.
The increasing encroachment on wetlands should be addressed through the strict enforcement of buffer regulations. Planning authorities and the judiciary can collaborate on this. The city must also encourage green infrastructure, like rain gardens, green roofs, permeable pavement, street trees and rain harvesting systems. Research has shown these to be environmentally sustainable and cost-effective approaches to managing storm water.
Another suggested approach is the introduction of the polluter pays principle in city management. This is a system where city residents who are involved in the pollution of the environment are made to pay for the cost of mitigating the impact. Residents who dispose of waste indiscriminately and encroach on wetlands would be made to pay for the cost of the environmental degradation. Cities such as Barcelona and Helsinki have applied this principle in the management of their industrial discharge and contaminated waste.
Finally, there should be incentives for city residents to promote environmental sustainability. For example, a deposit refund system has been introduced in several states in the US and Australia. In this system, consumers are made to pay a deposit after purchasing items that can be recycled, such as plastic bottles, and the deposit is reimbursed to the consumer after the return of the empty bottles to a retail store.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Sandy Africa, Director Research, MISTRA and Research Associate, Department of Political Sciences, University of Pretoria
Just over 30 years after South Africa’s first democratic elections, public opinion is divided over how to evaluate the post-apartheid, democratic state. Characterisations range from “failed or failing state”, to
“mafia state” to the more optimistic “developmental state” committed to addressing historical patterns of injustice through decisive state intervention.
The characterisations vary so widely because interpretations of the state are shaped not only by a complex empirical reality but also by competing theoretical and ideological perspectives. Some parts of the state appear dysfunctional, marked by failure, corruption, or capture. Others are viewed as evolving, contested, or in need of transformation. The perspective depends on the framework of analysis applied.
Theoretical approaches reinforce these divisions. Some emphasise state failure and breakdowns. Some highlight illicit networks and patronage. Others focus on whether the state is supported by strong institutions and leadership, has the necessary operational know-how, or operates within a clear ethical matrix.
These overlapping dimensions produce divergent conclusions. To some, the proverbial glass is half empty, while to others it is half full.
The book poses the question of whether South Africa’s future lies in hope or despair. Contributors cover a range of themes through the lens of a range of disciplines in the social sciences. The themes include financing of the state’s responsibilities, managing the energy transition, water provision, the political economy, foreign policy, the state of the security sector, traditional leadership, the role of civil society and the capacity of the public service.
Capacity, capability and ethics
In assessing the state’s performance, the book addresses three interdependent components: capacity, capability and ethics.
Capacity refers to the state’s institutional make-up (its tangible infrastructure).
Capability refers to the means at the society’s disposal to enable the state to deliver on its mandate. It includes the operational know-how, including how effectively the state uses its resources.
Ethics refers to the behaviours displayed by those entrusted with leadership and implementation responsibilities across the state.
A state with ample capacity and high capability but lacking in ethical grounding may misuse its resources. This leads to corruption and public disillusionment.
Conversely, strong ethical commitments without sufficient capacity or capability may result in well-intentioned but ineffective policies.
When ethics guide the accumulation of capacity as well as the effective, strategic use of those resources, the state is more likely to fulfil its public mandate and uphold constitutional values.
Historical evolution
The volume situates this framework within broader theoretical debates. It explains how past and present challenges (such as state capture or institutional decay) have emerged. It also charts a pathway for renewal.
The democratic South African state’s formal evolution has passed through four phases:
transition and transformation (1994-1999)
policy orientation and compromise (mid-1990s to early 2000s)
erosion and institutional decay (2008-2018)
attempts at recovery and renewal (2019-July 2024)
the government of national unity agenda (July 2024 to present).
In the immediate post-1994 era, the state transformed its capacity. It replaced apartheid-era structures with new bodies designed to uphold constitutional principles and reflect democratic values.
The guiding ethical operating system was strong. Ideals of dignity, equality, and inclusivity were central to the nation-building project. This set the stage for policies intended to redress historical injustices, even if practical know‐how was still maturing.
In the second phase of state-building (after the first five years of democracy) there was a shift from the initial promise of the Reconstruction and Development Programme towards a market-oriented approach. This policy change was an attempt to manage economic realities through market mechanisms. But some policy actors saw it as a betrayal of the poor and the working class.
During this period, the ethical underbelly began to show signs of strain. As pragmatic and market-driven ideas took precedence, some of the original ethical commitments were diluted. These included broad-based development and social justice. This contributed to compromises that would later affect public trust.
In the third phase from about 2009 onwards, the state’s institutional capacity suffered from high levels of mismanagement and poor oversight. The robustness of institutions was undermined by chronic neglect and corruption.
State capture and corruption impaired the state’s ability to use its capacity effectively. The result was policy failures. This made it more difficult to meet social and economic challenges.
The weakening of accountability allowed unethical practices to flourish. It also undermined the very ideas that had originally set the state on a path of inclusive development.
In the phases that followed reform efforts focused on rebuilding operational capacity. There were attempts to improve administrative efficiency and strategic planning, and build compacts for social change and redress.
Measures were introduced – albeit gradually – to reinforce accountability and transparency. The aim was to renew the social compact between the state and society around inclusive growth and accountability.
After the 2024 national and provincial government elections, the African National Congress (ANC) had to form a unity government in July 2024. Since then, there has been a renewed effort to strengthen the state’s capacity. The unity government’s agenda places some emphasis on improving operational efficiency and strategic planning.
Hope or despair?
Despite both domestic and international pressures, including a change in administration in the US, recent unity government efforts highlight that a positive turnaround is possible, though it is far from guaranteed.
The framework set out in the book suggests that building an effective, capable and developmental depends on:
bolstering institutional capacity
improving the effective use of resources
embedding strong ethical standards into all levels of state activity.
To some observers, the post-apartheid state was doomed to failure from the start, due to the negotiated settlement that brought it about. To others, the legitimacy of the state has been eroded by poor policy choices, and that’s why it now faces a polycrisis.
And to others, the state has been captured and repurposed by opportunistic and self-serving forces.
Understanding the state of the South African state is contested territory. And probably will be for a long time to come.
The upcoming book was the subject of a webinar hosted by the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection, MISTRA, earlier this year:
A YouTube recording of the webinar can be found here.
Sandy Africa is the Research Director of the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection and a Research Associate at the University of Pretoria. Together with Na’eem Jeenah and Musa Nxele, she is a co-editor of the forthcoming book.
Musa Nxele is the Academic Director of the Nelson Mandela School of Public Governance, University of Cape Town.
Na’eem Jeenah is a senior researcher at the Mapungubwe Insttitute for Strategic Reflection (MISTRA).
The death of Pope Francis this week marks the end of a historic papacy and the beginning of a significant transition for the Catholic Church. As the faithful around the world mourn his passing, attention now turns to the next phase: the election of a new pope.
This election will take place through a process known as the conclave. Typically held two to three weeks after a pope’s funeral, the conclave gathers the College of Cardinals in the Vatican’s Sistine Chapel. Here, through prayer, reflection and secret ballots, they must reach a two-thirds majority to choose the next Bishop of Rome.
While, in theory, any baptised Catholic man can be elected, for the past seven centuries the role has gone to a cardinal. That said, the outcome can still be unpredictable – sometimes even surprising the electors themselves.
Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio – who became Pope Francis – wasn’t among the front-runners in 2013. Nonetheless, after five rounds of voting, he emerged as the top candidate. Something similar could happen again.
This conclave will take place during a time of tension and change within the church. Francis sought to decentralise Vatican authority, emphasised caring for the poor and the planet, and tried to open dialogue on sensitive issues such as LGBTQIA+ inclusion and clerical abuse. The cardinals must now decide whether to continue in this direction, or steer towards a more traditional course.
There is historical precedent to consider. For centuries, Italians dominated the papacy. Of the 266 popes, 217 have been Italian.
However, this pattern has shifted in recent decades: Francis was from Argentina, John Paul II (1978–2005) from Poland, and Benedict XVI (2005–2013) from Germany.
The top papabili
As with any election, observers are speaking of their “favourites”. The term papabile, which in Italian means “pope-able”, or “capable of becoming pope”, is used to describe cardinals who are seen as serious contenders.
Among the leading papabili is Cardinal Pietro Parolin, aged 70, the current Secretary of State of Vatican City. Parolin has long been one of Francis’ closest collaborators and has led efforts to open dialogue with difficult regimes, including the Chinese Communist Party.
Parolin is seen as a centrist figure who could appeal to both reform-minded and more conservative cardinals. Yet some observers argue he lacks the charismatic and pastoral presence that helped define Francis’ papacy.
Another name to watch is Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem. At 60, he is younger than many of his colleagues, but brings extensive experience in interfaith dialogue in the Middle East. His fluency in Hebrew and his long service in the Holy Land could prove appealing.
Then again, his relative youth may cause hesitation among those concerned about electing a pope who could serve for decades. As the papacy of John Paul II demonstrated, such long reigns can have a profound impact on the church.
Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle of the Philippines is also frequently mentioned. Now 67, Tagle is known for his deep commitment to social justice and the poor. He has spoken out against human rights abuses in his home country and has often echoed Francis’ pastoral tone. But some cardinals may worry that his outspoken political views could complicate the church’s diplomatic efforts.
Cardinal Peter Turkson of Ghana, now 76, was a prominent figure during the last conclave. A strong voice on environmental and economic justice, he has served under both Benedict XVI and Francis.
Turkson has largely upheld the church’s traditional teachings on matters such as male-only priesthood, marriage between a man and a woman, and sexuality. He is also a strong advocate for transparency, and has spoken out against corruption and in defence of human rights.
Though less widely known among the public, Cardinal Mykola Bychok of Melbourne may also be considered. His election would be as surprising (and perhaps as symbolically powerful) as that of John Paul II in 1978. A Ukrainian-Australian pope, chosen during the ongoing war in Ukraine, would send a strong message about the church’s concern for suffering peoples and global peace.
Other names that may come up are Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo Besungu from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Cardinal Jaime Spengler of Brazil – both of whom lead large and growing Catholic communities. Although news reports don’t always list them among the top contenders, their influence within their regions – and the need to recognise the church’s global demographic shifts – means their voices will matter.
On the more conservative side is American Cardinal Raymond Burke, who had been one of Francis’ most vocal critics. But his confrontational stance makes him an unlikely candidate.
More plausible would be Cardinal Péter Erdő of Hungary, aged 71. Erdő is a respected canon lawyer with a more traditional theological orientation. He was mentioned in 2013 and may reemerge as a promising candidate among conservative cardinals.
Cardinal Péter Erdő was ordained as a priest in 1975 and has a doctorate in theology. He will be a top pick among conservatives. Wikimedia, CC BY-SA
One tough act to follow
Although Francis appointed many of the cardinals who will vote in the conclave, that doesn’t mean all of them supported his agenda. Many come from communities with traditional values, and may be drawn to a candidate who emphasises older church teachings.
The conclave will also reflect broader questions of geography. The church’s growth has shifted away from Europe, to Asia, Africa and Latin America. A pope from one of these regions could symbolise this change, and speak more directly to the challenges faced by Catholic communities in the Global South.
Ultimately, predicting a conclave is impossible. Dynamics often change once the cardinals enter the Sistine Chapel and begin voting. Alliances shift, new names emerge, and consensus may form around someone who was barely discussed beforehand.
What is certain is that the next pope will shape the church’s future: doctrinally, diplomatically and pastorally. Whether he chooses to build on Francis’ legacy of reform, or move in a new direction, he will need to balance ancient traditions with the urgent realities of the modern world.
Darius von Guttner Sporzynski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The US District Court for the District of Columbia has granted a preliminary injunction in Widakuswara v Lake, affirming the US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) was unlawfully shuttered by the Trump administration, Acting Director Victor Morales and Special Adviser Kari Lake.
The decision enshrines that USAGM must fulfill its legally required functions and protects the editorial independence of Voice of America (VOA) journalists and other federal media professionals within the agency and newsrooms that receive grants from the agency, such as Radio Free Asia and others with implications for independent media in the Asia-Pacific region.
Journalists, federal workers, and unions celebrate this important step in defending this critical agency, First Amendment rights, resisting unlawful political interference in public broadcasting, and ensuring USAGM workers can continue to fulfill their congressionally mandated function, reports the News Guild-CWA press union.
“Today’s ruling is a victory for the rule of law, for press freedom and journalistic integrity, and for democracy worldwide,” said the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE) national president Everett Kelley.
“The Trump administration’s illegal attempt to shutter Voice of America and other outlets under the US Agency for Global Media was a transparent effort to silence the voices of patriotic journalists and professionals who have dedicated their careers to spreading the truth and fighting propaganda from lawless authoritarian regimes.
“This preliminary injunction will allow these employees to get back to work as we continue the fight to preserve their jobs and critical mission.”
President Lee Saunders of the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees AFSCME), the largest trade union of public employees in the United States, said: “Today’s ruling is a major win for AFSCME members and Voice of America workers who have dedicated their careers to reporting the truth and spreading freedom to millions across the world.
Judge’s message clear “The judge’s message is clear — this administration has no right to unilaterally dismantle essential agencies simply because they do not agree with their purpose.
“We celebrate this decision and will continue to work with our partners to ensure that the Voice of America is restored.”
“Journalists hold power to account and that includes the Trump administration,” said NewsGuild-CWA president Jon Schleuss. “This injunction orders the administration to reverse course and restore the Congressionally-mandated news broadcasts of Radio Free Asia, Voice of America and other newsrooms broadcasting to people who hope for freedom in countries where that is denied.”
“We are gratified by today’s ruling. This is another step in the process to restore VOA to full operation.” said government accountability project senior counsel David Seide.
“VOA is more than just an iconic brand with deep roots in American and global history; it is a vital, living force that provides truth and hope to those living under oppressive regimes.” Image: Getty/The Conversation
“Today’s ruling marks a significant victory for press freedom and for the dedicated women and men who bring it to life — our clients, the journalists, executives, and staff of Voice of America,” said Andrew G. Celli, Jr., founding partner at Emery Celli Brinckerhoff Abady Ward & Maazel LLP and counsel for the plaintiffs.
“VOA is more than just an iconic brand with deep roots in American and global history; it is a vital, living force that provides truth and hope to those living under oppressive regimes.
“We are thrilled that its voice — a voice for the voiceless — will once again be heard loud and clear around the world.
Powerful affirmation of rule of law “This decision is a powerful affirmation of the rule of law and the vital role that independent journalism plays in our democracy. The court’s action protects independent journalism and federal media professionals at Voice of America as we continue this case, and reaffirms that no administration can silence the truth without accountability,” said Skye Perryman, president and CEO of Democracy Forward, co-counsel for the plaintiffs.
“We are proud to be with workers, unions and journalists in resisting political interference against independent journalism and will continue to fight for transparency and our democratic values.”
“Today’s decision is another necessary step in restoring the rule of law and correcting the injustices faced by the workers, reporters, and listeners of Voice of America and US Agency for Global Media,” said former Ambassador Norm Eisen, co-founder and executive chair of the State Democracy Defenders Fund.
“By granting this preliminary injunction, the court has reaffirmed the legal protections afforded to these civil servants and halted an attempt to undermine a free and independent press. We are proud to represent this resilient coalition and support the cause of a free and fair press.”
“This decision is a powerful affirmation of the role that independent journalism plays in advancing democracy and countering disinformation. From Voice of America to Radio Free Asia and across the US Agency for Global Media, these networks are essential tools of American soft power — trusted sources of truth in places where it is often scarce,” said Tom Yazdgerdi, president of the American Foreign Service Association.
“By upholding editorial independence, the court has protected the credibility of USAGM journalists and the global mission they serve.”
A critical victory “We’re very pleased that Judge Lamberth has recognised that the Trump administration acted improperly in shuttering Voice of America,” said Clayton Weimers, executive director of Reporters Without Borders (RSF) USA.
“The USAGM must act immediately to implement this ruling and put over 1300 VOA employees back to work to deliver reliable information to their audience of millions around the world.”
While only the beginning of what may be a long, hard-fought battle, the court’s decision to grant a preliminary injunction marks a critical victory — not just for VOA journalists, but also for federal workers and the unions that represent them.
It affirms that the rule of law still protects those who speak truth to power.
Her death became a powerful symbol of the government’s patriarchal control over women’s bodies, and ignited protests that exposed the regime’s use of sexual violence as a weapon of repression.
Testimonies from survivors, shared despite stigma and fear, revealed harrowing abuses: women protesters were beaten, sexually assaulted, raped (including gang rape and rape with objects), stripped naked and tortured during their arrests, transfers and detention in both official and unofficial sites, and throughout interrogations.
These were not isolated acts but calculated techniques to punish dissent and instil terror.
An Iranian woman protests the death of Mahsa Amini, who died after being detained by the morality police in Tehran in September 2022. This photo was taken by an individual not employed by the Associated Press and obtained by the AP outside Iran. (AP Photo/Middle East Images)
“My friends and I removed our veils in public and we were chanting. The thought never crossed my mind that the security forces would arrest us… From the moment we were arrested, they beat us violently… They told us ‘There is no God here. We are your God.’”
She was later subjected to a violent gang rape.
The Iranian government apparently views women’s bodies as territories to be marked, disciplined and punished. Its patriarchal ideology reduces women to bearers of family honour and religious purity, legitimizing state control over their appearance, behaviour and movement.
As French materialist feminist Colette Guillaumin theorized with the concept of “sexage”, patriarchal systems reduce women to “natural objects” — beings whose bodies, time and sexuality are appropriated and controlled. Nicole-Claude Mathieu further underlined how this appropriation operates across diverse contexts of domination.
In Iran, these insights help explain how the state instrumentalizes women’s bodies as symbols of ideological domination and as resources to be regulated and exploited. Forcibly veiling or unveiling women, as Guillaumin argued, signifies public ownership over their bodies, transforming their visibility and autonomy into objects of state control.
The politics of sexual violence
The Iranian state seemingly perceives unveiled women not merely as disobedient citizens but as bodies that have escaped control and refused their assigned status of possession.
For this transgression, punishment seeks to annihilate them: through humiliation, torture and rape. Media reports have indicate that security forces have deliberately targeted female protesters’ eyes and genitals, further exemplifying how women are reduced to mere sexual and reproductive objects.
This targeted violence exposes how, in the eyes of the authorities, women’s identities are crudely reduced to their faces and genitals, symbols of their visibility and sexuality.
Far from isolated acts, rapes and sexual violence committed by Iranian state forces during the “Woman, Life, Freedom” uprising embody what feminist scholar Catharine MacKinnon defines as a “system of sexual terrorism”, where sexual violence is neither private nor incidental but a methodical instrument of political domination.
Rape allows the authorities to discipline women who have dissented, to humiliate them and to reassert control over those who dared reclaim their bodies and voices.
Stigma, silence and legal abandonment
But sexual violence never ends with the act itself. Its aftermath carves deep and lasting scars in survivors’ lives.
In Iran, rape survivors endure not only trauma but also social exclusion, stigma and judicial abandonment. The Iranian legal system, which narrowly defines rape under “zina” (fornication), often punishes the victim if she cannot produce four male witnesses. This often silences survivors.
“I will never be the same person again… But I hope that my testimony will result in justice, and not just for me … so maybe we can prevent similar bitter events from happening again in the future.”
The Iranian government’s obsession with controlling women extends beyond their bodies to systems of surveillance. In 2025, Tehran authorities have deployed 15,000 new AI-powered surveillance cameras, alongside drones and facial recognition technologies, explicitly to enforce compulsory hijab laws.
In Iran, veiling is not only religious but profoundly political, a public sign of submission to patriarchal rule.
Meanwhile, executions in Iran have surged to alarming levels, with at least 972 people executed in 2024 alone, the highest in eight years. Among those targeted are women activists, particularly from ethnic minority groups, facing death sentences for their resistance.
Their cases, alongside Iran’s skyrocketing execution rate, expose a terrifying pattern of state femicide: the execution of women who dare to fight for gender justice and human rights.
Global responsibility
These are not domestic Iranian matters — they are crimes against humanity.
As MacKinnon reminds us, sexual violence is not private, it is a political weapon and a civil rights violation. The world must act by imposing targeted sanctions on perpetrators, offering asylum to survivors and supporting Iranian feminist movements demanding justice.
To let these crimes go unanswered is to surrender women’s bodies to impunity. Iranian women have shown extraordinary courage. The global response must match their bravery with action.
Mina Fakhravar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Aidan Moir, Assistant Professor, Department of Communication, Media and Film, University of Windsor
From papal selfies to the viral generative AI images featuring a stylish puffer jacket, Pope Francis became a prominent popular culture figure during his papacy.
News media called him the “People’s Pope,” branding that also circulated online on social media to turn Pope Francis into an icon who symbolized the progressive ideals of 2010s popular culture.
His 2013 election was significant for many reasons, including the fact that he became the first Jesuit and first pope from Latin America. His acension to the papacy represented an attempt by the Catholic Church to rebrand itself through Francis’s “progressive” public image.
The Catholic Church as an institutional brand has been at the centre of numerous scandals and controversies after committing grave injustices for generations.
Pope Francis, on the other hand, became what branding expert Douglas Holt calls an “iconic brand.” These are entities that serve as powerful symbols that reflect cultural myths and ideals.
Just like politicians or celebrities, popes also need branding to develop their public identities.
Branding and the papacy
Pontiffs have always been subject to branding, making them unique subjects for public fascination and popular culture. Decisions about what shoes to wear and what papal name to take are in fact acts of branding.
Pope Francis chose his papal name to align himself with Saint Francis of Assisi. He also chose to wear a simple white cassock for his first public appearance on the balcony at St. Peter’s Basilica. These decisions were branding strategies.
Francis’s use of social media brought the papacy into a new digital age. It provided him with a platform to build his brand in a manner similar to politicians.
His embrace of technology made him appear “cool,” leading to a decade of viral social media posts and memes. The first papal selfie, taken in 2013 with teenage pilgrims visiting the Vatican, went viral on Twitter.
Iconic brands cannot act alone to maintain their cultural status. As Holt explains, they depend on “co-authors” to create myths that connect brands with the public. Co-authors are media texts or cultural groups circulating stories that give meaning to iconic brands.
From the outset, news media were an integral part of building the pope’s image. Francis was Time magazine’s 2013 Person of the Year, and graced the cover of Rolling Stone.
He was largely unknown around the globe prior to becoming pope. Media coverage played an important role in presenting his brand to global audiences as news reports suggested Francis’s humility, compassion for the poor and radical approach to the papacy would transform the Catholic Church.
Just days after his election, The Washington Post labelled Francis “the People’s Pope.” This title connected Francis to figures likes Princess Diana, a similar iconic figure known for challenging protocol and her progressive charity work who was dubbed “the People’s Princess.”
After legacy media bolstered his iconic brand as “the People’s Pope,” Pope Francis reinforced this messaging through strategic, selective actions.
Francis became pope during Barack Obama’s presidency in the United States. The two men shared some similarities, including representing different “firsts.”
Francis was aware of his iconic brand as “the People’s Pope.” Like Princess Diana, this branding allowed him to appeal to a global audience, regardless of religious affiliation.
His first official trip was to the Mediterranean island of Lampedusa, holding mass for asylum-seekers and migrants.
His response of “who am I to judge?” to a media question about the Catholic Church’s position on 2SLGTBQ+ issues gained positive media coverage.
In 2015, Francis published his first papal encyclical focused on the connection between climate change and global poverty.
Pope Francis developed an iconic brand that connected with the public during a decade defined by progressive ideals as legacy and social media worked together as co-authors in building his identity.
Iconic brands can transform the institutions they represent. Pope Francis’s image demonstrates how papal branding is no different than other forms of branding. It depends on different dynamics coming together at the right moment to form myths for public connection.
Memes related to the movie Conclave are already going viral on social media. The new pontiff will enter a different cultural landscape than Pope Francis, but the strategies for creating an iconic brand remain the same.
Aidan Moir previously received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
Depending on who you follow on social media, you may have come across talk of a little-known herb called ashwagandha over the past year. Celebrities including Meghan Markle, Gwyneth Paltrow and Jennifer Aniston are reported to use ashwagandha for its calming effects. Ashwagandha has been trending on social media with data showing #ashwagandha had more than 670 million views on TikTok in 2024.
Scientifically known as Withania somnifera, ashwagandha is a common herb used for thousands of years in Ayurvedic medicine – an ancient Indian system of healing based on the belief that health and wellness depend on a balance between the body, mind and spirit. Ayurveda emphasises a holistic approach to health using natural treatments, such as herbal remedies, dietary changes, physical therapy, meditation and yoga.
But beyond the social media buzz, what does science say about this herb’s benefits?
Ashwagandha root has been used in traditional medicine as an adaptogen. This means it could help people become more resilient to various types of stress, whether biological, physical, or chemical.
The strongest evidence available for ashwagandha is as a stress and anxiety reliever. A review looking at several small studies showed that ashwagandha can significantly reduce levels of perceived stress and anxiety in people. This may be partly due to its regulating effect on stress hormones such as cortisol.
Ashwagandha is also known for its ability to improve sleep quality. The “somnifera” part of its scientific name, meaning “sleep-inducing” hints at its effects. Some trials show it can help people fall asleep faster and enjoy deeper, more restful sleep, thus boosting energy levels. This may be beneficial for people suffering from insomnia. But there is no evidence showing whether it is better than taking sleeping tablets.
Possible benefits
Recently, this herb has been associated with other benefits. The Sanskrit word “ashwagandha” means “the smell of a horse,” symbolising its ability to give the strength and stamina of a horse. Athletes and fitness enthusiasts may benefit from ashwagandha’s ability to enhance physical performance. Some research indicates that ashwagandha can improve strength, muscle mass and oxygen use during exercise.
For men, ashwagandha has been shown in some small studies to boost testosterone levels and improve fertility by increasing sperm count and motility. This may be linked to dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA) – a sex hormone that your body naturally produces. DHEA is used to make other hormones such as testosterone. This means men with prostate cancer sensitive to testosterone should avoid using this herb.
Ashwagandha has been linked to improved cognitive function, such as better memory and focus. Small studies, involving older people who have some cognitive impairment, suggest that ashwagandha may help to reduce oxidative stress – harmful molecules called free radicals that can damage cells in the body – and inflammation, which can negatively effect memory and thinking processes.
There are also ongoing clinical trials investigating whether ashwagandha may be effective in treating long COVID symptoms such as fatigue and cognitive dysfunction – having trouble with mental tasks such as thinking, remembering and making decisions – but there’s no robust evidence yet.
Ashwagandha is rich in phytochemicals, including withanolides. Withanolides are steroidal lactones – they are structurally similar to steroids, with a lactone ring in their chemical structure – that are thought to help cells absorb glucose from the bloodstream. This can lower blood sugar in both healthy people and those with diabetes, although larger studies need to be done. In animal studies, withanolides show anti-inflammatory activity.
Side effects
While ashwagandha may offer potential health benefits, it also has numerous risks and side effects. The long-term safety of ashwagandha is not well-documented. Most studies have focused on short-term use, typically up to three months – but the benefits may take some weeks or months to appear. The most common side effects are mild stomach upsets and nausea.
Its use is not advised in people with some pre-existing health conditions such as liver disease. Although rare, there have been reports of liver problems, including severe liver failure, associated with ashwagandha use. Ashwagandha may stimulate the immune system, potentially causing flare ups for people with autoimmune conditions such as multiple sclerosis and rheumatoid arthritis.
It’s also possible that ashwagandha may interact with some medications, such as immunosuppressants, sedatives and thyroid hormone medications. Research suggests that ashwagandha may influence thyroid function, particularly by increasing thyroid hormone levels. It may also interact with thyroid medications, such as levothyroxine, possibly leading to overmedication.
Pregnant and breastfeeding women are advised to avoid ashwagandha, especially at higher doses. The herb may be linked to miscarriages and, although there’s conflicting evidence, it’s best to be cautious.
Ashwagandha holds promise, then, as a stress reliever, sleep aid and even an energy booster. With growing interest and a large body of anecdotal evidence, it’s no surprise that it’s become a favourite among wellness enthusiasts. However, scientific research is still developing and more extensive clinical trials are needed to confirm the benefits, side effects and determine the safest, most effective doses.
If you’re considering incorporating ashwagandha into your routine, especially for long-term use, do consult a healthcare professional first, especially if you have pre-existing health conditions or are taking other medications.
Dipa Kamdar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andrew Gawthorpe, Lecturer in History and International Studies, Leiden University
Donald Trump has wanted America to annex Greenland for a long time. He now has a concrete plan to do it. As reported by the New York Times, the president’s National Security Council has instructed several government departments to get to work on acquiring the island.
Trump has made it clear that the use of military force remains on the table. But, at least for now, it seems the plan will rely mostly on persuasion.
The first component is a coordinated advertising and social media campaign aimed at convincing Greenlanders that their future lies under the stars and stripes. The administration plans to tell the island’s residents that they will be more prosperous and more secure as part of the US.
Driving that message home will be an uphill struggle. A poll in January 2025 found that 85% of Greenlanders oppose the idea of being annexed by the US. A parliamentary election in March also showed little support for it. The best-performing party was the pro-business Demokraatit, which wants to slow walk changes to Greenland’s international status.
To overcome this resistance, the Trump administration is reportedly planning to appeal to shared ethnic and cultural ties between Inuit Greenlanders, who make up about 88% of the island’s population, and Indigenous peoples in the US state of Alaska. Greenlanders are likely to question that approach for a number of reasons.
These ties are not completely imaginary. Greenland Inuit are descended from the Thule people, who migrated from Alaska around 1,000 years ago. There are similarities between the languages of Alaskan and Greenland Inuit.
But these people have been separated by 2,000 miles for centuries, and in the interim have been shaped by their divergent histories. Though their languages are similar, they are generally not mutually intelligible.
One of the main factors separating Alaskan and Greenland Inuit is their separate colonial histories. Greenland was colonised by Denmark, and Alaska by the US. The details of this colonial history are likely to give Greenlanders pause.
Alaska became a US state in 1959. Before then, it was a territory – a colonial holding similar to Puerto Rico or Guam today. During its time as a territory, the US government and white settlers treated Alaska’s Indigenous people with a mixture of disinterest and malice.
Until discrimination was outlawed by a state law in 1945, Indigenous Alaskans lived in a system of segregation and limited rights similar to the “Jim Crow” policies of the southern US. Indigenous Alaskans, like African Americans in the southern states, were not guaranteed the right to vote, and “whites only” signs were commonplace in businesses.
During the second world war, the US government feared a Japanese attack on the Aleutian islands, which form part of Alaska. As a result, it forcibly evacuated the Indigenous population, burning their villages to prevent invading Japanese troops from using them as housing. Evacuees were forced to live in unsanitary camps on the mainland for years, where more than one in ten died.
The US government justified this as a geopolitical necessity. But given that great power politics is also behind its drive to control Greenland, the island’s residents should question whether their rights will be respected if they conflict with another perceived geopolitical necessity.
Buying favour
Another plank of the Trump administration’s plan is financial. The White House apparently wants to replace the subsidy that Greenland currently receives from Denmark with a payment of US$10,000 (£7,600) per resident. It’s not clear if this money is intended to go directly to the population, or to the island’s central government.
This works out at just over US$568 million (£429 million) a year. If it’s a subsidy for the central government, then it’s slightly less than the island currently receives from Denmark. And if it’s a payment directly to the population, then it’s unclear how public services on the island would be funded.
Here again, a look at the experience of Indigenous Alaskans is instructive. Indigenous Alaskans, who receive various US government services through the Bureau of Indian Affairs, have a much higher poverty rate than the general population, lower rates of health coverage and worse educational outcomes.
They also generally don’t live as long. According to the most recent figures, the life expectancy for Indigenous Alaskans is 70.4 years – much lower than the statewide average of 74.5.
Economic development – or, perhaps more accurately, exploiting Greenland’s natural resources – is also part of Trump’s plan. Trump is apparently interested in Greenland’s “rare earth minerals, copper, gold, uranium and oil”.
Greenland does indeed have vast mineral wealth. But it is unclear if it can be safely accessed in the island’s current inhospitable environment.
Such resource extraction could also easily lead to environmental damage, as it has done in Alaska. In 1989, for example, the Exxon Valdez oil supertanker spilled more than 10 million gallons of crude oil in Alaska’s Prince William Sound.
Meanwhile, without strong regulation and taxation, the wealth generated could easily accrue to corporations rather than Greenlanders.
There is a long history of colonising powers claiming that only they, rather than “the natives”, can deliver prosperity and progress to a country. Trump’s plan, which tries to turn the experience of Indigenous Alaskans into one that Greenlanders should want to emulate, fits squarely into this genre.
But the history of US involvement in Alaska and its treatment of Indigenous Alaskans gives lie to that story. For Greenlanders to trade their sovereignty to the US in return for a guarantee of prosperity and security would be a risky gamble indeed.
Andrew Gawthorpe does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Over the last century of glorious, tragic, turbulent and innovative human endeavour, the cover of the New Yorker magazine has used only the illustrated image to communicate talking points of American – and specifically New York City – life and culture.
Beyond the masthead and issue date, no set typography has ever been allowed, maintaining a unique wordless space in magazine publishing where only an image connotes the idea. The absence of copy is arresting, the silent core of what the solely visual can communicate. Though notably, the majority of weekly sales are by subscription, not impulse buys.
There are few of the New Yorker’s 1925 newsstand contemporaries left. Meanwhile, publications like Time, Newsweek and Fortune have not resisted the dominant orthodoxy of photography with multiple cover lines to gain sales.
While photography delivers celebrity and the spectacle of modern life, the New Yorker has maintained a belief in visualising without written explanation to reach those readers who seek something more. But how can a magazine whose survival depends on sales maintain appeal with such apparently humble graphic means?
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The magazine’s strategy for success has been to employ a succession of brilliant art editors (just four in 100 years – somewhat unique in magazine publishing) who understand how illustration, in the right hands, can offer appeal, surprise, entertainment and imaginative freedom to invent what French poster artist Cassandre called “a visual incident”.
Posters and magazine covers have a similar task: both vie to grab the attention of a public subjected to evermore intrusive image assault. From simple street hoardings and news vendors in 1925, to broadcast then digital media today, the changes over the last 100 years have been immense and profound.
This audio-visual bombardment of words, images, sound and movement simply did not exist back then. This golden age of the printed poster and magazine cover appears now to belong another world – so how can preservation of these ideals be viable in a 21st century weekly magazine?
Illustration and its reinvention as an agile alternative to the over-saturation of audio-visual and written media is one key. The choice of illustration as communication remains underrepresented. Other than courtroom reporting, there have been few front pages that have used a drawing, but its popular appeal evidences a relevance to complex modern lives.
As a discipline, illustration is closely related to the cartoon and its sequential form, the comic strip. Many New Yorker cover artists operate across these practices, demonstrating the common ground of drawing.
Illustrations are used for associative value – they conjure up an expressive or reflective mood, provide a seasoned commentary, or capture concisely a cultural moment. In the context of fake news, illustrations don’t purport to be objective – they best work through a coherent convincing visual language that offers more than words.
For the majority of the New Yorker’s audience, illustration has an affectionate, unsophisticated association with successive stages of development, starting in childhood. From early picture books to comics, graphic novels, music and lifestyle, illustrated communication allows interpretation and relatability.
Illustration can be successful in performing the elusive act of being inclusive and appealingly anonymous. The New Yorker recognises that diversity in content is reliant on the real-life experience of its artists. Since the 1930s when most journalists and illustrators were male and white, the magazine has sought to make a weekly visual statement of the contemporary by prioritising images that represent the diversity of New York.
There is a disposable deal in buying a magazine – it is not designed to be a keeper. Certain images of “a moment” can later become the visual signature of an age, though it may not not always be apparent at the time.
The early consistency of New Yorker art deco covers expressed both wonderful visual ideas and a graphic language for modernity. The skyscrapers, bridges and lights of the quintessential modern metropolis are beautifully shown in Adolph Kronengold’s cover from March 1938.
Barry Blitt’s 2008 “politics of fear” cover, showing Barack Obama in Muslim clothing and Michelle Obama in combats with a gun slung over her back, expressed much more than portraits in an American presidential campaign. It provocatively articulated media exaggeration and control, forces that dominate today.
And then there are the images that transcend a stylistic era and which are elevated above beyond specific facts in a way that helps us see the world in a new way, like Saul Steinberg’s “view of the world from 9th Avenue” cover from 1976.
The viewpoint is literally floating above the street, not so high that local details are unrecognisable, yet just beyond the Hudson are diminishing deserts and prairies and over the Pacific ocean you can see Japan.
A wonderful satire on the attitude of global centrality and specifically a New Yorker’s idea of their own importance, the image has been copied and referenced ever since its publication.
The completely black cover by Art Spiegelman and New Yorker art director Françoise Mouly for September 24 2001 achieved the impossible task of visualising the feeling of loss following the world trade centre attacks. Mouly has been the art director since 1993 and possesses a supreme visual intelligence that has driven the success of the pictorial cover for more than three decades.
She maintains that artists are able to say new things about the same themes year after year – something AI cannot do as it refers only to the past. The present, however, is elusive and the province of the artist gathering energy like a lightning conductor. Plus, crucially, AI doesn’t doodle.
New Yorker artists are people who can present a dilemma, an issue, a moment or a spectacle visually, not abstracted, but through emotional empathy. The covers are non-linear but require “reading”. The multiple layers of meaning are often open to interpretion.
The beauty of the New Yorker cover lies in not equating it with a written description, but rather in prompting an emotional response to what it is to be alive in that moment, whether good times or bad. That’s a pretty wonderful objective and guiding principle for a weekly publication.
Geoff Grandfield does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
What if your work self didn’t know about your personal life, and your home self had no idea what you did for a living? In Apple TV’s Severance, that’s exactly the deal: a surgical procedure splits the memories of employees into “innies” (who only exist at work) and “outies” (who never recall what they do from nine to five).
On the surface, it sounds like an ideal solution to a growing cyber security problem of insider threats, such as leaks or sabotage by employees. After all, if an employee can’t remember what they accessed at work, how can they leak it, sabotage it, or sell it?
As someone who has researched insider threats for the last decade I can’t help but see Severance as a cautionary tale of what happens when we try to eliminate threats without understanding people.
The threat from within
Insider threats really hit prominence in the wake of high-profile incidents like Chelsea Manning and Edward Snowden, who both leaked top secret government information. These threats are one of the most persistent challenges in security because unlike “traditional” hackers, insiders already have access to sensitive systems and information.
They might act maliciously, stealing trade secrets or exposing data, or accidentally, through phishing links or lost devices. Either way, the consequences can be more serious because of the unprecedented levels of access someone has while working within an organisation.
While we often think of the high-profile cases in the first instance, the reality of most insider incidents is far less dramatic. Think of the disgruntled employee who downloads a client database before leaving, or the well-meaning staff member who shares a sensitive file via the wrong link.
In fact, one of the most iconic examples of an insider threat in fiction is Jurassic Park. The entire catastrophe begins, not with a dinosaur, but with a software engineer, Dennis Nedry, who disables the park’s security in an attempt to steal trade secrets. It’s a reminder that even the most sophisticated systems can be undone by a single rogue employee.
Organisations try to manage this through access controls, behaviour monitoring and training. But people are unpredictable. Insider threats sit at the messy intersection of human behaviour, organisational culture and digital systems.
This is where Severance strikes a chord. What if you could eliminate the human risk altogether, by turning employees into separate, tightly compartmentalised selves? In the show, workers at the shadowy Lumon Corporation have no memory of their job outside the office and vice versa.
In a sense, it’s the ultimate form of “need to know.” An “innie” can’t tell anyone what they do because they don’t know anything beyond their desk. It’s a very elegant, although ethically problematic, solution for someone working in security. However, as the series unfolds, it becomes clear that the levels of control on offer through the process of severance come with a terrible cost.
The problem with control
The innies in Severance are trapped in an endless workday, unable to understand the meaning or value of their tasks. They form bonds, question authority and ultimately rebel. Ironically, it is the severed employees, the ones who are most closely controlled in the company, who become the greatest insider threat to Lumon.
This mirrors something we know from real organisations: excessive surveillance, control and secrecy often backfires. For instance, Amazon has faced repeated criticism over its use of tracking technologies to monitor warehouse workers’ movements and productivity, with reports suggesting this has contributed to high stress, burnout and even rule-breaking as workers try to “game” the system.
A 2022 study published in Harvard Business Review found that employees who feel overly monitored are significantly more likely to break rules or engage in counterproductive behaviour – undermining the very goals of workplace surveillance. If people feel undervalued or mistreated, they’re more likely to become disengaged or actively hostile. Security systems that ignore culture and trust are therefore often brittle.
What Severance gets right is that insider threats are emotional and ethical problems as much as technical ones. They stem from how people feel about their role, their autonomy and their identity within a system. This is something that we can’t simply patch within a piece of software.
Lessons from fiction
Thankfully, no company in the real world is proposing surgical memory separation, at least not yet. But in an age of algorithmic management, increasing surveillance, and growing concerns about privacy, Severance resonates. It forces us to ask just how far should we go in the name of security?
The answer isn’t to separate people from their work, but to build systems that are secure and respectful of the people within them; something increasingly backed by research.
That means better design, clearer boundaries and a workplace culture that values openness, not just compliance. For example, implementing clear expectations around work hours and communication norms can help prevent burnout and promote wellbeing.
Encouraging open communication channels, such as anonymous feedback systems, empowers employees to voice concerns without fear, fostering a culture of trust. Additionally, designing physical workspaces that promote collaboration, like open-plan areas and communal lounges, can enhance team cohesion and reflect organisational values.
If we follow the example set by Lumon and try to remove all risk then we lose something far more essential – the humanity at the centre of our systems and organisations. Ultimately, removing that human focus could be the most significant vulnerability of all.
Oli Buckley receives funding from Jason R.C. Nurse receives funding from The Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC) and Responsible AI UK.
Dogs are sociable, enthusiastic and widely used to comfort people in settings like hospitals, schools and care homes. But an increasingly popular alternative is emerging: therapy cats.
The term is often used loosely in the media and inconsistently within the scientific community. But in its strictest sense, animal-assisted therapy is a structured activity delivered by health professionals with clinical goals.
Most cats involved in this kind of work are part of broader animal-assisted services. For simplicity, we will stick with “therapy cat” throughout this article.
The environments therapy cats are often taken into, such as nursing homes or schools, can be noisy, unpredictable, and filled with unfamiliar people and surroundings. These are precisely the kinds of settings that can unsettle a typical cat.
Cats usually prefer predictability and stable surroundings. Similar to their wildcat ancestors, domestic cats prioritise territorial security over social bonds with people or other cats. C
ats rely on scent to navigate and feel secure in their surroundings. The F3 pheromone helps them mark areas as “safe” or “known”, creating a kind of olfactory map of their home range.
Yet recent social media trends suggest a shift in our understanding. Increasingly, we see cats travelling alongside their owners in a campervan, via plane or even on motorbikes. These cats appear to tolerate, and sometimes even thrive, in environments animal behaviour experts once assumed were too stressful for them. So, what makes these cats different?
Some cats can benefit from the presence of a trusted human in unfamiliar or potentially stressful environments. In a 2021 study, animal behaviour researcher Alexandra Behnke and colleagues found that nearly half of the 42 cats they tested showed signs of the secure base effect, a bond that helps reduce stress and encourages exploration when reunited with their owner. This could be helping therapy cats cope with new environments.
A recent study led by Joni Delanoeije, a Belgian researcher in human-animal interaction, explored how cats selected for animal-assisted services differ from the average household pet. The study analysed survey responses relating to 474 cats – 12 of which had participated in such services. Cats involved in animal-assisted services were found to be more sociable with both people and other cats, were more attention-seeking and less resistant to being restrained.
These findings suggest that behavioural traits, like sociability and tolerance, may make some cats better suited to interacting with people in unfamiliar settings. However, the small number of cats actually involved in service work in this study means that we need more research to draw firm conclusions.
These cats also have strong, trusting bonds with their handlers. Early socialisation and gradual exposure seem to be essential for preparing cats to cope with the unpredictable nature of service work.
However, even with these qualities, cats may still face challenges in therapy environments. In a 2023 global study of cat-assisted services, US psychologists Taylor Griffin and Lori Kogan found that even well-adapted cats may struggle in practice.
The study found that 68% of handlers had ended visits early when they deemed it best for the cat. Handlers in this study also described strong bonds with their cats – a relationship probably key to the cat’s ability to adapt, offering a sense of safety and predictability in a potentially stressful setting.
Cats are different from dogs in their social needs, temperament and tolerance for change. These differences must be carefully considered during selection for therapy work – but with their differences come advantages. For example, therapy cats may provide more benefits to people that see themselves as “cat people”.
Research has shown that this self-classification is linked to personality traits, with cat people often being more independent, creative and self-sufficient. Dog people tend to be more outgoing, sociable and group-oriented. Cat lovers might feel more at ease in one-to-one therapeutic settings, while dog lovers could prefer group-based activities.
Species preferences can also affect emotional responses. In a 2022 study, researcher Jovita Lukšaite and colleagues used facial expression software to analyse participants’ reactions to animal images.
Both cat and dog images triggered similar levels of happiness on average, yet dog images evoked significantly more fear. Fear of dogs could reduce the effectiveness of canine-assisted therapy for some, making cats a valuable alternative.
Dogs may excel at providing emotional support through physical interaction but cat purrs are a unique characteristic that may offer therapeutic benefits. A 2001 study found that domestic cats purr at a frequency between 25 and 50 hertz – a frequency that promotes healing in humans.
While there is a lack of more recent research to support this finding, a 2021 study found that cat owners reported that their cat’s purrs had a calming effect.
So, dogs might be the traditional therapy animal, but cats have shown they too have what it takes. With the right temperament and training, cats can offer something different to those in need of comfort.
Grace Carroll does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Unidentified people attacked a community in Plateau State, Nigeria’s north central region, in mid-April, killing at least 52 residents. A similar attack in the same state claimed 48 lives earlier in the month.
In neighbouring Benue State, north central Nigeria, unnamed assailants attacked two communities in March, killing at least five people. Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu described the Plateau violence as rooted in misunderstandings between different ethnic and religious groups.
Nigeria’s spiralling insecurity is sometimes blamed on armed herders, at other times on bandits or kidnappers. Then there are extremist groups like Boko Haram, Islamic State West Africa Province and Lakurawa, operating mostly in northern Nigeria. In the southern part of the country, there are also armed groups like the Indigenous People of Biafra.
At The Conversation Africa, we have been working with academic experts to gain insights into the various actors involved in Nigeria’s security challenge, their motivations and why efforts to rein them in haven’t succeeded. Here are six essential reads on Nigeria’s struggle with insecurity.
The drivers
At the centre of the most recent killings in Nigeria is the country’s north central region. Consisting of the capital city, Abuja, and six other states, the region is home to several minority ethnic groups. More than 200 languages are spoken there.
As Oluwole Ojewale explains, the region is vulnerable to various forms of conflict. It arises between ethnic and religious groups; people who trace their ancestry to a state and more recent residents; people who keep cattle and those who farm crops.
Across the north central and north west regions of Nigeria, bandits stoke violence and insecurity.
They act in groups with varying operational and technical capabilities and do not have any central authority. Their main activities are cattle rustling, kidnapping civilians for ransom, armed attacks and community invasion. Over the years, the government has tried numerous military and non-military strategies to stamp out bandits. Sallek Yaks Musa unpacks why at least five different strategies have failed.
In 2024, the Nigerian army spoke of attacks on the Niger-Nigeria border as being carried out by a new terrorist group. According to the military, the new group, identified as Lakurawa, is affiliated to terrorists in the Sahel, particularly from Mali and Niger Republic.
The picture painted by the military suggests that the group emerged as a result of the turmoil following recent coups in the Sahel region. But John Sunday Ojo and Ezenwa E. Olumba argue that the group isn’t new. It’s been operating along the Nigeria-Niger border since 1999, an indication of the region’s growing ungoverned spaces.
Until recent years, large bandit and terror attacks were relatively rare in Lagos and other parts of the south-west region of Nigeria. Lately, crimes that were previously associated with the northern region appear to be spreading to the south-west. Adewumi Badiora outlines why Lagos may be a target and what to do about it.
In the midst of its struggle with insecurity, Nigeria was hit by the United States decision to cut international aid funding. Over the years, the US has granted hundreds of millions of dollars as security assistance to Nigeria, as part of a broader partnership to promote regional security and stability.
Security scholar Al Chukwuma Okoli describes how the cuts will affect Nigeria in many ways, including the fight against terror groups.
Canada’s major political parties have been pledging support for the manufacturingsector ahead of next week’s election, but Canada’s working class is much broader than just manufacturing.
Canadians are on edge because as many as 600,000 jobs are at stake due to tariffs levied by United States President Donald Trump.
But the focus on manufacturing obscures what truly ails the working class in an advanced economy like Canada’s. Manufacturing’s share of employment hovers at around 8.9 per cent, while nearly 80 per cent of Canadians work in the service sector.
A recent report from the non-partisan Cardus think tank notes that Canada’s working class today is “likely to be a female, recently immigrated worker in the services-producing sector. The new working class, in other words, is now more personified by a Walmart cashier or an Amazon delivery driver than a General Motors factory worker or a Domtar mill hand.”
It’s easy to understand. Manufacturing has been essential to industrialization, from the British Empire to China’s unprecedented growth in recent years.
The late British-Hungarian economist Nicholas Kaldor argued that manufacturing is the engine of growth due to increasing returns to scale, strong links to other sectors and its role in technological development.
Labour-intensive sectors like clothing cannot compete with Bangladeshi wages, but discussions about manufacturing jobs in Canada and other advanced economies too often focus on wage competition instead of job losses through automation and increasing productivity.
There were losers when the globalization era began, but countries like Canada and the U.S. are wealthier today than they were in 1994, when the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was signed. As American economist Jeffrey Sachs has pointed out, governments have failed to redistribute the wealth created by gains from trade to those at the bottom of the income scale.
With Canada on track to experience a surge of its elderly population, long-term care also needs to be a focus. Personal support workers must earn a living wage and must have better working conditions. Canada’s aging population is also why decreased immigration is a bad idea.
These policies are generally not implemented in liberal market economies like Canada and the U.S.
But in countries like Sweden with active labour market policies in place, 80 per cent of the population has a favourable opinion of robots and AI compared to two-thirds of Americans who are concerned about technological job loss. The state’s ability — or lack of it — to provide social protections and job re-training has real impacts on how people perceive technological change.
Canada also needs to recognize foreign credentials. Its reluctance to do so has had a negative impact on the economic prospects of immigrants. Canada should also consider making higher education free.
Apart from the public sector, Canadian unions have not fared well organizing in service industries. Unions need to make a serious effort to organize in retail, food service, the gig economy and logistics, despite the challenges. Canadian unions may find that they have little choice but to do so, as their presence in the private sector continues to decline.
The most significant barrier of these four policy proposals is that most require an increased redistribution of wealth. Canada over the past several decades has retreated from wealth redistribution and as a result, economic inequality has surged.
These policies are not easy to achieve, but there are few other options for Canada if it wants to be carbon-free, open to the world and more equal. Canada’s economic nostalgia for manufacturing is ultimately strange given it’s also a common talking point of Trump, a politician who’s wildly unpopular in Canada.
Gerard Di Trolio does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Although the brain is our most complex organ, the ways to treat it have historically been rather simple. Typically, surgeons lesioned (damaged) a structure or a pathway in the hope that this would “correct the imbalance” that led to the disease. Candidate structures for lesioning were usually found by trial and error, serendipity or experiments in animals.
While performing one such surgery in 1987, French neurosurgeon Alim-Louis Benabid noticed that the electrical stimulation he performed to locate the right spot to lesion had effects similar to the lesion itself. This discovery led to a new treatment: deep brain stimulation. It involved a pacemaker delivering electrical pulses via electrodes implanted in specific spots in the brain.
This treatment has been used to treat advanced Parkinson’s since the early 2000s. However, until today, the stimulator settings had to remain constant once they were set by a specialised doctor or nurse and could only be changed when the patient was next seen in the clinic.
Accordingly, most researchers and doctors thought of stimulation as merely an adjustable and reversible way of lesioning. But these days the field is undergoing a revolution that challenges this view.
Dr Alim Louis Benabid’s discovery led to deep brain stimulation. Wikimedia Commons, CC BY
Adaptive deep brain stimulation was approved earlier this year by the US and European health authorities. It involves a computer interpreting brain activity and deciding whether to adjust the stimulation amplitude up or down to achieve the best relief of a patient’s symptoms.
Parkinson’s is a complex disorder with fluctuating symptoms that are greatly affected by the drugs a patient takes several times a day. While for some patients constant stimulation does a good job controlling their symptoms, for others it is too strong some of the time and overly weak at other times.
Ideally, the treatment should only kick in when it is most helpful.
The discovery that made adaptive stimulation possible was made by scientists at University College London over two decades ago, around the time when the first patients with Parkinson’s started getting electrodes implanted in the UK National Hospital for Neurology and Neurosurgery.
When recording deep brain activity from these electrodes shortly after the surgery, the scientists noticed that a particular kind of brain wave appeared when a patient stopped their medication and their symptoms worsened.
The waves went away when the patients took their medication and started feeling better. It took a decade of further research before the same team of scientists first attempted to use the brain waves to control stimulation.
The idea is akin to a thermostat controlling an air conditioner. When the waves (temperature) reach a certain threshold, an electronic control circuit turns the stimulator (airconditioner) on. This reduces the waves and when they go away the stimulation can be turned off for a while until the waves re-emerge.
The original setup was bulky and could only be used in the hospital, and it took another decade to make it fit inside a device smaller than a matchbox that could be implanted in a patient’s chest.
New challenges
While the option to make brain stimulation adaptive gives new tools to doctors and nurses to fit stimulation to a patient in the best possible way, it comes with new challenges.
Even with the original fixed settings, there are many parameters doctors have to set to ensure effective treatment with minimal side-effects. Making stimulation adaptive adds another layer of complexity and puts extra demand on a clinical team’s time and attention.
In the case of Parkinson’s, stimulation effects are almost immediate so it is relatively easy to see how well particular constant settings work. But an adaptive setting must be tested over at least a few days to see how well it copes with the patient’s daily routine and medication cycles.
Adaptive stimulators also come with sensing abilities. They can record the harmful brain wave levels over days and weeks so that the clinical team can review them and see how well they are controlled.
These possibilities are new in the treatment of Parkinson’s, although similar implanted devices have been in use for years by cardiologists and epileptologists (neurologists who specialise in epilepsy).
Studying brain waves recorded by the smart stimulators in Parkinson’s patients opens new doors for understanding other diseases. Many patients suffer from problems such as depression and cognitive decline. Researchers could search for features in their brain signals that track the severity of these symptoms using AI tools to find relations too subtle or too complex for a human observer.
A parallel branch of deep brain stimulation research is focused on precisely mapping out the brain circuits responsible for different neurological and psychiatric symptoms. Several recent studies reported successes in treating depression, OCD and severe headaches.
Stimulating in the right place at the right time considering what the patient is doing is where the field is heading. With the basic technology now in place, progress could be rapid.
Vladimir Litvak previously collaborated with Medtronic plc on a research project.
In a year filled with centenaries of famous novels, including Virginia Woolf’s Mrs Dalloway, F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby and Franz Kafka’s The Trial, another novel also quietly turns 100. William was published in 1925 by the once-celebrated, now largely forgotten, E.H. Young.
William was Young’s most successful novel. It sold more than 68,000 copies and was reprinted 20 times before 1948. It was William which established Young’s reputation as a great writer.
It follows the life of William and Kate Nesbitt and their grown-up children, tracing their trials and tribulations as modern life butts up against traditional values. One of the daughters, Lydia, leaves her husband to live with a novelist. William, a shipowner and the family’s steady centre, supports her. Kate, steeped in traditional respectability, cannot.
Two issues lie at the heart of the novel: the role of women and domestic life. Through Kate and William’s relationship, Young breaks new ground as a writer. She explores a later stage of life, when children have grown up. The husband and wife spend time alone and find themselves at odds.
This kind of astute characterisation exemplifies Young’s writing. As with many of Young’s novels, romantic love plays a very small part. The narrative emphasis falls, instead, on other types of relationships.
Women are seen to bear the main burdens of marriage and family life. Again and again, her characters rail against the smallness of middle-class female life and its social conventions.
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Place and psyche
The novel’s central tension plays out not only in the family, but also in the city they inhabit. William spans the docks and suburbs of fictional Radstowe, a thinly disguised Bristol.
As in Mrs Dalloway, place and psyche are deeply connected. Young uses the physical and social geography of Bristol to examine how women move through a world of unspoken rules.
Young lived in Bristol for 15 years. Most of her novels are set there – or rather in “Upper Radstowe”, her fictional version of real life suburban Clifton. She turned the city’s bridges, rivers and steep class divides into metaphors for the pressures placed on women navigating early 20th-century life.
In William, her characters feel real because they are flawed. The conflict between Lydia’s modern values and Kate’s traditional ones doesn’t resolve cleanly. Young isn’t interested in moralising. Instead, she observes. Her sharp wit, psychological acuity and feel for the rhythms of domestic life make William both an engrossing family novel and a quietly radical one.
Modern day Clifton in Bristol. It became Upper Radstowe in E.H. Young’s novels. Sion Hannuna/Shutterstock
Who was the woman behind Radstowe?
Emily Hilda Young was born in 1880 and died in 1949. She wrote 11 novels and was widely read in her day. Four of her novels were made into BBC radio dramas. Her 1930 novel Miss Mole was televised by the BBC in 1980.
Like many of her characters, Young led an unconventional life. During the first world war she worked as a stable hand and in a munitions factory. Her husband, a solicitor named Arthur Daniell, went off to fight. After Daniell was killed at Ypres in 1917, Young moved to London and got a job in a school where her married lover, Ralph Henderson, was the headmaster.
She was also a keen mountaineer in an era when there were few women climbers. She even pioneered and led others along a route, now known as Hope, in the Carneddau mountains in Eryri (Snowdonia) in 1915.
This quiet radicalism filters into her fiction. Her characters are often sharp-tongued, independent and disillusioned by the roles they’ve been expected to play.
It’s hard to place Young in a neat category, however. Her novels can hardly be described as romances. Love is often portrayed as destructive or imprisoning. Young was a feminist and campaigned for votes for women, but she saw human failings in both men and women. She admired strength of character in spite of gender.
If anything, she’s a 20th-century Jane Austen. Her narratives are witty portrayals of social and family life with psychological depth. In Young, though, there’s a mixture of openness and coldness, and a sarcastic sense of humour which emerges spontaneously. At times, it catches you off guard.
Like the best realist writers, Young’s world and its characters are richly drawn. And yet unlike Thomas Hardy or Leo Tolstoy, for instance, Young isn’t interested in tragedy or melodrama. Small troubles are overcome and people make up, even if it doesn’t result in a traditional happy ending.
Young’s legacy has faded, perhaps because her novels sit between genres: not quite realist, not quite modernist, not quite romantic. But as literary anniversaries prompt readers to revisit old favourites, there’s room to bring back overlooked voices.
For readers interested in the inner lives of women, in family dynamics, in novels where place and psychology are intertwined, E.H. Young is worth discovering. This year, rather than returning to the worlds of Clarissa Dalloway and Jay Gatsby, you could instead take a detour to Upper Radstowe, where quiet, deeply human dramas still unfold.
Rebecca Hutcheon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The world is facing a “silver tsunami” – an unprecedented ageing of the global workforce. By 2030, more than half of the labour force in many EU countries will be aged 50 or above. Similar trends are emerging across Australia, the US and other developed and developing economies.
Far from being a burden or representing a crisis, the ageing workforce is a valuable resource – offering a so-called “silver dividend”. Older workers often offer experience, stability and institutional memory. Yet, in the rush to embrace artificial intelligence (AI), older workers can be left behind.
One common misconception is that older people are reluctant to adopt technology or cannot catch up. But this is far from the truth. It oversimplifies the complexity of their abilities, participation and interests in the digital environments.
There are much deeper issues and structural barriers at play. These include access and opportunity – including a lack of targeted training. Right now, AI training tends to be targeted at early or mid-career workers.
There are also confidence gaps among older people stemming from workplace cultures that can feel exclusionary. Data shows that older professionals are more hesitant to use AI – possibly due to fast-paced work environments that reward speed over judgment or experience.
There can also be issues with the design of tech systems. They are built primarily by and for younger users. Voice assistants often fail to recognise older voices, and fintech apps assume users are comfortable linking multiple accounts or navigating complex menus. This can alienate workers with legitimate security concerns or cognitive challenges.
And all these issues are exacerbated by socio-demographic factors. Older people living alone or in rural areas, with lower education levels or who are employed in manual labour, are significantly less likely to use AI.
Workers employed in manual professions can face bigger barriers when it comes to gaining AI skills. Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock
Ageism has long shaped hiring, promotion and career development. Although age has become a protected characteristic in UK law, ageist norms and practices persist in many not-so-subtle forms.
Ageism can affect both young and old, but when it comes to technology, the impact is overwhelmingly skewed against older people.
So-called algorithmic ageism in AI systems – exclusion based on automation rather than human decision-making – often exacerbates ageist biases.
Hiring algorithms often end up favouring younger employees. And digital interfaces that assume tech fluency are another example of exclusionary designs. Graduation dates, employment gaps, and even the language used in CVs can become proxies for age and filter out experienced candidates without any human review.
Tech industry workers are overwhelmingly young. Homogenous thinking breeds blind spots, so products work brilliantly for younger people. But they can end up alienating other age groups.
This creates an artificial “grey digital divide”, shaped less by ability and more by gaps in support, training and inclusion. If older workers are not integrated into the AI revolution, there is a risk of creating a divided workforce. One part will be confident with tech, data-driven and AI-enabled, while the other will remain isolated, underutilised and potentially displaced.
An ‘age-neutral’ approach
It’s vital to move beyond the idea of being “age-inclusive”, which frames older people as “others” who need special adjustments. Instead, the goal should be age-neutral designs.
AI designers should recognise that while age is relevant in specific contexts – such as restricted content like pornography – it should not be used as a proxy in training data, where it can lead to bias in the algorithm. In this way, design would be age-neutral rather than ageless.
Designers should also ensure that platforms are accessible for users of all ages.
The stakes are high. It is also not just about economics, but fairness, sustainability and wellbeing.
At the policy level in the UK, there is still a huge void. Last year, House of Commons research highlighted that workforce strategies rarely distinguish the specific digital and technological training needs of older workers. This underscores how ageing people are treated as an afterthought.
A few forward-thinking companies have backed mid- and late-career training programmes. In Singapore, the government’s Skillsfuture programme has adopted a more agile, age-flexible approach. However, these are still isolated examples.
Retraining cannot be generic. Beyond basic digital literacy courses, older people need targeted, job-specific advanced training. The psychological framing of retraining is also critical. Older people need to retrain or reskill not for just career or personal growth but also to be able to participate more fully in the workforce.
It’s also key for reducing pressure on social welfare systems and mitigating skill shortages. What’s more, involving older workers in this way supports the transfer of knowledge between generations, which should benefit everyone in the economy.
Yet, currently, the onus is on the older workers and not organisations and governments.
AI, particularly the generative models that can create text, images and other media, is known for producing outputs that appear plausible but are sometimes incorrect or misleading. The people best placed to identify these errors are those with deep domain knowledge – something that is built over decades of experience.
This is not a counterargument to digital transformation or adoption of AI. Rather, it highlights that integrating older people into digital designs, training and access should be a strategic imperative. AI cannot replace human judgment yet – it should be designed to augment it.
If companies, policies and societies exclude older workers from AI transformation processes, they are essentially removing the critical layer of human oversight that keeps AI outputs reliable, ethical and safe to use. An age-neutral approach will be key to addressing this.
Piecemeal efforts and slow responses could cause the irreversible loss of a generation of experience, talent and expertise. What workers and businesses need now are systems, policies and tools that are, from the outset, usable and accessible for people of all ages.
Sajia Ferdous does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Overlooking Peel Bay on the Isle of Man. Clint Hudson
The production and use of toxic synthetic chemicals called polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) were banned internationally more than 40 years ago. There is a great deal of evidence that they are carcinogens and hormone disrupters in mammals and can cause birth defects.
PCBs can build up in the tissues in increasing amounts over time (bioaccumulate) in long-lived animals and people exposed to them. They also biomagnify in the environment meaning they build up in food chains – smaller animals take them into their tissues, those are then eaten by larger animals (such as fish), which themselves are eaten by humans and marine mammals such as dolphins and seals living in Britain’s waters.
Despite these risks, the Isle of Man government – by its own admission – has been dumping toxic silt containing PCBs into the waters of Peel Bay and unlined landfills over the past decade. This is despite the fact these waters have been declared a Unesco biosphere.
Here, Patrick Byrne, Professor of Water Science at Liverpool John Moores University, questions freshwater scientist Calum MacNeil about why he thinks it is so important that the world, and particularly Unesco, takes notice about what’s being dumped into the sea around the Isle of Man.
When did you live on the Isle of Man and what was your exact role?
I lived on the Isle of Man for nearly 15 years (2004 – 2019) and left at the end of 2019.
From 2004 – 2007, I was the Isle of Man government’s freshwater biologist. From 2007 – 2017, I was the freshwater biologist and enforcement officer, responsible for regulation and enforcement of environmental matters related to controlled waters (all inland waters and coastal waters).
Where is the Isle of Man and what is the Unesco status it has earned?
The Isle of Man is a small island in the middle of the Irish Sea, located almost an equal distance from England, Northern Ireland and Scotland. It is British but not part of the UK: it is a self-governing dependency of the British Crown with its own government and laws. It is not part of the EU but is signed up to various international agreements on the environment.
Unesco is the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation. It began the biosphere programme in 1991, concentrating on the care of land, sea and species, as well as culture, heritage, community and economy.
According to the island government’s own fact sheet, biospheres have three functions: promoting sustainable development, conservation and learning. The sea makes up 87% of the Isle of Man Unesco biosphere.
Despite earning this status, evidence in the public domain shows that pollutants have been dumped into the sea. What’s been going on?
The Isle of Man government has been accused of deliberately dumping 4,000 tonnes of toxic silt from harbour dredging, which included synthetic industrial chemicals known as PCBs and heavy metals, in the Irish sea in 2014.
Despite extensive evidence in the public domain, this dumping was not mentioned once in the biosphere nomination documents, dated 2015. The nation’s biosphere website says the nomination process was “several years” in the making and the Unesco biosphere designation occurred in 2016 – only a relatively short time after the deliberate dumping in the Irish Sea.
The government has also allegedly discharged toxic PCB-contaminated effluent – known as called leachate – from an old landfill, called the Raggatt, directly into Peel Bay, an area which has one of the most popular public beaches on the island. Peel is one of three beaches (technically designated as non-bathing areas) on the island that recently failed to meet minimum standards for bathing waters.
I wasn’t aware of the details of the sea dumping of toxic silt until June 2022 when the employment tribunal findings related to the Department of Environment, Food and Agriculture’s (Defa) ex-marine monitoring officer Kevin Kenningtonbecame public. This tribunal heard evidence that this was going on before, during and after the Unesco biosphere designation.
The Isle of Man is a signatory to the Oslo-Paris convention for the protection of the marine environment for the north-east Atlantic (Ospar). The convention specifies a maximum level of marine contaminants.
A decade on from its initial application, the Isle of Man is currently bidding to renew its Unesco Biosphere status in 2026.
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There does appear to be a lack of monitoring, at least in the public domain. Given the serious nature of the contaminants, I would expect the environmental regulator to monitor any PCBs detected in the environment and fully inform the public of any exposure risk.
The disposal of thousands of tonnes of contaminated silt into biodiverse waters could have had a serious negative impact on that bid. So, how did you discover that all was not as it seemed with the marine biosphere status?
Shortly after resigning from my post in 2017, I read an article in the local media about how the attorney general of the Isle of Man (the government’s senior legal advisor) believed it might be in the public interest to hold a full investigation into the discharging of potentially toxic material retrieved from an old landfill site that was being transported by tankers and taken to the sea. There were a number of statements made in that article that I found very concerning, such as the two below:
The then Environment Minister Richard Ronan told the House of Keys [the parliament of the Isle of Man] in July last year that levels of a range of metals, ammonia, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) and 225 polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) identified in the leachate exceed environmental quality standards, making it unsuitable for direct discharge into the River Neb.
The government said the leachate is subject to a large degree of dilution [as] it enters the sea. Samples are analysed regularly and the leachate “does not pose a risk to people swimming in Peel bay”.
To be clear, I knew at the time of reading this article in 2017 that there was no UK or EU environmental quality standard to legally allow a deliberate discharge of PCBs into either freshwaters (rivers and lakes) or to the sea. I knew this because PCBs are massively hydrophobic (water-hating) – meaning you shouldn’t have them suspended in effluent anyway because all they want to do is settle out at the bottom of whatever they are suspended in as soon as possible.
So, if you can detect them suspended in actual effluent you should be very worried about how much is built up or buried in the sediment accompanying that effluent. I knew the deliberate discharge of this was internationally banned and that it shouldn’t be going on into rivers or the sea.
I was even more alarmed when the article quoted a government spokesperson saying the leachate “does not pose a risk to people swimming in Peel Bay”. The government needs to prove that statement legally and scientifically because in the US and Europe there is a “risk averse” approach to PCB release.
This story and the government’s response was very concerning to me as an internationally banned carcinogen was being discharged deliberately to Peel bay, a popular public beach area, while the public were being told it was fine, legal and safe. I didn’t see how this could possibly be legal as regards international agreements.
A few months later, I was concerned about further silt dredging at Peel bay and was curious how Defa as a regulator would deal with avoiding the risk of resuspending previously buried PCBs.
Ospar gives guidance on this, as this is important as PCBs remain toxic for decades and dredging could obviously further increase the risk to the public and environment – resuspending any PCBs that had been previously buried under layers of sediment for decades would result in releasing another source of PCBs into the bay.
Was anyone concerned about possible pollution at the time of the Unesco application?
The Isle of Man government says it spent a great deal of time on the nomination process and the publicly available nomination documents are long and detailed and Defa was heavily involved in the application process and the details provided so they would have to answer that.
I don’t know if any other scientists were raising a red flag at the time, but I do refer you to Kevin Kennington’s tribunal findings which involved dumping toxic silt at sea and Defa officers were aware of this dumping in 2014. None of this was mentioned in the nomination document as far as I have been able to ascertain.
The tribunal found the toxic silt exceeded Ospar guidelines.
When The Conversation put that to Isle of Man government, it did not accept it was in contravention of the rules. But a spokesperson for the UK regulator, Defra told us: “Defra’s internal analysis concluded that the incident constituted actions that were not in accordance with the Ospar convention (Articles 4, and Annex II Art 4) and the 1996 London protocol on the prevention of marine pollution by dumping of wastes and other matter.”
What laws are involved here?
The 252-page-long nomination forms refer to the Water Pollution Act 1993. This is an act that makes “new provision for the protection of inland and coastal waters from pollution, to control deposits in the sea and for connected purposes”.
Some EU legislation is also applied to the Isle of Man, such as Ospar (the convention for protection of the marine environment of the north-east Atlantic) and the Basel convention which governs how nations, including the Isle of Man, should treat and dispose of hazardous waste, including PCBs, in an environmentally sound way.
What are the most worrying impacts of the pollution here?
In my view, the deliberate tanker discharge of PCBs to Peel bay is extremely worrying from both an environmental and public health risk perspective, as is the dredging up of PCB contaminated silt in Peel harbour.
I’m alarmed by the fact that the Isle of Man government decided that it was not in the public interest to pursue the case for the discharge into the sea, given that international agreements were broken.
What needs to change in terms of governance and law enforcement?
I feel there needs to be international scientific and legal scrutiny of all of this. I believe both Unesco and the UK government’s Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) have a responsibility here as well given the international agreements involved and the biosphere designation. Given the biosphere status surely the Isle of Man government should be acting not just to the letter of the law but the spirit of the law.
What should a biosphere reserve really look like and what needs to change?
Ideally, the government in the world’s only all-nation Unesco biosphere would fully abide by its own principlesand pledges and adhere to international agreements.
For instance, the Isle of Man government set its own environmental quality standards (EQS) for PCBs – now, those won’t be breached by the levels of existing discharges. EQS values for soil, sediment, freshwater and marine environments are derived from years of research showing the maximum concentrations (or quality standards) that cannot be exceeded in order to protect human and environmental health.
As far as I’m aware, there is still no EQS for PCBs in effluent agreed to by the EU. There are PCB guidelines for sediment and biota (animals and plants) at the end of pipelines but these are more concerned with monitoring legacy historic sources of PCBs. I don’t know legally how the Isle of Man was able to do this despite international laws.
The Isle of Man government should be taking a far more precautionary approach to PCBs and potential public exposure, environmental damage and public health risk. They should be doing this anyway, but in the world’s only entire nation Unesco biosphere, I think the moral and legal onus is on them to prove what they are doing is safe. If they are saying it is safe, they obviously need to prove it. I think the onus is also on Unesco to check what is going on in their only all-nation biosphere, especially in the “care” areas of that biosphere.
Calum MacNeil raises some important questions about the very nature of Unesco biosphere status and about the safety of the waters in and around the Isle of Man. The public has a right to clear answers and information. Here are some of the key issues from my perspective as a water scientist.
Long-term health effects
The point about PCB sorption to sediments is a good one. An important study from 2019 estimated that 75% of all PCBs manufactured since 1930 now reside in marine sediment. Marine sediment is literally the waste bin for PCBs. Dilution in rivers is commonly used as a convenient way of masking the mass transport of chemicals through rivers and ultimately to the oceans. So, yes, dilution decreases concentrations locally, but it does not reduce the volume of chemicals transported to or disposed of at sea.
The PCB discharge to Peel bay has been going on since the 1990s which is worrying given possible long-term public health risks and environmental impacts.
Some of the metabolites may leave your body in a few days, but others may remain in your body fat for months. Unchanged PCBs may also remain in your body and be stored for years mainly in the fat and liver, but smaller amounts can be found in other organs as well. Once in our bodies, they can have toxic long-term health effects. Some are associated with fertility issues and they are classed as probable human carcinogens.
Persistence in the environment
Since the 1970’s, the gradual phasing out and banning of PCBs has led to dramatic reductions in their release into the environment. However, despite this, PCBs remain one of the biggest chemical threats to humans and wildlife worldwide. Why is this? Well, we know PCBs are very persistent in the environment, which means they last for decades to hundreds of years. Because of this persistence, they accumulate in living things and we know that at certain concentrations they can be very harmful to us.
It is also because of the widely held belief that “dilution is the solution to pollution”. Sure, dilution of effluent in a river reduces concentrations locally and might allow a government or an industry to meet an environmental quality guideline.
But where have the pollutants gone? They have not disappeared – remember PCBs may persist for hundreds of years. They have gone out to sea where they accumulate in sediments and living things. And we see the evidence and impacts of this all around us. For example, PCBs and other harmful chemicals are routinely detected in apex predators like orcas and whales and polar bears and we know this is negatively impacting their physiology and reproductive health.
PCBs have been detected in the Arctic and Antarctica and even in the Mariana trench in the deep ocean. This is the cumulative result of decades of PCB discharge into the seas from all around the world. We cannot do anything about PCBs that are already in the sea, but with everything we now know about how harmful and long-lasting these chemicals are, we really cannot knowingly continue discharging them into the sea.
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Patrick Byrne receives funding from the UK Natural Environment Research Council.
Many bakers working at high altitudes have carefully followed a standard recipe only to reach into the oven to find a sunken cake, flat cookies or dry muffins.
Experienced mountain bakers know they need a few tricks to achieve the same results as their fellow artisans working at sea level.
These tricks are more than family lore, however. They originated in the early 20th century thanks to research on high-altitude baking done by Inga Allison, then a professor at Colorado State University. It was Allison’s scientific prowess and experimentation that brought us the possibility of perfect high-altitude brownies and other baked goods.
We are two current academics at CSU whose work has been touched by Allison’s legacy.
One of us – Caitlin Clark – still relies on Allison’s lessons a century later in her work as a food scientist in Colorado. The other – Tobi Jacobi – is a scholar of women’s rhetoric and community writing, and an enthusiastic home baker in the Rocky Mountains, who learned about Allison while conducting archival research on women’s work and leadership at CSU.
Inga Allison is one of the fascinating and accomplished women who is part of the exhibit.
Allison was born in 1876 in Illinois and attended the University of Chicago, where she completed the prestigious “science course” work that heavily influenced her career trajectory. Her studies and research also set the stage for her belief that women’s education was more than preparation for domestic life.
In 1908, Allison was hired as a faculty member in home economics at Colorado Agricultural College, which is now CSU. She joined a group of faculty who were beginning to study the effects of altitude on baking and crop growth. The department was located inside Guggenheim Hall, a building that was constructed for home economics education but lacked lab equipment or serious research materials.
Allison took both the land grant mission of the university with its focus on teaching, research and extension and her particular charge to prepare women for the future seriously. She urged her students to move beyond simple conceptions of home economics as mere preparation for domestic life. She wanted them to engage with the physical, biological and social sciences to understand the larger context for home economics work.
Such thinking, according to CSU historian James E. Hansen, pushed women college students in the early 20th century to expand the reach of home economics to include “extension and welfare work, dietetics, institutional management, laboratory research work, child development and teaching.”
News articles from the early 1900s track Allison giving lectures like “The Economic Side of Natural Living” to the Colorado Health Club and talks on domestic science to ladies clubs and at schools across Colorado. One of her talks in 1910 focused on the art of dishwashing.
Allison became the home economics department chair in 1910 and eventually dean. In this leadership role, she urged then-CSU President Charles Lory to fund lab materials for the home economics department. It took 19 years for this dream to come to fruition.
In the meantime, Allison collaborated with Lory, who gave her access to lab equipment in the physics department. She pieced together equipment to conduct research on the relationship between cooking foods in water and atmospheric pressure, but systematic control of heat, temperature and pressure was difficult to achieve.
She sought other ways to conduct high-altitude experiments and traveled across Colorado where she worked with students to test baking recipes in varied conditions, including at 11,797 feet in a shelter house on Fall River Road near Estes Park.
But Allison realized that recipes baked at 5,000 feet in Fort Collins and Denver simply didn’t work in higher altitudes. Little advancement in baking methods occurred until 1927, when the first altitude baking lab in the nation was constructed at CSU thanks to Allison’s research. The results were tangible — and tasty — as public dissemination of altitude-specific baking practices began.
As a senior food scientist in a mountain state, one of us – Caitlin Clark – advises bakers on how to adjust their recipes to compensate for altitude. Thanks to Allison’s research, bakers at high altitude today can anticipate how the lower air pressure will affect their recipes and compensate by making small adjustments.
Air pressure is a force that pushes back on all of the molecules in a system and prevents them from venturing off into the environment. Heat plays the opposite role – it adds energy and pushes molecules to escape.
When water is boiled, molecules escape by turning into steam. The less air pressure is pushing back, the less energy is required to make this happen. That’s why water boils at lower temperatures at higher altitudes – around 200 degrees Fahrenheit in Denver compared with 212 F at sea level.
So, when baking is done at high altitude, steam is produced at a lower temperature and earlier in the baking time. Carbon dioxide produced by leavening agents also expands more rapidly in the thinner air. This causes high-altitude baked goods to rise too early, before their structure has fully set, leading to collapsed cakes and flat muffins. Finally, the rapid evaporation of water leads to over-concentration of sugars and fats in the recipe, which can cause pastries to have a gummy, undesirable texture.
Allison was one of many groundbreaking women in the early 20th century who actively supported higher education for women and advanced research in science, politics, humanities and education in Colorado.
Others included Grace Espy-Patton, a professor of English and sociology at CSU from 1885 to 1896 who founded an early feminist journal and was the first woman to register to vote in Fort Collins. Miriam Palmer was an aphid specialist and master illustrator whose work crafting hyper-realistic wax apples in the early 1900s allowed farmers to confirm rediscovery of the lost Colorado Orange apple, a fruit that has been successfully propagated in recent years.
In 1945, Allison retired as both an emerita professor and emerita dean at CSU. She immediately stepped into the role of student and took classes in Russian and biochemistry.
In the fall of 1958, CSU opened a new dormitory for women that was named Allison Hall in her honor.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Pope Francis’ journey from the streets of Flores, a neighbourhood in Buenos Aires, Argentina, to the Vatican, is a remarkable tale.
Born in 1936, Jorge Bergoglio was raised in a middle-class family of Italian Catholic immigrants.
Bergoglio defied his mother’s wish for him to become a medical doctor and chose instead to pursue priesthood, a calling he felt during confession. The young man joined the Jesuits in the 1950s, attracted to the order’s vow of poverty and its ethos of serving others and living simply.
He became a priest in 1969, Archbishop of Buenos Aires in 1998, and took on the papacy in 2013. As Pope Francis, his dedication to social justice was deeply rooted in the Latin American context.
The region’s history of inequality, poverty and political upheaval greatly influenced his perspective.
The young Argentinian priest
Bergoglio, a devoted supporter of the San Lorenzo soccer team, was also a confident tango dancer, mate drinker, and an unconditional admirer of his compatriot, Jorge Luis Borges, one of the most influential writers of the 20th century.
In 1965, the two men collaborated on the publication of short stories written by Bergoglio’s literature students. The students had been inspired by a seminar led by Borges, organised by the young priest.
Borges thought highly of Bergoglio, finding him charming and intelligent. For Borges, Bergoglio was a Jesuit through and through, noting the clerics of that order had been historically transgressive as well as possessors of a good sense of humour.
While Borges never saw him transformed into Pope Francis, his observations somehow fit with the respect Bergoglio earned as a global leader.
Theology of the people
As Archbishop of Buenos Aires, he lived modestly, often taking public transport and dedicating himself to the poor and disenfranchised. He personally attended the needs of underprivileged neighbourhoods known as villas miseria (literally “misery towns”) in Argentine Spanish.
He was a vocal opponent to economic inequality. During the 2001 Argentine economic crisis he advocated for the rights and dignity of impoverished citizens.
Pope Francis hails from a region deeply influenced by the progressive movements of Catholic priests and nuns, who were significantly inspired by liberation theology during the 1960s in Latin America.
Liberation theology developed in Latin America during the latter part of the 20th century, as a reaction to significant political and theological transformations in the area. It believed in political liberation for the oppressed, inspired by the Cuban Revolution and Second Vatican Council by Pope John XXIII, both in 1959.
While Francis did not fully subscribe to the tenets of liberation theology, much of his dedication to social justice aligns with its ideals. Pope Francis’ social awareness was deeply shaped by the “theology of the people”.
Distinct to Argentina, and emerging in the 1960s, the theology of the people shared liberation theology’s focus on social justice, but is devoid of Marxist ideology, and emphasises the dignity and agency of the marginalised and the impoverished.
During Argentina’s dictatorial regime from 1976–83, Bergoglio led the Jesuits. But he did not adopt the highly dangerous stance of full opposition typical among liberation theologians elsewhere in Argentina and other parts of Latin America.
Commenting on Latin American affairs
In his early years as the Pope, he resonated with progressive Catholics across Latin America, because of his grounding in Argentinian theology and his focus on social justice. But in recent years, his popularity in some Latin American countries declined.
In Argentina, this dip in enthusiasm is partly attributed to his decision not to visit, despite travelling to neighbouring nations.
More profoundly, the decline likely stems from his fixed stance against contentious issues such as same-sex marriage and abortion. To the disappointment of many Argentines and other Latin American citizens, he refused to compromise.
Throughout his papacy, Pope Francis received all Argentine presidents – even those who were previously critical of him, such as Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.
He maintained a strong connection to his Buenos Aires roots and remained engaged with Argentina’s social and political landscape, often commenting on situations that provoke strong reactions from politicians.
He was a critic of policies instituted by the current President of Argentina, Javier Milei, particularly Milei’s libertarian model of economy and the government’s brutal response to public dissent and opposition. In September 2024, the Pope famously said:
the government put its foot down: instead of paying for social justice, it paid for pepper spray.
An alternative model of leadership
By reflecting on how Pope Francis’ theology is rooted in the Argentina he grew up in, we can better understand his actions as Pope.
He appointed clergymen from non-European countries, enhancing representation from Asia, Africa and Latin America and increased the participation of women within the Church’s leadership structures.
His landmark encyclical, Laudato Si’, underscored the moral imperative to address climate change, inspiring accolades from global leaders. His critique of Israel and the conflict in Gaza underscored his consistent opposition to war and advocacy for peace.
Despite existing tensions and contradictions within his papacy – particularly regarding the Church’s stance on LGBTQIA+ issues and women’s rights – Pope Francis’s approach to global issues remained steadfast and aligned with his core values, and the Buenos Aires he came of age in.
Francis’s leadership is a product of his upbringing and a catalyst for regional and global dialogue on social justice.
The profound influence of the Latin American region on him is well captured by long time friend, Uruguayan lawyer and activist, Guzman Carriquiry who described the Pope as:
Priest, and profoundly priest; Jesuit and profoundly Jesuit; Latin American, and profoundly Latin American.
Fernanda Peñaloza does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has draped himself in old-fashioned, medieval conceptions of Russian history to add symbolic weight to his authoritarian government.AP Photo/Alexander Zemlianichenko
Published in March 2025, the textbook’s co-author Nina Ostanina, chair of the State Duma Committee for the Protection of the Family, claims that it will teach students “traditional moral values” that will improve “the demographic situation in the country” as part of a “Family Studies” course that was rolled out in the 2024-2025 school year.
But some of those lessons for modern living come from a less-than-modern source. Among the materials borrowed from in “My Family” is the 16th century “Domostroi” – a collection of rules for maintaining patriarchal domestic order. It was written, supposedly, by Sylvester, a monk-tutor of czar Ivan the Terrible.
Unsurprisingly, some teachings from “Domostroi” seem out-of-keeping with today’s sensibilities. For example, it states that it is the right of a father to coerce, if needed by force, his household – at the time, this would refer to both relatives and slaves – in accordance with Orthodox dogmas.
“Husbands should teach their wives with love and exemplary instruction,” reads one of the Domostroi quotations repeated in the textbook.
“Wives ask their husbands about strict order, how to save their souls, please God and their husbands, arrange their home well, and submit to their husbands in all matters; and what the husband orders, they should agree with love and carry out according to his commands,” reads another extract
The use of “Domostroi” in the textbook both references the past while evoking the current government’s politics of decriminalizing family violence. A 2017 law, for example, removed nonaggravated “battery of close persons” from the list of criminal offenses.
It also fits a wider pattern. As a scholar of historical memory, I have observed that references to the Russian Middle Ages are part of the Kremlin’s broader politics of using the medieval past to justify current agendas, something I have termed “political neomedievalism.”
Indeed, President Vladimir Putin’s government is actively prioritizing initiatives that use medieval Russia as a model for the country’s future. In doing so, the Kremlin unites a long-nurtured dream of the Russian far right with a broader quest for the fulfillment of Russian imperial ambitions.
But the group’s name evokes the first reign of brutal state terror in Russian history. The Oprichnina was a state policy unleashed by Ivan the Terrible from 1565 to 1572 to establish his unrestrained power over the country. The oprichniks were Ivan’s personal guard, who attached a dog’s head and a broom to their saddles to show that they were the czar’s “dogs” who swept treason away.
Chroniclers and foreign travelers left accounts of the sadistic tortures and mass executions that were conducted with Ivan’s participation. The oprichniks raped and dismembered women, flayed or boiled men alive and burned children. In this frenzy of violence, they slaughtered many thousands of innocent people.
Ivan’s reign led to a period known as the “Time of Troubles,” marked by famine and military defeat. Some scholars estimate that by its end, Russia lost nearly two-thirds of its population.
Ivan IV, czar of Russia from 1547 to 1584, known as Ivan the Terrible. Rischgitz/Getty Images
Throughout Russian history, Ivan the Terrible – who among his other crimes murdered his eldest son and had the head of Russian Orthodox Church strangled for dissent – was remembered as a repulsive tyrant.
However, since the mid-2000s, when the Russian government under Putin took an increasingly authoritarian turn, Ivan and his terror have undergone a state-driven process of reevalution.
The Kremlin and its far-right proxies now paint Ivan as a great statesman and devout Russian Orthodox Christian who laid the foundations of the Russian Empire.
Prior to that alteration of Russian historical memory, only one other Russian head of state had held Ivan in such high esteem: Josef Stalin.
Even so, no public monuments to Ivan existed until 2016, when Putin’s officials unveiled the first of three bronze statues dedicated to the terrible czar. Yet, the cinematic propaganda outmatched the commemorations of Ivan in stone. By my count, from 2009 to 2022, 12 state-sponsored films and TV series paying tribute to Ivan the Terrible and his rule aired in prime time on Russian TV channels.
Russian revisionism
The post-Soviet rehabilitation of Ivan the Terrible goes back to the writings of Ivan Snychov, the metropolitan, or high ranking bishop, of Saint Petersburg and Ladoga. His book, “The Autocracy of the Spirit,” published in 1994, gave rise to a fundamentalist sect known as “Tsarebozhie,” or neo-Oprichnina. Tsarebozhie calls for a return to an autocratic monarchy, a society of orders and the canonization of all Russian czars. The belief that Russian state power is “sacred” – a central dogma of the sect – was reaffirmed on April 18, 2025, by Alexander Kharichev, an official in Putin’s Presidential Administration, in an article that has been likened to an instruction manual for the “builder of Putinism.”
The canonization of Ivan the Terrible specifically is a top priority for members of this sect. And while the Russian Orthodox Church has yet to canonize Ivan, Tsarebozhie have garnered significant support from Russian priests, politicians and laypersons alike. Their efforts sit alongside Putin’s yearslong push to give public support for Ivan. Not by chance, Putin’s minister of foreign affairs, Sergei Lavrov, reportedly named Ivan the Terrible among one of Putin’s three “most trusted advisers.”
In Snychov’s worldview, Russians are a messianic people, part of an imperial nation that is uniquely responsible for preventing Satan’s domination of the world. In his explicitly antisemitic pseudo-history of Russia, the Oprichnina is described as a “saintly monastic order” led by a “pious tsar.”
Since the 1930s, when Stalin used Ivan to justify his own repressions, Ivan and Stalin – the Oprichnina and Stalinism – became historical doubles. The whitewashing of Ivan by the Kremlin goes hand in hand with Putin’s rehabilitation of Stalin as commander in chief of the Soviet Union’s victory in World War II.
Promoting the cult of the “Great Patriotic War” – as the Second World War has officially been called since the Soviet period – has been central to Putin’s militarization of Russian society and part of the propaganda effort to foster support for the invasion of Ukraine. The remorse for the loss of empire and desire to restore it underlies Moscow’s discourse over the past two decades.
Putin’s neomedieval politics have adopted the Russian far-right belief that the country should return to the traditions of medieval Rus, as it existed before the Westernization reforms undertaken by Peter the Great in the early 18th century.
Over the past 15 years, Russian TV viewers have received an average of two state-funded movies per month, advertising the benefits of Russian medieval society and praising Russian medieval warlords.
This use of Russian historical memory has allowed Putin to normalize his use of state violence abroad and at home and mobilize support for his suppression of the opposition. The major goal of political neomedievalism is to legitimize huge social and economic inequalities in post-Soviet society as a part of Russia’s national heritage.
To serve the purpose of undermining the rule of law and democratic freedoms, as my research demonstrates, the Kremlin and its proxies have promoted the Russian Middle Ages – with its theocratic monarchy, society of estates, slavery, serfdom and repression – as a state-sponsored alternative to democracy.
Dina Khapaeva does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Emmanuel Kwesi Aning, Faculty of Academic Affairs & Research, Kofi Annan International Peace Keeping Center
The Economic Community of West African states (Ecowas) is set to mark 50 years in May 2025. It was established in 1975 by 16 member states. Though seven of the founding leaders had ascended to power through coups d’état, the initial focus was economic growth and regional trade and cooperation.
Within three years, however, its mandates were expanded to encompass political, security and other objectives. These additions were necessary as the west African post-independence governments sought to respond to shifting socio-economic and security challenges. These included coup d’états in Niger, Nigeria, Ghana and Mauritania. There were also other threats to the rule of law, electoral integrity and good governance.
To address the expansion of its mandate, the Ecowas treaties were revised in 1993 to pass more power to the regional bloc.
These changes unsettled the relationships among member states. Acting in unison or following the rules hasn’t always suited national agendas. That partly explains the decision by Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso to break away from Ecowas in 2024.
Most recently, the military government in Guinea, Togo’s Gnassingbe dynasty and Chad’s Déby regime have all resisted Ecowas pressure. Their domestic political agendas contradict the organisation’s norms and principles.
We have years of research spanning politics, citizenship, international relations and civil conflict.
Admittedly, the withdrawal of Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso – to form the Alliance of Sahel States – will form an unsettling cloud over the Ecowas anniversary. We argue however that despite inevitable upheavals during five decades of postcolonial nation-building, Ecowas can look back on successes in integration, peace and security, and good governance.
The consequences of the withdrawal of the three countries for Ecowas as a whole shouldn’t be overstated. Still, it is a telling blow to the organisation. It represents a direct questioning of the principle of regional integration and cooperation.
The three military juntas evidently see Ecowas as a dysfunctional club of self-interested heads of state that kowtows to Europe.
African public opinion has swung in favour of a brand of populism promising quick military solutions. It’s seen as the antidote to the failure of domestic and multilateral attempts to stem jihadist violence in the Sahel.
In practice, the juntas have relied on states of emergency as a cover for systematic aggression and abuse of civilian populations.
Even if one accepts the trade-off between security and democracy, the new military rulers have so far been unable to stem jihadist violence in their countries. Instead they have committed violence against their own populations. This is especially the case in Mali and Burkina Faso.
These acts include the summary execution of several hundred civilians in Burkina Faso in 2024.
Despite these abuses, the military juntas have succeeded in framing Ecowas as part of the problem of external control over national sovereignty. This is at the heart of Ecowas’s emerging legitimacy crisis. It is a crisis which undermines many of the soft diplomacy tools that have worked relatively well in the past to unite its members.
The soft power tools include:
the Council of the Wise – deployed in mediation and negotiation in a number of political crises in the region, including those in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Niger, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau and Togo
Traditional Authorities and Leaders, who are sent in when other mechanisms fail.
These diplomatic tools are less visible than high-level delegations and official statements or sanctions. But they have been employed in numerous political crises in the subregion over the past two decades.
They have arguably tempered the outcomes of constitutional crises, like the one sparked by a popular uprising in Burkina Faso in 2014. They also defused the political crisis in Guinea Bissau between 2015 and 2019.
The small victories of soft diplomacy don’t always lead to outright successes. But they have been a means to allow Ecowas involvement in mediation efforts. They have ensured the organisation’s overall relevance and justification in the face of unconstitutional changes of government.
The failure of the soft diplomacy mechanisms in the biggest crisis to face Ecowas tests the organisation’s ability to withstand future crises.
The way forward for Ecowas at 50
The next phase for Ecowas starts in the context of public perceptions critical of the member states. Criticism has been levelled against Ecowas as a “union of heads of state” prioritising their interests over the people’s.
Nevertheless, most of the citizens still prefer democracy as a political system. Even the military juntas embrace (at least on paper) these basic principles as their long-term aspiration.
Ecowas has championed democratic values of equality, freedom, justice, pluralism, tolerance, respect and public participation. These remain the keys to reversing the sub-region’s recent unconstitutional changes of government. Ecowas must strengthen its voice in calling for a return to civilian rule and the respect of its fundamental democratic principles.
The organisation’s representatives must articulate these basic values as an expression of the will of its citizens.
On the other hand, Ecowas must continue to leave the dorrs openen to the military juntas. This could potentially facilitate the transition to civilian rule and signal a fresh start for regional collaboration. Its soft diplomacy tools will be essential for improving dialogue and reaching viable compromises.
Ecowas must strive to improve its legitimacy in the eyes of the populations of its member states. This can be achieved by applying its own democratic values consistently and objectively across the region. The anniversary provides an important opportunity for introspection and genuine institutional reform.
Emmanuel Kwesi Aning receives funding from D-SIP – Domestic Security Implications of UN Peacekeeping in Ghana, which is a Danish Funded Program
Jesper Bjarnesen receives funding from the Swedish Science Council (grant VR2019-03444).
