Headquarters and Headquarters Company (HHC), U.S. Army Garrison Yongsan-Casey recently held a four-day Field Training Exercise (FTX), from Oct. 15-18, covering land navigation, first aid training, weapons qualification tests, a six-mile ruck march, and more.
FTXs are vital for maintaining the readiness and effectiveness of military units. These immersive training sessions allow Soldiers to refine and develop their skills in realistic scenarios, fostering teamwork, leadership, and tactical proficiency.
The first day of the exercise began with small teams of Soldiers embarking on land navigation exercises that challenged their ability to read maps and use compasses under pressure. Divided into combined groups of ROK and U.S. Army Soldiers, teams navigated through unfamiliar terrain, honing their skills in route planning and environmental awareness. This hands-on experience not only reinforced their technical abilities but also strengthened unit cohesion as they worked together to overcome obstacles.
KATUSA Sgt. Kang, Hojin expressed excitement about completing land navigation for the first time since KATUSA Training Academy.
“I found land navigation very challenging, but rewarding,” said Kang. “Sgt. Strunck did an excellent job teaching us how to do it successfully.”
The second day of the FTX brought the focus to patrol lanes, where Soldiers split up into groups of three or four and learned how to maneuver as a fire team. At the end of each lane, fire teams encountered an opposing force (OPFOR). The fire team would have to correctly react to contact and move effectively, providing each other suppressive fire while moving to cover. The scenario was instrumental in building confidence and refining the Soldiers’ decision-making processes in dynamic situations on the battlefield.
“I was pleased to see how quickly the KATUSAs adapted to the difficult situations that were thrown at them,” said Staff Sgt. Douglas Smith, who served as one of the trainers and graders during the patrol lanes. “I was astonished to see how the U.S personnel and the KATUSAs worked together as a cohesive unit.”
The third day’s agenda centered on M4 weapons qualification, a critical component of Soldier readiness. The day began with a 25-meter zero, so each shooter was properly sighted with their assigned weapon. This involves putting three individual shots accurately grouped together at the center of the target. Once completed, they started their qualification test, where they shot at targets ranging from 50 meters to over 300 meters. During the test, they would need to switch between a prone supported position to the standing supported position, demonstrating an ability to move quickly and retain shooting accuracy.
Staff Sgt. Daniel Giles was the Officer in Charge of the range, ensuring not only the safety but successful execution of the range. “Shooting weapons is why many of us joined the military, so it was cool to see the KATUSAs enjoy their time getting more practice in marksmanship and handling the M4.”
The final day of the FTX ended with a six-mile road march. Along the route, the entire Camp Casey community was greeted by a mass formation of professional Soldiers and KATUSAs, moving eagerly and with a purpose. At the end of the road march, which marked the end of the official portion of the exercise, the troops were jubilantly welcomed by a sweet sizzling sound and the aroma of a fresh barbecue. They gathered to share stories and reflect on their experiences, fostering camaraderie and a sense of accomplishment. The event not only marked the end of a challenging week, but also reinforced the unit’s commitment to excellence and readiness for future missions.
“This FTX was a great success!” said Capt. Jason Chung, the commander of HHC, U.S. Army Garrison Yongsan-Casey. “I’m very proud of our Soldiers, both U.S. and KATUSA alike. Garrison Soldiers do not usually have the chance to have experiences like this, so it was a great pleasure getting to facilitate this and give them a glimpse of all the experiences being in the U.S. Army.”
The Albanese Labor Government continues to boost the liveability of communities across Richmond, with federal funding delivering road and community infrastructure projects across the Tweed and Byron Shires.
Federal Minister for Regional Development and Local Government, Kristy McBain MP, joined Member for Richmond, Justine Elliot MP on Tuesday to inspect the progress of projects and to discuss the region’s priorities.
As part of our commitment to improving the safety of local roads in Richmond, local councils will receive an increase in their Roads to Recovery funding over the next five years.
Tweed Shire Council will receive over $15.9 million – a boost of over $6.8 million, and Byron Shire Council will receive over $6.4 million – a boost of over $2.7 million.
This will pave the way for future priority projects and build on projects already delivered and fully funded by the Albanese Government – such as intersection, drainage, and bus stop upgrades at Rifle Range Road at Bangalow, which received $673,076.
The surface of Ducat Street at Tweed Heads is currently being upgraded thanks to over $1.5 million from the Albanese Government, with a further $500,000 in federal funding supporting widening and drainage works on Bayshore Drive at Byron Bay – making these roads safer.
Through Phase 4 of the Local Roads and Community Infrastructure program, Tweed Shire Council is receiving over $2.8 million, and Byron Shire Council is receiving over $1.1 million for high-impact local projects.
The Albanese Government has also committed $618,869 under Round 1 of the Growing Regions Program to construct a Men’s Shed, environmental centre, performance stage and commercial kitchen, as well as provide upgrades to existing infrastructure at the Mullum SEED Eco Hub in Mullumbimby – boosting community engagement opportunities in Richmond.
Nationally, the Albanese Government is delivering significant funding increases to support local councils deliver their priority projects.
The Roads to Recovery program is progressively increasing from $500 million to $1 billion per year, the Road Black Spot Program is increasing from $110 million to $150 million per year, and $200 million per year is available under our Safer Local Roads and Infrastructure Program.
Quotes attributable to Federal Minister for Regional Development and Local Government, Kristy McBain MP:
“Justine Elliot is a strong advocate for communities in Richmond, which is why it’s fantastic to be in town with her to see local projects that she’s campaigned for progressing, and to discuss some of the region’s future priorities.
“Like my own community, Richmond has been impacted by a number of natural disasters, which is why we’re delivering more funding to local councils to improve the safety and flood resilience of local roads, and to support priority projects that will have a lasting impact.”
Quotes attributable to Federal Member for Richmond, Justine Elliot MP:
“As the Local MP, I’m proud to deliver this important funding for our community. These important funding increases from the Albanese Government have made many local projects a reality right across the North Coast.
“I invited Minister McBain to our region to discuss how we can keep working to deliver projects that create local jobs, improve our area and keep our local economy strong.”
Quotes attributable to Tweed Shire Mayor, Chris Cherry:
“We thank the Australian Government for delivering on its commitment to improve our local road network – particularly for roads across the Tweed Shire that have been significantly impacted by flooding events.
“When we work together, we get the best outcomes for our community, which is why we’ll continue to partner with the Australian Government to deliver the community infrastructure that locals need and deserve.”
Quotes attributable to Byron Shire Mayor, Sarah Ndiaye:
“It’s fantastic to welcome Minister McBain to Byron Shire to highlight the significant progress we’re making with jointly funded projects, and to discuss our future priorities.
“With the community calling on the Byron Shire Council to provide more services than ever before, we’re strengthening our partnership with the Australian Government to ensure that we can continue to deliver the projects locals want to get off the ground.”
Precise figures about the numbers of illegal firearms in the European Union (EU) are lacking, but several indicators point to their widespread availability and accessibility. According to the Small Arms Survey, over half of the estimated total number of firearms held by civilians in the EU in 2017 were unlicensed. While most of these citizens had no criminal intentions, their illicit firearms could be used for self-harm or domestic violence, or end up in the hands of criminals or terrorists. Most criminals and terrorists have more sophisticated ways to get hold of illicit firearms. They can be trafficked from source countries, diverted from legal supply chains, illegally manufactured or assembled in the EU, converted from legally available weapons, or sourced on the internet. Firearms seizures suggest that the EU illicit firearms market is made up mostly of shotguns, pistols and rifles, with converted or convertible weapons also appearing frequently. Illicit firearms trafficking is driven by criminal demand, with organised crime groups that engage in firearms trafficking also involved in other forms of criminality. The EU considers illicit firearms a key crime threat precisely because they are used in many crimes and terrorist attacks. Even people who lack extensive criminal connections can access illicit firearms due to increased online trafficking and the availability of easy-to-convert weapons. The EU is actively involved in addressing the threat posed by illegal firearms by means of legislative and policy measures, and provides operational assistance to the Member States in the fight against firearms trafficking. The EU is also active in the international fight against firearms trafficking, working closely with the United Nations (UN) in its work to combat the proliferation of small arms and light weapons and engaging in the UN’s global firearms programme. Although the export of arms remains a national competence, the EU has defined common rules governing the control of exports of military technology and equipment and works actively with third countries that are viewed as source or transit countries for illicit firearms. This is an update of a briefing by Ann Neville, published in 2022.
Naples, FL, Oct. 23, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Music Licensing, Inc. (OTC: SONG), a leader in the acquisition and management of music royalties, is issuing a correction regarding the financial performance of its recent sale of a 30-year royalty stream, which includes works by major artists such as Miley Cyrus, Elton John, Lil Nas X, and XXXTENTACION. The company initially reported a return on investment (ROI) of 106.04%. Upon recalculation, the correct ROI is 110.43%, following the receipt of additional royalty payments.
Music Licensing, Inc. has received royalty payments totaling $36,489 USD since acquiring the rights to these works on November 23, 2023, alongside $140,200 USD generated from the sale of the 30-year royalty stream. With an initial acquisition cost of $160,000 USD, the company’s recalculated ROI demonstrates even stronger financial performance from this strategic investment.
Works Included in the Transaction:
Miley Cyrus: “Unholy”
Elton John & Lil Nas X: “ONE OF ME”
Halsey: “clementine”
Halsey: “Honey”
Halsey: “Honey (John Cunningham Demo)”
Lauv: “I (Don’t) Have A Problem”
XXXTENTACION: “Kill My Vibe”
Lil Nas X: “LIFE AFTER SALEM”
Lil Wayne & XXXTENTACION: “School Shooters”
XXXTENTACION: “THE ONLY TIME I FEEL ALIVE”
347aidan: “what i think about”
Halsey: “wipe your tears”
Halsey: “Lilith”
Transaction Highlights:
Total Revenue from Sale: $140,200 USD from the sale of the 30-year royalty stream.
Royalties Already Received: $36,489 USD in royalty payments since acquisition.
Initial Investment: The company acquired the rights to these works for $160,000 USD on November 23, 2023.
Total ROI: Including both the royalty stream sale and royalties received, Music Licensing, Inc. has achieved a 110.43% ROI.
Benefits to Shareholders:
This transaction continues to demonstrate Music Licensing, Inc.’s ability to generate immediate returns while preserving future revenue potential. By monetizing a portion of future royalties, the company has not only realized significant returns but also retains ownership of these valuable assets for future revenue beyond the 30-year royalty stream. This strategic approach ensures that shareholders benefit from both short-term gains and long-term value creation.
Music Licensing, Inc. (OTC: SONG), also known as Pro Music Rights, is a diversified holding company and the fifth public performance rights organization (PRO) formed in the United States. Its licensees include notable companies such as TikTok, iHeart Media, Triller, Napster, 7Digital, Vevo, and many others. Pro Music Rights holds an estimated market share of 7.4% in the United States, representing over 2,500,000 works by notable artists such as A$AP Rocky, Wiz Khalifa, Pharrell, Young Jeezy, Juelz Santana, Lil Yachty, MoneyBagg Yo, Larry June, Trae Pound, Sauce Walka, Trae Tha Truth, Sosamann, Soulja Boy, Lex Luger, Trauma Tone, Lud Foe, SlowBucks, Gunplay, OG Maco, Rich The Kid, Fat Trel, Young Scooter, Nipsey Hussle, Famous Dex, Boosie Badazz, Shy Glizzy, 2 Chainz, Migos, Gucci Mane, Young Dolph, Trinidad James, Chingy, Lil Gnar, 3OhBlack, Curren$y, Fall Out Boy, Money Man, Dej Loaf, Lil Uzi Vert, and countless others, as well as artificial intelligence (A.I.) created music.
Additionally, Music Licensing, Inc. (OTC: SONG) owns royalty stakes in Listerine “Mouthwash” Antiseptic and musical works by artists such as The Weeknd, Justin Bieber, Kanye West, Elton John, Mike Posner, blackbear, Lil Nas X, Lil Yachty, DaBaby, Stunna 4 Vegas, Miley Cyrus, Lil Wayne, XXXTentacion, Jeremih, Ty Dolla $ign, Eric Bellinger, Ne-Yo, MoneyBagg Yo, Halsey, Desiigner, DaniLeigh, Rihanna, and numerous others.
Forward-Looking Statements:
This press release contains certain forward-looking statements within the meaning of Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, which are intended to be covered by the safe harbors created thereby. Investors are cautioned that, all forward-looking statements involve risks and uncertainties, including without limitation, the ability of Music Licensing, Inc. & Pro Music Rights, Inc. to accomplish its stated plan of business. Music Licensing, Inc. & Pro Music Rights, Inc. believes that the assumptions underlying the forward-looking statements contained herein are reasonable, any of the assumptions could be inaccurate, and therefore, there can be no assurance that the forward-looking statements included in this press release will prove to be accurate. In light of the significant uncertainties inherent in the forward-looking statements included herein, the inclusion of such information should not be regarded as a representation by Pro Music Rights, Inc., Music Licensing, Inc., or any other person.
Non-Legal Advice Disclosure:
This press release does not constitute legal advice, and readers are advised to seek legal counsel for any legal matters or questions related to the content herein.
Non-Investment Advice Disclosure:
This communication is intended solely for informational purposes and does not in any way imply or constitute a recommendation or solicitation for the purchase or sale of any securities, commodities, bonds, options, derivatives, or any other investment products. Any decisions related to investments should be made after thorough research and consultation with a qualified financial advisor or professional. We assume no liability for any actions taken or not taken based on the information provided in this communication.
it is a great pleasure to be at Harvard again, to meet long time companions like Hans-Helmut Kotz and to exchange ideas with top scientists such as Benjamin Friedman. When I was in this round two years ago, we were dealing with an unprecedented global inflation spike.[1] Fortunately, the worst is behind us, and inflation in the euro area is heading back to the Eurosystem’s target. We have not brought the inflation ship safely back into the 2% harbour, but the port is in sight. Thus, I can focus on another question today.
Before I do that, let me share an analogy to set the stage for my discussion. Back in the 1970s and 1980s, the field of economics was split into two seemingly incompatible schools of thought: New Keynesian and New Classical. Their proponents were not too polite in their language, calling assumptions “foolishly restrictive” or comparing an opponent to someone attempting to pass himself off as Napoleon Bonaparte.[2] But, over time, ideas from both camps ultimately merged to form a consensus called the New Neoclassical Synthesis, the very foundation of modern macroeconomics.[3] Gregory Mankiw neatly described this story in his essay “The Macroeconomist as Scientist and Engineer”.[4]
The takeaway from this analogy is that complex issues are rarely black or white. With this in mind, I want to explore whether the conduct of monetary policy in the euro area could be enhanced by offering more detailed and nuanced information regarding its future outlook. More specifically, today I will address the following question: Should the Eurosystem introduce dot plots?
To explore this, I will first examine current experience with dot plots and other forms of forward guidance in both the United States and the euro area. I will then evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of incorporating dot plots into the Eurosystem’s communication strategy. In this analysis, I will concentrate on the implications for policymakers’ independence, the effectiveness of monetary policy and the management of uncertainty.
2 The dot plot and other forms of forward guidance
Let me begin with some basics. Most central banks in advanced economies have a clear mandate to keep prices stable. They do this mainly by setting the policy rate and communicating their decisions in order to manage the expectations of economic agents, including market participants, households and firms. When central banks provide explicit signals about the future path of the policy rate, we call it forward guidance.
We can classify forward guidance into two ideal types: “Odyssean” and “Delphic”.[5] Odyssean forward guidance means the central bank makes a firm commitment to a future course of action, like promising to keep interest rates at a certain level for a certain time. Like Odysseus, who famously tied himself to the mast of his ship to resist the call of the sirens, central banks are committing to staying on course – whatever the future brings.
In contrast, Delphic forward guidance is conditional and involves sharing information about the central bank’s economic outlook and policy intentions without making firm commitments. This term comes from the Oracle of Delphi, famous for its prophecies and predictions, which were so ambiguous and open to interpretation that they always seemed to be borne out in hindsight. A prime example of Delphic forward guidance is the policy rate forecasts published by central banks such as Norges Bank and Sweden’s Riksbank.
A more subtle way of monetary policy communication is through the central bank’s reaction function. A reaction function indicates how the central bank adjusts its policy rate in response to key macroeconomic variables like the inflation rate or economic growth. When economic agents have a clear understanding of this reaction function, communication about the expected development of these macroeconomic variables can also help shape their expectations regarding the future trajectory of the policy rate.
2.1 The Fed’s dot plot
To consider if the Eurosystem should introduce dot plots, let me briefly recall what the Fed dot plots are and how market observers view them. Twelve years ago, the Fed began publishing the federal funds rate projections of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) participants. Its intention was to boost transparency and communication with financial markets and the general public. On the other side of the Atlantic, the Eurosystem has, from its inception, held public press conferences and published monetary policy statements, the minutes of its meetings, and the results of its quarterly macroeconomic projections.
As you are well aware, before the FOMC meeting, FOMC participants share their individual assessment of the appropriate level of the fed funds rate for the end of the current year, the end of the coming two to three years and over the longer run. The longer run projection refers to “each participant’s assessment of the value to which each variable would be expected to converge, over time, under appropriate monetary policy and in the absence of further shocks to the economy.”[6]
Due to its visual representation in the Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), the combined projections of all FOMC members are known as the dot plot. These dots complement the FOMC participants’ projections for GDP growth, unemployment and inflation. While each FOMC participant submits their funds rate projection together with corresponding projections for macroeconomic variables, these correspondences are not revealed by the SEP. Accordingly, market observers cannot directly link the interest rate projections to the projections of the other macro variables.
The dot plot was meant to complement the Fed’s communication, not to replace the forward guidance it provided in the monetary policy statement at that time during the press conference. For example, in January 2012, the FOMC statement provided explicit forward guidance on rates, saying that the Committee “[…] anticipates that economic conditions […] are likely to warrant exceptionally low levels for the federal funds rate at least through late 2014.”[7] During the accompanying press conference, Chairman Ben Bernanke introduced the dot plot, observing that “[…] eleven participants expect that the appropriate federal funds rate at the end of 2014 will be at or below 1 percent, while six participants anticipate higher rates at that time.”[8]
Although the Federal Reserve did not introduce the dot plots as an explicit tool for forward guidance, many market analysts began to interpret them as such. When the forward guidance in the statement and the dot plot sent mixed signals, FOMC chairs often downplayed the dot plot’s importance.
In 2014, Janet Yellen famously stated: “[…] one should not look to the dot plot, so to speak, as the primary way in which the Committee wants to or is speaking about policy […].”[9] Similarly, in 2019, Jerome Powell noted that “[…] the dot plot has, on occasion, been a source of confusion. Until now, forward guidance in the statement has been a main tool for communicating committee intentions and minimizing that confusion.”[10]
And this is also how Fed watchers now see the dot plot, ranking it as the Fed’s fifth most important communication tool.[11] The top communication tools are the press conference, the Summary of Economic Projections (excluding the dots), the FOMC statement, and speeches by the chair.
Numerous studies show that the Fed has successfully used monetary policy communication to influence long-term interest rates and other asset prices.[12] And some research suggests that the dot plots significantly and independently influence market interest rates. [13] But there is a fundamental issue about these results: it is very challenging to determine how much each communication channel contributes to the overall effect.
To identify the causal effect of monetary policy, scholars often define a so-called event window around central banks’ monetary policy meetings. Changes in market interest rates during this event window are then attributed to monetary policy.
But there is a problem: when the dot plot is released, it is published together with the monetary policy statement. That makes it hard to determine which one caused the interest rate changes observed during the event. And because of this, it is unclear whether those channels actually provide complementary information or are just substitutes.
2.2 Monetary policy communication at the Eurosystem
So, what does the Eurosystem’s monetary policy communication look like? The Eurosystem began using explicit forward guidance in the introductory statement to its July 2013 meeting. At that time, inflation in the euro area was low, and the Eurosystem expected underlying price pressures to stay subdued in the medium term. Interest rates were already at the effective zero lower bound.
To provide further accommodation, the ECB’s Governing Council, which is the counterpart of the FOMC, announced in its July 2013 meeting that it “expects the key ECB interest rates to remain at present or lower levels for an extended period of time.”[14] The Governing Council continued to use variations of this statement for almost a decade. And there is now also ample evidence that the Eurosystem has been successful in implementing its forward guidance.[15]
With the resurgence of inflation in 2021 and high uncertainty caused by major shocks and structural changes, the Eurosystem shifted to a data-dependent, meeting-by-meeting approach, largely stepping away from explicit forward guidance.
More specifically, we now base our interest rate decisions on three elements: first, our assessment of the inflation outlook in light of the incoming economic and financial data, second, the dynamics of underlying inflation, and third, the strength of monetary policy transmission. These three elements can be seen as a further specification of our reaction function. However, the Governing Council does not pre-commit to any specific rate path.
Taken together, apart from the publication of the dot plot, the approaches to monetary policy communication taken by the Federal Reserve System and the Eurosystem are largely comparable. Both institutions regard the monetary policy statement and the press conference as their primary communication tools. And both central banks have recently shifted from explicit forward guidance towards a data-dependent meeting-by-meeting approach.
But the Eurosystem also continues to provide signals about future policy rates. It simply does it more implicitly. For example, the wording of the monetary policy statement and the answers of the ECB President during press conferences provide insights into future policy rates. As do speeches and interviews given by Governing Council members. Additionally, the Eurosystem influences market expectations through its quarterly staff projections.[16]
Unlike some other central banks, the Eurosystem uses the interest rate implied by financial market prices on a specific cut-off day as a conditioning assumption for its macroeconomic projections. Specifically, this means that our medium-term inflation forecast aligns with market expectations for a particular policy rate path. Market participants can subsequently compare the exogenous path for the policy rate, as embedded in our macroeconomic projections, with our actual monetary policy decisions, in order to gain insights into our reaction function.
You could say that the Eurosystem provides Athenian communication. Athena was known as the Goddess of wisdom and as a protector and guide to many Greek heroes. Rather than communicating directly with those she protected, Athena often used indirect guidance. And through her subtle guidance, Athena empowered the heroes she protected to take decisive action and make wise choices.
3 A dot plot for the Eurosystem?
Now, let us get to the heart of the matter. Should the Eurosystem introduce dot plots? Although this question can only be answered “yes” or “no”, complex issues are rarely black and white, as mentioned earlier.
In the following, rather than simply listing the pros and cons of introducing dot plots in the Eurosystem, I will structure my discussion around three themes: First, the impact dot plots could have on the independence of the Eurosystem. Second, the potential for dot plots to improve the effectiveness of our monetary policy communication. And third, the role dot plots could play in capturing projection uncertainty around our baseline forecasts.
Throughout, I will only consider adding projections for the policy rates to the existing macroeconomic projections by Eurosystem staff. For simplicity, I will not consider whether to also complement our current consensus projections for macroeconomic variables with individual macroeconomic projections.
3.1 Independence
Let me begin with the theme of independence. The ECB’s Governing Council consists of the six ECB Executive Board members and the 20 governors of the euro area’s national central banks. Although this setting may resemble that of the Federal Open Market Committee, which includes Federal Reserve Bank Presidents, there is a significant difference.
The euro area is not composed of regions within a single country but of individual countries within a larger union, each with its own fiscal authority and national laws, as well as considerable differences in economic size and performance. Therefore, within the Governing Council we have a strong interest in finding and communicating a consensus perspective. This is, for example, enshrined in our statute, which states that the proceedings of the meetings of the Governing Council are confidential.
When we discussed introducing ECB accounts from our Governing Council meetings – comparable to the published minutes of FOMC meetings – about a decade ago, we aimed to balance two things: On the one hand, to clearly articulate the consensus perspective. Yet on the other hand to represent the full spectrum of views in order to help market participants better understand the ECB Governing Council’s decision-making process.[17]
In the end, the Eurosystem decided to represent the full spectrum of the discussion without naming individuals. Nevertheless, despite the anonymity of the arguments presented, markets and the media alike continue to attempt to discern the identities of the individuals behind them. Given that numerous members of the Governing Council express their views on monetary policy through speeches and interviews, identifying their positions is not a particular challenge.
If there were anonymous dot plots of Governing Council members, media and the markets alike would probably attempt to match individual members to each dot as well. The primary distinction between speeches and dot plots is that Governing Council members deliver speeches voluntarily. In contrast, dot plots would force all Governing Council members to regularly articulate their perspectives on the future trajectory of interest rates. And this could potentially influence the Governing Council’s independence.
Once national stakeholders become aware of “their” representative’s views on future interest rates, they may exert pressure on the representative to align with national interests. I am confident that, even if we were to publish dot plots, every member of the Governing Council would continue to act independently and in the best interests of the entire euro area. However, I believe we are well advised not to put ourselves in a situation that might increase pressure on us to act in ways others want us to.
3.2 Effectiveness of monetary policy communication
My second theme is whether a dot plot could significantly enhance the Eurosystem’s effectiveness of monetary policy communication. And here I am sceptical. To begin with, there is the previously discussed issue: the dot plot may conflict with the consensus message conveyed in the monetary policy statement. But the main reason for my scepticism is that comparative studies on different methods of monetary policy communication are inconclusive.
A BIS working paper shows that interest rate projections provide additional information to macroeconomic projections, meaning that they are not redundant.[18] That could be seen as an argument for introducing dot plots. However, while market participants in countries that publish both interest rate projections and macroeconomic projections prefer the former, they might still be able to obtain sufficient information from macroeconomic projections alone.
Furthermore, research on central bank communication in Norway and Sweden shows that publishing interest rate projections has not improved market understanding of what new macroeconomic information implies for future interest rate.[19] In other words, the publication of interest rate paths did not help market participants better understand the central banks’ reaction functions.
This finding aligns with research published by the Reserve Bank of New Zealand that shows that announcements with interest rate forecasts and those with only written statements lead to similar market reactions across the yield curve.[20] The authors pointedly conclude that, while central bank communication is important, the exact form it takes is less relevant.
This result echoes a seminal study by Blinder and co-authors, who concluded back in 2008 that there was no consensus on what constitutes an optimal communication strategy.[21]
All things considered, I see no compelling evidence that the Eurosystem’s monetary policy communication would be significantly enhanced by the introduction of a dot plot.
3.3 Projection uncertainty
Now to the third and final theme – uncertainty. I am quite sure that the Eurosystem has room to improve how we handle projection uncertainty. Currently, the ECB’s Governing Council summarises its view on the uncertainty surrounding economic growth and inflation in the risk assessment section of its monetary policy statement. More specifically, the Eurosystem addresses the uncertainty around its baseline inflation forecast in two ways.[22]
First, it produces fan charts with symmetric ranges around the point forecast, based on past projection errors. In this setup, past projection errors act as a catch-all proxy for uncertainty. Second, it occasionally publishes risk scenarios, conditional on assumptions different from those in the baseline projection. For instance, during the pandemic, the Eurosystem began using alternative assumptions about the future path of infections and contact restrictions to illustrate macroeconomic uncertainty.
Could the use of dot plots enhance the communication of inflation forecast uncertainty within the Eurosystem? Given that dot plots offer only an indirect method for conveying uncertainty about the inflation outlook, there may be more effective alternatives.
One might be to enhance the communication of our existing measures of uncertainty. Another might be to develop new measures, such as scenario and sensitivity analyses, as well as improved fan charts. We must carefully evaluate the pros and cons of each approach.
Hence, it is quite fitting that the Eurosystem is currently performing an interim strategic review, which includes an analysis of how risk and uncertainty should inform both policy decisions and policy communication. I’m already looking forward to the results.
4 Conclusion
Ladies and gentlemen, let me conclude. I began my talk by discussing different schools of thought – New Keynesian and New Classical – and argued that complex issues are rarely black or white. When it comes to central bank communication about the future, there are certainly many promising approaches. And, undoubtedly, dot plots are an intriguing instrument for central bank communication.
However, given the prevailing evidence, I do not see a compelling case for introducing dot plots for the Eurosystem.
On the other hand, I firmly believe that we can and should enhance how we account for uncertainty in our macroeconomic projections. I have outlined a few options which the Eurosystem will address in the ongoing strategy review.
Footnotes:
Nagel, J. (2022), The ECB’s mandate: maintaining price stability in the euro area, speech at the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University.
Mankiw, G. (2006), The Macroeconomist as Scientist and Engineer, Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 20(4), pp. 29-46.
Goodfriend, M. and R. King (1997), The New Neoclassical Synthesis and the Role of Monetary Policy, in: NBER Macroeconomics Annual, Bernanke, B. and J. Rotemberg (eds.), MIT Press, pp. 231-283.
Mankiw, G. (2006), op. cit.
Campbell, J. et al. (2012), Macroeconomic Effects of Federal Reserve Forward Guidance, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Vol. 43(1), pp. 1-80. Another distinction is between time-dependent (or calendar-dependent) and state-dependent forward guidance. The former ties monetary policy to a specific time frame, whereas the latter ties future policy actions to specific economic conditions or thresholds. The concepts can overlap and be used in combination.
SEP: Compilation and Summary of Individual Economic Projections, 24-25 January 2012.
FOMC Statement, 25 January 2012.
Bernanke, B. (2012), Transcript of Chairman Bernanke’s Press Conference, 25 January 2012,
Yellen, J. (2014), Transcript of Chair Yellen’s Press Conference, 19 March 2014.
Powell, J. (2019), Monetary Policy: Normalization and the Road Ahead, speech at the SIEPR Economic Summit, Stanford Institute of Economic Policy Research, Stanford, California.
Wessel, D. and S. Boocker (2024), Federal Reserve communication – survey results, Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy at Brookings.
See, for example, Gürkaynak, R. et al. (2005), Do Actions Speak Louder Than Words? The Response of Asset Prices to Monetary Policy Actions and Statements, International Journal of Central Banking, International Journal of Central Banking, Vol. 1(1), pp. 55-93; Wright, J. (2012), What Does Monetary Policy Do to Long‐term Interest Rates at the Zero Lower Bound?, Economic Journal, Vol. 122(564), pp. 447-466; and Swanson, E. (2021), Measuring the effects of federal reserve forward guidance and asset purchases on financial markets, Journal of Monetary Economics, Vol. 118(C), pp. 32-53.
See, for example, Couture, C. (2021), Financial market effects of FOMC projections, Journal of Macroeconomics, Vol. 67 and Hillenbrand, S. (2023), The Fed and the Secular Decline in Interest Rates, Accepted, Review of Financial Studies.
Draghi, M. and V. Constâncio (2013), Introductory statement to the press conference (with Q&A), Frankfurt am Main, 4 July 2013.
See, for example, Altavilla, C. et al. (2021), Assessing the efficacy, efficiency and potential side effects of the ECB’s monetary policy instruments since 2014, ECB Occasional Paper, No. 278; Andrade, P. and F. Ferroni (2021), Delphic and Odyssean monetary policy shocks: Evidence from the euro area, Journal of Monetary Economics, Vol. (117), pp. 816-832; Kerssenfischer, M. (2022), Information effects of euro area monetary policy, Economics Letters, Vol. 216(C); and Monetary Policy Committee, Taskforce on Rate Forward Guidance and Reinvestment (2022), Rate forward guidance in an environment of large central bank balance sheets: A Eurosystem stock-taking assessment, ECB Occasional Paper No. 290.
The Eurosystem produces macroeconomic projections four times a year. ECB staff produces them in March and September. In June and December, they are co-produced by ECB and national central bank staff.
See Morris, S. and H. Shin (2005): Central Bank Transparency and the Signal Value of Prices, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Vol.36(2), pp. 1-66 for a general treatment of the role of transparency.
Hofmann, B. and D. Xia (2022), Quantitative forward guidance through interest rate projections, BIS Working Paper No. 1009.
Natvik, G. et al. (2020), Does publication of interest rate paths provide guidance?, Journal of International Money and Finance, Vol. 103.
Detmers, G.-A (2021), Quantitative or Qualitative Forward Guidance: Does it Matter?, Economic Record, Vol. 97(319), pp. 491-503.
Blinder, A. et al. (2008), Central Bank Communication and Monetary Policy: A Survey of Theory and Evidence, Journal of Economic Literature, Vol. 46(4), pp. 910-945.
See ECB (2024), ECB staff macroeconomic projections for the euro area, March 2023, box 6 for a rundown.
MISSOULA — A Missoula man convicted by a federal jury of trafficking methamphetamine and fentanyl in the community and possessing firearms in relation to drug dealing was sentenced today to 15 years in prison, to be followed by five years of supervised release, U.S. Attorney Jesse Laslovich said today.
After a two-day trial in June, the jury found Keith Andre Green, 50, guilty of conspiracy to possess with intent to distribute controlled substances, possession with intent to distribute controlled substances and possession of firearms and ammunition in furtherance of a drug trafficking crimes as charged in an indictment.
U.S. District Judge Donald W. Molloy presided.
“Green flooded the Missoula area with pounds of meth and thousands of fentanyl pills, poisoning an untold number of Montanans. But he was even more dangerous because he traded drugs in exchange for firearms. It’s the kind of danger we should not have on our streets and indeed, he won’t be after today’s significant sentence. For the next 15 years, Green will no longer be able to peddle drugs and guns, and we will continue to pursue those like him to ensure they end up in federal prison, too,” U.S. Attorney Laslovich said.
In court documents and at trial, the government alleged that from about May 2022 until September 2023, Green and others trafficked methamphetamine and fentanyl in Missoula and Mineral counties and possessed firearms. Law enforcement received information that Green was a major drug distributor and that he went to Spokane, Washington, three to five days a week and received about one pound of meth and a boat of fentanyl, which is 1,000 pills, on each trip. Green also traded drugs for firearms. Law enforcement executed search warrants in February 2023 on Green’s vehicle and residence and another search warrant on his residence in September 2023. Officers seized a total of 4,205 fentanyl pills and approximately 2,204 grams, which is approximately 4.8 pounds, of meth. Officers located approximately six firearms and ammunition at his residence.
The U.S. Attorney’s Office prosecuted the case. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, Drug Enforcement Administration, Missoula High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area Task Force, Montana Division of Criminal Investigation and Missoula County Attorney’s Office conducted the investigation.
This case is part of Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN), a program bringing together all levels of law enforcement and the communities they serve to reduce violent crime and gun violence, and to make our neighborhoods safer for everyone. On May 26, 2021, the Department launched a violent crime reduction strategy strengthening PSN based on these core principles: fostering trust and legitimacy in our communities, supporting community-based organizations that help prevent violence from occurring in the first place, setting focused and strategic enforcement priorities, and measuring the results. For more information about Project Safe Neighborhoods, please visit Justice.gov/PSN.
Two South Carolina men pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court in Columbia, South Carolina, to federal hate crime and other charges in connection with a string of racially-motivated armed robberies targeting Hispanic victims.
According to court documents, beginning in January 2021 and continuing through February 2021, Charles Antonio Clippard, 27, and Michael Joseph Knox, 29, both of Columbia, conspired to target people the defendants identified as Mexican or Hispanic at places of public accommodation, including gas stations and grocery stores. After identifying these targets, the defendants would rob their victims at gunpoint. The defendants targeted their victims because of their victims’ race and national origin.
Both defendants admitted their involvement in a Jan. 22, 2021, armed robbery in which the defendants followed their victims from a grocery store and restaurant to their home and then robbed the victims at gunpoint, stealing cash and a cellphone. They also admitted their involvement in a Jan. 30, 2021, armed robbery and carjacking targeting a Hispanic victim after following him from a gas station to his home. The defendants admitted their involvement in another Jan. 30, 2021, armed robbery in which they targeted a Hispanic victim, followed him from a gas station to his home and then robbed him and others at gunpoint after following him into his home. In total, the defendants pleaded to three hate crime charges, one count of carjacking, one count of conspiracy and two firearms charges. Two other co-conspirators, Gabriel Brunson, 21, and Sierra Fletcher, 34, both of Columbia, previously pleaded guilty to hate crime, conspiracy and firearm offenses.
“These defendants targeted Hispanic victims for violent acts of armed robbery because of their race, national origin and perceived vulnerability,” said Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division. “Every person, regardless of their race or national origin, is entitled to the full protection of the law, and no person should have to fear for their lives or property because of their race or ethnicity. The Justice Department will continue to protect all Americans and will vigorously prosecute those who commit bias-motivated crimes.”
“While these defendants sparked fear for an entire community by targeting members of our Hispanic community, today’s hearing sends a louder message: we will not tolerate bias-based crimes in South Carolina,” said U.S. Attorney Adair Ford Boroughs for the District of South Carolina. “The Justice Department will continue to relentlessly protect and enforce the civil rights of everyone in South Carolina.”
“These defendants used violent acts of armed robbery to purposely target Hispanic victims simply because of their race,” said Assistant Director Chad Yarbrough of the FBI Criminal Investigative Division. “We hope the guilty plea by these two defendants serves notice that violence borne from hate will never be tolerated in our communities. The FBI remains steadfast in its mission to uphold the Constitution and protect the civil rights of everyone, fairly and equally.”
“Clippard and Knox egregiously sought to exploit and intimidate their victims based on their Hispanic ethnicity,” said Special Agent in Charge Steve Jensen of the FBI Columbia Field Office. “Their violent robberies instilled fear in their victims and innocent working people within the Hispanic community. These criminal acts have no place in our society, and we are committed to ensuring the safety of all individuals, regardless of their background.”
The defendants face a mandatory minimum penalty of 14 years in prison for the firearms offenses, a maximum penalty of 10 years in prison on each hate crime count and a maximum penalty of 15 years in prison on the carjacking count. The plea agreements require both defendants to pay restitution to all victims. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.
The FBI Columbia Field Office investigated the case, with assistance from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, Columbia Police Department, Town of Lexington Police Department and Richland County Sheriff’s Department.
Assistant U.S. Attorneys Ben Garner and E. Elizabeth Major for the District of South Carolina and Trial Attorneys Katherine McCallister and Andrew Manns of the Civil Rights Division’s Criminal Section are prosecuting the case.
MARTINSBURG, WEST VIRGINIA – Bradley Charles Reckert, Jr., 32, of Harpers Ferry, West Virginia, has admitted to the possession of a firearm by a prohibited person.
According to court documents, Reckert possessed a privately manufactured AR-style pistol in his home. Reckert is prohibited from having firearms because of his use and abuse of drugs.
The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives; the West Virginia State Police; the Berkeley County Sheriff’s Office; and the Loudoun County, Virginia, Sheriff’s Office investigated.
Assistant U.S. Attorney Daniel Salem is prosecuting the case on behalf of the government.
SACRAMENTO, Calif. — Jeremiah Malik Jefferson, 27, of Benicia, pleaded guilty today to being a felon in possession of a firearm, U.S. Attorney Phillip A. Talbert announced.
According to court documents, during a November 2023 search of his residence, Jefferson was found to be in possession of a firearm that was loaded with a high-capacity magazine that had previously been reported stolen. Jefferson is prohibited from possessing a firearm due to multiple prior felony convictions, including for burglary and a previous conviction for being a felon in possession of a firearm.
Jefferson is scheduled to be sentenced on Feb. 11, 2025, by U.S. District Judge John A. Mendez. Jefferson faces a maximum statutory penalty of 15 years in prison and a $250,000 fine. The actual sentence, however, will be determined at the discretion of the court after consideration of any applicable statutory factors and the Federal Sentencing Guidelines, which take into account a number of variables.
This case is the product of an investigation by the U.S. Probation Office, the Benicia Police Department, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, and the FBI’s Solano County Violent Crimes Task Force. Assistant U.S. Attorney Adrian T. Kinsella is prosecuting the case.
This case is part of Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN), a program bringing together all levels of law enforcement and the communities they serve to reduce violent crime and gun violence, and to make our neighborhoods safer for everyone. On May 26, 2021, the U.S. Department of Justice launched a violent crime reduction strategy strengthening PSN based on these core principles: fostering trust and legitimacy in our communities, supporting community-based organizations that help prevent violence from occurring in the first place, setting focused and strategic enforcement priorities, and measuring the results.
Source: United States Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives (ATF)
PITTSBURGH, Pa. – A former resident of Rochester, Pennsylvania, pleaded guilty in federal court to a firearms charge, United States Attorney Eric G. Olshan announced today.
James Gilmore, 35, pleaded guilty before United States District Judge Cathy Bissoon to one count of possession of a firearm and ammunition by a convicted felon.
In connection with the guilty plea, the Court was advised that, on June 9, 2021, law enforcement identified Gilmore operating a vehicle in New Brighton, Pennsylvania, and attempted to conduct a traffic stop of Gilmore due to an active arrest warrant related to a parole violation. Gilmore fled from the traffic stop, throwing a loaded firearm from the vehicle he was driving. Gilmore subsequently abandoned the vehicle, and officers observed him flee on foot. Officers recovered a gray sweatshirt from a yard where Gilmore ran, with forensic testing of both the sweatshirt and firearm revealing Gilmore’s DNA.
At the time Gilmore possessed the firearm and ammunition, he had been previously convicted of multiple felony offenses, including a firearm and drug trafficking crime in the Court of Common Pleas in Beaver County. Federal law prohibits possession of a firearm or ammunition by a convicted felon.
Judge Bissoon scheduled sentencing for February 11, 2025. The law provides for a maximum total sentence of up to 10 years in prison, a fine of up to $250,000, or both. Under the federal Sentencing Guidelines, the actual sentence imposed is based upon the seriousness of the offense and the prior criminal history of the defendant.
Pending sentencing, the court remanded Gilmore to the custody of the U.S. Marshals Service.
Assistant United States Attorney Brendan J. McKenna is prosecuting this case on behalf of the government.
The New Brighton Area Police Department and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives conducted the investigation that led to the prosecution of Gilmore.
Source: United States Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives (ATF)
CAPE GIRARDEAU – A convicted felon on Tuesday admitted stealing a pistol from a Cape Girardeau County gun store and being caught days later with two machine guns.
Dayvion Jyraud Parker, 21, pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court in Cape Girardeau to five felonies: stealing a firearm from a licensed dealer, two counts of being a felon in possession of a firearm and two counts of possession of a machine gun.
Parker admitted that on June 17, 2024, he and another man stole a Sig Sauer 9mm pistol from a federally licensed firearm dealer in Cape Girardeau County. Parker first hid the pistol under his jacket before placing it between his back and the back of his wheelchair. On June 25, law enforcement officers performing a court-approved search of a home in Cape Girardeau found Parker lying on a bed with two pistols between the bed frame and the wall. Both pistols were equipped with auto sears, or “switches,” that rendered them fully automatic.
Parker is a felon and is barred from possession firearms. He was also wanted on an outstanding arrest warrant and was on probation in Illinois for aggravated discharge of a firearm.
Parker is scheduled to be sentenced Jan. 28, 2025. The theft charge carries a potential penalty of up to 5 years in prison. The felon in possession charges each carry a penalty of up to 15 years in prison and the machine gun charge carries a potential 10-year prison term.
Parker’s co-defendant, Danaje Raymond Webster, 23, has not yet been arrested. Charges set forth in an indictment are merely accusations and do not constitute proof of guilt. Every defendant is presumed to be innocent unless and until proven guilty.
The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the U.S. Marshals Service and the Cape Girardeau County Sheriff’s Office investigated the case. Assistant U.S. Attorney Timothy Willis is prosecuting the case.
This case is part of Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN), a program bringing together all levels of law enforcement and the communities they serve to reduce violent crime and gun violence, and to make our neighborhoods safer for everyone. On May 26, 2021, the Department launched a violent crime reduction strategy strengthening PSN based on these core principles: fostering trust and legitimacy in our communities, supporting community-based organizations that help prevent violence from occurring in the first place, setting focused and strategic enforcement priorities, and measuring the results.
Two South Carolina men pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court in Columbia, South Carolina, to federal hate crime and other charges in connection with a string of racially-motivated armed robberies targeting Hispanic victims.
According to court documents, beginning in January 2021 and continuing through February 2021, Charles Antonio Clippard, 27, and Michael Joseph Knox, 29, both of Columbia, conspired to target people the defendants identified as Mexican or Hispanic at places of public accommodation, including gas stations and grocery stores. After identifying these targets, the defendants would rob their victims at gunpoint. The defendants targeted their victims because of their victims’ race and national origin.
Both defendants admitted their involvement in a Jan. 22, 2021, armed robbery in which the defendants followed their victims from a grocery store and restaurant to their home and then robbed the victims at gunpoint, stealing cash and a cellphone. They also admitted their involvement in a Jan. 30, 2021, armed robbery and carjacking targeting a Hispanic victim after following him from a gas station to his home. The defendants admitted their involvement in another Jan. 30, 2021, armed robbery in which they targeted a Hispanic victim, followed him from a gas station to his home and then robbed him and others at gunpoint after following him into his home. In total, the defendants pleaded to three hate crime charges, one count of carjacking, one count of conspiracy and two firearms charges. Two other co-conspirators, Gabriel Brunson, 21, and Sierra Fletcher, 34, both of Columbia, previously pleaded guilty to hate crime, conspiracy and firearm offenses.
“These defendants targeted Hispanic victims for violent acts of armed robbery because of their race, national origin and perceived vulnerability,” said Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division. “Every person, regardless of their race or national origin, is entitled to the full protection of the law, and no person should have to fear for their lives or property because of their race or ethnicity. The Justice Department will continue to protect all Americans and will vigorously prosecute those who commit bias-motivated crimes.”
“While these defendants sparked fear for an entire community by targeting members of our Hispanic community, today’s hearing sends a louder message: we will not tolerate bias-based crimes in South Carolina,” said U.S. Attorney Adair Ford Boroughs for the District of South Carolina. “The Justice Department will continue to relentlessly protect and enforce the civil rights of everyone in South Carolina.”
“These defendants used violent acts of armed robbery to purposely target Hispanic victims simply because of their race,” said Assistant Director Chad Yarbrough of the FBI Criminal Investigative Division. “We hope the guilty plea by these two defendants serves notice that violence borne from hate will never be tolerated in our communities. The FBI remains steadfast in its mission to uphold the Constitution and protect the civil rights of everyone, fairly and equally.”
“Clippard and Knox egregiously sought to exploit and intimidate their victims based on their Hispanic ethnicity,” said Special Agent in Charge Steve Jensen of the FBI Columbia Field Office. “Their violent robberies instilled fear in their victims and innocent working people within the Hispanic community. These criminal acts have no place in our society, and we are committed to ensuring the safety of all individuals, regardless of their background.”
The defendants face a mandatory minimum penalty of 14 years in prison for the firearms offenses, a maximum penalty of 10 years in prison on each hate crime count and a maximum penalty of 15 years in prison on the carjacking count. The plea agreements require both defendants to pay restitution to all victims. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.
The FBI Columbia Field Office investigated the case, with assistance from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, Columbia Police Department, Town of Lexington Police Department and Richland County Sheriff’s Department.
Assistant U.S. Attorneys Ben Garner and E. Elizabeth Major for the District of South Carolina and Trial Attorneys Katherine McCallister and Andrew Manns of the Civil Rights Division’s Criminal Section are prosecuting the case.
MADISON, WIS. – Timothy M. O’Shea, United States Attorney for the Western District of Wisconsin, announced that Damon L. Clark, 26, Eau Claire, Wisconsin, was sentenced today by U.S. District Judge William M. Conley to 5 ½ years in federal prison for possessing a firearm and ammunition as a convicted felon. The prison term will be followed by 3 years of supervised release. Clark pleaded guilty to this charge on August 20, 2024.
On January 1, 2024, Eau Claire Police Officers were dispatched to a bar in Eau Claire, Wisconsin, for reports that someone pointed a firearm at another individual during a fight. Witness reports and video surveillance identified Clark as the individual who pointed the firearm. When law enforcement arrived, Clark fled to an adjacent parking lot. Law enforcement arrested Clark and located a loaded Glock 19 handgun with a 31-round magazine under a nearby vehicle. The handgun had a machinegun conversion device installed, which is an illegal, after-market attachment that converts a semi-automatic handgun into a machinegun. With the attachment, a handgun is capable of firing approximately 50 rounds in four seconds with a single pull of the trigger. The Wisconsin State Crime Lab confirmed Clark’s DNA was present on the firearm. Clark is prohibited from legally possessing firearms and ammunition because of prior felony convictions.
At sentencing, Judge Conley characterized Clark’s behavior as disastrous and emphasized the danger that he posed by pointing a fully loaded machinegun with extended magazine at someone outside a bar with other patrons present. Judge Conley balanced the extremely aggravated nature of this offense with Clark’s lack of prior prison experience. Judge Conley expressed his hope that this would be a turning point for Clark.
The charge against Clark was the result of an investigation conducted by the ATF Madison Crime Gun Task Force consisting of federal agents from ATF and Task Force Officers (TFOs) from local agencies including the Dane County and Clark County Sheriff’s Offices and the Fitchburg, Madison, Sun Prairie, and La Crosse Police Departments. The Federal Bureau of Investigation, Eau Claire Police Department, and UW-Eau Claire Police Department also assisted in this investigation. Assistant U.S. Attorney Colleen Lennon prosecuted this case.
This case has been brought as part of Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN), the U.S. Justice Department’s program to reduce violent crime. The PSN approach emphasizes coordination between state and federal prosecutors and all levels of law enforcement to address gun crime, especially felons illegally possessing firearms and ammunition and violent and drug crimes that involve the use of firearms.
BUFFALO, N.Y.-U.S. Attorney Trini E. Ross announced today that Peter Celentano, of Bergen, NY, was arrested and charged by criminal complaint with illegal possession of machineguns, which carries a maximum penalty of 10 years in prison and a $250,000 fine.
Assistant U.S. Attorney Jeffrey E. Intravatola, who is handling the case, stated that according to the complaint, on September 29, 2024, the New York State Police, Genesee County Sheriff’s Office, and ATF, executed a search warrant at Celentano’s Rochester Street residence. During the search, investigators recovered two 3D printed pistol frames, firearm parts and accessories, ammunition reloading equipment, an AR 80% style Jig and drill, a drill press, and various other tools related to the manufacturing of firearms. In addition, investigators also searched two properties associated with Celentano in Lyndonville, NY, and an apartment on East Avenue in Medina, NY, recovering numerous AR-style lower receivers, 3D printed handguns, and additional firearm parts and accessories. Approximately 59 of the AR-style receivers contained a “third pin hole,” qualifying them as machine guns.
On October 9, 2024, a dive team searched the Erie Canal beneath the Beals Road bridge in Medina. A cardboard box was located and retrieved from the bottom of the canal. Inside were 10 AR-style receivers, an unmarked handgun, magazines, and additional firearm parts.
The complaint is the result of an investigation by the New York State Police, under the direction of Major Miklos Szoczei II, the Genesee County Sheriff’s Office, under the direction of Sheriff William A. Sheron, Jr., and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives, under the direction of Special Agent-in-Charge Bryan Miller, New York Field Division.
The fact that a defendant has been charged with a crime is merely an accusation and the defendant is presumed innocent until and unless proven guilty.
Source: United States Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives (ATF)
Vanessa Roberts Avery, United States Attorney for the District of Connecticut, announced that TROY HARRIS, 30, was sentenced today by U.S. District Judge Victor A. Bolden in New Haven to 60 months of imprisonment, followed by three years of supervised release, for a Newington gun store burglary in September 2021.
According to court documents and statements made in court, shortly after midnight on September 5, 2021, Harris, who had absconded from state parole, approached a woman in the parking lot of a supermarket in Bristol. Pointing what appeared to be handgun at the victim, Harris demanded that she leave her car and give him the keys. After the victim complied, Harris threw her to the ground and drove and away in her car.
In the early morning hours of September 7, 2021, Harris drove the victim’s car to Hoffman’s “Guns for the Good Guys,” a federal firearms licensee located in Newington, and crashed it through the store’s front entrance. He then entered the store, kicked out a display case, and stole five handguns before fleeing the scene on foot. He was arrested the next day.
Judge Bolden ordered Harris to pay restitution of $36,166.30.
Harris has been detained since his arrest. On July 13, 2023, he pleaded guilty to theft of firearms from a licensee.
State charges against Harris relating to the carjacking are pending.
Only one of the five stolen firearms has been recovered by law enforcement.
This matter was investigated by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) and the Newington and Bristol Police Departments.
The case was prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorney Daniel E. Cummings through the Justice’s Department’s Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN) program, a program bringing together all levels of law enforcement and the communities they serve to reduce gun violence and other violent crime, and to make our neighborhoods safer for everyone. In May 2021, the Justice Department launched a violent crime reduction strategy strengthening PSN based on these core principles: fostering trust and legitimacy in our communities, supporting community-based organizations that help prevent violence from occurring in the first place, setting focused and strategic enforcement priorities, and measuring the results. For more information about Project Safe Neighborhoods, please visit http://www.justice.gov/psn.
U.S. Attorney Avery thanked the State’s Attorney’s Office for the Judicial District of New Britain for its close cooperation in investigating and prosecuting this matter.
This year’s Victorian fire season is set to officially begin with fire restrictions commencing in parts of the state next week.
CFA declared the first Fire Danger Period (FDP) for the 2024-25 fire season, commencing on Monday, 28 October for the following municipalities in the west and northwest of the state:
Mildura Rural City Council
YarriambiackShire Council
Hindmarsh Shire Council
West Wimmera Shire Council
Horsham Rural City Council
Victorians can expect a hotter and drier summer and communities should be preparing their properties and creating a Bushfire Survival Plan.
CFA will be introducing further FDPs for Victorian municipalities in the coming weeks and months based on assessments of the amount of rain, grassland curing rate and local conditions.
CFA Chief Officer Jason Heffernan said with an increased fire risk expected in the west and southwest of the state, now is the time to take action and be ready for what’s ahead.
“Fire safety is a shared responsibility and we ask Victorians to be prepared and stay informed,” Jason said.
“Take this opportunity ahead of the FDP to clean up your property but also be cautious when burning off and ensure it’s properly extinguished.
“Now is also the time to sit down with your household and prepare your bushfire plan.”
CFA West Region Acting Deputy Chief Officer Mark Gunning said as a result of reduced rainfall this year, we’re concerned about the dry conditions we’re already seeing in the far west of the state.
“Following from a devastating fire season in the Wimmera earlier this year, we saw many people who had prepared their properties for fire, survive the passage of the bushfires in the Grampians and southern Wimmera.”
Those conducting burn-offs must notify authorities online at the Fire Permits Victoria website (http://www.firepermits.vic.gov.au), or by calling 1800 668 511.
By registering your burn-off online, you allow emergency call takers to allocate more of their time taking calls from people who need emergency assistance immediately.
No burning off is permitted during the FDP without a Permit to Burn, which can be applied for through the Fire Permits Victoria website.
Fire Danger Period information:
A written permit is required to burn off grass, undergrowth, weeds or other vegetation during the FDP. You can apply for a permit at firepermits.vic.gov.au.
Lighting fires in the open without a permit can bring a penalty of more than $21,800 and/or 12 months imprisonment. For a full list of conditions, visit cfa.vic.gov.au/can
Corruption poses a grave and enduring threat to U.S. national interests and those of our partners. When officials abuse their entrusted power for personal or political gain, the interests of authoritarians and corrupt actors win – at the expense of citizens, honest businesses, and healthy societies. As the Biden-Harris Administration took office, this longstanding challenge had metastasized. In some countries, oligarchs were teaming up with foreign kleptocrats to warp policy and procurement decisions in exchange for kickbacks – with no accountability. Corrupt officials were laundering stolen assets through the U.S. and global financial systems, while local investigators were ill-equipped to follow the money. Reformers in countries saddled with corruption had scarce public resources to actually address development needs. The Biden-Harris Administration tacked these challenges starting Day One, to ensure democracy delivers and corrupt actors are held to account.
The first National Security Study Memorandum of the Biden-Harris Administration established countering corruption as a “core U.S. national security interest,” leading to the issuance in December 2021 of the first United States Strategy on Countering Corruption. Since then, the United States has taken action at home and around the world to curb illicit finance, hold corrupt actors accountable, forge multilateral partnerships, and equip frontline leaders to take on transnational corruption. The result has been historic progress in protecting the U.S. financial system from money-laundering, including in the residential real estate sector, while enhancing corporate transparency. This Administration has mobilized record levels of foreign assistance dedicated to anti-corruption, including $339 million in Fiscal Year 2023 alone – almost double the yearly average during the previous four years. This new assistance has unlocked support for anti-corruption institutions, leveled the playing field for law-abiding businesses, enabled journalists to team up across borders, and more. Expanded law enforcement cooperation and capacity-building have generated convictions of corrupt actors as well as the seizure, forfeiture, and return of criminal proceeds, while new anti-corruption offices at the Department of State (State) and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) energized diplomatic and stakeholder engagement. The United States imposed sanctions on more than 500 individuals and entities for corruption and related activities, and established – for the first time in any jurisdiction globally – a new visa restriction for those who enable corrupt activity.
U.S. progress on anti-corruption has produced concrete benefits for the American people and stakeholders around the world – enhancing prosperity, economic security, safety, and democracy, as outlined below. To bolster and sustain this work, the U.S. government has also modernized its approach to addressing corruption as a cross-cutting priority. Today, Deputy National Security Advisor for International Economics Daleep Singh will highlight the benefits of this work to American businesses and workers at a White House anti-corruption roundtable with leaders from 15 major U.S. companies.
Advancing economic opportunity abroad
Improving the business enabling environment: U.S. assistance advanced governments’ capacity to prevent, detect, investigate, and prosecute corruption, while encouraging anti-bribery compliance. State expanded its Fiscal Transparency Innovation Fund – to help willing partners improve budget transparency – while holding countries to account for progress in its Fiscal Transparency Report. In the past two years alone, a newly expanded State-Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) program facilitated U.S. collaboration with foreign counterparts on more than 50 transnational corruption and money laundering cases with a U.S. nexus. In coordination with State, experienced legal advisors from the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) assisted foreign justice partners around the world in investigating and prosecuting corruption and money laundering cases, and recovering assets. And DOJ’s Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative, in partnership with the FBI and the Department of Homeland Security, has recovered more than $1.7 billion and returned or assisted in returning more than $1.6 billion for the benefit of the people harmed by the corruption.
Enforcing our bans on foreign bribery and money-laundering – and pressing other countries to do the same: To enable honest companies to compete overseas, the United States upheld its commitments under the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention by enforcing its foreign bribery and related laws and working with partners to monitor other countries’ progress in implementing the Convention, which celebrated its 25th anniversary in 2024. Since the start of the Administration, DOJ has imposed more than $3.5 billion in total monetary sanctions under the Foreign Corruption Practices Act (FCPA) in 16 corporate resolutions, and announced charges against more than 70 individuals. For instance, this April the former Comptroller General of Ecuador was convicted of money laundering relating to his receipt of over $10 million in bribes from, among others, the Brazil-based construction conglomerate Odebrecht S.A. The Securities and Exchange Commission continued civil enforcement of the FCPA, with approximately $1 billion in total monetary sanctions in 22 corporate resolutions, spanning conduct in 24 countries, since the start of the Administration. DOJ is also enforcing the recently enacted Foreign Extortion Prevention Act, which criminalizes demands for bribes by foreign officials from U.S. companies and others. In addition, this August DOJ announced a new Corporate Whistleblower Awards Pilot Program to uncover and prosecute corporate crime – with a particular focus on foreign and domestic corruption, as well as violations by financial institutions of their obligations to take steps to detect and deter money laundering.
Seizing windows of opportunity: U.S. assistance has become more agile via the establishment of USAID’s Anti-Corruption Response Fund (providing flexible support to countries experiencing new opportunities or backsliding), the State-DOJ Global Anti-Corruption Rapid Response Fund (providing assistance and case mentoring to foreign partners on short notice), and USAID’s Democracy Delivers initiative (which has marshalled $500 million in funding from the United States and others to help reformers deliver, including on their anti-corruption commitments). These innovations, informed by USAID’s Dekleptification Guide, are enabling the U.S. government to more nimbly pivot toward environments where local momentum can be bolstered by outside assistance.
Bolstering integrity in high-risk sectors: In April 2024, the United States and its partners launched the Blue Dot Network – a mechanism to certify infrastructure projects that have met global standards for quality and sustainability, including transparency in procurement and provisions to limit opportunities for corruption. The United States also supported the launch of PROTECT, a collective action project to address corruption risk in the supply chain for critical minerals.
Strengthening corruption safeguards in the Indo-Pacific: In June, the United States and thirteen other partners held a signing ceremony, after concluding eight rounds of negotiations in record time, for the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) Fair Economy Agreement. The Agreement aims to create a more transparent, predictable trade and investment environment across IPEF partners’ markets, including through binding obligations to prevent and combat corruption. The Department of Commerce (Commerce) and State are accelerating implementation by offering new anti-corruption technical assistance to IPEF partners, including workshops on procurement corruption.
Dialoguing with the private sector: In 2021, State launched the Galvanizing the Private Sector as Partners in Combatting Corruption initiative, which connects companies and governments to strengthen business integrity and encourage governance reform. Commerce’s International Trade Administration organized the 2024 forum of the Business Ethics for Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Small and Medium Enterprises Initiative – the world’s largest public-private partnership on ethical business conduct – at which stakeholders formalized policy recommendations on business integrity in public procurement.
Protecting the U.S. financial system from abuse
Expanding corporate transparency: To deter kleptocrats and criminals from laundering money through anonymous shell companies, the Department of the Treasury (Treasury) operationalized a new filing system for certain companies operating in the United States to report their beneficial owners – the real people who own or control them – pursuant to the bipartisan Corporate Transparency Act. Treasury held hundreds of outreach events across all states and territories, reaching thousands of stakeholders, to enable companies to quickly and easily comply with this reporting requirement.
Closing loopholes for money-laundering: Treasury finalized rules to close two major loopholes in the U.S. financial system: (1) to increase transparency in the U.S. residential real estate sector, to ensure that law-abiding homebuyers are not disadvantaged by individuals laundering their ill-gotten gains, and (2) to safeguard the investment adviser industry from illicit finance. Treasury also proposed a rule to modernize financial institutions’ anti-money-laundering/countering the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) programs, to make them more effective and risk-based. Together, these rulemakings represent historic advances for the U.S. AML/CFT regime, in line with international standards, that will help the United States urge other countries to undertake similar reforms to curb illicit finance. The Biden-Harris Administration has also called on Congress to close even more loopholes that facilitate money-laundering by passing the ENABLERS Act.
Blocking assets and denying entry to corrupt actors: Since the start of the Administration, Treasury has designated more than 500 individuals and entities for corruption and related activities, across six continents. That includes blocking the assets of 20 individuals and 48 companies in Fiscal Year 2024 for corruption in Afghanistan, Guatemala, Guyana, Paraguay, Western Balkans, and Zimbabwe. In tandem, State publicly issued corruption-related visa restrictions for 76 foreign officials and family members in Fiscal Year 2024, and 292 over the course of the Administration. These actions have protected the U.S. financial system from corrupt actors and promoted accountability in domestic jurisdictions. For example, just one week after the U.S. issuance of a public visa restriction on former Director of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) Intelligence Services Osman Mehmedagic for significant corruption, he was arrested by BiH authorities for abuse of office.
Taking aim at enablers of corruption: In December 2023, President Biden issued an historic Presidential Proclamation establishing a visa restriction for those who facilitate and enable significant corruption and their immediate family members. This new visa restriction complements existing commitments to use sanction and law enforcement capabilities to target private enablers of public corruption. Earlier this year, the FBI and DOJ secured a guilty plea and a criminal penalty of $661 million from Gunvor – one of the largest commodities trading firms in the world – for facilitating bribery of Ecuadorian officials and laundering those bribes through U.S. banks. In addition, USAID launched new activities to incentivize integrity within professions that serve as gatekeepers to the international financial system.
Upholding international standards: The United States has helped lead efforts to expand anti-corruption work at the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), including improving assessment tools, mitigating risks associated with “golden passport” programs, and highlighting how non-financial sectors can be abused by corrupt actors.
Keeping America and our partners safe
Addressing corruption risk in the security sector: Security sector corruption can divert essential supplies, empower malign actors, threaten the safety of U.S. service members, and undermine U.S. military missions writ large. In the past year, the Department of Defense (DOD) incorporated corruption risk into its security cooperation planning – subjecting certain proposals to further scrutiny and identifying risk mitigation measures as needed. State also created new resources to weigh corruption risk as part of security sector assistance decision-making. In addition, State’s Global Defense Reform Program and DOD’s institutional capacity building programs advanced more transparent, accountable, and professional defense institutions. DOD continued running a training course on combatting corruption for partner military commanders and civilian leaders.
Tackling organized crime and corruption: Transnational criminal organizations often rely on corruption to enable their criminal activities and evade accountability – which fuels narcotrafficking into the United States, human smuggling, cybercrimes, and more. The U.S. government is deploying anti-corruption tools to target criminal networks and their financial enablers, in line with the 2023 White House Strategy to Combat Transnational Organized Crime.
Standing up to Russia’s aggression: The United States has adapted to address the wartime needs of Ukraine’s anti-corruption stakeholders, as they close off a key vector for Russian dominance and advance Ukraine’s democratic future. In 2023, Ukrainian anti-corruption investigators and prosecutors achieved an 80 percent increase in prosecutions and a 50 percent increase in convictions, plus opened cases against high-ranking officials including the former head of the Ukrainian Supreme Court. With U.S. support, Ukraine has advanced significant reforms on asset disclosure, launched a whistleblower portal, strengthened the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, and enhanced transparency and integrity in reconstruction.
Securing a greener future: The United States has integrated an anti-corruption lens across sectors, with particular emphasis on addressing corruption vulnerabilities that threaten a secure, just energy transition for all. This includes USAID support to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), increased mining transparency in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia, and innovations that address transnational corruption in green energy mineral supply chains across 15 countries.
Protecting global health: Corruption curtails the ability of states to respond to pandemics and undercuts access to basic healthcare. USAID is tackling this challenge by releasing cutting-edge guidance on anti-corruption in the health sector and launching integrated programming. For example, in Liberia the United States is working with the government to curb theft of pharmaceuticals through civil society monitoring, law enforcement trainings, and public awareness campaigns.
Addressing the root causes of migration: Combating corruption is a core component of improving conditions in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras – so people do not feel compelled to leave their homes, in line with the U.S. Strategy for Addressing the Root Causes of Migration in Central America. Recent U.S. actions have included training up to 27,000 justice sector stakeholders in those countries to more effectively address corruption.
Defending democracy by rooting out corruption
Tackling electoral corruption: When candidates can be bankrolled by foreign adversaries and institutions captured by kleptocrats, citizens lose faith in their governments—or even in democracy itself. In response, USAID has launched new programs to bolster electoral integrity, strengthen independent media, and increase the transparency of political finance in high-risk locations.
Lifting up civil society and independent media: The U.S. government has substantially expanded support to frontline activists and journalists, including through the Global Anti-Corruption Consortium. In addition, a new State Department initiative is training hundreds of journalists in transnational corruption investigations, while USAID’s new investigative journalist networks in Asia and Southern Africa are building capacity to track corruption across sectors and across borders. The Secretary of State established a new award for Anti-Corruption Champions, which has honored dozens of courageous civil society leaders and embattled reformers. In 2022, the United States also hosted the largest regular gathering of civil society activists fighting corruption – the International Anti-Corruption Conference – in Washington, DC, with keynote remarks from APNSA Jake Sullivan.
Protecting sovereignty: Authoritarian actors like Russia and the PRC use bribery to interfere in the policy, procurement, debt, and electoral processes of other countries – undermining both sovereignty and democracy. The United States is standing up to this tactic by building the resilience of frontline actors to detect and deflect foreign-backed strategic corruption, educating partners about the kleptocrats’ playbook, harnessing sanction tools to deter threats, and increasing collaboration between practitioners working on anti-corruption and those addressing foreign malign influence – both within the USG and with likeminded partners. For example, in June the United States joined with Canada and the UK to expose Russia’s use of corruption and covert financing, among other tactics, to undermine democratic processes in Moldova.
Restoring trust in American democracy: The Biden-Harris Administration has established the strongest ethics standards of any U.S. presidency. On his first day in office, the President signed an Executive Order requiring administration officials to take a stringent ethics pledge, which extends lobbying bans, limits shadow lobbying, and makes ethics waivers more transparent. The Administration also restored longstanding democratic norms by protecting DOJ cases from political interference, releasing the President’s and Vice-President’s taxes, and voluntarily disclosing White House visitor logs. And in the last year, the Office of Government Ethics finalized rules updating the standards for ethical conduct and legal expense funds for executive branch employees.
Protecting American democracy from malign finance: Just as we defend democracy around the world, the U.S. government is working to keep American democracy safe from foreign adversaries. Actions to curb money laundering in the United States can help reduce the ability of foreign and domestic actors to make illegal campaign contributions and evade U.S. election laws. President Biden has called on Congress to go even further by passing the DISCLOSE Act, which would curb the ability of foreign entities and special interests to use dark money loopholes to influence our elections.
Revitalizing participation in the Open Government Partnership (OGP): The United States rejoined the Steering Committee of OGP – a platform for civil society and governments to forge joint commitments and learn from each other– and provided assistance for OGP’s work on anti-corruption. Domestically, the United States has turbocharged OGP implementation by creating the U.S. Open Government Secretariat at the General Services Administration, an Open Government Federal Advisory Committee, an Interagency Community of Practice – spanning federal, state, local, tribal, and territorial governments, and engaged with hundreds of stakeholders to exchange lessons and expand transparency, accountability, and public participation. The United States also launched the first-ever Request for Information to feed into the 6th U.S. OGP National Action Plan and announced development of a toolkit to help federal agencies more meaningfully engage with the public.
Modernizing and coordinating U.S. government efforts to fight corruption
Institutionalizing anti-corruption as an enduring priority: Over the past four years, Departments and Agencies have made substantial organizational improvements to elevate corruption concerns. For example:
The State Department’s new Office of the Coordinator on Global Anti-Corruption leads the integration of anti-corruption priorities into bilateral and other policy processes, conducts targeted diplomatic engagements, and drives strategic planning, including through the Department’s senior-level Anti-Corruption Policy Board. In the past year, the Office jumpstarted implementation of the Combating Global Corruption Act and completed an analysis of anti-corruption assistance to inform future State Department decision-making.
USAID’s new Anti-Corruption Center, within the newly established Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance, serves as a hub of technical expertise and thought leadership – driving the integration of corruption considerations across USAID’s portfolio, supporting USAID Missions in developing localized approaches, managing a suite of programming focused on transnational corruption, and using its convening power and policy insights to forge strategic partnerships. Since 2022, USAID has released its first-ever Anti-Corruption Policy, which outlines a cross-sectoral approach to constraining opportunities for corruption, raising the costs of corruption, and incentivizing integrity – plus a host of tools to drive uptake across USAID.
FBI’s International Corruption Unit expanded an agreement with the State Department to deploy six regional anti-corruption advisors to strategic locations around the world, where they organize regional working groups with local law enforcement officials, provide case-base mentorship, and facilitate coordination with the International Anti-Corruption Coordination Centre.
Expanded interagency capacity has been complemented by the National Security Council’s establishment of a dedicated Director for Anti-Corruption position, for the first time, to ensure whole-of-government coordination and advance anti-corruption within key policy processes.
Leading in multilateral fora: The United States has regained its leadership role in the international bodies that shape anti-corruption norms globally and can sustain momentum across time. In particular, the United States stepped into the presidency of the UN Convention against Corruption Conference of States Parties (UNCAC COSP), proudly hosting in December 2023 thousands of stakeholders in Atlanta, Georgia, led by the U.S. Representative to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield. As part of its commitment to championing the role of non-governmental actors in the fight against corruption, the United States facilitated record civil society participation in UNCAC working group meetings, hosted the first UNCAC Private Sector Forum, and supported inclusive implementation of UNCAC commitments in Latin America, East Africa, and Southeast Asia. The United States also participated in several peer reviews of our own anti-corruption practices over the last three years, and proudly made these results public. Alongside these multilateral fora, we convened the Global Forum on Asset Recovery action series to accelerate practitioner cooperation across the United States, Algeria, Honduras, Iraq, Moldova, Nigeria, Seychelles, Ukraine, the United Kingdom, and Zambia.
Understanding corruption dynamics: The Intelligence Community developed and disseminated new resources to bolster intelligence prioritization, collection and analysis on corrupt actors and their networks. USAID commissioned research on topics like countering corruption through social and behavioral change and State initiated an interagency anti-corruption learning agenda and a small grants program to support it.
Deepening external partnerships: The United States convened a series of coordination meetings with other bilateral donors and philanthropies in order to harmonize our anti-corruption approaches and galvanized anti-corruption resources across the donor community through the Integrity for Development campaign. USAID’s Countering Transnational Corruption Grand Challenge for Development brought together technologists, businesses, activists, and others to collaboratively address concrete corruption challenges.
NEW YORK – New York Attorney General Letitia James today announced that 548 firearms were turned in at a community gun buyback event in Rochester hosted by the Office of the Attorney General (OAG) and the Rochester Police Department. This event was part of Attorney General James’ ongoing effort to combat gun violence and keep New Yorkers safe. To date, Attorney General James has removed more than 8,200 guns from New York state since taking office in 2019.
“Gun buyback events empower local communities to remove unwanted firearms off our streets and out of our communities,” said Attorney General James. “Every one of the guns collected today is another potential life saved and tragedy averted. I thank the Rochester Police Department and my partners in local and state government for working with my office to ensure this event was a success. Together, we will keep protecting New York families from the scourge of gun violence.”
Today’s buyback event in Rochester resulted in 548 guns being turned in, including 32 assault weapons, 306 handguns, and 152 long guns. Following today’s gun buyback event, Attorney General James has helped remove more than 8,200 guns out of New York communities.
“Gun buyback programs like this are important tools to crack down on gun trafficking and keep dangerous weapons out of the wrong hands,” said U.S. Representative Joe Morelle. “I’m grateful to Attorney General James for her leadership, and I look forward to our continued work together to reduce violence and keep our families safe.”
“Gun buyback programs can reduce the number of weapons in our community, help remove firearms from homes where they might be stored unsafely or are no longer desired, and can help to prevent illegal guns from falling into the wrong hands,” said Monroe County Executive Adam Bello. “These programs are part of broader community safety initiatives aimed at reducing gun violence and improving public safety. Thanks to Attorney General Letitia James and the Rochester Police Department for their partnership on this effort.”
“Gun Buyback programs offer one more tool in our comprehensive strategy to confront the challenge of illegal guns and the havoc they’re causing on our streets,” said Rochester Mayor Malik D. Evans. “I encourage anyone with an unwanted firearm in their home to participate in this event and help us reduce firearm violence in our neighborhoods. I want to thank Attorney General Letitia James for partnering with the Rochester Police Department and the Church of Love Faith Center for holding this event in our city and helping us create a safe, equitable and prosperous Rochester by inspiring hope and delivering opportunity for everyone.”
“New Yorkers and Attorney General James are making explicit efforts to curb violence in our communities,” said Senator Samra G. Brouk. “With this gun buyback event, firearms will be removed from our neighborhoods, lowering the chances of violent incidents while compensating individuals for doing the right thing. With community action, we can prevent crises and tragedies in our city.”
“Gun buybacks are about taking guns off our streets, curbing gun violence, and keeping our communities safe,” said Senator Jeremy Cooney. “I want to thank Attorney General Letitia James for hosting this event and for her commitment to public safety across New York.”
“Reducing the supply and spread of uncared-for firearms is a key step towards reducing gun violence in our community,” said Rochester Police Chief David M. Smith. “Although we will always take in unwanted firearms, events like these are a great incentive for community members to do the right thing and surrender unwanted or uncared-for firearms. I would like to thank the Attorney General’s Office for helping us to continue the reduction of gun violence in our community.”
Headline: Average speed camera trial to investigate safety dividend
Published: 21 October 2024
Released by: Minister for Regional Transport and Roads, Minister for Roads
Previously, average speed cameras have only been used in NSW to monitor the speed of heavy vehicles. Road safety benefits will be evaluated when a trial of average speed cameras for light vehicles is conducted from next year.
Legislation that passed NSW Parliament has enabled their use for all vehicles, bringing the state into line with all other Australian mainland states and the ACT where the technology is an integral part of their speed enforcement programs.
The NSW Government will now trial the lifesaving benefits of average speed cameras as part of efforts to combat the rising road toll which today stands at 271 – two more than at the same date in 2023.
The average speed camera trial will build on road safety initiatives introduced by the Minns Labor Government, including:
Seatbelt enforcement by the existing mobile phone camera detection network
Removing a loophole to force all motorists driving on a foreign licence to convert to a NSW licence within six months
The demerit return trial that rewarded more than 1.2 million drivers for maintaining a demerit-offence-free driving record during the initial 12-month period up to 16 January 2024
Doubling roadside enforcement sites used for mobile speed cameras, with the addition of 2,700 new locations where a camera can be deployed. Enforcement hours will remain the same
Hosting the state’s first Road Safety Forum of international and local experts
Signed National Road Safety Data Agreement with the Commonwealth
Speeding is the biggest killer on NSW roads, contributing to 41 per cent of all fatalities over the past decade.
Regional NSW is home to a third of the population but is where two-thirds of all road deaths happen.
Two trials will be conducted on limited stretches of highway in regional NSW to assess whether these measures reduce speeding at these locations, improving safety and preventing injuries and fatalities. The trial areas are:
Pacific Highway between Kew and Lake Innes (Port Macquarie) – 15kms between cameras
Hume Highway between Coolac and Gundagai – 16kms between cameras
There were a combined total of six fatalities and 33 serious injuries between 2018 and 2022 at these locations.
Road safety experts have backed the use of average speed cameras and the NRMA will be part of the assessment process to ensure drivers have a voice in the review of the trial.
Transport for NSW will now work on the technical elements and deliver a communications campaign to inform motorists about the trial to begin mid-2025.
Trials are proposed to begin with a 60-day period in which speeding drivers will receive a warning letter rather than a fine before normal enforcement, including fines and demerit points, begin.
Minister for Roads John Graham said:
“This is the right time to investigate whether lives can be saved by the use of average speed cameras for all vehicles, not only trucks.
“This technology has been found to be effective in other states and in the UK, Norway, Italy and the Netherlands.
“It is our responsibility to properly evaluate whether they are effective in preventing another family and another friendship circle from being devastated – which is the sad result every time someone dies on NSW roads.
“Before trials begin next year, the NSW Government will conduct a comprehensive awareness campaign so the public is aware of average speed cameras and a 60-day warning letter period will give motorists time to adjust to their use in these limited locations.”
Minister for Regional Transport and Roads Jenny Aitchison said:
“In 2023, over two thirds of the deaths on our roads were in regional NSW. Our goal is to assess how effective the cameras can be in changing speeding habits and reducing needless deaths.
“The NSW Government will continue to inform all drivers but particularly the regional communities around these trial sites about how it will work.
“Unfortunately, on Tuesday night we saw Nationals in the Legislative Council cynically voting against the average speed camera trial, putting politics above the safety of the people they purport to represent.
“There have been a few times in this Parliament that the Leader of the Nationals has torched the Coalition agreement allegedly on a matter of principle – but saving lives on our roads in the bush? The Nationals are clearly confused about what is important.”
Source: United States Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives (ATF)
Orlando, Florida – U.S. District Judge Wendy W. Berger has sentenced Brandon Eugene Brooke (30, Debary) to 15 months in federal prison for dealing in firearms without a license. Brooke entered a guilty plea on May 22, 2024.
According to court documents, between April 14 and October 10, 2022, Brooke purchased 69 firearms from federally licensed firearms dealers (FFLs). Many of the firearms were identical and were purchased together or close in time to one another. On October 13, 2022, ATF agents questioned Brooke regarding his repeated purchases of identical firearms from FFLs. A search of Brooke’s phone revealed evidence of firearms dealing.
Following the interview, ATF agents served Brooke with a “Warning Notice of Unlicensed Firearms Dealing in Violation of Federal Law.” In the Notice, Brooke was advised that his firearm transfers constituted dealing in firearms without a license. Brooke signed the Notice, acknowledging receipt, and was given a copy to retain. Following his acknowledgment of the Notice, Brooke continued to deal in firearms without a license, in violation of federal law.
This case was investigated by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the United States Postal Inspection Service, and Homeland Security Investigations. It was prosecuted by Assistant United States Attorney Noah P. Dorman.
This case is part of Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN), a program bringing together all levels of law enforcement and the communities they serve to reduce violent crime and gun violence, and to make our neighborhoods safer for everyone. On May 26, 2021, the Department launched a violent crime reduction strategy strengthening PSN based on these core principles: fostering trust and legitimacy in our communities, supporting community-based organizations that help prevent violence from occurring in the first place, setting focused and strategic enforcement priorities, and measuring the results.
Source: United States Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives (ATF)
CHICAGO — A man has been charged in federal court with illegally possessing a machine gun conversion device in his Chicago residence last week.
Federal law enforcement on Thursday executed a court-authorized search of LATAVION JOHNSON’s residence on the South Side of Chicago and discovered the conversion device in a tool bag in Johnson’s bedroom, according to a criminal complaint filed in U.S. District Court in Chicago. When equipped to a firearm, the conversion device, also known as a “Glock switch” or “auto sear,” allows the gun to fire multiple rounds with a single pull of the trigger.
The complaint alleges that Johnson posted videos on social media showing himself possessing a firearm equipped with a conversion device. Johnson also allegedly posted a photograph of a conversion device next to a stack of $20 bills.
The complaint charges Johnson, 22, with one count of possession of a machine gun, which is punishable by a maximum sentence of ten years in federal prison. Johnson was arrested on Friday and remains in federal custody. A detention hearing is set for Wednesday at 11:00 a.m. before U.S. Magistrate Judge Sheila M. Finnegan. The U.S. Attorney’s Office will seek Johnson’s continued pre-trial detention.
The complaint and arrest were announced by Morris Pasqual, Acting United States Attorney for the Northern District of Illinois, Christopher Amon, Special Agent-in-Charge of the Chicago Field Division of the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives, and Larry Snelling, Superintendent of the Chicago Police Department. The government is represented by Assistant U.S. Attorney Saqib M. Hussain.
The ongoing investigation is being conducted in coordination with ATF’s Crime Gun Intelligence Center of Chicago. The CGIC is a centralized law enforcement hub that focuses exclusively on investigating and preventing gun violence in Chicago and throughout northern Illinois. The CGIC is an interagency collaboration that brings together – under one roof – federal, state, and local law enforcement officers, prosecutors, and intelligence analysts to move quickly to investigate and prosecute violent crimes.
Holding illegal firearm possessors accountable through federal prosecution is also a centerpiece of Project Safe Neighborhoods, the Department of Justice’s violent crime reduction strategy. In the Northern District of Illinois, the U.S. Attorney’s Office and law enforcement partners have deployed the PSN program to attack a broad range of violent crime issues facing the district, particularly firearm offenses.
The public is reminded that a complaint is not evidence of guilt. The defendant is presumed innocent and entitled to a fair trial at which the government has the burden of proving guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.
–having regard to the European Convention on Human Rights of 1950, ratified by Azerbaijan in 2002,
–having regard to the UN Charter,
–having regard to Geneva Conventions of 1949,
–having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966,
–having regard to the joint EU-US-Armenia high-level meeting of 5 April 2024 in support of Armenia’s resilience,
–having regard to its previous resolutions on Armenia and Azerbaijan,
–having regard to the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement between the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community and their Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Armenia, of the other part[1](CEPA), which fully entered into force on 1 March 2021,
–having regard to Decision 99/614/EC, ECSC, Euratom of the Council and of the Commission of 31 May 1999 on the conclusion of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Communities and their Member States, of the one part, and the Republic of Azerbaijan, of the other part[2](EU-Azerbaijan Partnership and Cooperation Agreement), which has been in force since 1999,
–having regard to the launch of the EU Mission in Armenia on 20 February 2023,
–having regard to the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict, to which Armenia and Azerbaijan are parties,
–having regard to the statement of 24 August 2024 by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on behalf of the EU on recent post-election developments,
–having regard to the statement of preliminary findings and conclusions of the International Election Observation Mission of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) on the early parliamentary elections of 1 September 2024 in Azerbaijan,
–having regard to the statement by the European External Action Service (EEAS) spokesperson of 3 September 2024 on Azerbaijan’s early parliamentary elections,
–having regard to the statement by the EEAS spokesperson of 29 May 2024 on the human rights situation in Azerbaijan,
–having regard to the Memorandum of Understanding on a strategic partnership in the field of energy signed between the EU and Azerbaijan on 18 July 2022,
–having regard to the 2023 Eastern Partnership Index,
–having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,
A.whereas Azerbaijan has serious shortcomings in the area of fundamental freedoms, including freedom of expression and assembly and media freedom, and engages in repression of political activists, journalists and civil society, all of which distances Azerbaijan from democratic norms and international human rights standards; whereas corruption and a lack of judicial independence further undermine the country’s governance, while government authorities continue to suppress dissent and persecute critics; whereas despite international agreements and calls for reform, including from the European Parliament, Azerbaijan has made limited to no progress on improving its human rights record;
B.whereas journalists, human rights defenders and activists have been imprisoned in the country, with approximately 30 prominent figures behind bars on politically motivated charges, and a surge in arbitrary arrests and detentions has been reported, their number having tripled as Azerbaijan silences opposition ahead of the upcoming 2024 UN Climate Change Conference (COP29) in Baku, and there are allegations of torture and beatings; whereas notable civil society organisations have called for the EU and international leaders to pressure Azerbaijan to improve its human rights record during COP29, urging the release of political prisoners and an end to arbitrary prosecutions;
C.whereas according to the US Department of State’s Azerbaijan 2023 Human Rights Report, there were credible allegations that the Azerbaijani Government ‘used violence or threats of violence against individuals in other countries as politically motivated reprisal’; whereas according to this report, the Azerbaijani Government ‘limited freedom of expression and media independence’, and ‘there were reports that dissidents and journalists who lived outside the country suffered digital harassment and intimidation of family members who remained in Azerbaijan’;
D.whereas early parliamentary elections were held in Azerbaijan on 1 September 2024, and, according to the OSCE’s International Election Observation Mission, took place ‘in a restrictive political and legal environment that does not enable genuine pluralism and resulted in a contest devoid of competition’;
E.whereas September 2024 was the fourth anniversary of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, and marked one year since Azerbaijan forcibly regained control over Nagorno-Karabakh, which is part of its internationally recognised territory; whereas all the state institutions of the so-called Nagorno-Karabakh Republic were dissolved as of 1 January 2024; whereas these events, preceded by Azerbaijan’s blockade of the Lachin corridor, resulted in the mass exodus of almost the entire population of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh; whereas, as a result, Nagorno-Karabakh has been entirely ethnically cleansed of its Armenian population, who had been living there for centuries;
F.whereas over more than three decades, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has resulted in tens of thousands of casualties, immense destruction, including of cultural, religious and historical heritage, and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people on both sides; whereas there are six interstate cases before the European Court of Human Rights between Armenia and Azerbaijan in relation to the Nagorno-Karabakh region, with both countries standing accused of having violated human rights conventions; whereas Azerbaijan has repeatedly been accused of ethnic cleansing, particularly in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, where it is said to have displaced over 100 000 ethnic Armenians;
G.whereas three decades of diplomacy and peacebuilding efforts by the OSCE, the EU and other international actors have failed to find a peaceful solution to the conflict and, therefore, to deter Azerbaijan from its use of military force;
H.whereas according to the US Department of State’s Azerbaijan 2023 Human Rights Report, the Azerbaijani Government ‘did not take credible steps to punish the majority of officials who were reported to have committed human rights abuses’; whereas the report also states that there was ‘no reported progress on government investigations of alleged abuses committed by Azerbaijani armed forces or individuals during the 2020 and 2022 hostilities’;
I.whereas it is necessary to ensure connectivity between Europe and Asia while avoiding crossing Russian territory; whereas the South Caucasus is in a strategic position for promoting Europe-Asia connectivity, which is particularly important for the EU’s energy capacities and for trade with Central Asia;
J.whereas Armenia has already managed to weaken its ties with Russia in relation to security, as it has frozen its participation in the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization, although it remains a member of the Eurasian Economic Union;
K.whereas the eighth meeting of the border commissions of Armenia and Azerbaijan, held on 19 April 2024, concluded with a preliminary agreement on the delimitation of four border sections;
L.whereas the peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan appear to be at a standstill and it is unlikely that an agreement will be concluded and signed before COP29; whereas the peace deal should contribute to the long-term stability of bilateral relations and of the wider region as a whole; whereas this goal can only be achieved if the authorities of Armenia and Azerbaijan can guarantee peaceful coexistence and respect for minority rights;
M.whereas Azerbaijan is a major oil and natural gas producer, particularly through the Azeri-Chirag-Gunashli oil field and the Shah Deniz gas field in the Caspian Sea, and the country primarily uses the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline to export hydrocarbons to Europe, bypassing Russia and offering the EU an alternative energy source, which is valuable in this geopolitical climate; whereas Azerbaijan’s economy is heavily reliant on oil and gas revenues, which make up more than 90 % of the country’s export revenues and account for a noteworthy portion of the government’s budget;
N.whereas gas contracts between Gazprom and SOCAR for the delivery of one billion cubic metres of gas from Russia to Azerbaijan between November 2022 and March 2023 have raised significant concerns about the re-export of Russian gas to the European market, particularly in light of the memorandum of understanding signed by Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Commission President Ursula von der Leyen; whereas the EU aims to reduce European dependence on Russian gas, but this agreement could be seen as undermining that goal, as Russian gas would still be flowing into Azerbaijan, thus potentially freeing up Azerbaijani gas for increased re-export to the EU; whereas there are significant challenges facing European efforts to replace Russian gas shipped via Ukraine with Azerbaijani gas by the end of 2024, and although Ukraine, the EU and Azerbaijan support the injection of Azerbaijani gas into Russian pipelines, Azerbaijan might lack sufficient gas supplies to make up the shortfall; whereas, in this regard, the Trans-Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline could provide an alternative route to ensure adequate supply, but new infrastructure is required to enhance gas transmission capacity in the interconnections with the EU, particularly through Bulgaria and Romania on one side and the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline on the other, in order to ensure a more efficient and secure flow of gas into the European market;
1.Expresses its concern about the human rights situation in Azerbaijan; urges Azerbaijan to fulfil its obligations under its own constitution and under international agreements to protect fundamental freedoms and respect the human dignity of its citizens, and to cease the use of criminal prosecution as a tool to suppress government critics and members of civil society;
2.Calls on Azerbaijan todrop all charges against Gubad Ibadoghlu, Ilhamiz Guliyev and all other peopleimprisoned for exercising their fundamental rights, to release them and to ensure free and unhindered space for independent journalism and freedom of expression; calls on Azerbaijan to allow Dr Ibadoghlu to travel abroad, unhindered and to the country of his choice, to reunite with his family and to receive the medical care he urgently needs;
3.Calls on the Commission, UN mechanisms and other international actors to step up their efforts to promote human rights and democratic governance in Azerbaijan ahead of COP29;
4.Underlines that COP29 could be an opportunity for Azerbaijan to reaffirm its genuine commitment to its obligations under international law, instead of using it to gloss over its human rights record while continuing repressive practices;
5.Calls on the Commission to work closely with the UN to urgently establish a comprehensive plan for investigating and clarifying the fate of the Armenian military personnel, including women, and the eight unarmed Armenian prisoners of war who were killed or reported missing in connection with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and to conduct impartial inquiries on the ground, facilitate information exchanges, secure unhindered access to detention facilities for international observers through the Council of Europe’s Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, such observers having previously been denied access, and launch a centralised database for tracing and resolving missing persons cases, while also providing the necessary support and resources to the families affected;
6.Demands that Azerbaijan release the 23 Armenian hostages who are still being held in Baku, including the former leaders of Nagorno-Karabakh;
7.Reiterates its condemnation of the Azerbaijani military incursions into the internationally recognised territory of Armenia in recent years; expresses its sympathy with the Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians who had to flee their ancestral lands, and calls on the authorities in Baku to guarantee the safe return of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians and to uphold their rights to cultivate their culture and traditions; welcomes all efforts by the Government of Armenia to provide shelter and aid to the displaced Armenians;
8.Expresses deep concern for the preservation of cultural, religious and historical heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh; urges Azerbaijan to refrain from further destroying, neglecting or altering the origins of cultural, religious or historical heritage in the region; demands the protection of the Armenian cultural, historical and religious heritage in Nagorno-Karabakh in line with UNESCO standards and Azerbaijan’s international commitments; insists that Azerbaijan allow a UNESCO mission to Nagorno-Karabakh and grant it the necessary access to heritage;
9.Strongly condemns Russia’s increasing hybrid attempts to destabilise the political situation inside Armenia and in the region; is concerned that the EU Mission in Armenia is regularly targeted by Russian disinformation attempts and campaigns;
10.Reiterates the EU’s commitment to peace, stability and prosperity in the Caucasus region; underlines its unequivocal support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Armenia and Azerbaijan; expresses support for the normalisation of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, with the goal of achieving lasting peace; encourages both countries to continue to make progress on finalising an agreement and signing a peace deal as soon as possible;
11.Believes that genuine dialogue between Azerbaijan and Armenia is the only sustainable way forward and calls for the EU and its Member States to support such efforts, which must include the mutual recognition of territorial integrity, guarantees for the rights and security of Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenian population and the release of the remaining prisoners, including the former leaders of Nagorno-Karabakh, and an end to the sham trials against them;
12.Stresses that EU involvement in the region should be practical and result-oriented, unlike the role played by Russia, which for decades has fuelled the conflict and used it for its own political gain; welcomes the fact that Armenia has frozen its participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organization; underlines that Azerbaijan’s connectivity issues with its exclave of Nakhchivan should be resolved with full respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Armenia;
13.Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President, Government and Parliament of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the President, Government and Parliament of the Republic of Armenia, the Director-General of UNESCO, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the UN and the Council of Europe.
Source: United States Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives (ATF)
ELIZABETH CITY, N.C. – Maximino Sandoval Penaloza, a 44-year-old resident of Winston-Salem, has been sentenced to 210 months in prison for the distribution of 50 grams or more of methamphetamine in the Wilmington area. Penaloza pled guilty on March 7, 2023.
According to the court documents and other information presented in court, in 2020 law enforcement investigated drug trafficking activities occurring in the Winston-Salem and Wilmington areas of North Carolina. Ultimately, law enforcement learned that a drug trafficking organization was distributing large quantities of cocaine and methamphetamine in various communities in the Eastern District of North Carolina. Penaloza was identified as a member of this organization.
From approximately December 7, 2020, through December 16, 2020, Penaloza communicated with an undercover law enforcement agent regarding the purchase of methamphetamine. On December 16, 2020, Penaloza directed a courier to meet with the undercover law enforcement agent to deliver 191.66 grams of methamphetamine. During additional conversations with the undercover agent, in March of 2021 Penaloza admitted having one kilogram of cocaine for sale. Later, in September of 2021 the undercover agent purchased 519.1 grams of methamphetamine arranged by Penaloza and delivered by a courier.
The investigation further uncovered that Penaloza, is illegally present in the United States, has three prior felony convictions for trafficking cocaine and possessing with the intent to distribute cocaine, resisting a law enforcement officer, and has been previously deported from the United States and returned to Mexico on at least two occasions.
The prosecution of Penaloza was a part of an Organized Crime and Drug Enforcement Task Force Operation (OCDETF). OCDETF identifies, disrupts, and dismantles the highest-level drug traffickers, money launders, gangs, and transnational criminal organizations that threaten the United States by using a prosecutor-led, intelligence-driven, multi-agency approach that leverages the strengths of federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies against criminal networks.
Michael F. Easley, Jr., U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of North Carolina, made the announcement after sentencing by Judge Terrence W. Boyle. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) investigated the case and Assistant U.S. Attorney Jennifer C. Nucci and Julie Childress prosecuted the case.
Source: United States Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives (ATF)
McALLEN, Texas – Three Houston-area residents have been sent to prison following their convictions of possessing with intent to distribute 777 kilograms of meth, announced U.S. Attorney Alamdar S. Hamdani.
Eduardo Figueroa Jr., 29, Cleveland, and Cynara Lucia Sarmiento, 26, Conroe, pleaded guilty March 22, 2023. Marlon Deon Martin, 31, Conroe, pleaded guilty March 21, 2023.
U.S. District Chief Judge Randy Crane has now ordered Figueroa, Sarmiento and Martin to serve 144, 60 and 37 months in federal prison, respectively. All three must also serve three years of supervised release following their sentences. In handing down the prison terms, Chief Judge Crane informed Figueroa that he would end up with the biggest sentence as he was the organizer of this offense. During his statement at sentencing, Figueroa took responsibility for getting his co-conspirators involved and stated that he was in charge. Chief Judge Crane noted that he handed down lighter sentences as the co-conspirators were young and foolish with little to no criminal history who he wanted to help get back on the right path.
At the time of his plea, Figueroa admitted he hired Sarmiento as his personal assistant and tasked her with leasing warehouse space and forming Hive Logistics, a business warehouse located in Houston. Figueroa recruited Martin to help unload the narcotics.
On May 12, 2021, authorities executed a search at the location and discovered 777 kilograms of meth, 10 kilograms of cocaine, ledgers, two pistols and five magazines. The meth was located inside metal barrels marked as mango puree.
In furtherance of his plea, Figueroa admitted the meth was part of a larger shipment he had received, of which approximately 800 kilograms had already been delivered to several individuals. Sarmiento also admitted to creating a ledger for the drugs and delivering them on at least one occasion with Figueroa.
The estimated street value of the meth is $29 million.
This case is part of an exportation and straw purchasing of firearms investigation from March 2021 where Figueroa was identified as a recruiter. He also pleaded guilty to conspiracy to straw purchase five shotguns on Nov. 22, 2021, and was sentenced to 60 months in prison to run concurrently.
Sarmiento and Martin were permitted to remain on bond and voluntarily surrender to a U.S. Bureau of Prisons (BOP) facility to be determined in the near future. Figueroa will remain in custody pending transfer to a BOP facility to be determined in the near future.
Homeland Security Investigations and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives conducted the investigation. Assistant U.S. Attorney M. Alexis Garcia prosecuted the case.
Source: United States Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives (ATF)
RALEIGH, N.C. – United States Attorney Michael F. Easley, Jr., Sampson County Sheriff Jimmy Thornton, and other state and federal law enforcement partners, will hold a press conference tomorrow to announce indictments and arrests related to the October 2023 murder of five people in Clinton.
WHERE: U.S. Attorney’s Office – 150 Fayetteville Street, Suite 2100, Raleigh, NC 27601
WHEN: Wednesday, October 23rd at 10:30 a.m.
Media: please arrive by 10:00 a.m. for set up.
For logistical information in advance of the media availability, please contact Katie Holcomb at USANCE.PublicInfoOfficer@usdoj.gov. No case specific information is available until the press conference.
Source: United States Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives (ATF)
WASHINGTON – Columbian Thomas, 26, of Washington D.C., was sentenced today in U.S. District Court to 160 months in federal prison for participating in a massive fentanyl trafficking conspiracy that distributed hundreds of thousands of fentanyl-laced counterfeit oxycodone pills from Southern California to destinations throughout the United States, including the District. Thomas, aka “Cruddy Murda,” was one of more than two dozen co-defendants arrested over the course of 2023 in D.C., Virginia, Maryland, San Diego, and Los Angeles and charged in the conspiracy.
The sentence was announced by U.S. Attorney Matthew M. Graves, DEA Special Agent in Charge Jarod Forget of the Washington Division, Inspector in Charge Damon E. Wood of the U.S. Postal Inspection Service Washington Division, and Chief Pamela A. Smith of the Metropolitan Police Department.
Thomas pleaded guilty on May 30 to conspiring to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl. In addition to the 160-month prison term, U.S. District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly ordered Thomas to serve five years of supervised release.
The impetus for this investigation was the overdose death of Diamond Lynch, a young mother in Southeast D.C. In addition to investigating and prosecuting the death-resulting case [1] , law enforcement followed the evidence and uncovered a vast network of traffickers who transported fentanyl from Mexico to Los Angeles to the District of Columbia. Since then, investigators have seized more than 450,000 fentanyl pills, 1.5 kilograms of fentanyl powder, and 30 firearms.
According to court documents, Thomas entered into the conspiracy after he was introduced to a Los Angeles-based drug trafficker, who was a distributor of fentanyl-laced counterfeit oxycodone pills. Thomas would travel to Southern California to purchase the fake oxycodone from the L.A. supplier and return to the District with the drugs.
Thomas and his co-conspirators employed two primary methods to transport the pills to the District: they smuggled them in luggage or carry-on items on airline flights, or they shipped the pills using commercial mail carriers.
Thomas often bragged on social media about the lucrative business of fentanyl trafficking and proudly showcased the spoils of his drug trafficking. The below-pictured social media post shows Thomas holding a large stack of U.S. currency, exclaiming “I [love] Cali!!!!”
On June 2, 2023, the date of his arrest, law enforcement found Thomas in the bedroom of his home and recovered a baggie containing about 100 blue M-30 fentanyl-laced counterfeit oxycodone pills, along with a loaded Glock 21 Gen4 pistol that had been equipped with a “giggle switch,” which converted the firearm into a fully automatic machine gun.
In addition to possessing a machine gun and conspiring to distribute more than 400 grams of fentanyl, Thomas, whose rap stage name is “Cruddy Murda,” often boasted about firearms and acts of violence in his songs. Below is a chart outlining the status and charges of other defendants in the case:
DEFENDANT
AGE
LOCATION
CHARGES/SENTENCE
Hector David Valdez,
aka “Curl”
26
Santa Fe Springs, California
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl;
Conspiracy to commit international money laundering.
Craig Eastman
20
Washington, D.C.
Pleaded guilty July 25, 2024, to conspiracy to distribute more than 400 grams of fentanyl.
Sentencing: January 7, 2025.
Charles Jeffrey Taylor
20
Washington, D.C.
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl;
Possession with intent to distribute fentanyl.
Raymond Nava, Jr.
20
Bell Gardens,
California
Sentenced Sept. 17, 2024, to 14 years for conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Ulises Aldaz
28
Bell Gardens,
California
Sentenced June 28, 2024, to 95 months in prison for conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Max Alexander Carias Torres
26
Bell Gardens,
California
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl;
Conspiracy to commit international money laundering
Teron Deandre McNeil, aka “Wild Boy”
34
Washington, D.C.
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Marvin Anthony Bussie,
aka “Money Marr”
21
Washington, D.C.
Sentenced June 28, 2024, to 120 months in prison for conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Marcus Orlando Brown
28
Washington, D.C.
Sentenced on October 9, 2024, to 108 months in prison for conspiracy to distribute 40 grams or more of fentanyl.
Columbian Thomas, aka
“Cruddy Murda”
26
Washington, D.C.
Sentenced October 22, 2024, to 160 months in prison for conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Wayne Rodell Carr-Maiden
29
Washington, D.C.
Sentenced April 29, 2024, to 45 months in prison for conspiracy to distribute 40 grams or more of fentanyl.
Andre Malik Edmond,
aka “Draco”
23
Temple Hills, Maryland
Sentenced July 22, 2024, to 130 months in prison for conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Treyveon James Johnson,
aka “Treyski”
20
Alexandria, Virginia
Sentenced Sept. 5, 2024, to 108 months in prison for conspiracy to distribute 40 grams or more of fentanyl.
Karon Olufemi Blalock,
aka “Fat Bags”
30
Alexandria, Virginia
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Ronte Ricardo Greene,
aka “Cardiddy”
28
Washington, D.C.
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl;
Possession with intent to distribute fentanyl.
Melvin Edward Allen, Jr., aka “21”
38
Washington, D.C.
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Darius Quincy Hodges,
aka “Brick”
34
Glen Allen, Virginia
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Lamin Sesay,
aka “Rock Star”
27
Alexandria, Virginia
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Paul Alejandro Felix
25
Glendale,
California
Pleaded guilty July 1, 2024, to conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Sentencing: November 6, 2024
Omar Arana,
aka “Frogs”
27
Cudahy,
California
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Edgar Balderas, Jr., aka “Nano”
26
San Diego,
California
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Raul Pacheco Ramirez
30
Long Beach,
California
Pleaded guilty July 19, 2024, to conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl.
Sentencing: November 26, 2024.
Giovani Alejandro Briones
30
Victorville, California
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl;
Conspiracy to commit international money laundering.
Alfredo Rodriguez Gonzalez
26
Rosarito, Mexico
Conspiracy to distribute 400 grams or more of fentanyl;
Conspiracy to commit international money laundering.
The prosecutions followed a joint investigation by the DEA Washington Division and the U.S. Postal Inspection Service Washington Division, in partnership with the Metropolitan Police Department and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), with additional support from the DEA Los Angeles, San Diego, and Riverside Field Offices, the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Washington Field Office, and the Charles County, Maryland Sheriff’s Office. Valuable assistance was provided by the U.S. Attorney’s Offices in the Central and Southern Districts of California, the Eastern District of Virginia, and the District of Maryland.
The case is being prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys Matthew W. Kinskey, Solomon S. Eppel, and Iris McCranie of the Violence Reduction and Trafficking Offenses (VRTO) Section.
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
LUSAKA, Oct. 18 — The Chinese Embassy in Zambia said Friday that the two countries have developed a matrix for the implementation of agreements reached at the 2024 Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).
“All relevant Zambian authorities, including the Cabinet Office, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, are working closely with the embassy to make sure that this matrix be translated into real changes on the ground at the end of the day,” Chinese Ambassador to Zambia Han Jing made this statement during a roundtable meeting aimed at assessing the opportunities presented by the FOCAC summit for enhancing China-Zambia relations.
He emphasized that China values concrete action over empty rhetoric and is committed to collaborating with Zambian authorities to ensure the implementation of the FOCAC outcomes.
The meeting, organized by the International Relations Association of Zambia, brought together experts from academia and think tanks to discuss and exchange views on the opportunities presented by the FOCAC summit.
The Chinese ambassador noted that since its establishment in 2000, the FOCAC has become a primary platform for Sino-Africa cooperation and a symbol of South-South cooperation, adding that there was a lot of evidence to testify that Zambia has benefited from the FOCAC.
He expressed confidence that the 2024 FOCAC summit will help boost Zambia’s development, noting that China was determined to support Zambia’s benefit from the FOCAC outcomes such as supporting the southern African nation to improve its business environment, cement its industrial foundation, and upgrade its industries.
In the realm of infrastructure, the Chinese envoy said the revitalization of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA) will serve as a game changer for promoting regional connectivity, positioning Zambia as a land-linked and industrial hub. He further noted that many other infrastructure projects are in the pipeline to facilitate the unimpeded movement of goods and services.
He further said that China would support Zambia in achieving green development following the signing of several cooperation documents during the FOCAC, aimed at ensuring a stable power supply and diversifying the energy mix in the country.
China, he added, is working to bring more capacity building and vocational training in Zambia as part of efforts to promote innovation, which is the best way to achieve sustainable development towards modernization.
Etambuyu Gundersen, permanent secretary for International Cooperation and Relations in Zambia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said the FOCAC has become an important mechanism for cooperation between China and Africa and a significant framework for South-South cooperation.
Gundersen, who congratulated China for successfully hosting the summit, said China’s assistance under the FOCAC, spans a wide range of areas. She highlighted that Zambia’s priority within FOCAC has centered on economic cooperation, aligning with the country’s focus on projects designed to create jobs and sustain economic growth.
Gundersen commended China for its longstanding support to Zambia, emphasizing that the nation remains indebted for this assistance. She also remarked that the two countries have enjoyed warm and cordial relations since establishing diplomatic ties, with their partnership continuing to strengthen over time.
Football is a game of passion, and passions can become particularly inflamed when the sport represents larger political struggles. In Nigeria in 1977, an Africa-wide football contest fuelled the ethnic rivalry between the Yoruba and the Igbo people to the point that the military had to intervene. The game was to be played as a semi-final in the Africa Cup Winners’ Cup, the club football tournament that would go on to become the Caf Confederation Cup.
As scholars of sports communication, we recently published a research paper about that 1977 confrontation between Shooting Stars of Ibadan (Ibadan is home to a Yoruba majority in the south-west) and Enugu Rangers (Enugu is an Igbo state).
Our study adds to a history of football and politics that is not well documented in Africa. In the process it shows that football represents more than just sport, but can also be a way of understanding cultural and political issues.
Yoruba vs Igbo
The rivalry between the Igbos and Yorubas is almost as old as the formation of Nigeria in 1914. Both groups vie politically and for jobs. Each forms roughly a fifth of the Nigerian population. The Igbo had lost political power after the Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970.
This rivalry became particularly visible in Nigerian football from the 1950s when ethnic groups contested annually for the Alex Oni Cup. The Yorubas often won, the Igbos a close second but the tournament was eventually discontinued because of fights between players and spectators.
After this, Igbos did not have a representative club team in national competitions until after the war ended in 1970. Top Igbo footballers were employed at various clubs across the country, particularly in Lagos. Yorubas played for various clubs in their home region. One such club was the Shooting Stars. They made up the bulk of the Ibadan Lions team that won the national Challenge Cup four times from 1959 to 1969.
After the civil war, most Igbo footballers – who had fought unsuccessfully for the secession of Biafra state – were afraid to live in other parts of the country. Enugu Rangers was formed and the club dominated Nigerian football in the 1970s and 1980s.
Shooting Stars had become the beacon club of the Yorubas and quickly developed a rivalry with Enugu Rangers.
The semi-final that caused all the trouble
This ongoing rivalry escalated when the two clubs beat off opposition from across the continent to meet in the two legs of the semi-final of the Africa Cup Winners Cup in 1977. Shooting Stars were defending the title. Rangers chose not to take part in the more prestigious Africa Champions Club’s Cup – instead they sought to equal Shooting Stars’ feat of winning the Cup Winners Cup.
To add to the tension, Nigeria’s national team was made up of mainly by players from these two clubs – and the national team was competing in the last stage of the qualifiers for the 1978 men’s football World Cup. It was feared that the rivalry would affect its chances. Almost daily, the newspapers reported on accusations levelled by officials of the two teams at each other and the Nigerian Football Association (today the Nigeria Football Federation).
The association had to find solutions – fast. Both teams had played their home matches in their own cities so far. The association decided that their two semi-final games should be played in a “neutral” location: Lagos.
But after the first leg, a designated “home game” for Shooting Stars, ended 0-0, controversy erupted. Lagos is in the west of the country, home of the Yorubas. This was seen to give the Shooting Stars an advantage. There was also controversy about whether the teams could call up some or all of their players in the national team. The association’s authority to re-schedule the second leg was then called into question. These issues were argued at fever pitch and publicly by fans and in the media, with threats and ethnic undertones.
The association wanted to bar both Rangers and Shooting Stars from using their national team players, but was eventually forced to agree on the release of all players to play in the final leg of the Africa Cup Winners’ Cup semi-final. But not before making a very late request that the Confederation of African Football put off the game until after the national team’s World Cup qualifying games.
Shooting Stars, frustrated by the postponement, lashed out publicly and in the media. They accused Nigeria’s federal sports commissioner, Dandeson Isokrari, of ethnocentrism and favouritism. Isokrari was an easterner, from Enugu Rangers territory.
With tension boiling over and threats issued from both sides, the second-in-command of the Nigeria state, Major General Musa Yar’ Adua, stepped in to avoid ethnic strife and possible violence. He instructed the match to move to Kaduna, a northern city, away from the homes of the clubs. This decision by the country’s military leadership calmed nerves.
An overflowing crowd packed the Kaduna venue from the early morning. In the early minutes of the game, Shooting Stars mounted a siege in the Rangers’ goal area. It was so tense that journalists and photographers converged behind the Rangers goal. Angry Rangers supporters claimed they were not journalists and photographers, but disguised juju men concocting mystical incantations that kept the ball rooted in the Rangers goal area.
The match ended in another 0-0 tie but Rangers advanced when goalkeeper Emmanuel Okala helped to turn the penalty kick tiebreaker in the club’s favour, 4-2. Despite the tensions, there were no reported incidents of violence during the match.
This epic contest between two clubs during a continental cup contest in 1977 reminds us of the rivalry that persists even today among ethnic groups across the continent. Football often represents such ethnic rivalries beyond the field of play – and in the case of Enugu Rangers and Shooting Stars it reached a dangerous level that forced the state to step in.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Chuka Onwumechili, Professor of Communications, Howard University
Football is a game of passion, and passions can become particularly inflamed when the sport represents larger political struggles. In Nigeria in 1977, an Africa-wide football contest fuelled the ethnic rivalry between the Yoruba and the Igbo people to the point that the military had to intervene. The game was to be played as a semi-final in the Africa Cup Winners’ Cup, the club football tournament that would go on to become the Caf Confederation Cup.
As scholars of sports communication, we recently published a research paper about that 1977 confrontation between Shooting Stars of Ibadan (Ibadan is home to a Yoruba majority in the south-west) and Enugu Rangers (Enugu is an Igbo state).
Our study adds to a history of football and politics that is not well documented in Africa. In the process it shows that football represents more than just sport, but can also be a way of understanding cultural and political issues.
Yoruba vs Igbo
The rivalry between the Igbos and Yorubas is almost as old as the formation of Nigeria in 1914. Both groups vie politically and for jobs. Each forms roughly a fifth of the Nigerian population. The Igbo had lost political power after the Nigerian Civil War of 1967-1970.
This rivalry became particularly visible in Nigerian football from the 1950s when ethnic groups contested annually for the Alex Oni Cup. The Yorubas often won, the Igbos a close second but the tournament was eventually discontinued because of fights between players and spectators.
After this, Igbos did not have a representative club team in national competitions until after the war ended in 1970. Top Igbo footballers were employed at various clubs across the country, particularly in Lagos. Yorubas played for various clubs in their home region. One such club was the Shooting Stars. They made up the bulk of the Ibadan Lions team that won the national Challenge Cup four times from 1959 to 1969.
After the civil war, most Igbo footballers – who had fought unsuccessfully for the secession of Biafra state – were afraid to live in other parts of the country. Enugu Rangers was formed and the club dominated Nigerian football in the 1970s and 1980s.
Shooting Stars had become the beacon club of the Yorubas and quickly developed a rivalry with Enugu Rangers.
The semi-final that caused all the trouble
This ongoing rivalry escalated when the two clubs beat off opposition from across the continent to meet in the two legs of the semi-final of the Africa Cup Winners Cup in 1977. Shooting Stars were defending the title. Rangers chose not to take part in the more prestigious Africa Champions Club’s Cup – instead they sought to equal Shooting Stars’ feat of winning the Cup Winners Cup.
To add to the tension, Nigeria’s national team was made up of mainly by players from these two clubs – and the national team was competing in the last stage of the qualifiers for the 1978 men’s football World Cup. It was feared that the rivalry would affect its chances. Almost daily, the newspapers reported on accusations levelled by officials of the two teams at each other and the Nigerian Football Association (today the Nigeria Football Federation).
The association had to find solutions – fast. Both teams had played their home matches in their own cities so far. The association decided that their two semi-final games should be played in a “neutral” location: Lagos.
But after the first leg, a designated “home game” for Shooting Stars, ended 0-0, controversy erupted. Lagos is in the west of the country, home of the Yorubas. This was seen to give the Shooting Stars an advantage. There was also controversy about whether the teams could call up some or all of their players in the national team. The association’s authority to re-schedule the second leg was then called into question. These issues were argued at fever pitch and publicly by fans and in the media, with threats and ethnic undertones.
The association wanted to bar both Rangers and Shooting Stars from using their national team players, but was eventually forced to agree on the release of all players to play in the final leg of the Africa Cup Winners’ Cup semi-final. But not before making a very late request that the Confederation of African Football put off the game until after the national team’s World Cup qualifying games.
Shooting Stars, frustrated by the postponement, lashed out publicly and in the media. They accused Nigeria’s federal sports commissioner, Dandeson Isokrari, of ethnocentrism and favouritism. Isokrari was an easterner, from Enugu Rangers territory.
With tension boiling over and threats issued from both sides, the second-in-command of the Nigeria state, Major General Musa Yar’ Adua, stepped in to avoid ethnic strife and possible violence. He instructed the match to move to Kaduna, a northern city, away from the homes of the clubs. This decision by the country’s military leadership calmed nerves.
An overflowing crowd packed the Kaduna venue from the early morning. In the early minutes of the game, Shooting Stars mounted a siege in the Rangers’ goal area. It was so tense that journalists and photographers converged behind the Rangers goal. Angry Rangers supporters claimed they were not journalists and photographers, but disguised juju men concocting mystical incantations that kept the ball rooted in the Rangers goal area.
The match ended in another 0-0 tie but Rangers advanced when goalkeeper Emmanuel Okala helped to turn the penalty kick tiebreaker in the club’s favour, 4-2. Despite the tensions, there were no reported incidents of violence during the match.
This epic contest between two clubs during a continental cup contest in 1977 reminds us of the rivalry that persists even today among ethnic groups across the continent. Football often represents such ethnic rivalries beyond the field of play – and in the case of Enugu Rangers and Shooting Stars it reached a dangerous level that forced the state to step in.
Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) State Crime Alerts (b)
KANSAS CITY, Mo. – A Kansas City, Mo., man pleaded guilty in federal court today to distributing fentanyl, which resulted in three overdose deaths in Belton and Raymore, Mo., as part of a drug-trafficking conspiracy.
Tiger Dean Draggoo, 24, pleaded guilty before U.S. District Judge Roseann A. Ketchmark to one count of conspiracy to distribute fentanyl and three counts of distributing fentanyl resulting in death.
By pleading guilty today, Draggoo admitted that he distributed fentanyl on Sept. 3, 2022, the use of which caused the death of another person. Draggoo admitted that he distributed fentanyl between Aug. 22 and Sept. 13, 2022, the use of which caused the death of another person. Draggoo admitted that he distributed fentanyl between Dec. 7 and 20, 2022, the use of which caused the death of another person.
Draggoo also admitted that the government’s evidence of the total amount of drugs he is responsible for distributing or possessing is at least 22,364 pills that contained a total of 2,460 grams of fentanyl.
Victim #1 Fatality
On Sept. 4, 2022, Cass County, Mo., sheriff’s deputies found a juvenile, identified in court documents as “Victim #1,” deceased in her bedroom. An autopsy report identified “Fentanyl Intoxication” as the cause of death. Investigators determined that Draggoo was selling fentanyl pills to the victim and had supplied her with fentanyl pills on the evening of Sept. 3, 2022.
Victim #2 Fatality
On Sept. 13, 2022, a deceased person, identified in court documents as “Victim #2,” was found in the Belton residence where she lived with her mother. A blue pill was found in her bedroom, which was tested and determined to contain fentanyl. An autopsy report identified the cause of death as “Acute Fentanyl Toxicity.” Investigators learned that Draggoo was selling fentanyl pills to Victim #2. Draggoo typically would drop off pills near midnight at Victim #2’s bedroom window, and cell phone GPS information indicated Draggoo was in the area of Victim #2’s residence at approximately 12:20 a.m on Sept. 13, 2022.
Attempted Arrest of Draggoo
On Sept. 22, 2022, law enforcement officers conducted surveillance of Draggoo’s apartment and attempted to arrest him. Draggoo got into a Jeep Renegade driven by his brother, co-defendant Colt Justin Draggoo, 21, of Kansas City, Mo. Officers attempted to conduct a traffic stop of the vehicle, but the vehicle fled. Tiger and Colt Draggoo later returned to the apartment complex, but when an officer drove into the parking lot, Tiger Draggoo ran into the apartment building and was able to escape.
Colt Draggoo was arrested. Officers found a loaded Springfield Armory 9mm handgun sitting on the driver’s seat of the Jeep. A laundry bag in the back seat contained two fire safes that had a total of $184,500 in cash. Colt Draggoo has pleaded guilty to his role in the drug-trafficking conspiracy.
Officers searched Tiger Draggoo’s apartment and found 17 firearms, including two machine guns, ammunition of various calibers, $246,769 in cash, a ballistic vest with plates, a money counter, numerous pills that contained fentanyl, eight suspected LSD tabs, and marijuana. The 17 firearms included a Del-Ton 5.56-caliber rifle (converted into a machine gun), a Glock switch (used to convert a Glock pistol into a machine gun), three Marlin .22-caliber rifles, a Norinco 7.62-caliber rifle, a Mosin-Nagant rifle, an Anderson Manufacturing AM-15 .223-caliber rifle, a Mossberg 12-gauge shotgun, an Armscorp USA .308-caliber rifle, a Century Arms 7.62-caliber rifle, a Herbert Schmidt .22-caliber revolver, a New England Firearms .22-caliber revolver, a Kimber 9mm pistol, a Glock 9mm pistol, a Sig Sauer 9mm pistol, and a Metro Arms .45-caliber pistol.
Victim #3 Fatality
On Dec. 20, 2022, Raymore police officers were dispatched to a residence in Raymore regarding a non-breathing female, identified in court documents as Victim #3. Victim #3 was transported to a local hospital where she was pronounced deceased. A small jewelry box in Victim #3’s bedroom contained three broken segments of a blue pill that were tested and determined to contain fentanyl. An autopsy report identified the cause of death as “Acute Fentanyl Toxicity.” Investigators learned that Tiger Draggoo had been selling fentanyl to Victim #3 since as early as May 31, 2022. The last Facebook Messengers conversation between Tiger Draggoo and Victim #3 occurred on Dec. 7, 2022, when they agreed to meet and an amount of $50 was agreed upon.
Arrest of Draggoo
Tiger Draggoo was arrested at his residence on Jan. 20, 2023. Tiger Draggoo was in possession of almost $2,000 in cash in his billfold and pockets. Officers searched Tiger Draggoo’s apartment and recovered pills from the toilet. Officers also found suspected psilocybin mushrooms, 144 grams of yellow THC wax, and more than $62,000 in additional cash. Officers searched Tiger Draggoo’s Honda Accord and found three handguns, a Palmetto State Armory multi-caliber rifle, an unregistered short-barreled 12-gauge shotgun, and $1,250 in cash. Officers searched his girlfriend’s Jeep Renegade, which was located at the apartment complex, and found a backpack that contained more than $82,000 in cash.
Under federal statutes, Tiger Draggoo is subject to a mandatory minimum sentence of 20 years in federal prison without parole, up to a sentence of life in federal prison without parole. The maximum statutory sentence is prescribed by Congress and is provided here for informational purposes, as the sentencing of the defendant will be determined by the court based on the advisory sentencing guidelines and other statutory factors. A sentencing hearing will be scheduled after the completion of a presentence investigation by the United States Probation Office.
This case is being prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys Brad K. Kavanaugh and Robert Smith. It was investigated by the Jackson County Drug Task Force, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the Belton, Mo., Police Department, the Raymore, Mo., Police Department, the Cass County, Mo., Sheriff’s Department, and the FBI.