Category: housing

  • MIL-OSI USA: Booker Announces New Communications Director, Staff Promotions

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for New Jersey Cory Booker

    WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, U.S. Senator Cory Booker (D-NJ) announced a new hire and staff promotions on his communications team.  

    • David Bergstein has joined Booker’s office as Communications Director. Most recently, Bergstein served four years as Communications Director of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC). During the 2020 presidential cycle, Bergstein served as Director of Battleground State Communications for the Democratic National Committee. His additional experience includes working as the National Press Secretary for the DSCC, Southern Regional Press Secretary for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and holding senior communications roles on campaigns for Senate, Governor, U.S. House and Mayor. 
    • Jeff Giertz has been promoted to Staff Director of Senate Democrats’ Strategic Communications Committee, which is chaired by Senator Booker. Giertz most recently served as Senator Booker’s Senior Advisor and Communications Director. Giertz first joined Booker’s office in 2015, and also worked as National Communications Director on Booker’s presidential campaign in 2019. 
    • Maya Krishna-Rogers has been promoted to Senior Advisor. Krishna-Rogers most recently served as Senator Booker’s Deputy Communications Director. She first joined Booker’s office in 2022 as National Press Secretary.

    “David’s knowledge and skills will strengthen our tremendously talented communications team in the fights ahead – and I look forward to working with David, Jeff, and Maya to stand up for New Jerseyans and all Americans in this moment when the need for clear voices, a strong message and new tactics has never been more important,” said Senator Booker.

    “Senator Booker is a leader who stands up no matter how tough or how long the fight, and his voice rallies Americans of every background and political persuasion to do what is right. I look forward to joining his team and I’m excited to get to work,” said Senator Booker Communications Director David Bergstein

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Justice Catches Up With Suspected Maryland Murderer in Auburn, Maine

    Source: US Marshals Service

    Portland, ME – The U.S. Marshals Service (USMS) in Maine, announce the arrest of Ja’bril Roynell Walters, 31, in Auburn, ME for first-degree murder, second-degree murder, use of a firearm in commission of a violent crime, and 5 counts of first degree assault. All warrants were issued out of the State of Maryland.

    The USMS led, Maine Violent Offender Task Force (MVOTF), received a collateral lead from the USMS Capital Area Regional Fugitive Task Force (CARFTF) in Maryland. They believed Walters had fled to Maine and maybe be hiding under an alias. Walters had been wanted since July of 2024.

    Task Force members, through thorough investigative efforts, which spanned the towns of Durham, Lewiston, and Auburn, developed significant information which led investigators to a residence in Auburn, ME. Task Force members were able to identify Walters inside a house and safely apprehend him without incident.

    Walters was charged as a Fugitive from Justice, pending his extradition back to Maryland.

    The District of Maine’s, Chief Deputy U.S. Marshal, Josh Taylor said, “The Maine Violent Offender Task Force will go to unlimited lengths to bring dangerous fugitives to justice in order to keep communities in Maine safe.” The USMS MVOTF was also assisted by the Lewiston Police Department.

    The USMS, Maine Violent Offender Task Force is comprised of members of the U.S. Marshals Service, Maine Department of Corrections, Biddeford Police Department, U.S. Border Patrol, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Maine National Guard Counterdrug Task Force, and the Coast Guard Investigative Service.

    If you have any information regarding the whereabouts of any state or federal fugitive, please contact the United States Marshals Service, District of Maine at MED.TIPLINE@usdoj.gov.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: Justice Catches Up With Suspected Maryland Murderer in Auburn, Maine

    Source: US Marshals Service

    Portland, ME – The U.S. Marshals Service (USMS) in Maine, announce the arrest of Ja’bril Roynell Walters, 31, in Auburn, ME for first-degree murder, second-degree murder, use of a firearm in commission of a violent crime, and 5 counts of first degree assault. All warrants were issued out of the State of Maryland.

    The USMS led, Maine Violent Offender Task Force (MVOTF), received a collateral lead from the USMS Capital Area Regional Fugitive Task Force (CARFTF) in Maryland. They believed Walters had fled to Maine and maybe be hiding under an alias. Walters had been wanted since July of 2024.

    Task Force members, through thorough investigative efforts, which spanned the towns of Durham, Lewiston, and Auburn, developed significant information which led investigators to a residence in Auburn, ME. Task Force members were able to identify Walters inside a house and safely apprehend him without incident.

    Walters was charged as a Fugitive from Justice, pending his extradition back to Maryland.

    The District of Maine’s, Chief Deputy U.S. Marshal, Josh Taylor said, “The Maine Violent Offender Task Force will go to unlimited lengths to bring dangerous fugitives to justice in order to keep communities in Maine safe.” The USMS MVOTF was also assisted by the Lewiston Police Department.

    The USMS, Maine Violent Offender Task Force is comprised of members of the U.S. Marshals Service, Maine Department of Corrections, Biddeford Police Department, U.S. Border Patrol, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Maine National Guard Counterdrug Task Force, and the Coast Guard Investigative Service.

    If you have any information regarding the whereabouts of any state or federal fugitive, please contact the United States Marshals Service, District of Maine at MED.TIPLINE@usdoj.gov.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: UK: Amnesty International and disabled people back UN concern over PIP and UC bill

    Source: Amnesty International –

    Protests against the PIP and UC bill in Rachel Reeves’s constituency

    UK: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL AND DISABLED PEOPLE BACK UN CONCERNS OVER PIP AND UC BILL

    Amnesty International and The Disabled Persons Organisations Forum England (DPOFE) and have called for the PIP and UC bill to be scrapped after the UN wrote to the UK Government raising concerns over its impact on disabled people

    The letter highlights concerns that the remaining cuts to universal credit could lead to increased poverty despite previous UN condemnation of grave and systemic rights violations.

    “Disabled People’s Organisations faced such hostility from our government that we reached out for help to the UN. They have now answered our call” Rick Burgess Co-Chair of The Disabled Persons Organisations Forum England (DPOFE)

    “It should shame the Government that the UN has felt the need to intervene over their brutal cuts to Universal Credit” – Amnesty International’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Lead Jen Clark

    Disabled Persons Organisations Forum England and Amnesty International have called on the Government to scrap the PIP and UC bill, following a letter by the UN raising concerns over the impact of the bill. The UN letter highlight a lack of consultation with disabled people, inadequate impact assessments, and regressive policy changes that risk deepening poverty and rights violations, particularly for those with complex needs, amongst other concerns.

    The UN have called for a response to their letter by the 11th of August.

    Commenting on the UN’s letter, Rick Burgess, co-founder of Co-Chair of the DPOFE and Amnesty International UK Disabled People’s Human Rights Network said: “Disabled People’s Organisations faced such hostility from our government that we reached out for help to the UN. They have now answered our call and it is clear that Keir Starmer risks further destroying disabled people’s human rights if his government carries on with its Bills and does not change ableist assumptions about us. It is utterly shameful we have to yet again appeal for international help to defend us against our own government.”

    Commenting on the proposed cuts to Universal Credit, Amnesty International’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Lead, Jen Clark said:

    “It should shame the Government that the UN has felt the need to intervene over these rushed, shambolic brutal cuts to Universal Credit and wider social security reform. These cuts will leave young disabled people or those with illnesses that vary day to day, such as mental health conditions and multiple sclerosis, at high risk of being pushed into poverty and unable to access their basic rights to food, housing and the care they need. Following the pause on the cuts to PIP, the bill should now be fully scrapped. It is unforgivable that the Government is choosing to balance the books by impoverishing some of the most vulnerable people in our society, instead of asking the very wealthiest to pay more.”

    View latest press releases

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: UK: Amnesty International and disabled people back UN concern over PIP and UC bill

    Source: Amnesty International –

    Protests against the PIP and UC bill in Rachel Reeves’s constituency

    UK: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL AND DISABLED PEOPLE BACK UN CONCERNS OVER PIP AND UC BILL

    Amnesty International and The Disabled Persons Organisations Forum England (DPOFE) and have called for the PIP and UC bill to be scrapped after the UN wrote to the UK Government raising concerns over its impact on disabled people

    The letter highlights concerns that the remaining cuts to universal credit could lead to increased poverty despite previous UN condemnation of grave and systemic rights violations.

    “Disabled People’s Organisations faced such hostility from our government that we reached out for help to the UN. They have now answered our call” Rick Burgess Co-Chair of The Disabled Persons Organisations Forum England (DPOFE)

    “It should shame the Government that the UN has felt the need to intervene over their brutal cuts to Universal Credit” – Amnesty International’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Lead Jen Clark

    Disabled Persons Organisations Forum England and Amnesty International have called on the Government to scrap the PIP and UC bill, following a letter by the UN raising concerns over the impact of the bill. The UN letter highlight a lack of consultation with disabled people, inadequate impact assessments, and regressive policy changes that risk deepening poverty and rights violations, particularly for those with complex needs, amongst other concerns.

    The UN have called for a response to their letter by the 11th of August.

    Commenting on the UN’s letter, Rick Burgess, co-founder of Co-Chair of the DPOFE and Amnesty International UK Disabled People’s Human Rights Network said: “Disabled People’s Organisations faced such hostility from our government that we reached out for help to the UN. They have now answered our call and it is clear that Keir Starmer risks further destroying disabled people’s human rights if his government carries on with its Bills and does not change ableist assumptions about us. It is utterly shameful we have to yet again appeal for international help to defend us against our own government.”

    Commenting on the proposed cuts to Universal Credit, Amnesty International’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Lead, Jen Clark said:

    “It should shame the Government that the UN has felt the need to intervene over these rushed, shambolic brutal cuts to Universal Credit and wider social security reform. These cuts will leave young disabled people or those with illnesses that vary day to day, such as mental health conditions and multiple sclerosis, at high risk of being pushed into poverty and unable to access their basic rights to food, housing and the care they need. Following the pause on the cuts to PIP, the bill should now be fully scrapped. It is unforgivable that the Government is choosing to balance the books by impoverishing some of the most vulnerable people in our society, instead of asking the very wealthiest to pay more.”

    View latest press releases

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Egypt: Release people detained over expressing support for Gaza March  

    Source: Amnesty International –

    Egyptian authorities must unconditionally and immediately release anyone detained solely for expressing solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza amidst Israel’s ongoing genocide, including at least seven Egyptian nationals detained for expressing support for the Gaza March, Amnesty International said today. The organization is also calling on the authorities to investigate allegations of torture and other ill-treatment related to the arrests and deportations of international activists in connection with the planned solidarity march.

    Hundreds of international activists travelled to Egypt in June to take part in a global march to the city of Rafah in a bid to break Israel’s illegal blockade on the occupied Gaza Strip, but Egyptian authorities responded by arresting scores of Egyptian and foreign nationals and deporting non-Egyptians.  

    Amnesty International documented the arbitrary detention, incommunicado detention, and ill-treatment of three Egyptians and five foreign nationals in connection with the Gaza March between 10 and 16 June. Amnesty International obtained a testimony that at least one Egyptian national was subjected to torture during their detention. The organization is calling for all those still being held solely for expressing solidarity with Palestinians to be unconditionally and immediately released, including those detained for expressing solidarity with Palestinians since October 2023. 

    It is unthinkable that Egyptian authorities are arresting and punishing activists for showing solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza while Israel is committing genocide against them.

    Mahmoud Shalaby, Egypt and Libya Researcher at Amnesty International.

    “The world has seen a glimpse of the brutality that Egyptian authorities continue to inflict on dissidents. The arbitrary arrests and ill-treatment that these activists have been subjected to represents just a fraction of the ongoing repression faced by virtually anyone who expresses views not condoned by the government,” said Mahmoud Shalaby, Egypt and Libya Researcher at Amnesty International.  

    “It is unthinkable that Egyptian authorities are arresting and punishing activists for showing solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza while Israel is committing genocide against them. Egypt’s authorities should instead be facilitating the right to peaceful assembly and expression, starting by releasing anyone arbitrarily detained for demonstrating in solidarity with Palestinians and investigating all allegations of torture and other ill-treatment.”  

    On 11 June, the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in an official statement that foreign nationals must receive prior authorization to visit areas bordering Gaza through, among other means, submitting a request to Egyptian embassies. Organizers of the Gaza March told Amnesty International that they had submitted authorization requests to over 30 Egyptian embassies abroad, approximately two and a half months ahead of the march’s scheduled date. Embassy officials informed them that the requests had been forwarded to authorities in Cairo, but the organizers never received a response. 

    Egyptian security forces later shut down the march by arresting Egyptian and foreign activists upon their arrival at the airport, from hotels or at checkpoints on the way to Rafah, before deporting hundreds of non-Egyptians. 

    Arbitrary detention and torture or other ill-treatment of Egyptian nationals 

    According to a lawyer at the Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms (ECRF), between 10 and 12 June 2025, security forces arrested three Egyptian nationals (two men and one woman) from their homes in Cairo and al-Sharkia governorates. The three were part of a Telegram group that supported the Gaza March. 

    Upon their arrest, they were reportedly held in incommunicado detention at undisclosed National Security Agency (NSA) facilities for periods ranging from nine to ten days. NSA agents then brought the three to the Supreme State Security Prosecution (SSSP) in Cairo on 21, 22, and 23 June.  

    SSSP prosecutors accused them of charges including “joining a terrorist group [the Muslim Brotherhood],” “publishing false news,” and “funding a terrorist group,” according to the ECRF lawyer. Prosecutors then ordered their pretrial detention for 15 days pending investigations. 

    During the SSSP questioning, one of the men said that NSA agents had subjected him to electric shocks on his hands and a sensitive part of his body, and beat him with kicks and slaps to the face. The other man told the prosecutor that NSA agents beat him and forced him to strip naked. These acts constitute ill-treatment and may amount to torture. 

    In June, SSSP prosecutors questioned four other Egyptian nationals (three men and one woman) and ordered their detention for 15 days in connection with the same charges pending the same case, according to ECRF’s lawyer. 

    Arbitrary arrest and ill-treatment of foreign nationals 

    Amnesty International spoke to five foreign nationals who had travelled to attend the Gaza March including Stefanie Crisostomo, a Croatian-Peruvian activist, and Saif Abukeshek, a Spanish national and the Gaza March spokesperson. They told Amnesty that Egyptian police subjected them to severe beatings and other acts of violence when they arrested them. They also said that they had been held in incommunicado detention in police stations, NSA facilities, and Cairo Airport.  

    Crisostomo told Amnesty International that on 14 June, plain-clothed NSA agents arrested her and her husband at a hotel in Cairo without providing any reason or allowing them to contact their embassies or anyone else after confiscating their phones. They were then transferred to an undisclosed security facility, where police detained her French husband for 30 hours, while transferring Stefanie to Cairo Airport. At the airport, she refused to be deported until the police released her husband. The police then handcuffed her and grabbed her arms tightly, causing bruising. Amnesty International reviewed photographs of her arms in which the bruises are clearly visible and is concerned that this may amount to ill-treatment. 

    One of the other foreign nationals, who chose not to disclose his nationality, said that on 13 June police arrested him, along with approximately 15 others, at a checkpoint in Ismailia Governorate on their way to Rafah. During the arrest, police beat him with batons, striking him on his face and neck. He said that during the arrest, one of the police officers attempted to put their finger in his anus. Police took the group to an Ismailia police station and detained them until the following morning, before transferring him to Cairo Airport for deportation. 

    The two other men, both Norwegians, as well as Saif said that on 16 June, plain-clothed police arrested them at a coffee shop in Cairo without showing a warrant. The police then blindfolded them and drove them to an undisclosed security facility in an unmarked van. NSA officers questioned the two Norwegian men, while still blindfolded and handcuffed, about the number of participants in the Gaza March, their identities, and their accommodation. One of the men told Amnesty International that when he refused to answer, an NSA agent slapped him twice on the face and kneed him in the chest. According to the man, the blow caused a minor rib fracture. 

    The second man said that when he refused to answer certain questions an NSA agent slapped him on the face and kicked him in the chest.  

    Saif Abukeshek said that police deliberately slammed his body into walls and doors while moving him between different rooms at the facility, blindfolded and handcuffed with his hands behind his back. “I could clearly hear them laughing at me crashing into the walls,” he said. 

    The three were later transferred to Cairo Airport to be deported after spending between two to 25 hours at the facility. None of the four men were allowed at any point to contact their embassy or anyone else to inform them about their arrest, until their deportation. 

    Background: 

    Between October 2023 and June 2024, Amnesty International and Egyptian human rights groups have documented the arrests of over 123 people who had expressed solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza by peacefully protesting, posting comments online, hanging signs or writing slogans on walls. At least scores remain in pre-trial detention facing investigation over bogus charges of involvement in terrorism, spreading false news or illegal assembly. 

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Egypt: Release people detained over expressing support for Gaza March  

    Source: Amnesty International –

    Egyptian authorities must unconditionally and immediately release anyone detained solely for expressing solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza amidst Israel’s ongoing genocide, including at least seven Egyptian nationals detained for expressing support for the Gaza March, Amnesty International said today. The organization is also calling on the authorities to investigate allegations of torture and other ill-treatment related to the arrests and deportations of international activists in connection with the planned solidarity march.

    Hundreds of international activists travelled to Egypt in June to take part in a global march to the city of Rafah in a bid to break Israel’s illegal blockade on the occupied Gaza Strip, but Egyptian authorities responded by arresting scores of Egyptian and foreign nationals and deporting non-Egyptians.  

    Amnesty International documented the arbitrary detention, incommunicado detention, and ill-treatment of three Egyptians and five foreign nationals in connection with the Gaza March between 10 and 16 June. Amnesty International obtained a testimony that at least one Egyptian national was subjected to torture during their detention. The organization is calling for all those still being held solely for expressing solidarity with Palestinians to be unconditionally and immediately released, including those detained for expressing solidarity with Palestinians since October 2023. 

    It is unthinkable that Egyptian authorities are arresting and punishing activists for showing solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza while Israel is committing genocide against them.

    Mahmoud Shalaby, Egypt and Libya Researcher at Amnesty International.

    “The world has seen a glimpse of the brutality that Egyptian authorities continue to inflict on dissidents. The arbitrary arrests and ill-treatment that these activists have been subjected to represents just a fraction of the ongoing repression faced by virtually anyone who expresses views not condoned by the government,” said Mahmoud Shalaby, Egypt and Libya Researcher at Amnesty International.  

    “It is unthinkable that Egyptian authorities are arresting and punishing activists for showing solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza while Israel is committing genocide against them. Egypt’s authorities should instead be facilitating the right to peaceful assembly and expression, starting by releasing anyone arbitrarily detained for demonstrating in solidarity with Palestinians and investigating all allegations of torture and other ill-treatment.”  

    On 11 June, the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in an official statement that foreign nationals must receive prior authorization to visit areas bordering Gaza through, among other means, submitting a request to Egyptian embassies. Organizers of the Gaza March told Amnesty International that they had submitted authorization requests to over 30 Egyptian embassies abroad, approximately two and a half months ahead of the march’s scheduled date. Embassy officials informed them that the requests had been forwarded to authorities in Cairo, but the organizers never received a response. 

    Egyptian security forces later shut down the march by arresting Egyptian and foreign activists upon their arrival at the airport, from hotels or at checkpoints on the way to Rafah, before deporting hundreds of non-Egyptians. 

    Arbitrary detention and torture or other ill-treatment of Egyptian nationals 

    According to a lawyer at the Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms (ECRF), between 10 and 12 June 2025, security forces arrested three Egyptian nationals (two men and one woman) from their homes in Cairo and al-Sharkia governorates. The three were part of a Telegram group that supported the Gaza March. 

    Upon their arrest, they were reportedly held in incommunicado detention at undisclosed National Security Agency (NSA) facilities for periods ranging from nine to ten days. NSA agents then brought the three to the Supreme State Security Prosecution (SSSP) in Cairo on 21, 22, and 23 June.  

    SSSP prosecutors accused them of charges including “joining a terrorist group [the Muslim Brotherhood],” “publishing false news,” and “funding a terrorist group,” according to the ECRF lawyer. Prosecutors then ordered their pretrial detention for 15 days pending investigations. 

    During the SSSP questioning, one of the men said that NSA agents had subjected him to electric shocks on his hands and a sensitive part of his body, and beat him with kicks and slaps to the face. The other man told the prosecutor that NSA agents beat him and forced him to strip naked. These acts constitute ill-treatment and may amount to torture. 

    In June, SSSP prosecutors questioned four other Egyptian nationals (three men and one woman) and ordered their detention for 15 days in connection with the same charges pending the same case, according to ECRF’s lawyer. 

    Arbitrary arrest and ill-treatment of foreign nationals 

    Amnesty International spoke to five foreign nationals who had travelled to attend the Gaza March including Stefanie Crisostomo, a Croatian-Peruvian activist, and Saif Abukeshek, a Spanish national and the Gaza March spokesperson. They told Amnesty that Egyptian police subjected them to severe beatings and other acts of violence when they arrested them. They also said that they had been held in incommunicado detention in police stations, NSA facilities, and Cairo Airport.  

    Crisostomo told Amnesty International that on 14 June, plain-clothed NSA agents arrested her and her husband at a hotel in Cairo without providing any reason or allowing them to contact their embassies or anyone else after confiscating their phones. They were then transferred to an undisclosed security facility, where police detained her French husband for 30 hours, while transferring Stefanie to Cairo Airport. At the airport, she refused to be deported until the police released her husband. The police then handcuffed her and grabbed her arms tightly, causing bruising. Amnesty International reviewed photographs of her arms in which the bruises are clearly visible and is concerned that this may amount to ill-treatment. 

    One of the other foreign nationals, who chose not to disclose his nationality, said that on 13 June police arrested him, along with approximately 15 others, at a checkpoint in Ismailia Governorate on their way to Rafah. During the arrest, police beat him with batons, striking him on his face and neck. He said that during the arrest, one of the police officers attempted to put their finger in his anus. Police took the group to an Ismailia police station and detained them until the following morning, before transferring him to Cairo Airport for deportation. 

    The two other men, both Norwegians, as well as Saif said that on 16 June, plain-clothed police arrested them at a coffee shop in Cairo without showing a warrant. The police then blindfolded them and drove them to an undisclosed security facility in an unmarked van. NSA officers questioned the two Norwegian men, while still blindfolded and handcuffed, about the number of participants in the Gaza March, their identities, and their accommodation. One of the men told Amnesty International that when he refused to answer, an NSA agent slapped him twice on the face and kneed him in the chest. According to the man, the blow caused a minor rib fracture. 

    The second man said that when he refused to answer certain questions an NSA agent slapped him on the face and kicked him in the chest.  

    Saif Abukeshek said that police deliberately slammed his body into walls and doors while moving him between different rooms at the facility, blindfolded and handcuffed with his hands behind his back. “I could clearly hear them laughing at me crashing into the walls,” he said. 

    The three were later transferred to Cairo Airport to be deported after spending between two to 25 hours at the facility. None of the four men were allowed at any point to contact their embassy or anyone else to inform them about their arrest, until their deportation. 

    Background: 

    Between October 2023 and June 2024, Amnesty International and Egyptian human rights groups have documented the arrests of over 123 people who had expressed solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza by peacefully protesting, posting comments online, hanging signs or writing slogans on walls. At least scores remain in pre-trial detention facing investigation over bogus charges of involvement in terrorism, spreading false news or illegal assembly. 

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: In Dialogue with Viet Nam, Experts of the Human Rights Committee Commend the Strengthened Human Rights Framework, Raise Issues Concerning Discrimination and Reports of Media Repression

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Human Rights Committee today concluded its consideration of the fourth periodic report of Viet Nam on how it implements the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.  Committee Experts commended steps Viet Nam had taken to strengthen its legal and institutional framework for human rights, and raised issues concerning discrimination in various areas of public life and reports of a repressive media landscape.

    A Committee Expert praised the important steps Viet Nam had taken to strengthen its legal and institutional framework for human rights, saying they reflected a clear commitment to international cooperation and legal reform. They welcomed the recent decision to reduce the number of capital offenses from 18 to 10, a significant step toward limiting the scope of application of the death penalty.

    However, Viet Nam lacked a law developing the principle of non-discrimination in areas such as employment, health, education, politics and justice, another Expert noted, asking for further information on the number of complaints of acts of discrimination.

    The Committee also expressed concern about reports of a repressive media landscape in Viet Nam, where journalists, bloggers and human rights activists were often intimidated into silence.  One Expert asked for comments on allegations of targeted surveillance arbitrarily conducted on political activists, journalists, and human rights defenders.

    Thanh Tịnh Nguyễn, Deputy Minister of Justice and head of the delegation, said Viet Nam had consistently devoted special attention, strong efforts, and firm commitment to promoting and ensuring the effective implementation of human rights and citizens’ rights, including civil and political rights.  Legal, administrative, and judicial reforms in Viet Nam, as well as law enforcement practices, were all anchored in a people-centred approach.

    In the ensuing discussion, the delegation, in response to these questions and others, said human rights had been upheld and promoted in Viet Nam over the past forty years and the State’s legal system was sufficiently comprehensive to fully implement the Covenant.

    The law was very comprehensive to prevent any discrimination in civil and personal life, the delegation said.  Everybody was equal before the law, including in the labour sector, where the law prohibited discrimination, including salary discrimination between men and women and against guest workers.  Discrimination was also forbidden in education.

    The right of freedom of expression could not, the delegation said, be used to violate the rights of others or of organisations or harm social order.  The policy of Viet Nam safeguarded the freedom of expression and of the press, but needed to be in line with international law.  Viet Nam strictly dealt with efforts to defame the State and cause division among the different parts of society, in line with international agreements.

    In concluding remarks, Mr. Nguyễn said the protection and promotion of human rights were the objective and result of a long struggle by many generations of Vietnamese people. Viet Nam worked to ensure the happiness of the people, which was the ultimate goal of its policies, and had worked to improve its legal system to ensure that people would be the beneficiaries of its policies.

    Changrok Soh, Committee Chairperson, in concluding remarks, said the dialogue had addressed key elements of the implementation of the Covenant.  The adoption of certain institutional safeguards to combat discrimination and domestic violence was positive, but there were several remaining concerns requiring attention, including regarding severe restrictions on fundamental freedoms related to assembly, speech, and religion.  There were also credible allegations of torture and ill-treatment, and persistent challenges for vulnerable groups, he concluded.

    The delegation of Viet Nam was made up of representatives of the Ministry of Justice; the Office of the Government; the Supreme People’s Procuracy; the Ministry of Public Security; the Ministry of Home Affairs; the Supreme People’s Court; the Ministry of Culture, Sport and Tourism; the Ministry of Ethnic Minorities and Religions; the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; and the Permanent Mission of Viet Nam to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

    The Human Rights Committee’s one hundred and forty-fourth session is being held from 23 June to 17 July 2025.  All the documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage.  Meeting summary releases can be found here.  The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

    The Committee will next meet in public at 10 a.m., Thursday 10 July to hold an informal meeting with States.

    Report

    The Committee has before it the fourth periodic report of Viet Nam (CCPR/C/VNM/4).

    Presentation of the Report

    THANH TỊNH NGUYỄN, Deputy Minister of Justice and head of the delegation, said, guided by the principle of placing people at the centre — as both the goal and the driving force of development, Viet Nam had consistently devoted special attention, strong efforts, and firm commitment to promoting and ensuring the effective implementation of human rights and citizens’ rights, including civil and political rights.  Legal, administrative, and judicial reforms in Viet Nam, as well as law enforcement practices, were all anchored in a people-centred approach, whereby the people were regarded as the primary beneficiaries of the system.  These efforts aimed to implement effective measures to protect and ensure human rights and citizens’ rights in accordance with the law.  Immediately following the constructive dialogue with the Committee in 2019, the Government of Viet Nam adopted a national action plan to implement the Covenant and the Committee’s recommendations, with the aim of clearly identifying areas in need of improvement and undertaking necessary institutional and practical measures to ensure substantive progress.

    With regard to institutional and legal reform, since the submission of the fourth national report, Viet Nam had amended, supplemented, or enacted over 150 laws and resolutions of the National Assembly, many of which were directly related to the lives of the people and aimed at advancing civil and political rights.  Most recently, Viet Nam adopted the amended Criminal Code, which narrowed the scope of application of the death penalty by abolishing capital punishment for eight offences, and had recently adopted Resolution 66 on reforming the legislative process.  Viet Nam was also vigorously advancing a comprehensive reform of the State administrative apparatus.

    Viet Nam had undertaken a range of measures to enhance transparency, openness, and efficiency in the implementation of laws and policies.  Human rights education had been integrated into the national curriculum.  Viet Nam had issued and effectively implemented a range of policies that directly promoted and protected civil and political rights.  In the area of social security policy, Viet Nam remained firmly committed to ensuring social welfare, public safety, and the well-being of its people, under the guiding principle of “leaving no one behind.”  Viet Nam had also taken proactive measures to respond to climate change and to support the people in the context of disaster relief efforts. It had further placed strong emphasis on investing in infrastructure and enabling conditions to ensure public access to information, and was currently recognised as one of the countries with the most affordable internet access.  Rapid developments had significantly contributed to the realisation of the rights to freedom of the press, freedom of expression, and access to information.

    In the process of ensuring, protecting, and promoting the realisation of human rights, Viet Nam continued to face various difficulties and challenges arising from multiple factors that affect the implementation of the Covenant. These included limited resources; instances where the enforcement of laws had not met expectations; and the growing impact of global issues and non-traditional security threats in the context of Viet Nam’s  international integration.

    Viet Nam was in the process of building and perfecting a socialist rule-of-law State for the people, in order to build a high-quality legal system that effectively ensured and protected human rights and citizens’ rights, in a manner consistent with national realities and international standards.  In this process, Viet Nam would continue to seriously fulfil its international human rights commitments, and further promote dialogue and cooperation in this important area.  At the same time, Viet Nam would implement comprehensive measures to better promote, protect, and ensure the enjoyment of civil and political rights, and to improve resilience to climate change — particularly for vulnerable groups — through appropriate steps in the time to come.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said the Committee acknowledged the important steps Viet Nam had taken to strengthen its legal and institutional framework for human rights.  These developments reflected a clear commitment to international cooperation and legal reform.  The Committee commended Viet Nam for its recent decision to reduce the number of capital offenses from 18 to 10, which marked a significant step toward limiting the scope of application of the death penalty.

    Given reports that Directive 24 broadly defined international integration as a national security threat, leading to systemic restrictions on freedoms of expression, association, and movement, how did Viet Nam reconcile this directive with the Covenant’s articles 19, 21, and 22, an Expert asked.  Regarding disaster response and recovery efforts, as well as campaigns to eliminate temporary housing, the report did not address the adoption of a precautionary approach or specific measures to protect the most vulnerable from the negative impacts of climate change and natural disasters, and the Expert asked what specific measures Viet Nam had adopted to implement a precautionary approach to environmental and climate risks, and how vulnerable groups were identified and protected in these policies.

    Regarding the death penalty, an Expert asked about the criteria used to select offences to be removed from the scope of the death penalty; the reasons that led Viet Nam to stop short of full abolition; and considerations that had prevented the country from following the path toward complete abolition of the death penalty.  What measures were in place to ensure full respect for due process guarantees in death penalty cases, and to prevent the imposition of the death penalty as a result of forced confessions?  On enforced disappearances, the Expert asked whether Vietnamese law defined and criminalised all acts of enforced disappearance in accordance with international standards, and about measures in place to ensure prompt, thorough, and impartial investigations into allegations of enforced disappearance and transnational repression.

    Another Expert asked for an update on progress made towards the establishment of the national human rights institution, and for more detailed and concrete information on the status of the legislative review and the reasons for the continued delays in establishing the body.  What measures did the State party plan to take to ensure that all allegations of torture and ill-treatment, solitary confinement, incommunicado detention and forced commitment to psychiatric facilities were promptly and thoroughly investigated by an independent body and that perpetrators were prosecuted and sanctioned with appropriate penalties, and to investigate all reported instances of deaths of prisoners while detained?  What measures would the State party take to ensure that national legislation protecting the rights of detainees was implemented in practice, in particular the right to medical care?

    An Expert commended the State party for its continued efforts to combat corruption, but noted that further efforts were needed to strengthen anti-corruption initiatives.  He expressed particular concern relating to allegations of corruption involving high-level public officials, judges, prosecutors, and law enforcement officers, and asked for information on any actions taken in response to such cases.  He noted reports indicating persistent concerns that the enforcement of anti-corruption laws was perceived as selective and politically driven.  The Expert asked for further details on the mandates, composition, appointment procedures, and safeguards in place to ensure the independence of the three types of agencies involved in anti-corruption efforts.  He also asked whether the draft Law on the State of Emergency was fully compatible with article four of the Covenant, including its substantive and procedural requirements.

    Viet Nam lacked a law developing the principle of non-discrimination in areas such as employment, health, education, politics and justice, an Expert noted, asking for further information on the number of complaints of acts of discrimination, and on investigations, sanctions and reparations for victims; about employees with disabilities in the public and private sectors; and on the existence of other protection mechanisms.  Regarding women’s rights, the Expert asked about progress that had been made over the last ten years, including regarding non-discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender, noting that women’s rights had been violated by these forms of discrimination.  Was the State going to work towards the legalisation of same-sex marriage or civil partnership?  Had measures been taken to address the issue of stigmatisation, harassment, violence and discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons?

    An Expert expressed concern for the realities of Khmer Krom women, who were highly vulnerable to various human rights violations due to their gender, facing a high risk of systematic inequalities and abuse.  Other areas of concern included the wide salary gap between men and women, as well as continuing differentiation of retirement ages between men and women, the participation of women in political life, and that there still needed to be evidence of a minimum degree of physical injury for an act to be legally recognised as rape.  In view of these, the Expert asked what measures had been taken to increase women’s participation, specifically ethnic minority women and women in rural areas, in all private and public sectors, as well as high-level decision-making positions and political life.

    The Expert also expressed concern about the situation of drug users confined to drug rehabilitation centres, asking for more information on measures taken to ensure that all legislation concerning drug detoxification and rehabilitation centres, particularly the provisions retaining compulsory drug treatment, including for children between 12 and 18, were in line with the Covenant.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said human rights had been upheld and promoted in Viet Nam over the past forty years and its legal system was sufficiently comprehensive to fully implement the Covenant.  There was a separate chapter in the Constitution on human rights that was in line with the Covenant.  Human rights could only be suspended for reasons of national security, public safety, and public health.  Only the National Assembly could suspend human rights, in line with the Constitution. As part of the law-making process in Viet Nam, there needed to be a consultation with stakeholders, including those affected by the law.  Human rights topics were now included in the national educational curriculum.  The State conducted many campaigns on human rights, and information on human rights was translated into various national minority languages and made available, including online.  Viet Nam had adopted various national measures to ensure national security and the safe and productive life of its people.

    Viet Nam was implementing the Covenant in various ways, including through its law and education.  According to the law, the Covenant needed to be prioritised if there were differences between it and the law.  If any discrepancies were identified, the Covenant took precedence.  There were training courses for judges and lawyers and other legal professionals on the provisions of the Covenant.

    Viet Nam was one of the countries seriously affected by climate change, which caused many socio-economic challenges.  The Government attached great importance to those whose rights had been affected by the phenomenon, and ensured that sustainable and green development and the climate change strategy of Viet Nam were prioritised in all policies.  Many important activities had been adopted for ethnic minorities, including access to adequate, clean water, and the development of a medical network that focused on climate change-related diseases.  The Government had also developed a plan to review infrastructure in climate change-prone areas, including water infrastructure.  The climate change strategy had many implications on the enjoyment of the human rights of the people.  Viet Nam promoted international cooperation to ensure that all could fight climate change issues, whilst cooperating with all international agencies.

    On discrimination against the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex community, anti-discrimination was a part of the legal framework, and over the past years Viet Nam had taken many steps to better protect the members of the community, to ensure that none would be discriminated against on the basis of their gender or sexual identity.  The provision in the law criminalising same-sex marriage had been removed more than 10 years ago, although there was no law legalising same-sex marriage.  The new Criminal Code, since 2015, contained provisions regarding sexual offences which protected lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons.  In 2022, the Ministry of Health introduced a guideline giving direction to local authorities, which ensured that these persons could not be subject to discrimination. On oversight of activities in the medical sector, so far, no complaints had been received, meaning that there were no violations of the guidelines.  Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons had access to services to support them, and could change their legal identity, ensuring that they were not discriminated against.

    On anti-corruption efforts, Viet Nam had implemented many activities aiming to perfect the legal framework, including the adoption of the Anti-Corruption Law within the Criminal Code and related preventive measures.  It had also strengthened its monitoring activities, streamlined the administrative apparatus to better support the functions of the State, and was working to enhance efficiency.  Anti-corruption courses were available for legal practitioners, including at the local level.  Capacity building was one of the strongest commitments made by the Government.  There were specialised agencies working to prevent corruption, including a department on police in the Ministry of Security, and a department specialised on investigations and prosecutions of corruption cases within the Ministry of Justice.  Viet Nam had made significant efforts over the last few years to combat corruption and had recently made significant achievements, which it would strive to continue.

    The law was very comprehensive to prevent any discrimination in civil and personal life.  Everybody was equal before the law, including in the labour sector, where the law prohibited discrimination, including salary discrimination between men and women and against guest workers.  Discrimination was also forbidden in education.  The law provided a significant number of sanctions to reduce gender inequality.  Efforts had been strengthened to ensure the equal representation of women in political life — women were provided with more opportunities for leadership positions and were given training to gain the necessary skills to participate in political life.  There was an action plan in the Ministry of Labour to ensure equal access of men and women to business, investment capital, and health services.  The gap between retirement age between men and women was being reviewed by the Government; the current discrepancy was not discriminatory but reflected the situation of the population.  Many different policies and programmes were being implemented for persons with disabilities, including those providing employment opportunities.

    On the establishment of the national human rights institution, much work had been done in this regard.  This was an important long-term goal that required serious consideration to ensure that the institution would be in line with international commitments and Viet Nam’s needs and specificities.  There were currently other mechanisms in place, including the equivalent of an Ombudsman, and a National Committee on Women and Children, which fulfilled the same role, promoting the rights of the people of Viet Nam.  Viet Nam was still reviewing the situation in order to be able to establish a model national human rights institution.

    According to Vietnamese law, prisoners had the right to access medical care, including medical check-ups and access to hospital services for regular treatment if their care could not be provided in the prison.  On transfers to psychiatric facilities, if a person showed any signs of psychiatric illness, they would be sent for forensic examination, and if the examination indicated it was required, they would be transferred to psychiatric facilities, where they were entitled to medical treatment.

    Human rights, including the right to life, could only be restricted in certain circumstances provided for in the Constitution.  Depriving others of their right to life was a criminal affair which needed to be prosecuted.  Viet Nam implemented various measures recommended by international bodies during the COVID-19 pandemic to lower the rate of transmission in accordance with the law, on the basis of public health and in order to safeguard the health of the people. There was a free vaccination campaign, with no discrimination.  At the end of the pandemic, Viet Nam brought the restrictions to an end.

    Juveniles were not subject to the death penalty, the delegation said, and Viet Nam was getting closer to international standards, moving forward to a phase in which it would review the Criminal Code.  It also had a road map to move forward in making it ever more difficult to condemn a person to death.  Work had also been done to ensure that there was no overlap with torture in the application of the death penalty.  There was an oversight mechanism and strong and stringent sanctions to be applied to the perpetrators of torture.

    One law included specific regulation of detention conditions, including the minimum space per detainee, access to food and drinkable water, and women-specific products.  All prisoners were entitled to medical support and treatment.  There was compulsory drug rehabilitation and detoxification, aiming to help persons end their addiction.  There was a strict procedure for this, which included a passage in front of a court.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said the situation of women still raised questions.  Misconceptions about sexual violence, the wish to preserve the harmony of the family, mediation according to the law of 2022, and the fear of rehabilitation were all obstacles before women, making them reluctant to report acts of violence committed against them in different spheres, including domestic violence and harassment in the workplace.  The legal definition of rape remained of concern to the Committee.  What were the activities carried out under the national communication programme on gender equality and the National Strategy on Gender Equality?  What measures were taken to identify the factors that prevented women victims from reporting abuse, and to align the legal definition of rape with the Covenant and other international standards?  What remedies had been offered to victims and what was the number of cases that had been referred to alternative dispute resolution processes?

    Another Expert asked about the oversight mechanisms that existed to examine cases of torture and their findings.  Had there been any cases of torture, and if there were any, had the perpetrators been prosecuted?  One Expert said the results of corruption investigations could vary depending on who initiated and drove the process.  In certain cases, political manoeuvring could influence investigations; statistical data would help clarify the nature of the cases.  Viet Nam had not submitted any notification under article four, paragraph three of the Covenant — did this mean it did not consider itself to ever have been under a situation of public emergency?

    Another Expert raised the issue of a comprehensive law on non-discrimination and the potential detention of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons in separate facilities apart from the general population, asking if this was being done according to human rights principles.  According to the Adoption Law of 2010, adoption could only be done by people with opposite-sex partners, or by a single person.  The Expert asked about the extent to which a homosexual person could adopt.  On discrimination against persons with disabilities in the world of work, he asked for specific, concrete data regarding the number of persons employed under programmes to end discrimination in the labour market.

    An Expert asked whether there was a legal procedure that enabled individuals sentenced to death to seek a review of their convictions based on newly discovered evidence of their innocence, and what remedies were provided for persons who were shown to have been wrongly convicted?  Again on the death penalty, another Expert asked how many executions had taken place, and how many persons were on death row?  Was there an offence related to kidnapping for financial gain, as this could be assimilated to enforced disappearance?

    In Viet Nam, the international human rights treaties did hold precedence, and nothing stopped the courts from applying them.  Why, to date, had no court invoked the Covenant with regard to the rights and provisions enshrined within it?

    Regarding the plan of action against climate change, the Expert was pleased to recognise that minorities in occupied territories who were particularly vulnerable to climate change were included; he asked whether these minorities were consulted during the drafting of the plans and whether they were respecting traditional farming methods and techniques?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the law of Viet Nam mentioned the hierarchy of international legislation and domestic law; priority was given to the international commitments and agreements.  The definition of rape in the Criminal Code was divided into two categories, including one for those over 13 and one for those under 13, for whom the law did not require any evidence of force or circumstances such as alcoholic consumption to elicit sexual activities.  The law did not distinguish between married and unmarried rape.

    On domestic violence, the delegation said even though much effort had been made to combat this violence, the detection and handling of such cases had not yet been satisfactory.  The Government had issued a decree on domestic violence.  Data would be provided more comprehensively later. There were opportunities for the victim to express themselves.  There were also local supportive networks for the victims of violence, and there were psychological and medical services provided for such victims.  There were media and communication events held on domestic violence, and campaigns to raise awareness, providing information for victims so that they would be more willing to raise their voice.

    Regarding torture and the death penalty, there were eight crimes which could be punished by the penalty, including treason, murder, rape, terrorism, crimes against humanity, crimes of war, illegal production of narcotics, and drug trafficking. Keeping the data regarding executions private was often due to national security and defence reasons, and also for the protection of the privacy of the family and victims of the perpetrator.  There was a procedure for review of judgements — at any point, a complaint could be made and an appeal made on the basis of wrongful conviction.  In the case of a wrongful conviction, there was a law on State compensation.  If there was any violation or wrongful conviction identified, then the State would provide compensation, including a public apology.  The law was very comprehensive when it came to illegal detention of others.  There was a hierarchy of oversight mechanisms which applied to cases of torture.

    Regarding detention, Viet Nam did not use the method of transferring prisoners away from their residential addresses as a punishment.  Prisoners were kept close to their families.  Pregnant women, foreigners and juveniles were given particular consideration.  However, very violent or dangerous criminals were kept separate from other members of the same criminal network in prison, for reasons of security.  Viet Nam was making great efforts to improve conditions for prisoners, and was amending the law on custody and detention to ensure there could be no violation of human rights.

    Only certain persons were subject to compulsory detoxification and addiction treatment, and such decisions needed to be made by the local authority and reviewed by the court to ensure that they were valid.  There were no cases of forced labour at the compulsory detoxification centres, but there was therapeutic labour, which aimed to help inmates to learn to take care of themselves.  Inmates were allowed to enjoy sports and other leisure activities.

    There were several pilot programmes to respond to climate change, with engagement from the local to the central level, and communication campaigns for the ethnic and mountain areas.  There were a wide range of collaborative events, including with non-governmental organizations, and inputs from partners were carefully considered by the authorities when they developed strategies to mitigate climate change.

    There was fertile ground for the growth of a national human rights institution, but to achieve this, legal amendments, including of the Constitution, were needed, making it a time-consuming process.  Viet Nam was paying more attention to streamlining the governmental structure.  In the future, it would carefully consider the Paris Principles when establishing such an institution.  However, great efforts were being made to safeguard, protect and promote human rights already.  There was a mechanism already in place to deal with corruption, which dealt with reports and allegations of corruption from individuals.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said the Criminal Procedure Code provided that Government prosecutors could hold suspects accused of national security crimes in detention for an unlimited period without trial or judicial review.  Prosecutors could restrict access to legal counsel in cases related to suspects accused of “national security” crimes until the conclusion of the investigation and with no time limits.  What concrete measures would be taken to ensure that any deprivation of liberty was lawful and that detained persons were afforded legal safeguards from the outset of their detention?  How would the State ensure that pre-trial detention was used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest period, following a proper, individualised assessment and for reasons expressly provided by law and in line with international human rights standard and the Covenant?

    Reports before the Committee indicated that trafficking in persons continued to be a serious concern.  There was a lack of a clear framework for the protection of non-Vietnamese nationals trafficked to Viet Nam, or transited through Viet Nam to a third country.  There had been no substantive changes in Government policies and efforts to combat labour trafficking in the State-run labour export programme.  What measures were being taken to strengthen international legal cooperation and national law enforcement capacities to investigate and respond to the linkages between cybercrime, human trafficking and migrant smuggling, and to strengthen international cooperation to ensure cross-border access to supporting services?

    Another Expert said the Committee remained concerned about directives on international travel that closely managed officials, party members and Vietnamese citizens who went abroad, and by the fact that the law allowed authorities to postpone the departure of any person on various broad grounds.  What new measures had been taken to guarantee freedom of movement, and what were the legal grounds for decisions to restrict international travel on Vietnamese citizens and legal grounds for such bans?  The Expert also asked for comment on reports asserting that members of ethnic and religious minorities and indigenous people had been prevented from leaving Viet Nam to seek asylum; and that human rights defenders and religious activists were routinely subject to discriminatory restrictions on their freedom of movement.

    Significant progress had been made in juvenile justice, thanks to an increased awareness of the importance of legal institutional reforms.  However, these improvements were reportedly neither systematic nor comprehensive, and detention of children in conflict with the law was still common.  What efforts had been made to amend the legislation to address the protection gaps for children aged 16 and 17 years and the definition of a child to cover persons up to 18 years of age?  What measures had been taken to strengthen the juvenile justice system by setting up additional specialised courts with trained judges, improving community-based diversion, and ensuring children were not deprived of liberty?

    The Committee was concerned about reports of a repressive media landscape in Viet Nam, where journalists, bloggers and human rights activists were often intimidated into silence, another Expert said, asking for comments on allegations of targeted surveillance arbitrarily conducted on political activists, journalists, and human rights defenders.

    Regarding judicial independence, another Expert asked what specific measures were in place to guarantee the presumption of innocence, access to a lawyer of one’s choice, and a trial within a reasonable time for journalists, human rights defenders, political activists, and individuals accused of national security crimes.  What concrete steps had the State party taken to prevent and punish threats, intimidation, or harassment against lawyers for their work on sensitive cases?  Had any independent mechanisms for judicial oversight over legislative and executive actions been established or implemented? On participation in public affairs, the same Expert asked what measures had been taken to encourage and promote political pluralism.  What steps had been taken to eliminate proxy voting in practice, and had an independent electoral monitoring body been established?

    On the freedom of association, despite the constitutional proclamation of the right of association, an Expert expressed concern that there was no framework law regulating this right in a coherent and protective manner.  There had also been reports of systematic repression of religious minorities practising their faith outside the control of State-recognised religious organisations.  What measures had Viet Nam taken to ensure that the right of association, including the right to establish and register independent religious or social associations, could be exercised without interference?  What guarantees existed to prevent the use of the Penal Code against minority religious communities that did not wish to integrate into State-controlled structures?  Further, he asked for detailed information on the rules applicable to associations receiving foreign funding and on the differences in legal treatment between national associations, foreign associations and those receiving international funding.  What steps had Viet Nam taken to ensure that tax and criminal laws were not used in a disproportionate or discriminatory manner against human rights defenders?

    The Committee welcomed the programmes implemented by the State party for the economic and social development of minorities.  However, there had been multiple reports of persistent discrimination against these minority groups, in particular against the Khmer Krom and Montagnards.  What concrete actions had Viet Nam taken to eradicate systematic discrimination against these communities in education, employment and public services?

    On freedom of conscience and religious belief, what was the procedure for registration or recognition for religious groups, an Expert asked, inquiring how long the process typically took from initiation to decision?  Was the applicant allowed an opportunity to respond or appeal during the review process? What were the reasons for denying registration to certain organizations?  How did the State party justify the non-registration of relatively large religious groups such as Cao Dai and Hoa Hao?  What measures were in place to ensure that individuals were free to choose their religion without coercion?

    Regarding freedom of expression, what amendments was the State party considering to the Press Law, the Expert asked.  What legal safeguards existed to ensure that measures affecting online freedom of expression were strictly necessary and proportionate, and in compliance with the Covenant?  What mechanisms were in place to prevent and address harassment and intimidation of individuals, including journalists and online activists, who expressed views critical of the Government?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said ethnic minorities in Viet Nam were entitled to all human rights and citizen rights, and equal access to public services.  Many regulations prohibited discrimination on ethnic grounds.  The Government was implementing a socio-economic plan to ensure development of ethnic affairs.  Ethnic minorities were given the full opportunity to participate in economic and social life, and to stand for election: 70 per cent of the National Assembly were members of ethnic minorities.  Ethnic minorities could participate in many political activities. There were policies encouraging their equal participation in public service and their culture and cultural identity.  Ethnic minority groups had the right to equality of employment, including equal pay. There was vocational training for ethnic minorities, which was regulated by the law.

    Authorities ensured the freedom of religion by citizens.  The State checked the implementation of the law on freedom of religion and belief.  There were favourable conditions that ensured detainees or persons in custody could exercise their religion.  The State did not require registration for religious collectives and religious activities could take place without registration if they were not against the law.

    There had been changes to the law on the People’s Court, regarding the appointment of judges, to further guarantee their independence.  There was a stringent procedure for their appointment.  Interference with judicial activities was prohibited by law, and there was a mechanism to oversee the activities of judges to ensure that they complied with the law.  Regarding corruption, several cases had been prosecuted against high-ranking persons, and the results of these were publicised.  The victims of corruption were protected, as provided for in the Criminal Code.  Activities that hindered the judicial procedure could also be punished according to the law.

    On juvenile justice, there was a new Juvenile Justice Law since November 2024, which entered into effect in 2025, which was consistent with international standards on juvenile justice and provided new regulations to better protect juvenile perpetrators and victims, with diverse measures that could be applied to offenders.  The law also introduced family-friendly measures to ensure that the procedure would be more victim-friendly.  Penalties against juvenile offenders could include non-custodial punishments, and juvenile offenders below a certain age who were detained were kept separately, under the oversight of trained officers.  There were 38 juvenile courts at the provincial level.  Much attention was paid to training and capacity-building of the judges of these courts.

    A high percentage of Viet Nam’s population had access to the Internet, with good technology and infrastructure, the delegation said, but there was a need for a better mechanism to ensure confidentiality and privacy.  The State had issued a decree to strengthen cyber security to ensure that information was only collected in line with international standards and with the commitments Viet Nam had made, without hindering data flow.  The National Assembly of Viet Nam had adopted a law on protection of personal data, which was a strong commitment to the protection of privacy in line with international standards.  It also guaranteed the right to complain if such privacy was violated. Viet Nam’s efforts had been recognised by the international community.

    The right of freedom of expression could not, however, be used to violate the rights of others or of organisations and did not harm social order.  The policy of Viet Nam safeguarded the freedom of expression and of the press, but this needed to be in line with international law.  Cyber security in Viet Nam was not against these commitments and principles, which restrictions were aligned with.

    On the freedom of association, the delegation said this right was one of the most basic rights and was clearly provided for by the law and several Government decrees.  Viet Nam had more than 70,000 associations, many of which operated nationwide.  There were an increasing number of associations, operating in various sectors in order to cover the needs of the people, and operating in a way that contributed to the socio-economic development of the country.  The requirement of registration and reporting on financial resources was a popular regulation adopted to prevent any violation of the law by an association, such as conducting terrorism or money laundering. These regulations aimed at administrative management only, and were not based on discrimination.  The freedom of religion and belief was safeguarded through the Constitution and other legislation.

    To ensure transparency in elections, the National Assembly had established the National Election Council, which would make decisions on dismissing any false elections and rehosting them, and applying a penalty on those who had perpetrated fraud.  The 2021 election had the greatest number of electors ever.  There were no cases of serious violation of electoral regulations.  Viet Nam encouraged voters to select the candidates that satisfied the requirements for the position.  Elections were well-organised in Viet Nam.  Many regulations and provisions had been introduced on standing for election for members of the National Assembly to ensure the right of freedom to stand for election.

    On prevention of human trafficking in the labour sector, the law introduced a number of provisions to better protect Vietnamese workers working abroad.  The employment fee had been eliminated; only a brokerage fee could be charged. After a worker finalised a contract, they currently paid a limited fee, but Viet Nam was moving towards a model where the employer would pay this fee.  Campaigns were being held to ensure workers were aware of the risks of being trafficked when working abroad, and to give them more information about reliable channels for migrating, and of the risks of migrating outside of these channels.

    On civic space in Viet Nam, civil society organizations had the freedom to operate and could make contributions to the socio-economic development of the country, as long as they acted in line with the law.  Members of civil society organisations, including human rights defenders, would only be arrested if they violated the law, and the organisations needed to comply with the law and fulfil their obligations, including regarding tax regulations.  Arrests, detention and prosecution of such persons were only done in line with the law.

    Viet Nam adopted a revised version of its anti-trafficking law in January 2025 that was consistent with international standards and included a revised definition of human trafficking. The Criminal Code would be revised to ensure that it complied with the anti-trafficking law.  Anyone who reported to the authorities complaining of being a victim of trafficking would be protected and supported.  The law also contained provisions on rescue and identification of victims.  Viet Nam worked with the border and police of neighbouring countries to fight against human trafficking and to protect and defend victims, providing them with shelter and medical attention to cover their needs.

    Regarding freedom of movement, Viet Nam respected this fully with regard to its citizens, ensuring that they were protected and promoting their freedom of residence.  The law contained a list of prohibited activities.  Anybody leaving or entering the country needed to respect the relevant laws.  Freedom of movement could be restricted based on national security, public health, and public defence.  There was no single case of restriction of freedom of movement in Viet Nam for ethnic or religious reasons; all cases were because laws had been violated.

    Viet Nam supported the right of freedom of expression, but strictly dealt with violations of those rights, particularly in efforts to defame the State and cause division among the different parts of society, and this was in line with international agreements. 

    The Penal Code provided for detention only under clear and specific conditions, and also provided for other forms of detention.  Detention was only imposed if it was deemed necessary.  Detainees had the full right to family visits and to communicate with others, with the right to access legal counsel.  Limitations to legal counsel were in line with international standards, and only applied in severe cases of necessity, including those affecting national security.  Suspects could also be detained in these cases to ensure that the investigation would be sufficient.  Since 2019 to date, there had been no cases of abuse of this power.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said he was not fully satisfied with responses on a few issues, including regarding who was responsible for the disciplinary procedure for judges, and how their independence from the Government was ensured. How was the presumption of innocence and access to a lawyer guaranteed, and how were lawyers protected in sensitive cases from facing threats of reprisal?  How was the independence of the National Electoral Council ensured?

    On the freedom of expression, an Expert noted that this was not an absolute right but said that concerns lay in the breadth of the restrictions allowed for by the State party.  Restrictions needed to be as narrowly defined as possible.  The Committee did not take exception to detention for violation of laws, but it took exception to excessive lengths of detention and forms of harassment perpetrated on the accused.  The State party recognised the importance of religious freedom, but at the same time referred to a need for registration, which was a limitation of this freedom.

    Another Expert addressed the situation of those arrested for national security reasons, noting that this was a broad concept, and that sometimes national security laws were applied to prisoners of conscience and persons with certain religious beliefs.  The Expert said he was unsure how this was relevant to national security.  The Working Group on Arbitrary Detention had found cases of arbitrary detention where there had been restriction of freedom of religion, restrictions on access to legal counsel, and other inappropriate restrictions, and he asked for a comment on this.

    Regarding the right to freedom of association, an Expert asked whether any of the restrictions to this right could be removed, and whether the Government was envisaging any law on the freedom of association.  According to information received, persons who spoke minority languages and other minorities were not allowed to participate in international fora, which was a matter of concern.  On the rights of indigenous peoples and minorities, had any of the rights that had been developed globally been recognised in Viet Nam, where there appeared to be a resistance to recognising indigenous peoples.  Did they benefit from the core rights existing in international law? 

    Further clarification was requested on the conditions under which the Government interfered with the right to privacy by cutting telephone lines, interrupting cell phones and Internet services for political activists and their families.  Did the Government consider abolishing or amending relevant legislation, or providing more solid grounds for the registering of media users using real names and phone numbers, including those outside Viet Nam?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the Criminal Code included a provision on the presumption of innocence, so defendants were considered to be innocent until found guilty by a legal decision by a court of Viet Nam.  Only the courts had the authority to declare somebody guilty, and there needed to be sufficient access to legal counsel.  If there was lack of evidence, then the court needed to declare a person innocent.  There were many mechanisms to oversee and monitor judges’ performance, and there were inspections of local and central courts, investigations of denunciations or allegations of violations, and disciplinary actions provided for in case these were substantiated.

    Regarding elections, independent candidates needed to prepare a dossier and send their application to the local authorities, who would review it to make sure that it respected the law, after which they would send the dossier to the standing committee and the provincial election committee, as well as the National Election Council.  There was a stringent procedure for considering the application for election by independent candidates.  On restriction of the freedom of association, a recent decree had been enacted that created favourable conditions for associations without discrimination. There were no plans to introduce any other new laws, as the current legislation satisfied requirements.

    On privacy, cybersecurity and freedom of expression and speech, Viet Nam’s policy was to have a healthy cyberspace that did not infringe upon the enjoyment of rights.  The cybersecurity of Viet Nam aimed to promote the use of the Internet whilst striking a balance between the rise of the country and the needs of the people, and had been developed on the basis of learning from experiences of other countries, in consultation with public and private bodies.  The cybersecurity law provided precise conditions in which there could be restrictions of access to the Internet, but this law did not hinder human rights and only related to cases where individuals violated the law. Cybersecurity did not hinder the use of the Internet unless it was to defend the Government.

    The freedom of expression and of the press was not an absolute right and needed to be exercised in line with the law.  Registration was used to this end to protect the legitimate rights of all people and to develop a healthy Internet space.  The right to freedom and belief had been effectively supported over previous years, thanks to the implementation of a new law from 2018, the delegation said.

    Given the characteristics of the people in question, Viet Nam did not use the term “indigenous people”, using instead the terms “ethnic minority” or “small minority”, the delegation said.  The guarantee of rights for ethnic minorities was a significant achievement, given the geographical structure of Viet Nam.  These people were facilitated in their access to their human and citizenship rights.

    On arbitrary detention, the right to access to defence counsel was never limited for detainees.  Only the Prosecutor General had the power to make the decision to limit such access, but no cases of this were recorded.  On tax evasion, there were regulations on this all over the world, and penalties were imposed, and this could not be considered a punitive measure.

    Closing Statements

    THANH TỊNH NGUYỄN, Deputy Minister of Justice and head of the delegation, said Viet Nam appreciated the dialogue.  The delegation had engaged openly and sincerely, and aimed to provide all answers. Protection and promotion of human rights were the objective and result of a long struggle by many generations of Vietnamese people.  Human rights were a universal and global value, and their protection was a goal for all countries, but each country had a different mechanism to ensure these rights for citizens in line with its socio-economic situation.  Viet Nam worked to ensure the happiness of the people, which was the ultimate goal of its policies, and it had worked to this end to improve its legal system to ensure that people would be the beneficiaries of its policies.  Viet Nam remained steadfast in its aim to build a democratic, equitable and harmonious society, implementing sustainable social policies based on human rights for the people, who were placed at the heart of State policies.  Good laws also needed to be enforced and implemented to ensure positive results, and this was also the policy of the Government.  Viet Nam’s Government was committed to implementing the Covenant.

    CHANGROK SOH, Committee Chairperson, expressed sincere gratitude to all those who had contributed to the dialogue.  Over the past two days, the dialogue had addressed key elements of the implementation of the Covenant.  The adoption of certain institutional safeguards to combat discrimination and to combat domestic violence was positive, but there were a number of remaining concerns requiring attention, including severe restriction on fundamental freedoms related to assembly, speech, and religion.  There were also credible allegations of torture and ill-treatment, and persistent challenges for vulnerable groups, including women and children, ethnic minorities, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons.

    ___________

    This document is produced by the United Nations Information Service at Geneva and is intended for public information; it is not an official document.
    The English and French versions of our news releases are different because they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

    CCPR25.016E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: In Dialogue with Viet Nam, Experts of the Human Rights Committee Commend the Strengthened Human Rights Framework, Raise Issues Concerning Discrimination and Reports of Media Repression

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Human Rights Committee today concluded its consideration of the fourth periodic report of Viet Nam on how it implements the provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.  Committee Experts commended steps Viet Nam had taken to strengthen its legal and institutional framework for human rights, and raised issues concerning discrimination in various areas of public life and reports of a repressive media landscape.

    A Committee Expert praised the important steps Viet Nam had taken to strengthen its legal and institutional framework for human rights, saying they reflected a clear commitment to international cooperation and legal reform. They welcomed the recent decision to reduce the number of capital offenses from 18 to 10, a significant step toward limiting the scope of application of the death penalty.

    However, Viet Nam lacked a law developing the principle of non-discrimination in areas such as employment, health, education, politics and justice, another Expert noted, asking for further information on the number of complaints of acts of discrimination.

    The Committee also expressed concern about reports of a repressive media landscape in Viet Nam, where journalists, bloggers and human rights activists were often intimidated into silence.  One Expert asked for comments on allegations of targeted surveillance arbitrarily conducted on political activists, journalists, and human rights defenders.

    Thanh Tịnh Nguyễn, Deputy Minister of Justice and head of the delegation, said Viet Nam had consistently devoted special attention, strong efforts, and firm commitment to promoting and ensuring the effective implementation of human rights and citizens’ rights, including civil and political rights.  Legal, administrative, and judicial reforms in Viet Nam, as well as law enforcement practices, were all anchored in a people-centred approach.

    In the ensuing discussion, the delegation, in response to these questions and others, said human rights had been upheld and promoted in Viet Nam over the past forty years and the State’s legal system was sufficiently comprehensive to fully implement the Covenant.

    The law was very comprehensive to prevent any discrimination in civil and personal life, the delegation said.  Everybody was equal before the law, including in the labour sector, where the law prohibited discrimination, including salary discrimination between men and women and against guest workers.  Discrimination was also forbidden in education.

    The right of freedom of expression could not, the delegation said, be used to violate the rights of others or of organisations or harm social order.  The policy of Viet Nam safeguarded the freedom of expression and of the press, but needed to be in line with international law.  Viet Nam strictly dealt with efforts to defame the State and cause division among the different parts of society, in line with international agreements.

    In concluding remarks, Mr. Nguyễn said the protection and promotion of human rights were the objective and result of a long struggle by many generations of Vietnamese people. Viet Nam worked to ensure the happiness of the people, which was the ultimate goal of its policies, and had worked to improve its legal system to ensure that people would be the beneficiaries of its policies.

    Changrok Soh, Committee Chairperson, in concluding remarks, said the dialogue had addressed key elements of the implementation of the Covenant.  The adoption of certain institutional safeguards to combat discrimination and domestic violence was positive, but there were several remaining concerns requiring attention, including regarding severe restrictions on fundamental freedoms related to assembly, speech, and religion.  There were also credible allegations of torture and ill-treatment, and persistent challenges for vulnerable groups, he concluded.

    The delegation of Viet Nam was made up of representatives of the Ministry of Justice; the Office of the Government; the Supreme People’s Procuracy; the Ministry of Public Security; the Ministry of Home Affairs; the Supreme People’s Court; the Ministry of Culture, Sport and Tourism; the Ministry of Ethnic Minorities and Religions; the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; and the Permanent Mission of Viet Nam to the United Nations Office at Geneva.

    The Human Rights Committee’s one hundred and forty-fourth session is being held from 23 June to 17 July 2025.  All the documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, can be found on the session’s webpage.  Meeting summary releases can be found here.  The webcast of the Committee’s public meetings can be accessed via the UN Web TV webpage.

    The Committee will next meet in public at 10 a.m., Thursday 10 July to hold an informal meeting with States.

    Report

    The Committee has before it the fourth periodic report of Viet Nam (CCPR/C/VNM/4).

    Presentation of the Report

    THANH TỊNH NGUYỄN, Deputy Minister of Justice and head of the delegation, said, guided by the principle of placing people at the centre — as both the goal and the driving force of development, Viet Nam had consistently devoted special attention, strong efforts, and firm commitment to promoting and ensuring the effective implementation of human rights and citizens’ rights, including civil and political rights.  Legal, administrative, and judicial reforms in Viet Nam, as well as law enforcement practices, were all anchored in a people-centred approach, whereby the people were regarded as the primary beneficiaries of the system.  These efforts aimed to implement effective measures to protect and ensure human rights and citizens’ rights in accordance with the law.  Immediately following the constructive dialogue with the Committee in 2019, the Government of Viet Nam adopted a national action plan to implement the Covenant and the Committee’s recommendations, with the aim of clearly identifying areas in need of improvement and undertaking necessary institutional and practical measures to ensure substantive progress.

    With regard to institutional and legal reform, since the submission of the fourth national report, Viet Nam had amended, supplemented, or enacted over 150 laws and resolutions of the National Assembly, many of which were directly related to the lives of the people and aimed at advancing civil and political rights.  Most recently, Viet Nam adopted the amended Criminal Code, which narrowed the scope of application of the death penalty by abolishing capital punishment for eight offences, and had recently adopted Resolution 66 on reforming the legislative process.  Viet Nam was also vigorously advancing a comprehensive reform of the State administrative apparatus.

    Viet Nam had undertaken a range of measures to enhance transparency, openness, and efficiency in the implementation of laws and policies.  Human rights education had been integrated into the national curriculum.  Viet Nam had issued and effectively implemented a range of policies that directly promoted and protected civil and political rights.  In the area of social security policy, Viet Nam remained firmly committed to ensuring social welfare, public safety, and the well-being of its people, under the guiding principle of “leaving no one behind.”  Viet Nam had also taken proactive measures to respond to climate change and to support the people in the context of disaster relief efforts. It had further placed strong emphasis on investing in infrastructure and enabling conditions to ensure public access to information, and was currently recognised as one of the countries with the most affordable internet access.  Rapid developments had significantly contributed to the realisation of the rights to freedom of the press, freedom of expression, and access to information.

    In the process of ensuring, protecting, and promoting the realisation of human rights, Viet Nam continued to face various difficulties and challenges arising from multiple factors that affect the implementation of the Covenant. These included limited resources; instances where the enforcement of laws had not met expectations; and the growing impact of global issues and non-traditional security threats in the context of Viet Nam’s  international integration.

    Viet Nam was in the process of building and perfecting a socialist rule-of-law State for the people, in order to build a high-quality legal system that effectively ensured and protected human rights and citizens’ rights, in a manner consistent with national realities and international standards.  In this process, Viet Nam would continue to seriously fulfil its international human rights commitments, and further promote dialogue and cooperation in this important area.  At the same time, Viet Nam would implement comprehensive measures to better promote, protect, and ensure the enjoyment of civil and political rights, and to improve resilience to climate change — particularly for vulnerable groups — through appropriate steps in the time to come.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said the Committee acknowledged the important steps Viet Nam had taken to strengthen its legal and institutional framework for human rights.  These developments reflected a clear commitment to international cooperation and legal reform.  The Committee commended Viet Nam for its recent decision to reduce the number of capital offenses from 18 to 10, which marked a significant step toward limiting the scope of application of the death penalty.

    Given reports that Directive 24 broadly defined international integration as a national security threat, leading to systemic restrictions on freedoms of expression, association, and movement, how did Viet Nam reconcile this directive with the Covenant’s articles 19, 21, and 22, an Expert asked.  Regarding disaster response and recovery efforts, as well as campaigns to eliminate temporary housing, the report did not address the adoption of a precautionary approach or specific measures to protect the most vulnerable from the negative impacts of climate change and natural disasters, and the Expert asked what specific measures Viet Nam had adopted to implement a precautionary approach to environmental and climate risks, and how vulnerable groups were identified and protected in these policies.

    Regarding the death penalty, an Expert asked about the criteria used to select offences to be removed from the scope of the death penalty; the reasons that led Viet Nam to stop short of full abolition; and considerations that had prevented the country from following the path toward complete abolition of the death penalty.  What measures were in place to ensure full respect for due process guarantees in death penalty cases, and to prevent the imposition of the death penalty as a result of forced confessions?  On enforced disappearances, the Expert asked whether Vietnamese law defined and criminalised all acts of enforced disappearance in accordance with international standards, and about measures in place to ensure prompt, thorough, and impartial investigations into allegations of enforced disappearance and transnational repression.

    Another Expert asked for an update on progress made towards the establishment of the national human rights institution, and for more detailed and concrete information on the status of the legislative review and the reasons for the continued delays in establishing the body.  What measures did the State party plan to take to ensure that all allegations of torture and ill-treatment, solitary confinement, incommunicado detention and forced commitment to psychiatric facilities were promptly and thoroughly investigated by an independent body and that perpetrators were prosecuted and sanctioned with appropriate penalties, and to investigate all reported instances of deaths of prisoners while detained?  What measures would the State party take to ensure that national legislation protecting the rights of detainees was implemented in practice, in particular the right to medical care?

    An Expert commended the State party for its continued efforts to combat corruption, but noted that further efforts were needed to strengthen anti-corruption initiatives.  He expressed particular concern relating to allegations of corruption involving high-level public officials, judges, prosecutors, and law enforcement officers, and asked for information on any actions taken in response to such cases.  He noted reports indicating persistent concerns that the enforcement of anti-corruption laws was perceived as selective and politically driven.  The Expert asked for further details on the mandates, composition, appointment procedures, and safeguards in place to ensure the independence of the three types of agencies involved in anti-corruption efforts.  He also asked whether the draft Law on the State of Emergency was fully compatible with article four of the Covenant, including its substantive and procedural requirements.

    Viet Nam lacked a law developing the principle of non-discrimination in areas such as employment, health, education, politics and justice, an Expert noted, asking for further information on the number of complaints of acts of discrimination, and on investigations, sanctions and reparations for victims; about employees with disabilities in the public and private sectors; and on the existence of other protection mechanisms.  Regarding women’s rights, the Expert asked about progress that had been made over the last ten years, including regarding non-discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender, noting that women’s rights had been violated by these forms of discrimination.  Was the State going to work towards the legalisation of same-sex marriage or civil partnership?  Had measures been taken to address the issue of stigmatisation, harassment, violence and discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons?

    An Expert expressed concern for the realities of Khmer Krom women, who were highly vulnerable to various human rights violations due to their gender, facing a high risk of systematic inequalities and abuse.  Other areas of concern included the wide salary gap between men and women, as well as continuing differentiation of retirement ages between men and women, the participation of women in political life, and that there still needed to be evidence of a minimum degree of physical injury for an act to be legally recognised as rape.  In view of these, the Expert asked what measures had been taken to increase women’s participation, specifically ethnic minority women and women in rural areas, in all private and public sectors, as well as high-level decision-making positions and political life.

    The Expert also expressed concern about the situation of drug users confined to drug rehabilitation centres, asking for more information on measures taken to ensure that all legislation concerning drug detoxification and rehabilitation centres, particularly the provisions retaining compulsory drug treatment, including for children between 12 and 18, were in line with the Covenant.

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said human rights had been upheld and promoted in Viet Nam over the past forty years and its legal system was sufficiently comprehensive to fully implement the Covenant.  There was a separate chapter in the Constitution on human rights that was in line with the Covenant.  Human rights could only be suspended for reasons of national security, public safety, and public health.  Only the National Assembly could suspend human rights, in line with the Constitution. As part of the law-making process in Viet Nam, there needed to be a consultation with stakeholders, including those affected by the law.  Human rights topics were now included in the national educational curriculum.  The State conducted many campaigns on human rights, and information on human rights was translated into various national minority languages and made available, including online.  Viet Nam had adopted various national measures to ensure national security and the safe and productive life of its people.

    Viet Nam was implementing the Covenant in various ways, including through its law and education.  According to the law, the Covenant needed to be prioritised if there were differences between it and the law.  If any discrepancies were identified, the Covenant took precedence.  There were training courses for judges and lawyers and other legal professionals on the provisions of the Covenant.

    Viet Nam was one of the countries seriously affected by climate change, which caused many socio-economic challenges.  The Government attached great importance to those whose rights had been affected by the phenomenon, and ensured that sustainable and green development and the climate change strategy of Viet Nam were prioritised in all policies.  Many important activities had been adopted for ethnic minorities, including access to adequate, clean water, and the development of a medical network that focused on climate change-related diseases.  The Government had also developed a plan to review infrastructure in climate change-prone areas, including water infrastructure.  The climate change strategy had many implications on the enjoyment of the human rights of the people.  Viet Nam promoted international cooperation to ensure that all could fight climate change issues, whilst cooperating with all international agencies.

    On discrimination against the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex community, anti-discrimination was a part of the legal framework, and over the past years Viet Nam had taken many steps to better protect the members of the community, to ensure that none would be discriminated against on the basis of their gender or sexual identity.  The provision in the law criminalising same-sex marriage had been removed more than 10 years ago, although there was no law legalising same-sex marriage.  The new Criminal Code, since 2015, contained provisions regarding sexual offences which protected lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons.  In 2022, the Ministry of Health introduced a guideline giving direction to local authorities, which ensured that these persons could not be subject to discrimination. On oversight of activities in the medical sector, so far, no complaints had been received, meaning that there were no violations of the guidelines.  Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons had access to services to support them, and could change their legal identity, ensuring that they were not discriminated against.

    On anti-corruption efforts, Viet Nam had implemented many activities aiming to perfect the legal framework, including the adoption of the Anti-Corruption Law within the Criminal Code and related preventive measures.  It had also strengthened its monitoring activities, streamlined the administrative apparatus to better support the functions of the State, and was working to enhance efficiency.  Anti-corruption courses were available for legal practitioners, including at the local level.  Capacity building was one of the strongest commitments made by the Government.  There were specialised agencies working to prevent corruption, including a department on police in the Ministry of Security, and a department specialised on investigations and prosecutions of corruption cases within the Ministry of Justice.  Viet Nam had made significant efforts over the last few years to combat corruption and had recently made significant achievements, which it would strive to continue.

    The law was very comprehensive to prevent any discrimination in civil and personal life.  Everybody was equal before the law, including in the labour sector, where the law prohibited discrimination, including salary discrimination between men and women and against guest workers.  Discrimination was also forbidden in education.  The law provided a significant number of sanctions to reduce gender inequality.  Efforts had been strengthened to ensure the equal representation of women in political life — women were provided with more opportunities for leadership positions and were given training to gain the necessary skills to participate in political life.  There was an action plan in the Ministry of Labour to ensure equal access of men and women to business, investment capital, and health services.  The gap between retirement age between men and women was being reviewed by the Government; the current discrepancy was not discriminatory but reflected the situation of the population.  Many different policies and programmes were being implemented for persons with disabilities, including those providing employment opportunities.

    On the establishment of the national human rights institution, much work had been done in this regard.  This was an important long-term goal that required serious consideration to ensure that the institution would be in line with international commitments and Viet Nam’s needs and specificities.  There were currently other mechanisms in place, including the equivalent of an Ombudsman, and a National Committee on Women and Children, which fulfilled the same role, promoting the rights of the people of Viet Nam.  Viet Nam was still reviewing the situation in order to be able to establish a model national human rights institution.

    According to Vietnamese law, prisoners had the right to access medical care, including medical check-ups and access to hospital services for regular treatment if their care could not be provided in the prison.  On transfers to psychiatric facilities, if a person showed any signs of psychiatric illness, they would be sent for forensic examination, and if the examination indicated it was required, they would be transferred to psychiatric facilities, where they were entitled to medical treatment.

    Human rights, including the right to life, could only be restricted in certain circumstances provided for in the Constitution.  Depriving others of their right to life was a criminal affair which needed to be prosecuted.  Viet Nam implemented various measures recommended by international bodies during the COVID-19 pandemic to lower the rate of transmission in accordance with the law, on the basis of public health and in order to safeguard the health of the people. There was a free vaccination campaign, with no discrimination.  At the end of the pandemic, Viet Nam brought the restrictions to an end.

    Juveniles were not subject to the death penalty, the delegation said, and Viet Nam was getting closer to international standards, moving forward to a phase in which it would review the Criminal Code.  It also had a road map to move forward in making it ever more difficult to condemn a person to death.  Work had also been done to ensure that there was no overlap with torture in the application of the death penalty.  There was an oversight mechanism and strong and stringent sanctions to be applied to the perpetrators of torture.

    One law included specific regulation of detention conditions, including the minimum space per detainee, access to food and drinkable water, and women-specific products.  All prisoners were entitled to medical support and treatment.  There was compulsory drug rehabilitation and detoxification, aiming to help persons end their addiction.  There was a strict procedure for this, which included a passage in front of a court.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said the situation of women still raised questions.  Misconceptions about sexual violence, the wish to preserve the harmony of the family, mediation according to the law of 2022, and the fear of rehabilitation were all obstacles before women, making them reluctant to report acts of violence committed against them in different spheres, including domestic violence and harassment in the workplace.  The legal definition of rape remained of concern to the Committee.  What were the activities carried out under the national communication programme on gender equality and the National Strategy on Gender Equality?  What measures were taken to identify the factors that prevented women victims from reporting abuse, and to align the legal definition of rape with the Covenant and other international standards?  What remedies had been offered to victims and what was the number of cases that had been referred to alternative dispute resolution processes?

    Another Expert asked about the oversight mechanisms that existed to examine cases of torture and their findings.  Had there been any cases of torture, and if there were any, had the perpetrators been prosecuted?  One Expert said the results of corruption investigations could vary depending on who initiated and drove the process.  In certain cases, political manoeuvring could influence investigations; statistical data would help clarify the nature of the cases.  Viet Nam had not submitted any notification under article four, paragraph three of the Covenant — did this mean it did not consider itself to ever have been under a situation of public emergency?

    Another Expert raised the issue of a comprehensive law on non-discrimination and the potential detention of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons in separate facilities apart from the general population, asking if this was being done according to human rights principles.  According to the Adoption Law of 2010, adoption could only be done by people with opposite-sex partners, or by a single person.  The Expert asked about the extent to which a homosexual person could adopt.  On discrimination against persons with disabilities in the world of work, he asked for specific, concrete data regarding the number of persons employed under programmes to end discrimination in the labour market.

    An Expert asked whether there was a legal procedure that enabled individuals sentenced to death to seek a review of their convictions based on newly discovered evidence of their innocence, and what remedies were provided for persons who were shown to have been wrongly convicted?  Again on the death penalty, another Expert asked how many executions had taken place, and how many persons were on death row?  Was there an offence related to kidnapping for financial gain, as this could be assimilated to enforced disappearance?

    In Viet Nam, the international human rights treaties did hold precedence, and nothing stopped the courts from applying them.  Why, to date, had no court invoked the Covenant with regard to the rights and provisions enshrined within it?

    Regarding the plan of action against climate change, the Expert was pleased to recognise that minorities in occupied territories who were particularly vulnerable to climate change were included; he asked whether these minorities were consulted during the drafting of the plans and whether they were respecting traditional farming methods and techniques?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the law of Viet Nam mentioned the hierarchy of international legislation and domestic law; priority was given to the international commitments and agreements.  The definition of rape in the Criminal Code was divided into two categories, including one for those over 13 and one for those under 13, for whom the law did not require any evidence of force or circumstances such as alcoholic consumption to elicit sexual activities.  The law did not distinguish between married and unmarried rape.

    On domestic violence, the delegation said even though much effort had been made to combat this violence, the detection and handling of such cases had not yet been satisfactory.  The Government had issued a decree on domestic violence.  Data would be provided more comprehensively later. There were opportunities for the victim to express themselves.  There were also local supportive networks for the victims of violence, and there were psychological and medical services provided for such victims.  There were media and communication events held on domestic violence, and campaigns to raise awareness, providing information for victims so that they would be more willing to raise their voice.

    Regarding torture and the death penalty, there were eight crimes which could be punished by the penalty, including treason, murder, rape, terrorism, crimes against humanity, crimes of war, illegal production of narcotics, and drug trafficking. Keeping the data regarding executions private was often due to national security and defence reasons, and also for the protection of the privacy of the family and victims of the perpetrator.  There was a procedure for review of judgements — at any point, a complaint could be made and an appeal made on the basis of wrongful conviction.  In the case of a wrongful conviction, there was a law on State compensation.  If there was any violation or wrongful conviction identified, then the State would provide compensation, including a public apology.  The law was very comprehensive when it came to illegal detention of others.  There was a hierarchy of oversight mechanisms which applied to cases of torture.

    Regarding detention, Viet Nam did not use the method of transferring prisoners away from their residential addresses as a punishment.  Prisoners were kept close to their families.  Pregnant women, foreigners and juveniles were given particular consideration.  However, very violent or dangerous criminals were kept separate from other members of the same criminal network in prison, for reasons of security.  Viet Nam was making great efforts to improve conditions for prisoners, and was amending the law on custody and detention to ensure there could be no violation of human rights.

    Only certain persons were subject to compulsory detoxification and addiction treatment, and such decisions needed to be made by the local authority and reviewed by the court to ensure that they were valid.  There were no cases of forced labour at the compulsory detoxification centres, but there was therapeutic labour, which aimed to help inmates to learn to take care of themselves.  Inmates were allowed to enjoy sports and other leisure activities.

    There were several pilot programmes to respond to climate change, with engagement from the local to the central level, and communication campaigns for the ethnic and mountain areas.  There were a wide range of collaborative events, including with non-governmental organizations, and inputs from partners were carefully considered by the authorities when they developed strategies to mitigate climate change.

    There was fertile ground for the growth of a national human rights institution, but to achieve this, legal amendments, including of the Constitution, were needed, making it a time-consuming process.  Viet Nam was paying more attention to streamlining the governmental structure.  In the future, it would carefully consider the Paris Principles when establishing such an institution.  However, great efforts were being made to safeguard, protect and promote human rights already.  There was a mechanism already in place to deal with corruption, which dealt with reports and allegations of corruption from individuals.

    Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said the Criminal Procedure Code provided that Government prosecutors could hold suspects accused of national security crimes in detention for an unlimited period without trial or judicial review.  Prosecutors could restrict access to legal counsel in cases related to suspects accused of “national security” crimes until the conclusion of the investigation and with no time limits.  What concrete measures would be taken to ensure that any deprivation of liberty was lawful and that detained persons were afforded legal safeguards from the outset of their detention?  How would the State ensure that pre-trial detention was used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest period, following a proper, individualised assessment and for reasons expressly provided by law and in line with international human rights standard and the Covenant?

    Reports before the Committee indicated that trafficking in persons continued to be a serious concern.  There was a lack of a clear framework for the protection of non-Vietnamese nationals trafficked to Viet Nam, or transited through Viet Nam to a third country.  There had been no substantive changes in Government policies and efforts to combat labour trafficking in the State-run labour export programme.  What measures were being taken to strengthen international legal cooperation and national law enforcement capacities to investigate and respond to the linkages between cybercrime, human trafficking and migrant smuggling, and to strengthen international cooperation to ensure cross-border access to supporting services?

    Another Expert said the Committee remained concerned about directives on international travel that closely managed officials, party members and Vietnamese citizens who went abroad, and by the fact that the law allowed authorities to postpone the departure of any person on various broad grounds.  What new measures had been taken to guarantee freedom of movement, and what were the legal grounds for decisions to restrict international travel on Vietnamese citizens and legal grounds for such bans?  The Expert also asked for comment on reports asserting that members of ethnic and religious minorities and indigenous people had been prevented from leaving Viet Nam to seek asylum; and that human rights defenders and religious activists were routinely subject to discriminatory restrictions on their freedom of movement.

    Significant progress had been made in juvenile justice, thanks to an increased awareness of the importance of legal institutional reforms.  However, these improvements were reportedly neither systematic nor comprehensive, and detention of children in conflict with the law was still common.  What efforts had been made to amend the legislation to address the protection gaps for children aged 16 and 17 years and the definition of a child to cover persons up to 18 years of age?  What measures had been taken to strengthen the juvenile justice system by setting up additional specialised courts with trained judges, improving community-based diversion, and ensuring children were not deprived of liberty?

    The Committee was concerned about reports of a repressive media landscape in Viet Nam, where journalists, bloggers and human rights activists were often intimidated into silence, another Expert said, asking for comments on allegations of targeted surveillance arbitrarily conducted on political activists, journalists, and human rights defenders.

    Regarding judicial independence, another Expert asked what specific measures were in place to guarantee the presumption of innocence, access to a lawyer of one’s choice, and a trial within a reasonable time for journalists, human rights defenders, political activists, and individuals accused of national security crimes.  What concrete steps had the State party taken to prevent and punish threats, intimidation, or harassment against lawyers for their work on sensitive cases?  Had any independent mechanisms for judicial oversight over legislative and executive actions been established or implemented? On participation in public affairs, the same Expert asked what measures had been taken to encourage and promote political pluralism.  What steps had been taken to eliminate proxy voting in practice, and had an independent electoral monitoring body been established?

    On the freedom of association, despite the constitutional proclamation of the right of association, an Expert expressed concern that there was no framework law regulating this right in a coherent and protective manner.  There had also been reports of systematic repression of religious minorities practising their faith outside the control of State-recognised religious organisations.  What measures had Viet Nam taken to ensure that the right of association, including the right to establish and register independent religious or social associations, could be exercised without interference?  What guarantees existed to prevent the use of the Penal Code against minority religious communities that did not wish to integrate into State-controlled structures?  Further, he asked for detailed information on the rules applicable to associations receiving foreign funding and on the differences in legal treatment between national associations, foreign associations and those receiving international funding.  What steps had Viet Nam taken to ensure that tax and criminal laws were not used in a disproportionate or discriminatory manner against human rights defenders?

    The Committee welcomed the programmes implemented by the State party for the economic and social development of minorities.  However, there had been multiple reports of persistent discrimination against these minority groups, in particular against the Khmer Krom and Montagnards.  What concrete actions had Viet Nam taken to eradicate systematic discrimination against these communities in education, employment and public services?

    On freedom of conscience and religious belief, what was the procedure for registration or recognition for religious groups, an Expert asked, inquiring how long the process typically took from initiation to decision?  Was the applicant allowed an opportunity to respond or appeal during the review process? What were the reasons for denying registration to certain organizations?  How did the State party justify the non-registration of relatively large religious groups such as Cao Dai and Hoa Hao?  What measures were in place to ensure that individuals were free to choose their religion without coercion?

    Regarding freedom of expression, what amendments was the State party considering to the Press Law, the Expert asked.  What legal safeguards existed to ensure that measures affecting online freedom of expression were strictly necessary and proportionate, and in compliance with the Covenant?  What mechanisms were in place to prevent and address harassment and intimidation of individuals, including journalists and online activists, who expressed views critical of the Government?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said ethnic minorities in Viet Nam were entitled to all human rights and citizen rights, and equal access to public services.  Many regulations prohibited discrimination on ethnic grounds.  The Government was implementing a socio-economic plan to ensure development of ethnic affairs.  Ethnic minorities were given the full opportunity to participate in economic and social life, and to stand for election: 70 per cent of the National Assembly were members of ethnic minorities.  Ethnic minorities could participate in many political activities. There were policies encouraging their equal participation in public service and their culture and cultural identity.  Ethnic minority groups had the right to equality of employment, including equal pay. There was vocational training for ethnic minorities, which was regulated by the law.

    Authorities ensured the freedom of religion by citizens.  The State checked the implementation of the law on freedom of religion and belief.  There were favourable conditions that ensured detainees or persons in custody could exercise their religion.  The State did not require registration for religious collectives and religious activities could take place without registration if they were not against the law.

    There had been changes to the law on the People’s Court, regarding the appointment of judges, to further guarantee their independence.  There was a stringent procedure for their appointment.  Interference with judicial activities was prohibited by law, and there was a mechanism to oversee the activities of judges to ensure that they complied with the law.  Regarding corruption, several cases had been prosecuted against high-ranking persons, and the results of these were publicised.  The victims of corruption were protected, as provided for in the Criminal Code.  Activities that hindered the judicial procedure could also be punished according to the law.

    On juvenile justice, there was a new Juvenile Justice Law since November 2024, which entered into effect in 2025, which was consistent with international standards on juvenile justice and provided new regulations to better protect juvenile perpetrators and victims, with diverse measures that could be applied to offenders.  The law also introduced family-friendly measures to ensure that the procedure would be more victim-friendly.  Penalties against juvenile offenders could include non-custodial punishments, and juvenile offenders below a certain age who were detained were kept separately, under the oversight of trained officers.  There were 38 juvenile courts at the provincial level.  Much attention was paid to training and capacity-building of the judges of these courts.

    A high percentage of Viet Nam’s population had access to the Internet, with good technology and infrastructure, the delegation said, but there was a need for a better mechanism to ensure confidentiality and privacy.  The State had issued a decree to strengthen cyber security to ensure that information was only collected in line with international standards and with the commitments Viet Nam had made, without hindering data flow.  The National Assembly of Viet Nam had adopted a law on protection of personal data, which was a strong commitment to the protection of privacy in line with international standards.  It also guaranteed the right to complain if such privacy was violated. Viet Nam’s efforts had been recognised by the international community.

    The right of freedom of expression could not, however, be used to violate the rights of others or of organisations and did not harm social order.  The policy of Viet Nam safeguarded the freedom of expression and of the press, but this needed to be in line with international law.  Cyber security in Viet Nam was not against these commitments and principles, which restrictions were aligned with.

    On the freedom of association, the delegation said this right was one of the most basic rights and was clearly provided for by the law and several Government decrees.  Viet Nam had more than 70,000 associations, many of which operated nationwide.  There were an increasing number of associations, operating in various sectors in order to cover the needs of the people, and operating in a way that contributed to the socio-economic development of the country.  The requirement of registration and reporting on financial resources was a popular regulation adopted to prevent any violation of the law by an association, such as conducting terrorism or money laundering. These regulations aimed at administrative management only, and were not based on discrimination.  The freedom of religion and belief was safeguarded through the Constitution and other legislation.

    To ensure transparency in elections, the National Assembly had established the National Election Council, which would make decisions on dismissing any false elections and rehosting them, and applying a penalty on those who had perpetrated fraud.  The 2021 election had the greatest number of electors ever.  There were no cases of serious violation of electoral regulations.  Viet Nam encouraged voters to select the candidates that satisfied the requirements for the position.  Elections were well-organised in Viet Nam.  Many regulations and provisions had been introduced on standing for election for members of the National Assembly to ensure the right of freedom to stand for election.

    On prevention of human trafficking in the labour sector, the law introduced a number of provisions to better protect Vietnamese workers working abroad.  The employment fee had been eliminated; only a brokerage fee could be charged. After a worker finalised a contract, they currently paid a limited fee, but Viet Nam was moving towards a model where the employer would pay this fee.  Campaigns were being held to ensure workers were aware of the risks of being trafficked when working abroad, and to give them more information about reliable channels for migrating, and of the risks of migrating outside of these channels.

    On civic space in Viet Nam, civil society organizations had the freedom to operate and could make contributions to the socio-economic development of the country, as long as they acted in line with the law.  Members of civil society organisations, including human rights defenders, would only be arrested if they violated the law, and the organisations needed to comply with the law and fulfil their obligations, including regarding tax regulations.  Arrests, detention and prosecution of such persons were only done in line with the law.

    Viet Nam adopted a revised version of its anti-trafficking law in January 2025 that was consistent with international standards and included a revised definition of human trafficking. The Criminal Code would be revised to ensure that it complied with the anti-trafficking law.  Anyone who reported to the authorities complaining of being a victim of trafficking would be protected and supported.  The law also contained provisions on rescue and identification of victims.  Viet Nam worked with the border and police of neighbouring countries to fight against human trafficking and to protect and defend victims, providing them with shelter and medical attention to cover their needs.

    Regarding freedom of movement, Viet Nam respected this fully with regard to its citizens, ensuring that they were protected and promoting their freedom of residence.  The law contained a list of prohibited activities.  Anybody leaving or entering the country needed to respect the relevant laws.  Freedom of movement could be restricted based on national security, public health, and public defence.  There was no single case of restriction of freedom of movement in Viet Nam for ethnic or religious reasons; all cases were because laws had been violated.

    Viet Nam supported the right of freedom of expression, but strictly dealt with violations of those rights, particularly in efforts to defame the State and cause division among the different parts of society, and this was in line with international agreements. 

    The Penal Code provided for detention only under clear and specific conditions, and also provided for other forms of detention.  Detention was only imposed if it was deemed necessary.  Detainees had the full right to family visits and to communicate with others, with the right to access legal counsel.  Limitations to legal counsel were in line with international standards, and only applied in severe cases of necessity, including those affecting national security.  Suspects could also be detained in these cases to ensure that the investigation would be sufficient.  Since 2019 to date, there had been no cases of abuse of this power.

    Follow-Up Questions by Committee Experts

    A Committee Expert said he was not fully satisfied with responses on a few issues, including regarding who was responsible for the disciplinary procedure for judges, and how their independence from the Government was ensured. How was the presumption of innocence and access to a lawyer guaranteed, and how were lawyers protected in sensitive cases from facing threats of reprisal?  How was the independence of the National Electoral Council ensured?

    On the freedom of expression, an Expert noted that this was not an absolute right but said that concerns lay in the breadth of the restrictions allowed for by the State party.  Restrictions needed to be as narrowly defined as possible.  The Committee did not take exception to detention for violation of laws, but it took exception to excessive lengths of detention and forms of harassment perpetrated on the accused.  The State party recognised the importance of religious freedom, but at the same time referred to a need for registration, which was a limitation of this freedom.

    Another Expert addressed the situation of those arrested for national security reasons, noting that this was a broad concept, and that sometimes national security laws were applied to prisoners of conscience and persons with certain religious beliefs.  The Expert said he was unsure how this was relevant to national security.  The Working Group on Arbitrary Detention had found cases of arbitrary detention where there had been restriction of freedom of religion, restrictions on access to legal counsel, and other inappropriate restrictions, and he asked for a comment on this.

    Regarding the right to freedom of association, an Expert asked whether any of the restrictions to this right could be removed, and whether the Government was envisaging any law on the freedom of association.  According to information received, persons who spoke minority languages and other minorities were not allowed to participate in international fora, which was a matter of concern.  On the rights of indigenous peoples and minorities, had any of the rights that had been developed globally been recognised in Viet Nam, where there appeared to be a resistance to recognising indigenous peoples.  Did they benefit from the core rights existing in international law? 

    Further clarification was requested on the conditions under which the Government interfered with the right to privacy by cutting telephone lines, interrupting cell phones and Internet services for political activists and their families.  Did the Government consider abolishing or amending relevant legislation, or providing more solid grounds for the registering of media users using real names and phone numbers, including those outside Viet Nam?

    Responses by the Delegation

    The delegation said the Criminal Code included a provision on the presumption of innocence, so defendants were considered to be innocent until found guilty by a legal decision by a court of Viet Nam.  Only the courts had the authority to declare somebody guilty, and there needed to be sufficient access to legal counsel.  If there was lack of evidence, then the court needed to declare a person innocent.  There were many mechanisms to oversee and monitor judges’ performance, and there were inspections of local and central courts, investigations of denunciations or allegations of violations, and disciplinary actions provided for in case these were substantiated.

    Regarding elections, independent candidates needed to prepare a dossier and send their application to the local authorities, who would review it to make sure that it respected the law, after which they would send the dossier to the standing committee and the provincial election committee, as well as the National Election Council.  There was a stringent procedure for considering the application for election by independent candidates.  On restriction of the freedom of association, a recent decree had been enacted that created favourable conditions for associations without discrimination. There were no plans to introduce any other new laws, as the current legislation satisfied requirements.

    On privacy, cybersecurity and freedom of expression and speech, Viet Nam’s policy was to have a healthy cyberspace that did not infringe upon the enjoyment of rights.  The cybersecurity of Viet Nam aimed to promote the use of the Internet whilst striking a balance between the rise of the country and the needs of the people, and had been developed on the basis of learning from experiences of other countries, in consultation with public and private bodies.  The cybersecurity law provided precise conditions in which there could be restrictions of access to the Internet, but this law did not hinder human rights and only related to cases where individuals violated the law. Cybersecurity did not hinder the use of the Internet unless it was to defend the Government.

    The freedom of expression and of the press was not an absolute right and needed to be exercised in line with the law.  Registration was used to this end to protect the legitimate rights of all people and to develop a healthy Internet space.  The right to freedom and belief had been effectively supported over previous years, thanks to the implementation of a new law from 2018, the delegation said.

    Given the characteristics of the people in question, Viet Nam did not use the term “indigenous people”, using instead the terms “ethnic minority” or “small minority”, the delegation said.  The guarantee of rights for ethnic minorities was a significant achievement, given the geographical structure of Viet Nam.  These people were facilitated in their access to their human and citizenship rights.

    On arbitrary detention, the right to access to defence counsel was never limited for detainees.  Only the Prosecutor General had the power to make the decision to limit such access, but no cases of this were recorded.  On tax evasion, there were regulations on this all over the world, and penalties were imposed, and this could not be considered a punitive measure.

    Closing Statements

    THANH TỊNH NGUYỄN, Deputy Minister of Justice and head of the delegation, said Viet Nam appreciated the dialogue.  The delegation had engaged openly and sincerely, and aimed to provide all answers. Protection and promotion of human rights were the objective and result of a long struggle by many generations of Vietnamese people.  Human rights were a universal and global value, and their protection was a goal for all countries, but each country had a different mechanism to ensure these rights for citizens in line with its socio-economic situation.  Viet Nam worked to ensure the happiness of the people, which was the ultimate goal of its policies, and it had worked to this end to improve its legal system to ensure that people would be the beneficiaries of its policies.  Viet Nam remained steadfast in its aim to build a democratic, equitable and harmonious society, implementing sustainable social policies based on human rights for the people, who were placed at the heart of State policies.  Good laws also needed to be enforced and implemented to ensure positive results, and this was also the policy of the Government.  Viet Nam’s Government was committed to implementing the Covenant.

    CHANGROK SOH, Committee Chairperson, expressed sincere gratitude to all those who had contributed to the dialogue.  Over the past two days, the dialogue had addressed key elements of the implementation of the Covenant.  The adoption of certain institutional safeguards to combat discrimination and to combat domestic violence was positive, but there were a number of remaining concerns requiring attention, including severe restriction on fundamental freedoms related to assembly, speech, and religion.  There were also credible allegations of torture and ill-treatment, and persistent challenges for vulnerable groups, including women and children, ethnic minorities, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons.

    ___________

    This document is produced by the United Nations Information Service at Geneva and is intended for public information; it is not an official document.
    The English and French versions of our news releases are different because they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

    CCPR25.016E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Video: Ukraine, Palestine, Turkmenistan & other topics – Daily Press Briefing (8 July 2025)| United Nations

    Source: United Nations (video statements)

    Noon Briefing by Stéphane Dujarric, Spokesperson for the Secretary-General.

    Highlights:
    Ukraine
    Ukraine/Humanitarian
    Secretary-General/Travels
    Occupied Palestinian Territory
    Lebanon
    Yemen
    Security Council
    West Africa
    Bangladesh
    Hurricane Beryl
    Sustainable Development
    Financial Contribution

    UKRAINE
    The Secretary-General strongly condemns today’s missile attacks by the Russian Federation hitting residential and civilian infrastructure across Ukraine, including in the cities of Kyiv, Kryvyi Rih, Dnipro and Pokrovsk. The strike reportedly killed dozens of civilians, including children, and injured over 150 more.
    The incidents in which missiles hit the Okhmatdyt National Children’s Specialized Hospital in Kyiv, the largest pediatrics facility in Ukraine, and at another medical facility in the capital’s Dniprovsky district, are particularly shocking.
    Directing attacks against civilians and civilian objects is prohibited by international humanitarian law, and any such attacks are unacceptable and must end immediately.
    The Secretary-General extends his deepest condolences to the families of all the victims and wishes a speedy recovery to the injured.

    UKRAINE/HUMANITARIAN
    The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs says that the children’s hospital in the centre of Kyiv was severely damaged as children were receiving treatment.
    OCHA says that rescue workers, hospital staff and volunteers are currently clearing the rubble and searching for people trapped under debris.
    Our health partners are helping to move patients to other facilities, providing psychosocial support and assisting with other urgent needs. They are also in contact with the hospital to coordinate any additional support required.
    Humanitarian workers are on-site at the hospital to provide water and psychosocial support, among other assistance.

    SECRETARY-GENERAL/TRAVELS
    The Secretary-General returned to NewYork, after his visit to Central Asia.
    In Turkmenistan, his last stop before returning to New York, he met with Serdar Berdimuhamedov, the President of Turkmenistan.
    They discussed cooperation between the United Nations and Turkmenistan, and regional developments in Central Asia. The Secretary-General thanked the President for providing the UN Country Team in Turkmenistan with a new building.
    In a press encounter following the meeting, the Secretary-General said that Turkmenistan is playing a very important role in international relations and commended Turkmenistan’s policy of neutrality.
    He noted that Central Asia continues to face many obstacles to development – like water shortages, land degradation, natural hazards, and a lack of adequate connectivity.

    Full Highlights: https://www.un.org/sg/en/content/noon-briefing-highlight?date%5Bvalue%5D%5Bdate%5D=08%20July%202024

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9mzYocjcMe0

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Video: Ukraine, Palestine, Turkmenistan & other topics – Daily Press Briefing (8 July 2025)| United Nations

    Source: United Nations (video statements)

    Noon Briefing by Stéphane Dujarric, Spokesperson for the Secretary-General.

    Highlights:
    Ukraine
    Ukraine/Humanitarian
    Secretary-General/Travels
    Occupied Palestinian Territory
    Lebanon
    Yemen
    Security Council
    West Africa
    Bangladesh
    Hurricane Beryl
    Sustainable Development
    Financial Contribution

    UKRAINE
    The Secretary-General strongly condemns today’s missile attacks by the Russian Federation hitting residential and civilian infrastructure across Ukraine, including in the cities of Kyiv, Kryvyi Rih, Dnipro and Pokrovsk. The strike reportedly killed dozens of civilians, including children, and injured over 150 more.
    The incidents in which missiles hit the Okhmatdyt National Children’s Specialized Hospital in Kyiv, the largest pediatrics facility in Ukraine, and at another medical facility in the capital’s Dniprovsky district, are particularly shocking.
    Directing attacks against civilians and civilian objects is prohibited by international humanitarian law, and any such attacks are unacceptable and must end immediately.
    The Secretary-General extends his deepest condolences to the families of all the victims and wishes a speedy recovery to the injured.

    UKRAINE/HUMANITARIAN
    The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs says that the children’s hospital in the centre of Kyiv was severely damaged as children were receiving treatment.
    OCHA says that rescue workers, hospital staff and volunteers are currently clearing the rubble and searching for people trapped under debris.
    Our health partners are helping to move patients to other facilities, providing psychosocial support and assisting with other urgent needs. They are also in contact with the hospital to coordinate any additional support required.
    Humanitarian workers are on-site at the hospital to provide water and psychosocial support, among other assistance.

    SECRETARY-GENERAL/TRAVELS
    The Secretary-General returned to NewYork, after his visit to Central Asia.
    In Turkmenistan, his last stop before returning to New York, he met with Serdar Berdimuhamedov, the President of Turkmenistan.
    They discussed cooperation between the United Nations and Turkmenistan, and regional developments in Central Asia. The Secretary-General thanked the President for providing the UN Country Team in Turkmenistan with a new building.
    In a press encounter following the meeting, the Secretary-General said that Turkmenistan is playing a very important role in international relations and commended Turkmenistan’s policy of neutrality.
    He noted that Central Asia continues to face many obstacles to development – like water shortages, land degradation, natural hazards, and a lack of adequate connectivity.

    Full Highlights: https://www.un.org/sg/en/content/noon-briefing-highlight?date%5Bvalue%5D%5Bdate%5D=08%20July%202024

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9mzYocjcMe0

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI Video: Ukraine, Palestine, Turkmenistan & other topics – Daily Press Briefing (8 July 2025)| United Nations

    Source: United Nations (video statements)

    Noon Briefing by Stéphane Dujarric, Spokesperson for the Secretary-General.

    Highlights:
    Ukraine
    Ukraine/Humanitarian
    Secretary-General/Travels
    Occupied Palestinian Territory
    Lebanon
    Yemen
    Security Council
    West Africa
    Bangladesh
    Hurricane Beryl
    Sustainable Development
    Financial Contribution

    UKRAINE
    The Secretary-General strongly condemns today’s missile attacks by the Russian Federation hitting residential and civilian infrastructure across Ukraine, including in the cities of Kyiv, Kryvyi Rih, Dnipro and Pokrovsk. The strike reportedly killed dozens of civilians, including children, and injured over 150 more.
    The incidents in which missiles hit the Okhmatdyt National Children’s Specialized Hospital in Kyiv, the largest pediatrics facility in Ukraine, and at another medical facility in the capital’s Dniprovsky district, are particularly shocking.
    Directing attacks against civilians and civilian objects is prohibited by international humanitarian law, and any such attacks are unacceptable and must end immediately.
    The Secretary-General extends his deepest condolences to the families of all the victims and wishes a speedy recovery to the injured.

    UKRAINE/HUMANITARIAN
    The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs says that the children’s hospital in the centre of Kyiv was severely damaged as children were receiving treatment.
    OCHA says that rescue workers, hospital staff and volunteers are currently clearing the rubble and searching for people trapped under debris.
    Our health partners are helping to move patients to other facilities, providing psychosocial support and assisting with other urgent needs. They are also in contact with the hospital to coordinate any additional support required.
    Humanitarian workers are on-site at the hospital to provide water and psychosocial support, among other assistance.

    SECRETARY-GENERAL/TRAVELS
    The Secretary-General returned to NewYork, after his visit to Central Asia.
    In Turkmenistan, his last stop before returning to New York, he met with Serdar Berdimuhamedov, the President of Turkmenistan.
    They discussed cooperation between the United Nations and Turkmenistan, and regional developments in Central Asia. The Secretary-General thanked the President for providing the UN Country Team in Turkmenistan with a new building.
    In a press encounter following the meeting, the Secretary-General said that Turkmenistan is playing a very important role in international relations and commended Turkmenistan’s policy of neutrality.
    He noted that Central Asia continues to face many obstacles to development – like water shortages, land degradation, natural hazards, and a lack of adequate connectivity.

    Full Highlights: https://www.un.org/sg/en/content/noon-briefing-highlight?date%5Bvalue%5D%5Bdate%5D=08%20July%202024

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9mzYocjcMe0

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI USA: Preserving Affordable Housing in Utica

    Source: US State of New York

    overnor Kathy Hochul today announced the completion of Impact Utica, a $101 million project in the city of Utica, Oneida County. Developed by People First, Inc., formerly known as the Municipal Housing Authority of the City of Utica, and VecinoGroup New York, Impact Utica preserves 93 public housing units at Chancellor Apartments and transforms a historic former warehouse into the 74-unit Broad Street Apartments that include 24 units with supportive services for at-risk youth. Under Governor Hochul’s leadership, New York State Homes and Community Renewal has financed over 800 affordable homes in Oneida County. Impact Utica continues this effort and complements Governor Hochul’s $25 billion five-year housing plan, which is on track to create or preserve 100,000 affordable homes statewide.

    “The completion of Impact Utica is a testament to our commitment to providing safe, affordable, and sustainable housing for all New Yorkers,” Governor Hochul said. “By preserving critical public housing units at Chancellor Apartments, creating new affordable apartments at Broad Street and supporting at-risk youth, we are revitalizing Utica and ensuring public housing residents of all generations have the opportunity to thrive.”

    Located within a half a mile away from each other, all units at Chancellor Apartments and Broad Street Apartments are affordable to households earning up to 60 percent of the Area Median Income. Chancellor Apartments, a six-story building originally constructed in 1978, underwent interior and exterior rehabilitation, including a new roof, sidewalk repairs and improved kitchen layouts. All units at Chancellor Apartments will continue to serve as public housing.

    The development of Broad Street Apartments entailed the adaptive re-use of a four-story vacant warehouse, originally constructed in 1903 as the Avalon Knitting Mill, that is listed on the State and National Registers of Historic Places. Work included exterior façade repairs, historic period appropriate new windows, and an open courtyard. There are 24 units at Broad Street Apartments that include supportive services for at-risk youth, with services including case management and referral to job training and educational services.

    Both components of Impact Utica are highly energy-efficient. Broad Street Apartments is all-electric and was designed to meet 2020 Enterprise Green Communities criteria, with energy efficiency measures including increased insulation and an energy recovery ventilation system. The rehabilitation of Chancellor Apartments has reduced expected energy usage by 20 percent and the development was designed to meet Affordable Multifamily Energy Efficiency Program criteria, with improvements including the installation of electric air source heat pumps and energy-efficient lighting throughout the building.

    State financing for Impact Utica includes support from New York State Homes and Community Renewal’s (HCR) State and Federal Low-Income Housing Tax Credit Programs that will generate over $39 million in equity and $37 million in subsidy from HCR. The New York State Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic Preservation has facilitated the use of Federal and State Historic Rehabilitation Tax Credits which are estimated to generate over $10 million in equity. The city of Utica provided $500,000 in HOME funding.

    State financing for Impact Utica includes support from HCR’s State and Federal Low-Income Housing Tax Credit Programs that will generate over $39 million in equity and $37 million in subsidy from New York State Homes and Community Renewal. The New York State Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic Preservation has facilitated the use of Federal and State Historic Rehabilitation Tax Credits which are estimated to generate over $10 million in equity. The city of Utica provided $500,000 in HOME funding. Operating funding for the 24 supportive apartments is provided by the Empire State Supportive Housing Initiative administered by the New York State Office of Temporary and Disability Assistance.

    New York State Homes and Community Renewal Commissioner RuthAnne Visnauskas said, “New York State is focused on creating and preserving affordable housing that strengthens communities, and this development will do precisely that here in Utica. By revitalizing Chancellor Apartments and transforming the historic Avalon Knitting Mill into Broad Street Apartments, we’re providing 167 energy-efficient homes, including two-dozen with vital supportive services for at-risk youth. The Impact Utica project, supported by more than $76 million from HCR, reflects Governor Hochul’s vision for a more equitable and sustainable future for all New Yorkers.”

    New York State Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic Preservation Commissioner Pro Tempore Randy Simons said, “We are proud to partner on projects that advance the Governor’s affordable housing initiative. By combining resources like our historic properties with incentives like the rehabilitation tax credit programs, communities can create vibrant, reclaimed spaces that have immediate positive impact on the lives of New Yorkers today. Tying the past to the future is a great strategy as we aim to invest in our neighborhoods, expand housing opportunities, and plan for the future.”

    New York State Office of Temporary and Disability Assistance Commissioner Barbara C. Guinn said, “This housing development will provide quality affordable homes for many, including safe, supportive housing for 24 young adults residing at Broad Street Apartments who will have access to services to help them build their lives in this community. The work is yet another example of the investments in affordable and supportive housing Governor Hochul is making throughout the State. Our Office is pleased to provide ongoing support through the Empire State Supportive Housing Initiative. ”

    Senator Chuck Schumer said, “Every family and young person in Utica deserves a safe and affordable place to call home. I’m proud that the federal Low-Income Housing Tax Credit that I worked hard to protect and expand has delivered millions to help preserve and build over 100 homes in Utica. These new homes will be energy-efficient and offer assistance to help young residents find jobs. High housing costs are a key driver of inflation so we must build more housing for working people to bring down those high prices. I applaud Governor Hochul’s work increasing access to affordable housing in the Mohawk Valley and across New York, and I will continue working to deliver federal resources to deliver more affordable housing across NY.”

    Senator Kirsten Gillibrand said, “All New Yorkers deserve access to affordable, state-of-the-art housing, but too often the most vulnerable in our communities are priced out of their homes and apartments. The completion of Impact Utica will help ensure that at-risk youth and Utica families have access to the safe, affordable housing options they need, while also revitalizing downtown. I will continue to fight for federal funding to expand access to affordable and modern housing across New York.”

    Assemblymember Marianne Buttenschon said, “Impact Utica is an example of what can be accomplished when we invest in people, preserve our history, and build with purpose. This project not only revitalizes historical buildings in our community, but also assists families and our at-risk youth. I appreciate the Governor’s commitment and the partnership of our State agencies to make this vision a reality.”

    Oneida County Executive Anthony J. Picente Jr. said, “Impact Utica is a transformative investment in the future of our community—preserving critical public housing, creating new affordable apartments and providing vital support for at-risk youth. This project not only revitalizes historic structures, but also strengthens the foundation of our neighborhoods with safe, sustainable housing. I thank Governor Hochul, People First, and all the partners involved for helping deliver meaningful progress to the residents of Utica and Oneida County.”

    Utica Mayor Mike Galime said, “To me, the most important part of affordable housing is creating a space in which people can make a home, and do so proudly. The most recent renovations and developments of People First are shining examples of this – and without unwavering state support through the Governor’s initiatives these projects simply would not be possible.”

    People First (Utica Municipal Housing Authority) Executive Director Robert R. Calli said, “Impact Utica is a shining example of how strategic and community partnerships can transform lives. People First would like to thank Governor Kathy Hochul for her steadfast commitment to providing affordable housing for people in our State. We also extend our gratitude to the New York State Homes and Community Renewal, New York State Office of Parks, Recreation, and Historic Preservation, New York State Office of Temporary & Disability Assistance, the City of Utica, Wells Fargo, our co-developer Vecino Group, and service partner Mohawk Valley Community Action. The completion of this transformative project is a powerful example of what we can achieve when we work together to address community housing needs. This development provides safe, stable homes and supportive services to help residents improve their quality of life, thrive, and become self-sufficient.”

    Vecino Group New York Chairman Rick Manzardo said, “New York State has been a great partner for the community-focused housing that Vecino creates. Even when built, true success can’t happen without local dedication and teamwork. The City of Utica—and especially People First and their mission-driven approach—have again been great collaborators for us to help deliver for the people of Utica.”

    Governor Hochul’s Housing Agenda

    Governor Hochul is dedicated to addressing New York’s housing crisis and making the State more affordable and more livable for all New Yorkers. As part of the FY25 Enacted Budget, the Governor secured a landmark agreement to increase New York’s housing supply through new tax incentives, capital funding, and new protections for renters and homeowners. Building on this commitment, the FY26 Enacted Budget includes more than $1.5 billion in new State funding for housing, a Housing Access Voucher pilot program, and new policies to improve affordability for tenants and homebuyers. These measures complement the Governor’s five-year, $25 billion Housing Plan, included in the FY23 Enacted Budget, to create or preserve 100,000 affordable homes statewide, including 10,000 with support services for vulnerable populations, plus the electrification of an additional 50,000 homes. More than 60,000 homes have been created or preserved to date.

    The FY25 and FY26 Enacted Budgets also strengthened the Governor’s Pro-Housing Community Program — which allows certified localities exclusive access to up to $750 million in discretionary State funding. Currently, more than 300 communities have received Pro-Housing certification, including the city of Utica.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Rutledge, Tennessee, Man Sentenced to Over 24 Years in Prison for Production of Child Pornography

    Source: US FBI

    GREENEVILLE, Tenn. – On July 1, 2025, Patrick E. McAneny Jr, 28, of Rutledge, Tennessee, was sentenced to 292 months imprisonment by the Honorable Clifton L. Corker, United States District Judge, in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Tennessee at Greeneville.  Upon his release from prison, McAneny will be on supervised release for 20 years.  He will be required to register with state sex offender registries and comply with special sex offender conditions during his supervised release.

    As part of the plea agreement filed with the court, McAneny plead guilty to count one of an indictment charging him with use of a minor to engage in sexually explicit conduct for the purpose of producing a visual depiction of such conduct in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 2251(a).

    According to the written plea agreement filed with the court, McAneny began an online relationship with a 12-year-old girl.  On February 4, 2024, McAneny traveled from his home in Grainger County, Tennessee to pick up the minor from her home in Hamblen County, Tennessee. She did not have permission to leave her home.  Her family reported her missing the same day. From February 4 to February 6, 2024, while at McAneny’s home he took photos, and video recorded the minor and himself engaged in sexual acts.  McAneny sent a video of the minor victim engaged in sexual acts with him to a third party online.  The person contacted law enforcement upon receipt of the video.  Based on the call law enforcement was able to locate the 12-year-old girl at McAneny’s home.

    U.S. Attorney Francis M. Hamilton III, of the Eastern District of Tennessee, and Special Agent in Charge Joe Carrico, of the FBI Nashville Field Office, made the announcement.

    The criminal indictment was the result of an investigation by the Federal Bureau of Investigations, the Tennessee Bureau of Investigation and the Hamblen and Grainger County Sheriff’s Office.

    Assistant U.S. Attorney Meghan L. Gomez represented the United States at the sentencing.                

    This case was brought as part of Project Safe Childhood (PSC), a nationwide initiative launched in May 2006, by the Department of Justice to combat the growing epidemic of child sexual exploitation and abuse.  Led by the United States Attorney’s Offices and the Criminal Division’s Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section, PSC marshals federal, state, and local resources to locate, apprehend, and prosecute individuals who sexually exploit children, and to identify and rescue victims.  For more information about PSC, please visit www.justice.gov/psc.

    For more information about internet safety education, please visit www.justice.gov/psc/resources.html and click on the tab “resources.”

                                                                                                                   ###

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: Rutledge, Tennessee, Man Sentenced to Over 24 Years in Prison for Production of Child Pornography

    Source: US FBI

    GREENEVILLE, Tenn. – On July 1, 2025, Patrick E. McAneny Jr, 28, of Rutledge, Tennessee, was sentenced to 292 months imprisonment by the Honorable Clifton L. Corker, United States District Judge, in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Tennessee at Greeneville.  Upon his release from prison, McAneny will be on supervised release for 20 years.  He will be required to register with state sex offender registries and comply with special sex offender conditions during his supervised release.

    As part of the plea agreement filed with the court, McAneny plead guilty to count one of an indictment charging him with use of a minor to engage in sexually explicit conduct for the purpose of producing a visual depiction of such conduct in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 2251(a).

    According to the written plea agreement filed with the court, McAneny began an online relationship with a 12-year-old girl.  On February 4, 2024, McAneny traveled from his home in Grainger County, Tennessee to pick up the minor from her home in Hamblen County, Tennessee. She did not have permission to leave her home.  Her family reported her missing the same day. From February 4 to February 6, 2024, while at McAneny’s home he took photos, and video recorded the minor and himself engaged in sexual acts.  McAneny sent a video of the minor victim engaged in sexual acts with him to a third party online.  The person contacted law enforcement upon receipt of the video.  Based on the call law enforcement was able to locate the 12-year-old girl at McAneny’s home.

    U.S. Attorney Francis M. Hamilton III, of the Eastern District of Tennessee, and Special Agent in Charge Joe Carrico, of the FBI Nashville Field Office, made the announcement.

    The criminal indictment was the result of an investigation by the Federal Bureau of Investigations, the Tennessee Bureau of Investigation and the Hamblen and Grainger County Sheriff’s Office.

    Assistant U.S. Attorney Meghan L. Gomez represented the United States at the sentencing.                

    This case was brought as part of Project Safe Childhood (PSC), a nationwide initiative launched in May 2006, by the Department of Justice to combat the growing epidemic of child sexual exploitation and abuse.  Led by the United States Attorney’s Offices and the Criminal Division’s Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section, PSC marshals federal, state, and local resources to locate, apprehend, and prosecute individuals who sexually exploit children, and to identify and rescue victims.  For more information about PSC, please visit www.justice.gov/psc.

    For more information about internet safety education, please visit www.justice.gov/psc/resources.html and click on the tab “resources.”

                                                                                                                   ###

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: Attorney General Bonta Continues Engaging with Business Leaders, Hosts LA Discussion on Tariff Impacts

    Source: US State of California

    AG hosts second roundtable to discuss the impacts of Trump’s disruptive tariffs on front-line industries 

    LOS ANGELES — California Attorney General Rob Bonta today hosted business leaders for a roundtable conversation to discuss the impacts of President Trump’s illegal and chaotic tariffs across industries in California. The roundtable in Los Angeles follows California’s lawsuit against the Trump Administration over its use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 (IEEPA) to illegally impose tariffs, and included leaders from the trucking and shipping industries, ports, and small businesses and business chambers. President Trump’s erratic tariffs are wreaking havoc on the U.S. financial system and causing uniquely immense harm to California’s economy, which as the fourth largest economy in the world, remains a major driver of our national economy. The tariffs challenged under California’s current lawsuit are projected to shrink the U.S. economy by $178 billion, cost California consumers $25 billion, and result in the loss of over 64,000 jobs throughout California.  

    “President Trump’s destructive and unpredictable tariff regime has sent shockwaves through financial markets, businesses, and consumers in every corner of the globe — and especially here in California, home to the fourth largest economy in the world,” said Attorney General Rob Bonta. “Today, I heard from leaders on the front lines concerned about the disastrous impact of tariffs on their industries and businesses. These folks are sounding the alarm — and I sincerely thank Los Angeles business and industry leaders for being open about the challenges Angelinos are facing on the ground. As the People’s Attorney, I will continue to fight for California’s vibrant economy, businesses, workers, and families.”  

    “The erratic tariff policies have created unprecedented uncertainty for harbor businesses, making it impossible to plan shipments or investments,” said Henry Rogers, Executive Director, Harbor Association of Industry & Commerce. “As representatives of companies on the front lines of global trade through the Ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach, we need the predictability our industry requires to continue supporting California’s economy and the jobs that depend on efficient international commerce.”

    “Tariff increases are straining essential drivers of the LA economy, including the construction, manufacturing, and retail sectors,” said Nella McOsker, President & CEO, Central City Association. “Combined with immigration raids that terrorize small businesses, their employees, and potential patrons—especially in Downtown LA—these federal actions are unnecessarily destabilizing our workforce, hindering economic growth, and jeopardizing the well-being of our communities.”

    BACKGROUND 

    Attorney General Bonta is committed to challenging the illegal tariffs that threaten California jobs, businesses, and consumers. On April 16, Attorney General Bonta and Governor Newsom filed a lawsuit challenging President Trump’s unlawful use of power to impose tariffs and direct agencies within the administration to implement and enforce those tariffs without the consent of Congress. In May, California filed a motion for a preliminary injunction with the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California to stop the Trump Administration’s illegal tariffs while litigation in their case proceeds and filed an amicus brief in the Court of International Trade in Oregon v. Trump, another case also challenging President Trump’s illegal imposition of tariffs. In June, a judge granted California’s request for dismissal to allow the state to appeal its case challenging the Trump Administration’s illegal tariffs after the Administration asked that the case be transferred to the Court of International Trade — a motion that California opposed. The dismissal kept the case in California and allowed California to appeal to the Ninth Circuit. This case remains ongoing.

    More information about the lawsuit can be found here. 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI: Rapsodo Announces Innovative New MLM1 App Upgrades to Enhance Practice, Performance Tracking and Club Management

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    ST. LOUIS, July 08, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Rapsodo, a leading sports data and performance technology company, today released two major new features to elevate golfers’ experience on the Mobile Launch Monitor (MLM1), a tool that offers unparalleled data and insight to enhance their practice sessions. The exclusive new Virtual Range and MyBag tools make it easier to track performance, analyze shot data and fine-tune skills. Rapsodo MLM1 users can add these new features by downloading the latest version of the MLM1 software from the App Store.

    Virtual Range: Exclusive to MLM1 Premium Members, the Virtual Range feature will bring a new level of immersion and visual feedback to golfers practicing into a net at home. Key benefits include:

    • Enhanced Visualization: Users can see every shot traced in real-time within a 3D range environment, offering a more engaging and visually rich experience.
    • Better Practice Feedback: Visual reinforcement of shot direction, distance and flight path helps identify areas for improvement and track gameplay patterns.
    • Simulated Range Experience Anywhere: Transforms any location into a virtual driving range, making practice more flexible and accessible no matter where users are.
    • Data-Driven Improvement: The visual shot tracing allows for more comprehensive analysis and shot recall, helping golfers link ball flight with swing mechanics.

    MyBag: A feature now available for all MLM1 members, MyBag is designed to help golfers organize and track their equipment in one place. Previously available on MLM2PRO, this feature enables users to add and monitor performance data for multiple clubs and directly compare performance metrics. Updates include:

    • Club Input: Users can now manually add clubs to track, specifying details like club type, brand, make, model and specs (lie, loft, length).
    • Data Tracking: As users hit shots, the app records key data points like ball speed, club speed, launch angle and distance.
    • Data Comparison: The Club Comparison tool in R-Cloud allows golfers to directly compare and track the performance of different clubs, ensuring they use the best club for each shot.
    • Shot Averaging: The app calculates average data for each club, helping golfers understand their strengths and weaknesses.
    • Improved Gapping: With insights into how far they can hit with each club, golfers make more informed club choices on the course.
    • Better Practice: Data-driven insights help improve swing mechanics and identify potential issues with specific clubs so golfers always choose the best club for each shot.

    “The expanded MyBag feature can make a huge difference in a golfer’s game, because knowing your average distances and trends for each club helps them make smarter decisions during their rounds and play with more strategic precision,” said Pete Gibbons, director of golf at Rapsodo. “We’re continuously enhancing the user experience to give golfers of all levels better customization and a deeper understanding of their performance on and off the course. We follow the principle ‘Never Stop Improving’ so we can help athletes perform at their best.”

    The MLM1 ($299.99), along with the annual MLM1 Premium membership ($99.99), turns any iOS device into a game-changing mobile launch monitor, allowing golfers to make data-driven decisions and track their progress in real time. The MLM1 tracks up to 11 golf metrics, provides swing replay with shot trace and allows for multiple training experiences to help golfers get more out of their game. Purchase of the device includes a free 7-day trial of the MLM1 premium membership.

    For more information, visit rapsodo.com and see the media kit here.

    About Rapsodo
    Rapsodo defies limits with affordable, professional-grade technology to enhance the way athletes play across the world. Used by MLB teams, NCAA Division I Champions, and elite PGA coaches, Rapsodo technology has earned multiple MyGolfSpy’s Best of Golf Awards and the Official Player Development Partner of USA Baseball, affirming Rapsodo’s leadership in golf, baseball, and softball tech. Do what you didn’t think was possible. Play Without Limits. Play with Rapsodo. Discover more at Rapsodo.com.

    Media Contact:
    Tara Evans
    Uproar by Moburst for Rapsodo
    tara.evans@moburst.com

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI USA: Congressman Guthrie Announces Recovery of $9.6 Million for Constituents Through Federal Casework in First Six Months of 2025

    Source: United States House of Representatives – Congressman Brett Guthrie (2nd District Kentucky)

    Today, Congressman Brett Guthrie (KY-02) announced that he helped 535 constituents of Kentucky’s Second District recover $9,604,166 through federal casework in the first six months of 2025.

    “One of the most important responsibilities I have as the Representative of Kentucky’s Second District is to ensure that the federal government is working for hardworking Kentucky families,” said Congressman Guthrie. “Too often, Washington’s bloated bureaucracy gets in the way of efficiency. This doesn’t impact bureaucrats, but instead the people they’re intended to serve. I am honored to have been able to assist so many Kentuckians in navigating the federal government and return significant amounts of money rightfully owed to them.”

    Congressman Guthrie’s office can assist constituents of Kentucky’s Second District with casework issues concerning processing tax returns via the IRS, expediting a passport with the Department of State, obtaining benefits through the Department of Veterans Affairs, and more. To get assistance with the above issues or another issue with the federal government, residents of KY-02 can call (270) 842-9896 or visit https://guthrie.house.gov/services/casework/. 

    Under the guidelines of House Committee on Ethics and Committee on House Administration, Congressman Guthrie’s office is allowed to request information or a status report from a federal agency’s liaison office, urge prompt consideration, and request reconsideration of an administrative response which is believed to not be supported by applicable laws, rules and regulations.


    Please note, the office cannot guarantee a successful outcome of a case. In line with recommendations from the House Committee on Ethics, the office has a policy of not interfering with individuals’ ongoing legal proceedings.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Padilla, Booker Unveil New Bill to Require Immigration Officers to Display Clear Identification

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Alex Padilla (D-Calif.)

    Padilla, Booker Unveil New Bill to Require Immigration Officers to Display Clear Identification

    Padilla also leads 13 Democrats in letter to DHS requesting information about ICE’s use of unidentified plainclothes agents

    WASHINGTON, D.C. — Today, U.S. Senators Alex Padilla (D-Calif.), Ranking Member of the Senate Judiciary Immigration Subcommittee, and Cory Booker (D-N.J.) introduced new legislation to require immigration enforcement officers to display clearly visible identification during public-facing enforcement actions. The Visible Identification Standards for Immigration-Based Law Enforcement (VISIBLE) Act of 2025 would strengthen oversight, transparency, and accountability for the Trump Administration’s indiscriminate and alarming immigration enforcement tactics that have terrorized communities across California and the nation.

    Under the Trump Administration’s mass deportation agenda, civil immigration enforcement operations have increasingly involved Department of Homeland Security (DHS) officers engaging with the public while wearing unmarked tactical gear, concealing clothing, and face coverings that obscure both agency affiliation and personal identity. Without visible badges, names, or insignia, members of the public often have no way to confirm whether they are interacting with legitimate government officials.

    This lack of transparency endangers public safety by causing widespread confusion and fear, especially in communities already subject to heightened immigration scrutiny. It also increases operational and safety risks for law enforcement personnel by creating an opportunity for immigration enforcement impersonators and compounding uncertainty in high-stress situations. Clear, consistent, visible identification helps reduce miscommunication during enforcement encounters, strengthens officer credibility, and improves public cooperation, all of which are vital to mission success. The VISIBLE Act would place a critical check on the government’s power, ensuring basic transparency safeguards that protect public trust and legitimacy in immigration enforcement operations.

    “When federal immigration agents show up and pull someone off the street in plainclothes with their face obscured and no visible identification, it only escalates tensions and spreads fear while shielding federal agents from basic accountability,” said Senator Padilla. “Immigration agents should be required to display their agency and name or badge number — just like police and other local law enforcement agencies. The VISIBLE Act’s commonsense requirements will restore transparency and ensure impersonators can’t exploit the panic and confusion caused by unidentifiable federal immigration enforcement agents.”

    “For weeks, Americans have watched federal agents with no visible identification detain people off the streets and instill fear in communities across the country. Reports of individuals impersonating ICE officers have only increased the risk to public and officer safety. The lack of visible identification and uniform standards for immigration enforcement officers has created confusion, stoked fear, and undermined public trust in law enforcement,” said Senator Booker. “The VISIBLE Act is a necessary response grounded in law enforcement best practices that will prohibit immigration enforcement officers from wearing face coverings and require them to display their name or badge number and the agency they represent. We must act to maintain trust between law enforcement and the communities they serve, and this legislation is a necessary step toward a more transparent, accountable, and safe immigration enforcement system.”

    “This bill is an important step toward keeping immigration enforcement officers and all the people in America safe. Masked, plainclothes officers create an unreasonable risk of escalating violence and unnerve everyone who sees them,” said Scott Shuchart, Former ICE and DHS (Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties) Official. “As much as the cop in blues is a staple of American life, the masked bandit is a symbol of fear, and having government agents dressed like paramilitaries is un-American. Based on my experience in government, the VISIBLE Act makes good sense and would be straightforward for DHS officials to implement.”

    The ongoing immigration enforcement operations in Los Angeles County by unidentified federal agents have stoked fear and uncertainty throughout the region amid President Trump’s unprecedented escalation of militarized tactics. Recently at Dodger Stadium, plainclothes immigration agents parked outside of the stadium lot without identifying themselves. In Bell, masked agents wearing fatigues detained at least three people at a car wash, and in Pasadena, an agent exited an unmarked vehicle in the middle of the road and aimed his pistol at a group of pedestrians without identifying himself. From June 6 to June 22, immigration enforcement agents — many lacking identifying information — arrested 1,618 immigrants for deportation in Los Angeles County and surrounding areas.

    Specifically, the VISIBLE Act:

    • Requires immigration enforcement officers — including DHS personnel such as Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), federal agents detailed to immigration operations, and deputized state or local officers — to display clearly legible identification, including their agency name or initials and either their name or badge number, in a manner that remains visible and unobscured by tactical gear or clothing;
    • Prohibits non-medical face coverings (such as masks or balaclavas) that obscure identity or facial visibility, with exceptions for environmental hazards or covert operations; and
    • Requires DHS to establish disciplinary procedures for violations, report annually to Congress on compliance, and investigate complaints through its Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties.

    The bill does not apply to covert or non-public facing operations, nor does it prohibit face coverings when necessary for officer safety. It also does not apply to enforcement actions conducted solely under criminal authority.

    The VISIBLE Act is cosponsored by Senators Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.), Mazie Hirono (D-Hawaii), Patty Murray (D-Wash.), Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), Elissa Slotkin (D-Mich.), Tina Smith (D-Minn.), Gary Peters (D-Mich.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), Peter Welch (D-Vt.), and Ron Wyden (D-Ore.).

    The bill is endorsed by the ACLU and Public Counsel.

    A one-pager on the bill is available here.

    Full text of the bill is available here.

    Senator Padilla also led 13 Democratic Senators in a letter criticizing ICE for engaging in counterproductive, theatrical enforcement activities — including raids on courthouses and restaurants — and requesting information from the agency on its mask and uniform policies. The Senators argued that these tactics are designed to sow fear and chaos and that allowing masked, plainclothes officers to engage in public raids creates situations where bad actors can commit crimes while claiming to be ICE agents.

    In addition to Padilla, the letter was also signed by Senators Blumenthal, Booker, Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), Hirono, Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), Murray, Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.), Schiff, Smith, Van Hollen, Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.), Welch, and Wyden.

    Full text of the letter is available here.

    Senator Padilla has been outspoken in criticizing Trump’s mass deportations and unprecedented militarization and escalation of tensions by deploying National Guard troops and active-duty U.S. Marines to respond to overwhelmingly peaceful protests in Los Angeles. Padilla recently led the entire Senate Democratic Caucus in demanding that President Trump immediately withdraw all military forces from Los Angeles and cease all threats to deploy the National Guard or active-duty servicemembers to American cities. Padilla spoke on the Senate floor following his forcible removal from Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem’s press conference, where he was thrown to the ground and handcuffed after attempting to ask a question. He has spoken at a spotlight hearing and on the Senate floor multiple other times to blast President Trump for manufacturing a crisis by launching indiscriminate ICE raids across Los Angeles and using that crisis to dramatically expand executive power. Padilla is also leading legislation to restrict the President’s authority under the 217-year-old Insurrection Act and limit the domestic deployment of military troops for law enforcement purposes.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Norman Tebbit, Conservative minister known as Thatcher’s enforcer, dies at 94

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Martin Farr, Senior Lecturer in Contemporary British History, Newcastle University

    No man more embodied Thatcherism in the eyes of the public in the 1980s than Norman Tebbit, who died on July 7, aged 94.

    Though certainly no yuppie, Lord Tebbit entitled his memoirs Upwardly Mobile. Margaret’s Thatcher’s triumph was also his. She saw in the Essex MP just the uncompromising approach to transforming Britain to which she too was committed.

    Both had been disgusted by the Conservative government of Edward Heath blinking when it sought to face down trade unions in the early 1970s. The experience was elemental to their plan for government.

    Others were more important to the New Right/neoliberal project elected in 1979: Conservative minister Keith Joseph, and Thatcher’s two chancellors, Geoffrey Howe and Nigel Lawson.

    But Tebbit provided something no one else in Thatcher’s cabinet could: an innate connection with white, working-class voters, who may once have been Labour – Tebbit lauded Clement Attlee and Ernest Bevin – but whose values were held to have been washed away in the postwar tide of union militancy, social permissiveness, European integration, and mass immigration.


    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.


    He became a Conservative almost because, rather than in spite, of his background. “Essex man” was a presiding personification of the period.

    Unlike almost all of Thatcher’s ministers, Tebbit did not go to university, but left school at 16 to encounter the “closed shop”: that one had to be a member of a particular union to work in a particular workplace. He became determined at that moment to end this practice, and with it so much else of postwar social democracy.

    Thirty years later he did, as Thatcher’s secretary of state for employment. Tebbit’s 1982 Employment Act avenged the unions’ defeat of Heath. Union rights were weakened, never to be restored, and those of employers emboldened. It was a significant contribution to Thatcherism’s ledger.

    As secretary of state for trade and industry, Tebbit pursued privatisation – the return (as its proponents, simply, put it) of nationalised industries to the private sector – with passion. The postwar settlement in Britain was being upended.

    Public image

    In an age before the televising of parliament (much less 24-hour news and social media), Tebbit cut through in a way few politicians did.

    At at a time of inner-city violence, the public knew Tebbit’s unemployed father, decades earlier, didn’t riot but “got on his bike and looked for work”. No one else could have been called – in the words of Labour’s Michael Foot – a “semi-house-trained polecat”. TV’s puppet satire Spitting Image portrayed him as the “Chingford Strangler”, dressed in biker leathers.

    Tebbit felt no need for his contempt for socialism to be leavened by charm or humour. There was invariably a slight sense of menace. He had no interest in ingratiating or propitiating. And so he was as loved by Conservative party members as he was hated by the left. He welcomed their hatred.

    Tebbit in particular despised the swinging 60s – fittingly, he entered parliament in the election in which Harold Wilson’s government was unexpectedly ejected – and its legacy of “insufferable, smug, sanctimonious, naive, guilt-ridden, wet, pink orthodoxy”. Thus his trenchancy on immigration, overseas aid (a “sink of iniquity, corruption and violence”), sexuality (he was one of the few still to use the word “sodomite”) and Europe (he was a Eurosceptic before Euroscepticism).

    In 1990 Tebbit asked of British-born people of Asian heritage: “Which side do they cheer for? Are you still harking back to where you came from or where you are?”. Tebbit’s “cricket test” is second only to Enoch Powell’s “rivers of blood” speech in the annals of inflammatory – they and their supporters would say candid – rhetoric relating to immigration. Neither would mind the association.




    Read more:
    Tory humiliation down to campaign length and cult of May – Norman Tebbit Q&A


    What silenced most – if not quite all – of his critics, was Tebbit at his most vulnerable. Following the IRA bombing of the Grand Hotel Brighton in 1984, live television footage of him, only partially clad in his pyjamas, covered in dust, being stretchered out of the rubble, became the defining image of the atrocity.

    The following year Thatcher moved him from trade and industry to, less happily, chairman of the Conservative party. It was a job that required a lighter touch than Tebbit’s.

    Nevertheless, as chairman, he delivered the Conservatives’ third election victory, of 1987 – ensuring the permanence of the transformation – only to immediately retire to the backbenches. Margaret, his wife, had been paralysed by the bomb, and he devoted himself to her care for more than 30 years until her death.

    As warranted as his departure from government may have been, Thatcher “bitterly regretted” losing him, a feeling she felt for few. Her defenestration in November 1990 is much harder to imagine had Tebbit still been in the cabinet.

    Norman Tebbit’s conservatism and nationalism harked back to an earlier age, yet presaged the populism of the 2020s. In his remarks following the news of Tebbit’s death, Nigel Farage said he thought him “a great man”.

    Tebbit’s values endure in public discourse, in more ways than he might have expected even a few years ago. But in his last months he was either unable, or unwilling, to say whether those values were those of the Conservatives, the traditional party of the right, or of another project. That may be a final Tebbit “test”.

    Martin Farr does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Norman Tebbit, Conservative minister known as Thatcher’s enforcer, dies at 94 – https://theconversation.com/norman-tebbit-conservative-minister-known-as-thatchers-enforcer-dies-at-94-260716

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Norman Tebbit, Conservative minister known as Thatcher’s enforcer, dies at 94

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Martin Farr, Senior Lecturer in Contemporary British History, Newcastle University

    No man more embodied Thatcherism in the eyes of the public in the 1980s than Norman Tebbit, who died on July 7, aged 94.

    Though certainly no yuppie, Lord Tebbit entitled his memoirs Upwardly Mobile. Margaret’s Thatcher’s triumph was also his. She saw in the Essex MP just the uncompromising approach to transforming Britain to which she too was committed.

    Both had been disgusted by the Conservative government of Edward Heath blinking when it sought to face down trade unions in the early 1970s. The experience was elemental to their plan for government.

    Others were more important to the New Right/neoliberal project elected in 1979: Conservative minister Keith Joseph, and Thatcher’s two chancellors, Geoffrey Howe and Nigel Lawson.

    But Tebbit provided something no one else in Thatcher’s cabinet could: an innate connection with white, working-class voters, who may once have been Labour – Tebbit lauded Clement Attlee and Ernest Bevin – but whose values were held to have been washed away in the postwar tide of union militancy, social permissiveness, European integration, and mass immigration.


    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.


    He became a Conservative almost because, rather than in spite, of his background. “Essex man” was a presiding personification of the period.

    Unlike almost all of Thatcher’s ministers, Tebbit did not go to university, but left school at 16 to encounter the “closed shop”: that one had to be a member of a particular union to work in a particular workplace. He became determined at that moment to end this practice, and with it so much else of postwar social democracy.

    Thirty years later he did, as Thatcher’s secretary of state for employment. Tebbit’s 1982 Employment Act avenged the unions’ defeat of Heath. Union rights were weakened, never to be restored, and those of employers emboldened. It was a significant contribution to Thatcherism’s ledger.

    As secretary of state for trade and industry, Tebbit pursued privatisation – the return (as its proponents, simply, put it) of nationalised industries to the private sector – with passion. The postwar settlement in Britain was being upended.

    Public image

    In an age before the televising of parliament (much less 24-hour news and social media), Tebbit cut through in a way few politicians did.

    At at a time of inner-city violence, the public knew Tebbit’s unemployed father, decades earlier, didn’t riot but “got on his bike and looked for work”. No one else could have been called – in the words of Labour’s Michael Foot – a “semi-house-trained polecat”. TV’s puppet satire Spitting Image portrayed him as the “Chingford Strangler”, dressed in biker leathers.

    Tebbit felt no need for his contempt for socialism to be leavened by charm or humour. There was invariably a slight sense of menace. He had no interest in ingratiating or propitiating. And so he was as loved by Conservative party members as he was hated by the left. He welcomed their hatred.

    Tebbit in particular despised the swinging 60s – fittingly, he entered parliament in the election in which Harold Wilson’s government was unexpectedly ejected – and its legacy of “insufferable, smug, sanctimonious, naive, guilt-ridden, wet, pink orthodoxy”. Thus his trenchancy on immigration, overseas aid (a “sink of iniquity, corruption and violence”), sexuality (he was one of the few still to use the word “sodomite”) and Europe (he was a Eurosceptic before Euroscepticism).

    In 1990 Tebbit asked of British-born people of Asian heritage: “Which side do they cheer for? Are you still harking back to where you came from or where you are?”. Tebbit’s “cricket test” is second only to Enoch Powell’s “rivers of blood” speech in the annals of inflammatory – they and their supporters would say candid – rhetoric relating to immigration. Neither would mind the association.




    Read more:
    Tory humiliation down to campaign length and cult of May – Norman Tebbit Q&A


    What silenced most – if not quite all – of his critics, was Tebbit at his most vulnerable. Following the IRA bombing of the Grand Hotel Brighton in 1984, live television footage of him, only partially clad in his pyjamas, covered in dust, being stretchered out of the rubble, became the defining image of the atrocity.

    The following year Thatcher moved him from trade and industry to, less happily, chairman of the Conservative party. It was a job that required a lighter touch than Tebbit’s.

    Nevertheless, as chairman, he delivered the Conservatives’ third election victory, of 1987 – ensuring the permanence of the transformation – only to immediately retire to the backbenches. Margaret, his wife, had been paralysed by the bomb, and he devoted himself to her care for more than 30 years until her death.

    As warranted as his departure from government may have been, Thatcher “bitterly regretted” losing him, a feeling she felt for few. Her defenestration in November 1990 is much harder to imagine had Tebbit still been in the cabinet.

    Norman Tebbit’s conservatism and nationalism harked back to an earlier age, yet presaged the populism of the 2020s. In his remarks following the news of Tebbit’s death, Nigel Farage said he thought him “a great man”.

    Tebbit’s values endure in public discourse, in more ways than he might have expected even a few years ago. But in his last months he was either unable, or unwilling, to say whether those values were those of the Conservatives, the traditional party of the right, or of another project. That may be a final Tebbit “test”.

    Martin Farr does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Norman Tebbit, Conservative minister known as Thatcher’s enforcer, dies at 94 – https://theconversation.com/norman-tebbit-conservative-minister-known-as-thatchers-enforcer-dies-at-94-260716

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Why many kidney patients are still choosing hospital dialysis – and how the NHS can help more people access care at home

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Leah McLaughlin, Research Fellow in Health Services, Bangor University

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Every week, thousands of people with kidney disease in the UK spend long hours in hospital receiving life-saving dialysis. For many, this means travelling to a kidney unit three times a week and sitting through sessions that last four hours or more. It’s a huge commitment that affects people’s ability to work, travel and maintain a normal social life.

    But for many with kidney failure, there’s another option: dialysis at home. It’s more flexible, often less disruptive and, in the long run, more cost-effective for the NHS. So why do most people still choose hospital dialysis?

    A parliamentary summit in May reflected on how to make dialysis more accessible to patients at home. My colleagues and I published research on this topic in 2019. Working in partnership with people who have kidney disease, their families, NHS staff, dialysis providers and kidney charities, we explored the barriers to home dialysis, and how to overcome them.

    People with kidney failure need either a transplant or regular dialysis to filter waste from their blood. Despite NHS guidance that at least 20% of people on dialysis should be supported to have this treatment at home, this target isn’t being met in many parts of the UK.

    A kidney dialysis machine.
    ali.can0707/Shutterstock

    Our research team, which included people who had experienced dialysis, held discussions with 50 people from across Wales. Many told us that hospital dialysis was presented by healthcare staff as the default option. For those who had not yet come to terms with needing dialysis, or who had delayed planning due to the unpredictable nature of kidney disease, hospital treatment felt like the path of least resistance.

    Some were concerned about the disruption home dialysis might bring. This included changes to their living space or worries that partners or family members might become their carers. Others valued the routine and regular social contact of hospital dialysis.

    Healthcare professionals may unintentionally reinforce this choice. Some feel more comfortable monitoring patients in clinical settings or are unsure about how to support home dialysis effectively. In some cases, home dialysis isn’t an option because local services don’t have the infrastructure to support it.

    Rather than simply identifying problems, we worked together to develop practical solutions. In 2021, working with patients, healthcare professionals, charities, commissioners and industry, we devised a new service plan that outlines how kidney services could be redesigned to support more people to choose home dialysis.

    One important finding was the power of talking to others already doing it. It’s not just about practical advice, but reassurance that it can work.

    We also identified the need for better training for both professionals and patients. People told us they wanted to understand their options earlier, ideally a year before dialysis starts. That means tackling difficult topics, such as advance care planning, sooner and with the right support.

    Social care also has an important role to play. People with complex needs – like living alone, having mobility challenges, or experiencing financial hardship – may need home support, welfare advice or help navigating the system.

    The cost of choice

    In a linked study, published in 2022, we analysed the costs of different dialysis options. Home dialysis was found to cost between £16,000 and £23,000 per person per year.

    Hospital dialysis costs more, between £20,000 and £24,000, rising to over £30,000 when ambulance transport is needed. This suggests that encouraging more people to have dialysis at home could deliver savings for the NHS.

    In Wales, where all kidney services are coordinated through a single clinical network, home dialysis is more widely available. But in England, services are more fragmented, so access can depend on where you live.

    Even if these changes were implemented, fundamental issues may still prevent progress. Beneath the surface of patient satisfaction lies a deeper problem – the NHS dialysis service is no longer working as intended.

    Transport is one of the most frequently cited concerns among people receiving hospital dialysis, and no one seems satisfied with current arrangements. But satisfaction surveys fail to capture the complexity of the situation.

    People often begin dialysis in a unit that isn’t closest to home due to availability. Later, when given the option to move closer or switch to home dialysis, they may decline. These dialysis units begin to function as surrogate families, offering comfort, routine and social interaction, especially for people who live alone or are isolated.

    This emotional connection can obscure the bigger picture. Patients may focus on transport as the issue, rather than recognising that their own decisions – shaped by understandable human needs and system design – are part of the wider challenge.

    shutterstock.
    ali.can0707/Shutterstock

    Staff are caught in the same dynamic. They worry about losing patients they’ve built relationships with or fear someone may not cope alone. But as a result, the service ends up operating not to help people live well for longer but to preserve a sense of satisfaction with a suboptimal status quo.

    By focusing too heavily on keeping people content with the status quo, we risk obscuring what’s truly working, or not. Worse, we may end up wasting already limited resources trying to fix problems that are byproducts of a system shaped more by sentiment than strategy.

    Meanwhile, staff are caught in the middle, trying to deliver care under mounting pressure, with increasingly blurred expectations.

    What needs to change

    To break out of this cycle, different questions should be asked, and not just whether people are satisfied, but whether they are living well, maintaining independence and receiving care that truly reflects their needs and values.

    Our research shows that people already on home dialysis are a valuable and underused resource. They can offer support and insight to others who are starting their treatment.

    The collaborative approach we used could be a model for other parts of the NHS. By designing services with people, not just for them, we can move closer to a future where more people live comfortably with kidney disease, and care that truly fits around their lives and not the other way round.

    Leah McLaughlin receives funding from Health and Care Research Wales. She is affiliated with the Wales Kidney Research Unit.

    We would like to acknowledge Dr Gareth Roberts Chief Investigator of the Dialysis Options and Choices study. Dr Gareth Roberts is a Consultant Nephrologist and Associate Medical Director at Aneurin Bevan University Health Board and is clinical lead of the Welsh Renal Clinical Network.

    ref. Why many kidney patients are still choosing hospital dialysis – and how the NHS can help more people access care at home – https://theconversation.com/why-many-kidney-patients-are-still-choosing-hospital-dialysis-and-how-the-nhs-can-help-more-people-access-care-at-home-254747

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Four reasons why many of us feel the global economy is not on our side

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Cahal Moran, Visiting Fellow in the Department of Psychological and Behavioural Science, London School of Economics and Political Science

    During my adult life, I have never experienced what it’s like to live in a “good” economy. Starting with the global financial crash in 2008, which hit just as I began studying economics, the world seems to have lurched from crisis to crisis and the UK economy even more so.

    Some of those crises, like the crash and COVID, are sudden shocks. Others have been more gradual, such as increasingly unaffordable housing or the rising dominance of the world’s ultra rich.

    As I explore in my new book, Why We’re Getting Poorer, the result of these crises is an economic system which works for some much more than it does for others. Here are four reasons why you may be feeling let down.

    1. Grasping for growth

    Like many of his fellow leaders across the world, the British prime minister, Keir Starmer, is aiming to make economic growth the primary mission of his government. And understandably so.

    A growing economy puts more money in people’s pockets and brings other benefits such as low unemployment. But economic growth is not easy (in the UK it has been poor for a long time).

    That’s because there’s no GDP dial that a prime minister or president can simply turn up. Research shows that economic growth is an amorphous and difficult goal which depends on many factors – geopolitical, demographic, technological – outside any single country’s control.

    One option is to focus on achievable goals around investment, like the public investments of £113 billion on homes, transport and energy planned in the UK. But big projects can take a long time to build and develop, so even if they do boost growth, it can take a while for households to feel the benefits.

    2. Inherent inequality

    Against the backdrop of low growth in the UK has been high inequality, under Conservative and Labour governments. And again, inequality is an international issue.

    The wealth of the richest people in the world skyrocketed over COVID, buoyed in many cases by the increased importance of the tech sector during lockdowns. Even before the pandemic, wealth inequality was a problem across the globe.

    This imbalance has given the very richest opportunities to buy up commercial competitors, indulge in space travel and control large parts of the media, exerting extreme economic, social and political power. Needless to say, their economic priorities are not the same as everyone else’s.

    Meanwhile, communities and regions may be left behind, with declining physical and social infrastructure. People living in hollowed out areas where incomes and opportunities are limited are unlikely to feel that the economic system is working for them.

    3. Globalisation

    Globalisation has made a lot of people – in places like China, India and Brazil – better off. But it is not a system which ensures economic benefits for everyone.

    With global competition, big businesses are often under pressure to reduce costs. Free trade deals have often failed to enforce labour standards or redistribute gains to poorly paid workers, and in many cases simply made the rich richer.

    Such a distorted form of economic governance, where large sections of society end up feeling left behind was bound to provoke a response. Some would link it to recent political events like Brexit and the presidencies of Donald Trump, whose international tariffs are a clear attempt to reverse the rise of globalisation.

    Sporadic supply chains.
    Corona Borealis Studio/Shutterstock

    Since the pandemic, more fault-lines have been exposed. The global economy has become too dependent on certain regions, epitomised by Taiwanese dominance in the manufacturing of semiconductors, or European reliance on Russia for gas and oil.

    Recent years have also seen supply chain bottlenecks, leading to shortages of goods including cars, phones and even salad ingredients. Inflexible global systems have been ineffective, and internationally agreed fixes are hard to achieve.

    4. Climate change

    World news at the start of 2020 was dominated by the massive wildfires raging across Australia. At the start of 2025, Los Angeles burned.

    As the global climate shifts and lurches, extreme weather events are becoming more common. Floods, hurricanes and extreme temperatures look to be the likely outcome.

    When sea levels rise, countless coastal cities will experience flooding, and many Pacific islands may disappear altogether. The UN’s climate science advisory group, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) suggests that humanity will struggle with food production, disease and massive migration.

    This will all result in huge economic costs, impeding growth and disrupting livelihoods across the world. According to the IPCC, the impacts could range from extreme weather events disrupting infrastructure to changing weather reducing yields in agriculture, forestry and fishing.

    Yet many countries appear to be backtracking on their commitment to reducing emissions. It seems they would prefer to deal with the fallout of climate change rather than invest in potential solutions like carbon taxes, walkable cities or alternative fuels. But such acts of self-harm are not a sound basis for a prosperous economy, society or planet.

    Cahal Moran does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Four reasons why many of us feel the global economy is not on our side – https://theconversation.com/four-reasons-why-many-of-us-feel-the-global-economy-is-not-on-our-side-252220

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Norman Tebbit, Conservative minister known as Thatcher’s enforcer, dies at 94

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Martin Farr, Senior Lecturer in Contemporary British History, Newcastle University

    No man more embodied Thatcherism in the eyes of the public in the 1980s than Norman Tebbit, who died on July 7, aged 94.

    Though certainly no yuppie, Lord Tebbit entitled his memoirs Upwardly Mobile. Margaret’s Thatcher’s triumph was also his. She saw in the Essex MP just the uncompromising approach to transforming Britain to which she too was committed.

    Both had been disgusted by the Conservative government of Edward Heath blinking when it sought to face down trade unions in the early 1970s. The experience was elemental to their plan for government.

    Others were more important to the New Right/neoliberal project elected in 1979: Conservative minister Keith Joseph, and Thatcher’s two chancellors, Geoffrey Howe and Nigel Lawson.

    But Tebbit provided something no one else in Thatcher’s cabinet could: an innate connection with white, working-class voters, who may once have been Labour – Tebbit lauded Clement Attlee and Ernest Bevin – but whose values were held to have been washed away in the postwar tide of union militancy, social permissiveness, European integration, and mass immigration.


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    He became a Conservative almost because, rather than in spite, of his background. “Essex man” was a presiding personification of the period.

    Unlike almost all of Thatcher’s ministers, Tebbit did not go to university, but left school at 16 to encounter the “closed shop”: that one had to be a member of a particular union to work in a particular workplace. He became determined at that moment to end this practice, and with it so much else of postwar social democracy.

    Thirty years later he did, as Thatcher’s secretary of state for employment. Tebbit’s 1982 Employment Act avenged the unions’ defeat of Heath. Union rights were weakened, never to be restored, and those of employers emboldened. It was a significant contribution to Thatcherism’s ledger.

    As secretary of state for trade and industry, Tebbit pursued privatisation – the return (as its proponents, simply, put it) of nationalised industries to the private sector – with passion. The postwar settlement in Britain was being upended.

    Public image

    In an age before the televising of parliament (much less 24-hour news and social media), Tebbit cut through in a way few politicians did.

    At at a time of inner-city violence, the public knew Tebbit’s unemployed father, decades earlier, didn’t riot but “got on his bike and looked for work”. No one else could have been called – in the words of Labour’s Michael Foot – a “semi-house-trained polecat”. TV’s puppet satire Spitting Image portrayed him as the “Chingford Strangler”, dressed in biker leathers.

    Tebbit felt no need for his contempt for socialism to be leavened by charm or humour. There was invariably a slight sense of menace. He had no interest in ingratiating or propitiating. And so he was as loved by Conservative party members as he was hated by the left. He welcomed their hatred.

    Tebbit in particular despised the swinging 60s – fittingly, he entered parliament in the election in which Harold Wilson’s government was unexpectedly ejected – and its legacy of “insufferable, smug, sanctimonious, naive, guilt-ridden, wet, pink orthodoxy”. Thus his trenchancy on immigration, overseas aid (a “sink of iniquity, corruption and violence”), sexuality (he was one of the few still to use the word “sodomite”) and Europe (he was a Eurosceptic before Euroscepticism).

    In 1990 Tebbit asked of British-born people of Asian heritage: “Which side do they cheer for? Are you still harking back to where you came from or where you are?”. Tebbit’s “cricket test” is second only to Enoch Powell’s “rivers of blood” speech in the annals of inflammatory – they and their supporters would say candid – rhetoric relating to immigration. Neither would mind the association.




    Read more:
    Tory humiliation down to campaign length and cult of May – Norman Tebbit Q&A


    What silenced most – if not quite all – of his critics, was Tebbit at his most vulnerable. Following the IRA bombing of the Grand Hotel Brighton in 1984, live television footage of him, only partially clad in his pyjamas, covered in dust, being stretchered out of the rubble, became the defining image of the atrocity.

    The following year Thatcher moved him from trade and industry to, less happily, chairman of the Conservative party. It was a job that required a lighter touch than Tebbit’s.

    Nevertheless, as chairman, he delivered the Conservatives’ third election victory, of 1987 – ensuring the permanence of the transformation – only to immediately retire to the backbenches. Margaret, his wife, had been paralysed by the bomb, and he devoted himself to her care for more than 30 years until her death.

    As warranted as his departure from government may have been, Thatcher “bitterly regretted” losing him, a feeling she felt for few. Her defenestration in November 1990 is much harder to imagine had Tebbit still been in the cabinet.

    Norman Tebbit’s conservatism and nationalism harked back to an earlier age, yet presaged the populism of the 2020s. In his remarks following the news of Tebbit’s death, Nigel Farage said he thought him “a great man”.

    Tebbit’s values endure in public discourse, in more ways than he might have expected even a few years ago. But in his last months he was either unable, or unwilling, to say whether those values were those of the Conservatives, the traditional party of the right, or of another project. That may be a final Tebbit “test”.

    Martin Farr does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Norman Tebbit, Conservative minister known as Thatcher’s enforcer, dies at 94 – https://theconversation.com/norman-tebbit-conservative-minister-known-as-thatchers-enforcer-dies-at-94-260716

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: As Netanyahu meets Trump in Washington, what hope for peace in Gaza? Expert Q&A

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor

    The US government “remains upbeat” about the prospects for at least a ceasefire in Gaza, according to the latest reports from Washington, where the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, has been meeting the US president, Donald Trump.

    Netanyahu handed the US president a letter nominating him for the Nobel peace prize, saying he deserved it for “forging peace, as we speak, in one country in the region after another”. But as yet there are no signs that either Hamas or Israel have moved any closer to accepting each other’s terms.

    In fact, reports emerging from the White House meeting are that the two leaders discussed the displacement of much of the Palestinian population. And a plan revealed by the Israeli foreign minister, Israel Katz, proposed the contruction of a “humanitarian city” at Rafah in the north of the Gaza Strip to house more than 600,000 Palestinians.

    The Conversation’s senior international affairs editor, Jonathan Este, spoke with Middle East expert, Scott Lucas, of University College Dublin to address this and other questions.

    The two leaders’ discussions in Washington seemed to centre around displacement of the Palestinian population in lieu of a two-state solution. What does this tell you about the chance of a ceasefire deal?

    I am fascinated – and sometimes disillusioned – by how some media outlets, led by the nose, miss the main story. Last week Donald Trump pronounced on social media that Israel had agreed to a 60-day ceasefire and Hamas “should take this deal”.

    But the Netanyahu government has not accepted the framework, circulated by Trump’s envoy Steve Witkoff, let alone consented to a halt of their attacks, which have continued even as the Israeli prime minister travelled to Washington to meet the US president.

    As Trump hosted Netanyahu in the White House on Monday, the line was that the US president was “upbeat on Gaza ceasefire talks”. Meanwhile, few of them seemed to notice the important development. Hamas responded to the US framework with proposals for the staged release of 28 of the remaining 50 Israeli hostages over the 60 days while Israeli troops withdrew from positions inside the Strip and humanitarian aid was restored.

    But the Israeli government has thus far not given a substantive response. Instead, while pursuing a plan for the long-term military occupation of Gaza, it may also be seeking the displacement of a large portion of the more than 2.2 million population.


    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.


    Hard-right members of Netanyahu’s cabinet, such as finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, and internal security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, have long called for more than a million Gazans to be moved out of the territory. Reports over the weekend confirmed that this is not rhetoric. Israeli businessmen and venture capitalists have reportedly been working on plans for postwar Gaza, to include a “Trump riviera”, mirroring the displacement declaration by the US President, and an “Elon Musk smart manufacturing zone”.

    On Tuesday, security cabinet member Ze’ev Elkin, a Netanyahu loyalist, proclaimed “a substantial chance” for a ceasefire. But Qatari negotiators have said there are currently no talks, only discussions with each side about the framework for talks.

    Meanwhile, citing the killing of five Israeli soldiers in Gaza on Sunday night by an improvised explosive device, Ben-Gvir said: “We should not negotiate with those who kill our soldiers. They should be crushed to pieces, starved to death, and not resuscitated with humanitarian aid that gives them oxygen.”

    He called for “a complete siege, crushing them militarily” and reiterated the plan for “encouraging [Palestinian] immigration and [Jewish] settlement — these are the keys to complete victory”.

    Smotrich also called for a ban on any aid to Gaza: “In addition, I demand … that any territory that was conquered and cleansed of terror with the blood of our fighters not be abandoned.”

    So I am not optimistic at the moment.

    Looking at the region as a whole, two events have ‘reset’ the Middle East: the October 7 Hamas attacks and Israel’s recent 12-day war. Can you tell me more about the kaleidoscope effect these two events had?

    In October 2023, there was no open-ended war in Gaza. Benjamin Netanyahu’s focus was on curbing the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, blocking any possibility of a two-state solution. His tactic was to ease the economic pressure on Gaza and Hamas, maintaining that organisation as a balance against its West Bank rivals.

    Hamas ripped up that approach with its mass murder on October 7 – the first of the two kaleidoscope moments which changed the whole picture in a matter of hours. The attack triggered the deadly Israeli response that continues 21 months later. That response did not “destroy” Hamas, as Netanyahu pledged, but it led the Israelis to take on other foes in the region.

    Pursuing its “octopus doctrine”, Israel severely damaged one of the tentacles, Hezbollah, when it destroyed much of the Lebanese group’s leadership in the autumn of 2024. It assassinated senior Iranian commanders and officials in Damascus, and received a further boost when Turkish-backed factions toppled the Assad regime in December.

    The 12-day war in June aimed to destroy the head of the octopus: Iran. Israel’s strikes and assassinations killed much of the country’s military leadership and many of its top nuclear scientists. The supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, hid in a bunker, only emerging on July 6. But Israel failed to topple his regime, as it had hoped.

    The war was another kaleidoscope moment. Israel had its regional victory. But paradoxically, because there has been no resolution in Gaza, this has come at the cost of further international isolation. Gulf States, having moved away from “normalisation” with Israel, put out tougher statements about “genocide” of Gazans and the violation of Iranian sovereignty. Saudi Arabia’s state media highlighted a letter from Iranian foreign minister Abbas Araghchi to Saudi counterpart Faisal bin Farhan for “ways to support and enhance [relations] across all fields”.

    This implies that for any normalisation to occur, Israel must end its military operation in Gaza?

    That question cuts to the chase. The Gulf states, with the notable exception of Qatar, are no friends of Hamas. They might even have accepted the destruction of the group if Israel had been able to accomplish it quickly.

    But there is no way that they can publicly acquiesce in the killing of almost 60,000 Gazans, the large majority of them civilians, and the humanitarian blockade that threatens every single person living in the Gaza Strip. Nor will they want to see Israel export Gazans across the region in an echo of the 1948 “Nakba” whose legacy is the millions of Palestinians living in refugee camps across the Middle East.

    Netanyahu can pursue his “absolute destruction” of Hamas by pursuing the destruction and displacement of Gazans. Or he can try to capitalise on his war with Iran through links with Arab countries. He cannot do both.

    Will Donald Trump get his Nobel peace prize?

    I don’t know, for that is a question which does not have a logical answer.

    Herny Kissinger was the US secretary of state who oversaw an escalation of the Vietnam war in which up to 3 million Vietnamese, 310,000 Cambodians, 62,000 Laotians and 58,220 US service members died. The singer-songwriter Tom Lehrer aptly noted: “Political satire became obsolete when Henry Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.”

    We are in a world where having caused so much disorder and chaos, having enabled violence, including Israel’s open-ended war, Donald Trump may succeed in a pose as “peacemaker”.

    Some may see the least worst option as flattery, which seems to work as a strategy for dealing with the US president. They may accept the White House theatre in which Netanyahu, wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes, personally hands Trump a peace prize nomination.

    Meanwhile, in the past 24 hours, according to the Hamas-run Gaza health ministry, the number of casualties in Gaza rose to 57,575 people killed and 136,879 wounded. Twenty hostages spent another day in limbo. That’s what matters here.

    ref. As Netanyahu meets Trump in Washington, what hope for peace in Gaza? Expert Q&A – https://theconversation.com/as-netanyahu-meets-trump-in-washington-what-hope-for-peace-in-gaza-expert-qanda-260722

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: How to support someone who is grieving: five research-backed strategies

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lucy Poxon, Senior Lecturer in Counselling Psychology, Department of Social Work Counselling & Social Care , School of Childhood and Social Care, University of East London

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    When someone we care about is grieving the loss of a loved one, our natural instinct is to ease their pain. But when words feel clumsy and gestures fall short, it can be hard to know how to help.

    Drawing on both my research as a counselling psychologist and 18 years of supporting bereaved clients in therapy, I’ve identified five compassionate, research-backed ways to walk alongside someone who is mourning.

    Whether you’re a close friend, family member, or caring colleague, these approaches will help you offer support in meaningful and authentic ways.

    1. Grief wears many disguises

    Our expectations of how grief should look are often shaped by culture, the media or personal experience, and they may bear little resemblance to how grief is actually lived.

    Grief can appear as physical symptoms like exhaustion, loss of appetite, or insomnia; as behaviour like withdrawing from others or drinking more; and as thoughts or emotions ranging from apathy and numbness to anger or intense sadness.

    It can be loud and overwhelming or quiet and barely perceptible. Some people feel deep sorrow immediately; others feel nothing for weeks or even months. A lack of overt sadness isn’t necessarily cause for concern; it may reflect relief that a loved one is no longer suffering, or be a sign of early adjustment.




    Read more:
    Not all mourning happens after bereavement – for some, grief can start years before the death of a loved one


    One of the most compassionate things you can do is validate whatever shape grief takes. Reassure the person that there’s no “right” way to grieve and support them in tuning into what their body and emotions need.

    2. Acknowledge the death and don’t rush the tears

    Nearly every grieving client I’ve worked with has described someone, often a friend, colleague, or even family member, who avoided or ignored them after the loss. It’s one of the most painful experiences for someone already feeling vulnerable.

    Often, the avoidance isn’t malicious. It’s driven by fear of saying the wrong thing or not knowing how to help. But by avoiding the subject, we send an unintended message: your grief is too much.

    Acknowledging the death, even simply by saying “I’m so sorry to hear about your loss”, is not a reminder of their pain, it’s a sign that you see it and honour it. Inviting someone out, even if they decline, communicates that they still belong and are welcome.

    If someone begins to cry, it’s natural to want to fix things, to offer comfort, or even to pass a tissue. But giving a tissue too soon can inadvertently signal that they should stop crying. Sometimes the most supportive thing you can do is to sit with your own discomfort, and simply be present. That silent witness can help a grieving person feel less alone.

    3. Let go of the “stages of grief” myth

    Many people are still taught to expect a tidy progression of grief: denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance, popularised by Swiss-American psychiatrist Elisabeth Kübler-Ross in the 1960s. While these emotions are real and common, research shows that most people don’t experience them in a neat order, or even experience all five at all.

    Despite being widely critiqued, stage-based models are still found in healthcare training manuals and TV scripts, and they can leave people feeling like they’re grieving “wrong”.

    If your loved one is worried they should feel more sadness, or wonders why they haven’t yet felt angry, remind them: grief is personal and unpredictable. There’s no timeline, no script and no shame in not following one.

    Helping someone let go of these expectations may ease guilt, reduce internal pressure and encourage gentler self-care.

    4. Encourage communication – with the living and the lost

    Grief often comes with emotional loneliness, a deep sense of aloneness that persists even in the presence of others. It’s different from social isolation; it’s the ache of missing someone irreplaceable.




    Read more:
    What we can learn from death rites of the past will help us treat the dead and grieving better today


    While you can’t fix that loneliness, you can help the bereaved maintain a continuing bond with their loved one. This might include writing letters to the person who has died, speaking to them at a graveside or special place, saying prayers or engaging in meditation or creating memory boxes or rituals.

    These forms of connection can help integrate the loss into a new reality. You might offer to visit a meaningful place together, or support them in planning a small memorial gesture.

    5. Make specific, practical offers

    It’s common to say “Let me know if you need anything”, but for someone in deep grief, reaching out can feel impossible. Emotional overwhelm, fatigue and even shame can prevent them from asking for help, even when they desperately need it.

    Instead, make intentional, concrete offers that remove decision-making and emotional labour. These might include:

    • delivering a home-cooked meal once a week

    • taking care of pets or houseplants

    • helping with funeral admin or paperwork

    • offering regular lifts to appointments

    • updating others on their behalf

    • messaging with a clear “no need to reply” reassurance

    If you live far away, sending a card, text, or voice note can still be powerful; just be mindful that they may receive many, and feel pressure to respond. A line like, “No need to write back, just wanted you to know I’m thinking of you” can go a long way.

    Grief is not a puzzle to solve or a wound to fix. It’s a human response to love and loss – and it’s different for everyone.

    The most powerful thing you can do? Be there. Stay present. Listen without judgement. And remember that it’s okay not to have the perfect words. Showing up with authenticity, patience and compassion is what matters most.

    Lucy Poxon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. How to support someone who is grieving: five research-backed strategies – https://theconversation.com/how-to-support-someone-who-is-grieving-five-research-backed-strategies-260265

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Analysis: Brics is sliding towards irrelevance – the Rio summit made that clear

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Amalendu Misra, Professor of International Politics, Lancaster University

    The Brics group of nations has just concluded its 17th annual summit in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro. But, despite member states adopting a long list of commitments covering global governance, finance, health, AI and climate change, the summit was a lacklustre affair.

    The two most prominent leaders from the group’s founding members – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – were conspicuously absent. Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, only attended virtually due to an outstanding arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court over his role in the war in Ukraine.

    China’s Xi Jinping avoided the summit altogether for unknown reasons, sending his prime minister, Li Qiang, instead. This was Xi’s first no-show at a Brics summit, with the snub prompting suggestions that Beijing’s enthusiasm for the group as part of an emerging new world order is in decline.

    Perhaps the most notable takeaway from the summit was a statement that came not from the Brics nations but the US. As Brics leaders gathered in Rio, the US president, Donald Trump, warned on social media: “Any Country aligning themselves with the Anti-American policies of BRICS, will be charged an ADDITIONAL 10% Tariff. There will be no exceptions to this policy.”


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    Trump has long been critical of Brics. This is largely because the group has consistently floated the idea of adopting a common currency to challenge the dominance of the US dollar in international trade.

    Such a move makes sense if we focus on trade figures. In 2024, the value of trade among the Brics nations was around US$5 trillion, accounting for approximately 22% of global exports. Member nations have always felt their economic potential could be fully realised if they were not reliant upon the US dollar as their common currency of trade.

    During their 2024 summit, which was held in the Russian city of Kazan, the Brics nations entered into serious discussions around creating a gold-backed currency. At a time when the Trump administration is waging a global trade war, the emergence of an alternative to the US dollar would be a very serious pushback against US economic hegemony.




    Read more:
    Why Donald Trump’s election could hasten the end of US dollar dominance


    But the freshly concluded Brics summit did not present any concrete move towards achieving that objective. In fact, the 31-page Rio de Janeiro joint declaration even contained some reassurances about the global importance of the US dollar.

    There are two key obstacles hindering Brics from translating its vision of a common currency into reality. First is that some founding member nations are uncomfortable with adopting such an economic model, in large part due to internal rivalries within Brics itself.

    India, currently the fourth-largest economy in the world, has a history of periodic confrontation and strategic competition with China. It is reticent about adopting an alternative to the US dollar, concerned that this could make China more powerful and undercut India’s long-term interests.

    Second is that the Brics member nations are dependent on their bilateral trade with the US. Simply put, embracing an alternative currency is counterproductive when it comes to the current economic interests of individual countries. Brazil, China and India, for example, all export more to the US than they import from it.

    In December 2024, following his election as US president, Trump said: “We require a commitment from these countries that they will neither create a new Brics currency nor back any other currency to replace the mighty US dollar or they will face 100% tariffs and should expect to say goodbye to selling into the wonderful US economy”. This blunt message all but killed any enthusiasm that was there for this grand economic model.

    Caught in contradiction

    The Brics group is a behemoth. Its full 11 members account for 40% of the world’s population and economy. But the bloc is desperately short of providing any cohesive alternative global leadership.

    While Brazil used its position as host to highlight Brics as a truly multilateral forum capable of providing leadership in a new world order, such ambitions are thwarted by the many contradictions plaguing this bloc.

    Among these are tensions between founding members China and India, which have been running high for decades.

    There are other contradictions, too. In their joint Rio declaration, the group’s members decried the recent Israeli and US attacks on Iran. Brazil’s president, Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, also used his position as summit host to criticise the Israeli offensive in Gaza.

    But this moral high ground appears hollow when you consider that the Russian Federation, a key member of Brics, is on a mission to destroy Ukraine. And rather than condemning Russia, Brics leaders used the Rio summit to criticise recent Ukrainian attacks on Russia’s railway infrastructure.

    Brics declared intention to address the issue of climate change is also problematic. The Rio declaration conveyed the group’s support for multilateralism and unity to achieve the goals of the Paris agreement. But, despite China making significant advances in its green energy sector, Brics contains some of the world’s biggest emitters of greenhouse gases as well as several of the largest oil and gas producers.

    Brics can only stay relevant and provide credible leadership in a fast-changing international order when it addresses its many inner contradictions.

    Amalendu Misra is a recipient of British Academy and Nuffield Foundation Fellowships.

    ref. Brics is sliding towards irrelevance – the Rio summit made that clear – https://theconversation.com/brics-is-sliding-towards-irrelevance-the-rio-summit-made-that-clear-260653

    MIL OSI Analysis

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Why many kidney patients are still choosing hospital dialysis – and how the NHS can help more people access care at home

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Leah McLaughlin, Research Fellow in Health Services, Bangor University

    PeopleImages.com – Yuri A/Shutterstock

    Every week, thousands of people with kidney disease in the UK spend long hours in hospital receiving life-saving dialysis. For many, this means travelling to a kidney unit three times a week and sitting through sessions that last four hours or more. It’s a huge commitment that affects people’s ability to work, travel and maintain a normal social life.

    But for many with kidney failure, there’s another option: dialysis at home. It’s more flexible, often less disruptive and, in the long run, more cost-effective for the NHS. So why do most people still choose hospital dialysis?

    A parliamentary summit in May reflected on how to make dialysis more accessible to patients at home. My colleagues and I published research on this topic in 2019. Working in partnership with people who have kidney disease, their families, NHS staff, dialysis providers and kidney charities, we explored the barriers to home dialysis, and how to overcome them.

    People with kidney failure need either a transplant or regular dialysis to filter waste from their blood. Despite NHS guidance that at least 20% of people on dialysis should be supported to have this treatment at home, this target isn’t being met in many parts of the UK.

    A kidney dialysis machine.
    ali.can0707/Shutterstock

    Our research team, which included people who had experienced dialysis, held discussions with 50 people from across Wales. Many told us that hospital dialysis was presented by healthcare staff as the default option. For those who had not yet come to terms with needing dialysis, or who had delayed planning due to the unpredictable nature of kidney disease, hospital treatment felt like the path of least resistance.

    Some were concerned about the disruption home dialysis might bring. This included changes to their living space or worries that partners or family members might become their carers. Others valued the routine and regular social contact of hospital dialysis.

    Healthcare professionals may unintentionally reinforce this choice. Some feel more comfortable monitoring patients in clinical settings or are unsure about how to support home dialysis effectively. In some cases, home dialysis isn’t an option because local services don’t have the infrastructure to support it.

    Rather than simply identifying problems, we worked together to develop practical solutions. In 2021, working with patients, healthcare professionals, charities, commissioners and industry, we devised a new service plan that outlines how kidney services could be redesigned to support more people to choose home dialysis.

    One important finding was the power of talking to others already doing it. It’s not just about practical advice, but reassurance that it can work.

    We also identified the need for better training for both professionals and patients. People told us they wanted to understand their options earlier, ideally a year before dialysis starts. That means tackling difficult topics, such as advance care planning, sooner and with the right support.

    Social care also has an important role to play. People with complex needs – like living alone, having mobility challenges, or experiencing financial hardship – may need home support, welfare advice or help navigating the system.

    The cost of choice

    In a linked study, published in 2022, we analysed the costs of different dialysis options. Home dialysis was found to cost between £16,000 and £23,000 per person per year.

    Hospital dialysis costs more, between £20,000 and £24,000, rising to over £30,000 when ambulance transport is needed. This suggests that encouraging more people to have dialysis at home could deliver savings for the NHS.

    In Wales, where all kidney services are coordinated through a single clinical network, home dialysis is more widely available. But in England, services are more fragmented, so access can depend on where you live.

    Even if these changes were implemented, fundamental issues may still prevent progress. Beneath the surface of patient satisfaction lies a deeper problem – the NHS dialysis service is no longer working as intended.

    Transport is one of the most frequently cited concerns among people receiving hospital dialysis, and no one seems satisfied with current arrangements. But satisfaction surveys fail to capture the complexity of the situation.

    People often begin dialysis in a unit that isn’t closest to home due to availability. Later, when given the option to move closer or switch to home dialysis, they may decline. These dialysis units begin to function as surrogate families, offering comfort, routine and social interaction, especially for people who live alone or are isolated.

    This emotional connection can obscure the bigger picture. Patients may focus on transport as the issue, rather than recognising that their own decisions – shaped by understandable human needs and system design – are part of the wider challenge.

    shutterstock.
    ali.can0707/Shutterstock

    Staff are caught in the same dynamic. They worry about losing patients they’ve built relationships with or fear someone may not cope alone. But as a result, the service ends up operating not to help people live well for longer but to preserve a sense of satisfaction with a suboptimal status quo.

    By focusing too heavily on keeping people content with the status quo, we risk obscuring what’s truly working, or not. Worse, we may end up wasting already limited resources trying to fix problems that are byproducts of a system shaped more by sentiment than strategy.

    Meanwhile, staff are caught in the middle, trying to deliver care under mounting pressure, with increasingly blurred expectations.

    What needs to change

    To break out of this cycle, different questions should be asked, and not just whether people are satisfied, but whether they are living well, maintaining independence and receiving care that truly reflects their needs and values.

    Our research shows that people already on home dialysis are a valuable and underused resource. They can offer support and insight to others who are starting their treatment.

    The collaborative approach we used could be a model for other parts of the NHS. By designing services with people, not just for them, we can move closer to a future where more people live comfortably with kidney disease, and care that truly fits around their lives and not the other way round.

    Leah McLaughlin receives funding from Health and Care Research Wales. She is affiliated with the Wales Kidney Research Unit.

    We would like to acknowledge Dr Gareth Roberts Chief Investigator of the Dialysis Options and Choices study. Dr Gareth Roberts is a Consultant Nephrologist and Associate Medical Director at Aneurin Bevan University Health Board and is clinical lead of the Welsh Renal Clinical Network.

    ref. Why many kidney patients are still choosing hospital dialysis – and how the NHS can help more people access care at home – https://theconversation.com/why-many-kidney-patients-are-still-choosing-hospital-dialysis-and-how-the-nhs-can-help-more-people-access-care-at-home-254747

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Four reasons why many of us feel the global economy is not on our side

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Cahal Moran, Visiting Fellow in the Department of Psychological and Behavioural Science, London School of Economics and Political Science

    During my adult life, I have never experienced what it’s like to live in a “good” economy. Starting with the global financial crash in 2008, which hit just as I began studying economics, the world seems to have lurched from crisis to crisis and the UK economy even more so.

    Some of those crises, like the crash and COVID, are sudden shocks. Others have been more gradual, such as increasingly unaffordable housing or the rising dominance of the world’s ultra rich.

    As I explore in my new book, Why We’re Getting Poorer, the result of these crises is an economic system which works for some much more than it does for others. Here are four reasons why you may be feeling let down.

    1. Grasping for growth

    Like many of his fellow leaders across the world, the British prime minister, Keir Starmer, is aiming to make economic growth the primary mission of his government. And understandably so.

    A growing economy puts more money in people’s pockets and brings other benefits such as low unemployment. But economic growth is not easy (in the UK it has been poor for a long time).

    That’s because there’s no GDP dial that a prime minister or president can simply turn up. Research shows that economic growth is an amorphous and difficult goal which depends on many factors – geopolitical, demographic, technological – outside any single country’s control.

    One option is to focus on achievable goals around investment, like the public investments of £113 billion on homes, transport and energy planned in the UK. But big projects can take a long time to build and develop, so even if they do boost growth, it can take a while for households to feel the benefits.

    2. Inherent inequality

    Against the backdrop of low growth in the UK has been high inequality, under Conservative and Labour governments. And again, inequality is an international issue.

    The wealth of the richest people in the world skyrocketed over COVID, buoyed in many cases by the increased importance of the tech sector during lockdowns. Even before the pandemic, wealth inequality was a problem across the globe.

    This imbalance has given the very richest opportunities to buy up commercial competitors, indulge in space travel and control large parts of the media, exerting extreme economic, social and political power. Needless to say, their economic priorities are not the same as everyone else’s.

    Meanwhile, communities and regions may be left behind, with declining physical and social infrastructure. People living in hollowed out areas where incomes and opportunities are limited are unlikely to feel that the economic system is working for them.

    3. Globalisation

    Globalisation has made a lot of people – in places like China, India and Brazil – better off. But it is not a system which ensures economic benefits for everyone.

    With global competition, big businesses are often under pressure to reduce costs. Free trade deals have often failed to enforce labour standards or redistribute gains to poorly paid workers, and in many cases simply made the rich richer.

    Such a distorted form of economic governance, where large sections of society end up feeling left behind was bound to provoke a response. Some would link it to recent political events like Brexit and the presidencies of Donald Trump, whose international tariffs are a clear attempt to reverse the rise of globalisation.

    Sporadic supply chains.
    Corona Borealis Studio/Shutterstock

    Since the pandemic, more fault-lines have been exposed. The global economy has become too dependent on certain regions, epitomised by Taiwanese dominance in the manufacturing of semiconductors, or European reliance on Russia for gas and oil.

    Recent years have also seen supply chain bottlenecks, leading to shortages of goods including cars, phones and even salad ingredients. Inflexible global systems have been ineffective, and internationally agreed fixes are hard to achieve.

    4. Climate change

    World news at the start of 2020 was dominated by the massive wildfires raging across Australia. At the start of 2025, Los Angeles burned.

    As the global climate shifts and lurches, extreme weather events are becoming more common. Floods, hurricanes and extreme temperatures look to be the likely outcome.

    When sea levels rise, countless coastal cities will experience flooding, and many Pacific islands may disappear altogether. The UN’s climate science advisory group, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) suggests that humanity will struggle with food production, disease and massive migration.

    This will all result in huge economic costs, impeding growth and disrupting livelihoods across the world. According to the IPCC, the impacts could range from extreme weather events disrupting infrastructure to changing weather reducing yields in agriculture, forestry and fishing.

    Yet many countries appear to be backtracking on their commitment to reducing emissions. It seems they would prefer to deal with the fallout of climate change rather than invest in potential solutions like carbon taxes, walkable cities or alternative fuels. But such acts of self-harm are not a sound basis for a prosperous economy, society or planet.

    Cahal Moran does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Four reasons why many of us feel the global economy is not on our side – https://theconversation.com/four-reasons-why-many-of-us-feel-the-global-economy-is-not-on-our-side-252220

    MIL OSI

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: As Netanyahu meets Trump in Washington, what hope for peace in Gaza? Expert Q&A

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor

    The US government “remains upbeat” about the prospects for at least a ceasefire in Gaza, according to the latest reports from Washington, where the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, has been meeting the US president, Donald Trump.

    Netanyahu handed the US president a letter nominating him for the Nobel peace prize, saying he deserved it for “forging peace, as we speak, in one country in the region after another”. But as yet there are no signs that either Hamas or Israel have moved any closer to accepting each other’s terms.

    In fact, reports emerging from the White House meeting are that the two leaders discussed the displacement of much of the Palestinian population. And a plan revealed by the Israeli foreign minister, Israel Katz, proposed the contruction of a “humanitarian city” at Rafah in the north of the Gaza Strip to house more than 600,000 Palestinians.

    The Conversation’s senior international affairs editor, Jonathan Este, spoke with Middle East expert, Scott Lucas, of University College Dublin to address this and other questions.

    The two leaders’ discussions in Washington seemed to centre around displacement of the Palestinian population in lieu of a two-state solution. What does this tell you about the chance of a ceasefire deal?

    I am fascinated – and sometimes disillusioned – by how some media outlets, led by the nose, miss the main story. Last week Donald Trump pronounced on social media that Israel had agreed to a 60-day ceasefire and Hamas “should take this deal”.

    But the Netanyahu government has not accepted the framework, circulated by Trump’s envoy Steve Witkoff, let alone consented to a halt of their attacks, which have continued even as the Israeli prime minister travelled to Washington to meet the US president.

    As Trump hosted Netanyahu in the White House on Monday, the line was that the US president was “upbeat on Gaza ceasefire talks”. Meanwhile, few of them seemed to notice the important development. Hamas responded to the US framework with proposals for the staged release of 28 of the remaining 50 Israeli hostages over the 60 days while Israeli troops withdrew from positions inside the Strip and humanitarian aid was restored.

    But the Israeli government has thus far not given a substantive response. Instead, while pursuing a plan for the long-term military occupation of Gaza, it may also be seeking the displacement of a large portion of the more than 2.2 million population.


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    Hard-right members of Netanyahu’s cabinet, such as finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, and internal security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, have long called for more than a million Gazans to be moved out of the territory. Reports over the weekend confirmed that this is not rhetoric. Israeli businessmen and venture capitalists have reportedly been working on plans for postwar Gaza, to include a “Trump riviera”, mirroring the displacement declaration by the US President, and an “Elon Musk smart manufacturing zone”.

    On Tuesday, security cabinet member Ze’ev Elkin, a Netanyahu loyalist, proclaimed “a substantial chance” for a ceasefire. But Qatari negotiators have said there are currently no talks, only discussions with each side about the framework for talks.

    Meanwhile, citing the killing of five Israeli soldiers in Gaza on Sunday night by an improvised explosive device, Ben-Gvir said: “We should not negotiate with those who kill our soldiers. They should be crushed to pieces, starved to death, and not resuscitated with humanitarian aid that gives them oxygen.”

    He called for “a complete siege, crushing them militarily” and reiterated the plan for “encouraging [Palestinian] immigration and [Jewish] settlement — these are the keys to complete victory”.

    Smotrich also called for a ban on any aid to Gaza: “In addition, I demand … that any territory that was conquered and cleansed of terror with the blood of our fighters not be abandoned.”

    So I am not optimistic at the moment.

    Looking at the region as a whole, two events have ‘reset’ the Middle East: the October 7 Hamas attacks and Israel’s recent 12-day war. Can you tell me more about the kaleidoscope effect these two events had?

    In October 2023, there was no open-ended war in Gaza. Benjamin Netanyahu’s focus was on curbing the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, blocking any possibility of a two-state solution. His tactic was to ease the economic pressure on Gaza and Hamas, maintaining that organisation as a balance against its West Bank rivals.

    Hamas ripped up that approach with its mass murder on October 7 – the first of the two kaleidoscope moments which changed the whole picture in a matter of hours. The attack triggered the deadly Israeli response that continues 21 months later. That response did not “destroy” Hamas, as Netanyahu pledged, but it led the Israelis to take on other foes in the region.

    Pursuing its “octopus doctrine”, Israel severely damaged one of the tentacles, Hezbollah, when it destroyed much of the Lebanese group’s leadership in the autumn of 2024. It assassinated senior Iranian commanders and officials in Damascus, and received a further boost when Turkish-backed factions toppled the Assad regime in December.

    The 12-day war in June aimed to destroy the head of the octopus: Iran. Israel’s strikes and assassinations killed much of the country’s military leadership and many of its top nuclear scientists. The supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, hid in a bunker, only emerging on July 6. But Israel failed to topple his regime, as it had hoped.

    The war was another kaleidoscope moment. Israel had its regional victory. But paradoxically, because there has been no resolution in Gaza, this has come at the cost of further international isolation. Gulf States, having moved away from “normalisation” with Israel, put out tougher statements about “genocide” of Gazans and the violation of Iranian sovereignty. Saudi Arabia’s state media highlighted a letter from Iranian foreign minister Abbas Araghchi to Saudi counterpart Faisal bin Farhan for “ways to support and enhance [relations] across all fields”.

    This implies that for any normalisation to occur, Israel must end its military operation in Gaza?

    That question cuts to the chase. The Gulf states, with the notable exception of Qatar, are no friends of Hamas. They might even have accepted the destruction of the group if Israel had been able to accomplish it quickly.

    But there is no way that they can publicly acquiesce in the killing of almost 60,000 Gazans, the large majority of them civilians, and the humanitarian blockade that threatens every single person living in the Gaza Strip. Nor will they want to see Israel export Gazans across the region in an echo of the 1948 “Nakba” whose legacy is the millions of Palestinians living in refugee camps across the Middle East.

    Netanyahu can pursue his “absolute destruction” of Hamas by pursuing the destruction and displacement of Gazans. Or he can try to capitalise on his war with Iran through links with Arab countries. He cannot do both.

    Will Donald Trump get his Nobel peace prize?

    I don’t know, for that is a question which does not have a logical answer.

    Herny Kissinger was the US secretary of state who oversaw an escalation of the Vietnam war in which up to 3 million Vietnamese, 310,000 Cambodians, 62,000 Laotians and 58,220 US service members died. The singer-songwriter Tom Lehrer aptly noted: “Political satire became obsolete when Henry Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.”

    We are in a world where having caused so much disorder and chaos, having enabled violence, including Israel’s open-ended war, Donald Trump may succeed in a pose as “peacemaker”.

    Some may see the least worst option as flattery, which seems to work as a strategy for dealing with the US president. They may accept the White House theatre in which Netanyahu, wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes, personally hands Trump a peace prize nomination.

    Meanwhile, in the past 24 hours, according to the Hamas-run Gaza health ministry, the number of casualties in Gaza rose to 57,575 people killed and 136,879 wounded. Twenty hostages spent another day in limbo. That’s what matters here.

    ref. As Netanyahu meets Trump in Washington, what hope for peace in Gaza? Expert Q&A – https://theconversation.com/as-netanyahu-meets-trump-in-washington-what-hope-for-peace-in-gaza-expert-qanda-260722

    MIL OSI