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Category: Latin America

  • MIL-OSI USA: NEWS: Sanders, Peters, Durbin, Stabenow, Duckworth, and 18 Fellow Senators Demand Stellantis Keep Its Promises to Autoworkers

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Vermont – Bernie Sanders
    WASHINGTON, Oct. 24 – In a letter sent yesterday to the automative giant that is responsible for Chrysler, Dodge, Jeep, and more, Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Chairman of the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP), Gary Peters (D-Mich.), Richard Durbin (D-Ill.), Debbie Stabenow (D-Mich.), Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.), and 18 of their colleagues urged Stellantis CEO Carlos Tavares to honor the collective bargaining agreement signed last year with the United Auto Workers (UAW) and the promises the company made to strengthen and expand good-paying union jobs in America.
    “We are writing to express our growing concerns about the failure of Stellantis, under your leadership, to honor the commitments it made to the United Auto Workers (UAW) in last year’s collective bargaining agreement…” wrote the senators. “We urge Stellantis not to renege on the promises it made to American autoworkers and to provide details on the timelines for these investments.”
    In the contract ratified last year, Stellantis committed to: 
    Make nearly $19 billion in new investments and product commitments in the U.S.;
    Re-open the plant in Belvidere, Illinois that was “indefinitely idled” last year;
    Establish a parts and customer care Mega Hub in Belvidere;
    Continue to manufacture the Dodge Durango in Detroit through 2025; and
    Manufacture the next generation Dodge Durango in Detroit starting in 2026.
    Instead, Stellantis has taken actions that undermine the commitments made to the UAW and leave “behind thousands of American workers who built the company into the auto giant it is today,” wrote the senators. These actions may include moving the next generation Dodge Durango out of the U.S. and into “low-cost” countries like Mexico, as well as delaying planned investments to reopen and expand the Belvidere assembly plant.
    This year, Stellantis has spent over $8 billion on stock buybacks and dividends to benefit its wealthy executives and stockholders. During the first six months of this year, Stellantis has generated over $6 billion in profits, making it one of the most profitable auto companies in the world. The company has also benefited from billions of dollars in financial assistance from American taxpayers and the federal government. In July, the Department of Energy announced Stellantis would receive nearly $335 million in federal dollars to support Belvidere Assembly Plant’s conversion to electric vehicle production.
    “Last year, while blue collar auto workers in Belvidere were being laid off indefinitely, you were able to receive a 56 percent pay raise, boosting your total compensation to $39.5 million, which made you the highest paid executive among traditional auto companies,” wrote the senators. “We believe that if Stellantis can afford to spend over $8 billion this year on stock buybacks and dividends, it can live up to the contractual commitments it made to the UAW. This is especially true given the billions of dollars in financial assistance American taxpayers have spent to support your company and the enormous sacrifices autoworkers have been forced to make over many decades.”
    Joining Sanders, Peters, Durbin, Stabenow, and Duckworth on the letter are Sens. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.), Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio), Cory Booker (D-N.J.), Laphonza Butler (D-Calif.), Bob Casey (D-Pa.), Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.), Mazie Hirono (D-Hawaii), Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), Ben Ray Luján (D-N.M.), Ed Markey (D-Mass.), Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), Jack Reed (D-R.I.), Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.), Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.), Tina Smith (D-Minn.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), and Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.).
    To read the full letter, click here.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: Coffee price volatility harms the mental health of farmers

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Saurabh Singhal, Associate professor, Lancaster University

    Oleg Brusencev/Shutterstock

    Coffee is a drink that punctuates many of our lives. Millions of us depend on this dark liquid to start the morning, or to break up the day.

    It has also become quite an expensive habit. But before we baulk at paying £5 for a flat white, it’s worth thinking about the price paid by the coffee farmers who provide its base ingredient.

    For behind every latte and espresso lies the toil and stress of coffee farmers, who face serious challenges to bring their popular product to the rest of the world. Harvests can be devastated by extreme weather events or pests and plant diseases, while volatile market prices add another layer of worry, making future income uncertain.

    This volatility exists in other crops, but especially so for coffee, the price of which is extremely unpredictable. It can rise and fall frequently because of the weather, market demand and the state of the global economy.

    Coffee trees take up to four years to grow and produce beans, and cutting them down is expensive, so farmers can’t easily change how much coffee they produce based on price changes.

    But price volatility means that farmers can’t be sure about their income at harvest time, which can be incredibly stressful. And our research shows just how much that unpredictability affects farmers’ mental health.

    Our work focused on farmers in Vietnam, a country where coffee production has soared over the last three decades. From accounting for just 1.2% of world output in 1989, Vietnam is currently the second largest producer in the world (after Brazil) producing just under 30 million 60kg bags a year. Vietnam produces mainly “robusta” coffee beans, grown by small farmers in the central highlands region of the country.

    Using data from a long-running observational survey to assess mental health, we looked at how Vietnamese coffee farmers experienced symptoms of depression including sadness, hopelessness, lack of concentration and poor sleep – and how these were linked to monthly international robusta coffee prices.

    Using a range of techniques to interpret the data, we found clear evidence that being exposed to coffee price fluctuations increased depressive symptoms among farmers of the crop. They also had lower overall wellbeing because of greater mental stress and worry over their economic future – and drank more alcohol.

    A coffee farm in Vietnam.
    Elizaveta Galitckaia/Shutterstock

    The impact of all of this uncertainty is significant. According to the World Health Organization, poor mental health is a major contributor to the global burden of disease, especially in low-income countries where mental illness and poverty are closely linked.

    Estimates suggest that as much as 80% of the world’s depressive disorder burden is borne by low and middle income countries. But these issues are often overlooked, even though they are crucial to addressing poverty.

    What can coffee drinkers do?

    There are ways to tackle the mental health effects of coffee price volatility. Initiatives to promote price stability in the global coffee markets and financial literacy among farmers, would be worth pursuing. So too would work to improve mental health support within farming communities, providing resources for coping with stress and building resilience.

    Coffee lovers around the world can also play their part by choosing the their drink carefully. Fairtrade certification for example, was set up to help reduce coffee price volatility and the resulting poverty it caused.

    It guarantees a minimum price for certified coffee, covering the average cost of sustainable production and reducing the financial risks farmers face. Fairtrade-certified farmers also receive a premium to invest in projects that improve the quality of life for their communities.

    And research suggests it is succeeding. A 2005 study of coffee farmers in Nicaragua revealed that Fairtrade farmers are less concerned about the possibility of losing their farm in the coming year compared to conventional farmers. And using data from Costa Rica, research from 2022 has found fair trade certification was effective in increasing farmers’ income.

    So the next time you savour your morning cup of coffee, take a moment to consider the people who cultivated the beans which made the drink. Coffee farmers deserve our appreciation – but also our help in establishing fairer, more stable market conditions which safeguard their livelihoods and mental health.

    Saurabh Singhal received funding from the University of Copenhagen.

    Finn Tarp has over the years received funding from a variety of donors and research funding agencies for work in Vietnam on on development issues . This is relevant only in the sense that is has helped inform about living conditions in the country.

    – ref. Coffee price volatility harms the mental health of farmers – https://theconversation.com/coffee-price-volatility-harms-the-mental-health-of-farmers-236833

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: As Colombia hosts a UN biodiversity summit, its own Amazonian rainforest is in crisis

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jesica Lopez, PhD Candidate, Centre for Environmental and Climate Research, Lund University

    Colombia hosts 18% of the world’s bird species – more than any other country. Ariboen / shutterstock

    The city of Cali, in Colombia, is hosting the UN’s 16th biodiversity summit, known as Cop16. The summit, which runs until Friday, November 1, is focused on how countries will fulfil previous pledges to protect at least 30% of the world’s land and water and restore 30% of degraded ecosystems by 2030.

    It’s a noble aim, yet Colombia itself shows just how far we have to go.

    If you travel south east from Cali, over the Andes mountains, you drop into the Amazon basin. From there, rainforest stretches for hundreds of kilometres to the border with Brazil – and far beyond. This rainforest is the main reason Colombia ranks as the fourth most biodiverse country in the world. Nowhere else has as many species of birds. Only Brazil and China have more trees.

    But the region is experiencing an environmental crisis. I recently completed a PhD on the northern Colombian Amazon, in which I tracked how the rainforest is fast being deforested and turned into pastures for cattle ranches. I particularly looked at how this affects hotspots of plant and animal life in rugged valleys on the Amazonian side of the Andes – spectacularly biodiverse places even by Colombian standards – and looked at what can be done to protect them.

    ‘Natural regions’ of Colombia. Most of Amazonia (dark green) is rainforest, along with parts of the Orinoco basin (light green) and the Pacific region (purple).
    Milenioscuro / wiki / Geographic Institute Agustín Codazzi, CC BY-SA

    This is not an easy part of the world in which to do such work – the NGO Global Witness ranks Colombia as the single most dangerous country for environmental defenders. While documenting legal and illegal cattle ranching, I was often reminded to be aware of exactly who I was contacting and to be wary of which questions I was asking.

    Activists and researchers often face violence from those who profit from deforestation, and I had to work closely with organisations and authorities that secured own safety. Very harrowing experiences are not uncommon.

    Despite these risks, many continue their efforts, driven by a deep commitment to protecting the Amazon and its biodiversity. Their bravery only underscores the urgent need for stronger protections and enforcement.

    Peace led to more deforestation

    For decades, the region was mostly controlled by the Farc guerrilla army. The Farc was largely funded by kidnappings and the drug trade, and wasn’t interested in large-scale farming.

    All this changed after the government of Colombia signed a peace agreement with the Farc in 2016. Since then, deforestation has increased, as both legal and illegal land tenants have acquired land for farming through what they call “sustainable development” practices. This mostly involves turning forest into pasture for cattle, the main driver of deforestation across Latin America.

    Cattle ranches are the main driver of deforestation.
    Jordi Romo / shutterstock

    Things peaked in 2018, when 2,470 square kilometres of forest was lost in Colombia – equivalent to a circular area more than 50 kilometres across. Rates of deforestation have reduced slightly since then (though the data isn’t very reliable), but appear to be increasing once again in 2024.

    The recent increase might be attributed to the demand to produce more coca or rear more cattle, along with pressure from extractive industries like mining. The spread of roads and other infrastructure further into the rainforest have also opened up new opportunities.

    Billions more needed to stop deforestation

    In its 2018 Living Forest Report, the WWF included Colombia’s Chocó-Darién and Amazon forests in its list of 11 “deforestation fronts” across the planet. These fronts are where it projected the largest concentrations of forest loss or severe degradation would occur in the period till 2030.

    No wonder then that Colombia’s environmental crisis has drawn international attention. Countries like Germany, Norway and the UK have supported its efforts to reduce deforestation, pledging about €22 million under the UN’s reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation scheme (known as REDD+). This is a good start, but much more is needed.

    The Amazon winds through dense forest on the border between Colombia and Peru.
    Jhampier Giron M / shutterstock

    Indeed, the Global Biodiversity Framework, the international treaty that underlies the Cop16 negotiations in Cali, estimates we’ll need an extra US$700 billion each year to protect biodiversity.

    An important issue at the summit is therefore how to mobilise sufficient financial resources, particularly for developing countries. The previous global biodiversity summit, held in Canada in 2022, established that wealthy countries should provide US$30 billion annually to low-income countries by 2030.

    Ahead of this year’s summit, countries were expected to submit new national biodiversity plans detailing how they’ll meet the 30% protection goals. Most failed to do so – including Colombia. Despite this setback, delegates in Cali will hopefully develop robust mechanisms to monitor progress and ensure countries are held accountable for meeting their targets.

    Other critical issues include reforms to benefit small-scale farmers in the Amazon. The region’s current economic model is centred on reshaping the land and extracting resources, but it has not generated prosperity for these more sustainable farmers. That same economic model has also failed to protect the forest itself.

    The summit should also work towards recognising indigenous peoples’ rights and traditional knowledge, and including their voices in policy decisions, and must address violence against environmental defenders.

    These are all huge issues in Colombia and indeed any country where cattle farmers are eyeing up pristine rainforest. The summit in Cali represents a great opportunity for the world to seriously tackle the dual biodiversity and climate crisis.



    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get our award-winning weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.


    Jesica Lopez works for Lund University.

    – ref. As Colombia hosts a UN biodiversity summit, its own Amazonian rainforest is in crisis – https://theconversation.com/as-colombia-hosts-a-un-biodiversity-summit-its-own-amazonian-rainforest-is-in-crisis-241776

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI China: Full Text: Address by Chinese President Xi Jinping at ‘BRICS Plus’ leaders’ dialogue

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Full Text: Address by Chinese President Xi Jinping at ‘BRICS Plus’ leaders’ dialogue

    KAZAN, Russia, Oct. 24 — Chinese President Xi Jinping on Thursday delivered an important speech at the “BRICS Plus” leaders’ dialogue in Kazan, Russia.

    The following is the full text of the speech:

    Combining the Great Strength of the Global South To Build Together a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind

    Remarks by H.E. Xi Jinping

    President of the People’s Republic of China

    At the “BRICS Plus” leaders’ dialogue

    Kazan, October 24, 2024

    Your Excellency President Vladimir Putin,

    Colleagues,

    I would like to thank President Putin and the Russian government for putting together this “BRICS Plus” leaders’ dialogue, and warmly welcome all the leaders joining us today. It is a great pleasure to see old and new friends in Kazan.

    The collective rise of the Global South is a distinctive feature of the great transformation across the world. Global South countries marching together toward modernization is monumental in world history and unprecedented in human civilization. At the same time, peace and development still faces severe challenges, and the road to prosperity for the Global South will not be straight. Standing at the forefront of the Global South, we should use our collective wisdom and strength, and stand up to our responsibility for building a community with a shared future for mankind.

    — We should uphold peace and strive for common security. We should come forward together to form a stabilizing force for peace. We should strengthen global security governance, and explore solutions to address both symptoms and roots of hotspot issues. Many parties have warmly responded to my Global Security Initiative. Under the Initiative, we have made prominent progress in maintaining regional stability and in many other areas. China and Brazil jointly issued the six-point consensus, and launched the group of Friends for Peace on the Ukraine crisis together with other Global South countries. We should promote early deescalation to pave the way for political settlement. Last July, Palestinian factions reconciled with each other in Beijing, marking a key step toward peace in the Middle East. We should continue to promote comprehensive ceasefire in the Gaza Strip and revive the two-State solution. We must stop the flames of war from spreading in Lebanon and end the miserable sufferings in Palestine and Lebanon.

    — We should reinvigorate development and strive for common prosperity. The Global South emerges for development and prospers through development. We should make ourselves the main driving force for common development. We should play an active and leading role in the global economic governance reform, and make development the core of international economic and trade agenda. Since its introduction three years ago, the Global Development Initiative has helped make available nearly US$20 billion of development fund and launch more than 1,100 projects. And recently the Global Alliance on Artificial Intelligence for Industry and Manufacturing Center of Excellence has been established in Shanghai. China will also build a World Smart Customs Community Portal and a BRICS Customs Center of Excellence. We welcome active participation by all countries.

    — We should promote together development of all civilizations and strive for harmony among them. Diversity of civilization is the innate quality of the world. We should be advocates for exchanges among civilizations. We should enhance communication and dialogue, and support each other in taking the path to modernization suited to our respective national conditions. The Global Civilization Initiative I proposed is exactly for the purpose of building a garden of world civilizations in which we can share and admire the beauty of each civilization. China will coordinate with others to form a Global South Think Tanks Alliance to promote people-to-people exchanges and experience-sharing in governance.

    Colleagues,

    The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China made systemic plans for further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization. This will provide more opportunities for the world. Last month, we held in Beijing a successful summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation and announced ten partnership actions for China and Africa to jointly advance modernization. This will instill new energy for the Global South on its way toward modernization.

    No matter how the international landscape evolves, we in China will always keep the Global South in our heart, and maintain our roots in the Global South. We support more Global South countries in joining the cause of BRICS as full members, partner countries or in the “BRICS Plus” format so that we can combine the great strength of the Global South to build together a community with a shared future for mankind.

    Thank you!

    MIL OSI China News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Biomass

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Biomass is the first satellite that will study the world’s forests in 3-dimensions.

    Biomass. Credit: Airbus

    The Biomass mission will provide crucial information about the state of our forests and how they are changing. The data will be used to further our knowledge of the role forests play in the carbon cycle.

    Biomass will quantify the global carbon cycle which is essential to understanding many of the dramatic changes taking place in the Earth system, particularly those resulting from the burning of fossil fuel and land-use change.

    As a result, Biomass observations will support the initiative for the reduction of emissions due to deforestation and forest degradation.

    Biomass will have global coverage and produce one map every 6 months with unprecedented accuracy. It will reduce the current uncertainties in the amount of carbon stored in forests and how this changes with time, providing vital information to support decision making around climate change. Observations from this new mission will also lead to better insight into rates of habitat loss and the impact this may be having on biodiversity in the forest environment.

    Biomass is also a part of the European Space Agency’s (ESA) Earth Explorer missions which focuses on the atmosphere, biosphere, hydrosphere, cryosphere and the Earth’s interior with the overall aim of learning more about the interactions between these components and the impact that human activity is having on natural Earth processes.

    Biomass is due to launch in 2025 on a Vega-C rocket from Kourou in French Guiana. The mission is planned to be 5-years long.

    How is the UK involved?

    Biomass is being built in the UK by Airbus.

    The UK has invested in the ESA Earth Observation Envelope Programme – EOEP-3, EOEP-4, and EOEP-5 programmes.

    The lead scientist is Professor Sean Quegan based in the University of Sheffield, Airbus are leading the build, and other significant stakeholders in the mission are ESA, Nammo (propulsion), Astrotech (propulsion), and Enersys ABSL (batteries).

    Updates to this page

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Attorney General James Urges Federal Court to Maintain Access to Emergency Abortion Care

    Source: US State of New York

    NEW YORK – New York Attorney General Letitia James and California Attorney General Rob Bonta today co-led a coalition of 24 attorneys general in filing an amicus brief in U.S. v. Idaho to protect access to emergency abortion care in Idaho. The brief urges the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit to uphold a lower court’s preliminary injunction blocking Idaho’s restrictive abortion ban, which does not include an exception for emergency abortion care. Attorney General James and the coalition argue that preventing pregnant patients from receiving emergency abortion care can seriously harm patients’ health and overwhelm health care systems in Idaho and neighboring states.

    “Denying emergency abortion care to a pregnant patient whose health is in jeopardy is unbelievably cruel,” said Attorney General James. “State restrictions on emergency abortion care are endangering patients, hurting families, and overwhelming health care providers. The right to get emergency abortion care should not depend on where you live. I will keep fighting back against these harmful bans, and I thank my fellow attorneys general for joining me in this effort.” 

    The federal Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act (EMTALA) requires hospitals that operate an emergency department and participate in Medicare – virtually every hospital in the country – to treat all patients who have an emergency medical condition before discharging or transferring them. Idaho’s abortion ban does not include an exception for emergency abortion care. Attorney General James and the coalition argue that several government agencies and courts have long determined that emergency abortion care and other pregnancy-related emergencies are covered under EMTALA.

    The amicus brief submitted by Attorney General James and the coalition argues that allowing Idaho to override EMTALA’s protections for emergency abortion care can lead to pregnant patients dying or suffering irreversible injuries. The brief also notes that this action by Idaho could cause health care providers to leave the state, leading to worse patient care and pregnant patients seeking care in other states, which can overwhelm their health care systems. In fact, within a few months of Idaho’s abortion ban going into effect, nearly one in four obstetricians left the state or retired. This past March, Attorney General James co-led a multistate coalition of attorneys general and filed an amicus brief with the United States Supreme Court in this case, urging the court to maintain the district court’s preliminary injunction. The court ultimately sent the case back to the Ninth Circuit with the district court’s stay intact.

    Joining Attorney General James in filing today’s amicus brief are the attorneys general of Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Carolina, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, Wisconsin, and the District of Columbia.

    Today’s action is the latest in Attorney General James’ efforts to defend access to reproductive care and protect reproductive freedom in New York and nationwide. In October, Attorney General James and a coalition of attorneys general filed an amicus brief in support of access to mifepristone. In May, Attorney General James sued an anti-abortion group and 11 crisis pregnancy centers for promoting unproven abortion reversal treatment. In April, Attorney General James led a coalition of attorneys general in urging Congress to expand access to reproductive health services and pass the Access to Family Building Act. In January, Attorney General James led a coalition of 24 attorneys general urging the U.S. Supreme Court to protect access to mifepristone. In December 2022, Attorney General James secured a court order to stop militant anti-abortion group Red Rose Rescue from blocking access to abortion care in New York.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: NASA Funds Open-Source Software Underpinning Scientific Innovation

    Source: NASA

    NASA has awarded $15.6 million in grant funding to 15 projects supporting the maintenance of open-source tools, frameworks, and libraries used by the NASA science community, for the benefit of all.
    The agency’s Open-Source Tools, Frameworks, and Libraries awards provide support for the sustainable development of tools freely available to everyone and critical for the goals of the agency’s Science Mission Directorate.
    “We received almost twice the number of proposals this year than we had in the previous call,” said Steve Crawford, program executive, Open Science implementation, Office of the Chief Science Data Officer, NASA Headquarters in Washington. “The NASA science community’s excitement for this program demonstrates the need for sustained support and maintenance of open-source software. These projects are integral to our missions, critical to our data infrastructure, underpin machine learning and data science tools, and are used by our researchers, every day, to advance science that protects our planet and broadens our understanding of the universe.”
    This award program is one of several cross-divisional opportunities at NASA focused on advancing open science practices. The grants are funded by NASA’s Office of the Chief Science Data Officer through the agency’s Research Opportunities for Space and Earth Science. The solicitation sought proposals through two types of awards:

    Foundational awards: cooperative agreements for up to five years for open-source tools, frameworks, and libraries that have a significant impact on two or more divisions of the Science Mission Directorate.
    Sustainment awards: grants or cooperative agreements of up to three years for open-source tools, frameworks, and libraries that have significant impact in one or more divisions of the Science Mission Directorate.

    2024 awardees are:
    Foundation awards:

    NASA’s Ames Research Center, Silicon Valley, California

    Principal investigator: Ross Beyer

    “Expanding and Maintaining the Ames Stereo Pipeline”

    Caltech, Pasadena, California

    Principal investigator: Brigitta Sipocz

    “Enhancement of Infrastructure and Sustained Maintenance of Astroquery”

    Cornell University, Scarsdale, New York

    Principal investigator: Ramin Zabih

    “Modernize and Expand arXiv’s Essential Infrastructure”

    NASA’s Goddard Space Flight Center, Greenbelt, Maryland

    Principal investigator: D. Cooley

    “Enabling SMD Science Using the General Mission Analysis Tool”

    NumFOCUS, Austin, Texas

    Principal investigator: Thomas Caswell

    “Sustainment of Matplotlib and Cartopy”

    NumFOCUS

    Principal investigator: Erik Tollerud

    “Investing in the Astropy Project to Enable Research and Education in Astronomy”

    Sustainment awards:

    NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory, Southern California

    Principal investigator: Cedric David

    “Sustain NASA’s River Software for the Satellite Data Deluge,” three-year award

    Pennsylvania State University, University Park

    Principal investigator: David Radice

    “AthenaK: A Performance Portable Simulation Infrastructure for Computational Astrophysics,” three-year award

    United States Geological Survey, Reston, Virginia

    Principal investigator: Trent Hare

    “Planetary Updates for QGIS,” one-year award

    NASA JPL

    Principal investigator: Michael Starch

    “How To F Prime: Empowering Science Missions Through Documentation and Examples,” three-year award

    NASA Goddard

    Principal investigator: Albert Shih

    “Enhancing Consistency and Discoverability Across the SunPy Ecosystem,” three-year award

    Triad National Security, LLC, Los Alamos, New Mexico

    Principal investigator: Julia Kelliher

    “Enhancing Analysis Capabilities of Biological Data With the NASA EDGE Bioinformatics Platform,” four-year award

    iSciences LLC, Burlington, Vermont

    Principal investigator: Daniel Baston

    “Sustaining the Geospatial Data Abstraction Library,” three-year award

    University of Maryland, College Park,

    Principal investigator: C Max Stevens

    “Sustaining the Community Firn Model,” three-year award

    Quansight, LLC, Austin, Texas

    Principal investigator: Dharhas Pothina

    “Ensuring a Fast and Secure Core for Scientific Python – Security, Accessibility and Performance of NumPy, SciPy and scikit-learn; Going Beyond NumPy With Accelerator Support,” three-year award

    For information about open science at NASA, visit:
    https://science.nasa.gov/open-science
    -end-
    Alise FisherHeadquarters, Washington202-617-4977alise.m.fisher@nasa.gov

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Security: Met Police and modern slavery charity work to protect victims of exploitation

    Source: United Kingdom London Metropolitan Police

    Met Police and modern slavery charity work to protect victims of exploitation

    The Metropolitan Police and Justice & Care have jointly worked to pursue the conviction of prolific sex trafficker Roland Cankaj to protect multiple victims of exploitation.

    Roland Cankaj, 43 (19.03.1981) of Western Gateway, Tower Hamlets, E16 appeared at Croydon Crown Court on Wednesday, 23 October where he was found guilty of multiple exploitation offences following a six day trial.

    The Met’s modern slavery team launched an investigation into an organised crime network named the ‘Cankaj Brotherhood’ in 2022 with intelligence leading to a group trafficking Brazilian women into the UK to be sexually exploited.

    The detailed investigation showed Cankaj renting an apartment in Tower Hamlets under a false passport. Officers begun to observe Cankaj’s movements and saw him drive young women to addresses and waiting outside in the car while the women went inside. He was also seen to be in the company of young women, taking provocative pictures of them outside London landmarks which were used to advertise sexual services. A brothel in Tower Hamlets, run by Cankaj, was uncovered – the rooms were sparsely furnished and contained items associated with sex work.

    As a result of the officer’s work, a total of six victims were identified and the Met worked closely with Justice & Care, the modern slavery charity, to support them.

    During an interview, one victim explained how she had worked as a beautician in Brazil and got into conversation with Cankaj about money. He arranged for her to come to the UK and moved her between various addresses to have sex with men she didn’t know before taking half the money – sometimes 10 to 15 men a day.

    As part of A New Met for London, the Met is doing more to support communities and people who’ve had their trust damaged. Officers are working to protect women and children from violence and exploitation and pursuing the predatory men who commit those crimes. Through targeted operations and partnerships with community organisations, the Met is working to create safer environments for women and girls across London.

    Detective Sergeant Andy Owen, who led the investigation, said:

    “Cankaj tricked these women into a false sense of security, making them believe that this exploitation was a way of them gaining financial freedom. In fact, he was the one financially benefitting, making a career out of orchestrating prostitution with vulnerable victims.

    “This was a complex investigation led by the Met and I am pleased our work has led to justice for these women. The key to our success was building the victim’s trust in the police -Justice & Care were integral in achieving this, providing support to these women who had spent years being exploited and ensuring they felt safe and supported to share their stories.

    “The Met are dedicated to protecting vulnerable people – we rely on information from our communities to continue tackling exploitation and modern slavery in London. If you’re suspicious about possible exploitation in your area, or you’re concerned about someone who may be a victim, please contact us.”

    Julie Currie, Victim Navigator Programme Coordinator at Justice & Care, who supported one of the victims said:

    ”We are proud to support the survivor to bring her trafficker to justice, and commend her bravery in supporting this case.

    “As this case shows, modern slavery is brutal and it is everywhere – with an estimated 122,000 victims currently trapped in exploitation in the UK.

    “Our Navigators are deployed into the heart of the Metropolitan Police, and many other police forces across the UK, and are often there from the moment a potential victim is identified to help them feel safe.

    “They work helping survivors to start to rebuild their lives and support them to engage with the criminal justice process.

    “This case is just one example of the incredible partnership between Justice and Care and the Metropolitan Police.

    ”Every member of the public can help us stop this crime by learning the signs of modern slavery and reporting concerns to police.”

    For more information and advice around spotting the signs of exploitation, visit: Human trafficking | Metropolitan Police

    Charges

    Cankaj was arrested on 20 April 2024 at London Stansted Airport and was subsequently charged with:

    • Two counts of arranging or facilitating travel of another person with a view of exploitation
    • Fraud by false representation
    • Possession of a controlled article for use in fraud

    He pleaded guilty to fraud by false representation and keeping a brothel for use in prostitution.

    He was found guilty on Wednesday, 23 October at Croydon Crown Court of arranging or facilitating the travel of another person with a view to exploitation.

    MIL Security OSI –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Federal Home Loan Bank of New York Announces Third Quarter 2024 Operating Highlights

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    NEW YORK, Oct. 24, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — The Federal Home Loan Bank of New York (“FHLBNY”) today released its unaudited financial highlights for the quarter ended September 30, 2024.   

    “Throughout the first nine months of 2024, the Federal Home Loan Bank of New York has continued to successfully execute on our mission, meeting the needs of our members and working together to the benefit of the communities we all serve,” said José R. González, president and CEO of the FHLBNY.

    Highlights from the third quarter of 2024 include:

    • Net income for the quarter was $183.4 million, an increase of $1.5 million, or 0.8%, from net income of $181.9 million for the third quarter of 2023. Net interest income for the quarter was $237.2 million, a decrease of $5.3 million, or 2.2%, from $242.4 million in the third quarter last year. Non-interest income increased by $23.3 million in the third quarter of 2024 compared with the prior year’s quarter, mainly due to an increase in unrealized fair value gains on derivatives, hedged items and trading securities. Non-interest expense increased by $16.2 million to $68.4 million in the third quarter of 2024, primarily due to larger voluntary contributions for housing and community development initiatives and increases in headcount.
    • Return on average equity (“ROE”) for the quarter was 8.29% (annualized), compared to ROE of 9.13% for the third quarter of 2023.
    • As of September 30, 2024, total assets were $155.5 billion, a decrease of $2.8 billion, or 1.8%, from total assets of $158.3 billion at December 31, 2023.  As of September 30, 2024, advances were $106.4 billion, a decrease of $2.5 billion, or 2.3%, from $108.9 billion at December 31, 2023.   
    • As of September 30, 2024, total capital was $8.4 billion, an increase of $0.2 billion from total capital of $8.2 billion at December 31, 2023.  The FHLBNY’s retained earnings increased by $0.2 billion to $2.5 billion as of September 30, 2024, of which $1.3 billion was unrestricted retained earnings and $1.2 billion was restricted retained earnings.  At September 30, 2024, the FHLBNY met its regulatory capital ratios and liquidity requirements.
    • The FHLBNY allocated $20.4 million from its third quarter 2024 earnings for its Affordable Housing Program.

    The FHLBNY expects to file its Form 10-Q for the third quarter of 2024 with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission on or before November 7, 2024.

       
    Selected Balance Sheet Items (dollars in millions)  
      September 30,     December 31,        
      2024     2023     Change  
                     
    Advances $ 106,435     $ 108,890     $ (2,455 )
    Mortgage loans held for portfolio 2,308     2,180     128  
    Mortgage-backed securities 19,736     19,582     154  
    Liquidity assets 24,581     25,340       (759 )
    Total assets $ 155,454     $ 158,333     $ (2,879 )
                     
    Consolidated obligations $ 143,809     $ 145,476     $ (1,667 )
    Capital stock 6,014     6,050       (36 )
    Unrestricted retained earnings 1,309     1,277     32  
    Restricted retained earnings 1,178     1,061     117  
    Accumulated other comprehensive income   (85 )     (143 )   58  
    Total capital $ 8,416     $ 8,245     $ 171  
                     
    Capital-to-assets ratio (GAAP) 5.41 %   5.21 %      
    Capital-to-assets ratio (Regulatory) 5.47 %   5.30 %      
                     
                     
     
    Operating Results (dollars in millions)
      Three Months Ended
    September 30,
              Nine Months Ended
    September 30,
     
           
      2024     2023   Change     2024     2023   Change  
                                       
    Total interest income $ 2,316.6     $ 2,030.7     $ 285.9     $ 6,916.0     $ 6,264.1     $ 651.9  
    Total interest expense 2,079.4     1,788.3     291.1     6,166.1     5,517.2     648.9  
    Net interest income 237.2     242.4     (5.2 )   749.9     746.9     3.0  
    Provision (Reversal) for credit losses 0.1     (0.1 )   0.2     (0.7 )   1.8     (2.5 )
    Net interest income after provision for credit losses 237.1     242.5     (5.4 )   750.6     745.1     5.5  
    Non-interest income (loss) 35.1     11.8     23.3     88.2     70.7     17.5  
    Non-interest expense 68.4     52.2     16.2     188.5     153.3     35.2  
    Affordable Housing Program assessments 20.4     20.2     0.2     65.1     66.3     (1.2 )
    Net income $ 183.4     $ 181.9     $ 1.5     $ 585.2     $ 596.2     $ (11.0 )
                                       
    Return on average equity 8.29 %   9.13 %         9.09 %   9.54 %      
    Return on average assets 0.43 %   0.48 %           0.46 %   0.48 %        
    Net interest margin 0.56 %   0.64 %         0.59 %   0.60 %      
                                       

    Federal Home Loan Bank of New York
    The Federal Home Loan Bank of New York is a Congressionally chartered, wholesale Bank. It is part of the Federal Home Loan Bank System, a national wholesale banking network of 11 regional, stockholder-owned banks. As of September 30, 2024, the FHLBNY serves 338 financial institutions and housing associates in New Jersey, New York, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands. The mission of the FHLBNY is to provide members with reliable liquidity in support of housing and local community development.

    Safe Harbor Statement Under the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995
    This report may contain forward-looking statements within the meaning of the “safe harbor” provisions of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. These statements are based upon our current expectations and speak only as of the date hereof. These statements may use forward-looking terms, such as “projected,” “expects,” “may,” or their negatives or other variations on these terms. The Bank cautions that, by their nature, forward-looking statements involve risk or uncertainty and that actual results could differ materially from those expressed or implied in these forward-looking statements or could affect the extent to which a particular objective, projection, estimate, or prediction is realized. These forward-looking statements involve risks and uncertainties including, but not limited to, the Risk Factors set forth in our Annual Reports on Form 10-K and our Quarterly Reports on Form 10-Q filed with the SEC, as well as regulatory and accounting rule adjustments or requirements, changes in interest rates, changes in projected business volumes, changes in prepayment speeds on mortgage assets, the cost of our funding, changes in our membership profile, the withdrawal of one or more large members, competitive pressures, shifts in demand for our products, and general economic conditions. Forward-looking statements speak only as of the date they are made, and we undertake no obligation to revise or update publicly any forward-looking statements for any reason.

    CONTACT:
    Brian Finnegan
    (212) 441-6877
    brian.finnegan@fhlbny.com   

    The MIL Network –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Our nuclear childhood’: the sisters who witnessed H-bomb tests over their Pacific island, and are still coming to terms with the fallout

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Christopher Hill, Associate Professor (Research and Development), Faculty of Business and Creative Industries, University of South Wales

    Nuclear detonations were the backdrop to Teeua and Teraabo’s childhood. By the time the sisters were eight and four, the Pacific island on which they grew up, Kiritimati, had hosted 30 atomic and thermonuclear explosions – six during Operation Grapple, a British series between 1957 and 1958, and 24 during Operation Dominic, led by the US in 1962.

    The UK’s secretary of state for the colonies, Alan Lennox-Boyd, had claimed the Grapple series would put Britain “far ahead of the Americans, and probably the Russians too, in super-bomb development”. Grapple, the country’s largest tri-service operation since D-Day, also involved troops from Fiji and New Zealand. It sought to secure the awesome power of the hydrogen bomb: a thermonuclear device far more destructive than the atomic bomb.

    Britain’s seat at the top table of “super-bomb development” was emphatically announced in April 1958 with Grapple Y: an “H-bomb” 200 times more powerful than the bomb dropped on Hiroshima in 1945. This remains Britain’s largest nuclear detonation – one of more than 100 conducted by the UK, US and Soviet Union in 1958 alone.

    More than six decades later, the health effects on former servicemen based on Kiritimati, as well as at test locations in South and Western Australia, remain unresolved. Greater Manchester’s mayor, Andy Burnham, has called the treatment of UK nuclear test veterans “the longest-standing and, arguably, the worst” of all the British public scandals in recent history.




    Read more:
    Nobel peace prize awarded to Japanese atomic bomb survivors’ group for its efforts to free the world of nuclear weapons


    Unlike the Post Office, infected blood and Grenfell Tower inquiries in 2024, there has been no UK inquiry into British nuclear weapon tests in Australia and the Pacific. Yet veterans and their descendants maintain these tests caused hereditary ill-health effects and premature deaths among participants. The British government has been accused of hiding records of these health impacts for decades behind claims of national security.

    Over the past year, the life stories of British nuclear test veterans have been collected by researchers, including myself, for an oral history project in partnership with the British Library. Whether from a vantage point of air, land or sea, the veterans all recall witnessing nuclear explosions with startling clarity, as if the moment was seared on to their memories. According to Doug Herne, a ship’s cook with the Royal Navy:

    When the flash hit you, you could see the X-rays of your hands through your closed eyes. Then the heat hit you, and it was as if someone my size had caught fire and walked through me. To say it was frightening is an understatement. I think it shocked us into silence.

    British servicemen describe their nuclear test experiences. Video: Wester van Gaal/Motherboard.

    But what of the experiences of local people on Kiritimati? I have recently interviewed two sisters who are among the few surviving islanders who witnessed the nuclear tests. This is their story.

    ‘A mushroom cloud igniting the sky’

    At the start of Operation Grapple in May 1957, around 250 islanders lived on Kiritimati – the world’s largest coral reef atoll, slap bang in the centre of the Pacific Ocean, around 1,250 miles (2,000km) due south of Hawaii. The island’s name is derived from the English word “Christmas”, the atoll having been “discovered” by the British explorer James Cook on Christmas Eve 1777.

    In May 2023, I visited Kiritimati for a research project on “British nuclear imperialism”, which investigated how post-war Britain used its dwindling imperial assets and resources as a springboard for nuclear development. I sought to interview islanders who had remained on the atoll since the tests, including Teeua Tekonau, then aged 68. In 2024, I visited her younger sister, Teraabo Pollard, who lives more than 8,000 miles away in the contrasting surroundings of Burnley, north-west England.

    Far from descriptions of fear and terror, both Teeua and Teraabo looked back on the tests with striking enthusiasm. Teraabo recalled witnessing them from the local maneaba (open-air meeting place) or tennis court as a “pleasurable” experience full of “excitement”.

    She described having her ears plugged with cotton wool before being covered with a blanket. As if by magic, the blanket was then lifted to reveal a mushroom cloud igniting the night sky – a sight accompanied by sweetened bread handed out by American soldiers. So vivid was the light that Teraabo, then aged four, described “being excited about it being daytime again”.

    An Operation Grapple thermonuclear test near Kiritimati, 1957-58. Video: Imperial War Museums.

    In view of the violence of the tests, I was struck that Teeua and Teraabo volunteered these positive memories. Their enthusiasm seemed in marked contrast to growing concerns about the radioactive fallout – including those voiced by surviving test veterans and their descendants. As children, the tests seem to have offered the sisters a spectacle of fantasy and escapism – glazed with the saccharine of American treats and Disney films on British evacuation ships.

    Yet they have also lived through the premature deaths of family members and, in Teraabo’s case, a malignant tumour dating from the time of the tests. And there have been similar stories from other families who lived in the shadow of these very risky, loosely controlled experiments. Teraabo told me about a friend who had peeked out from her blanket as a young girl – and who suffered from eye and health problems ever since.

    ‘Only a very slight health hazard’

    Kiritimati forms part of the impossibly large Republic of Kiribati – a nation of 33 islands spread over 3.5 million square kilometres; the only one to have territory in all four hemispheres and, until 1995, on either side of the international date line. Before independence from Britain in 1979, Kiribati belonged to the Gilbert and Ellice Island Colony, which in effect made Kiritimati a “nuclear colony” for the purpose of British and American testing.

    In 1955, Teeua and Teraabo’s parents, Taraem and Tekonau Tetoa, left their home island of Tabiteuea, a small atoll belonging to the Gilbert group of islands in the western Pacific. They boarded a British merchant vessel bound for Christmas Island nearly 2,000 miles away. Setting sail with new-born Teeua in their arms, the family looked forward to a future cutting copra on Kiritimati’s British coconut plantation.

    The scale of this journey, with four young children, was immense. Just how the hundred or so Gilbertese passengers “managed to live [during the voyage] was better not asked”, according to one royal engineer who described a similar voyage a few years later. “There were piles of coconuts everywhere – perhaps they were for both food and drink.”



    The Insights section is committed to high-quality longform journalism. Our editors work with academics from many different backgrounds who are tackling a wide range of societal and scientific challenges.


    Within two years of their arrival, the family faced more upheaval as mother Taraem and her children were packed aboard another ship ahead of the first three sets of British nuclear tests in the Pacific. Known as Grapple 1, 2 and 3, they were to be detonated over Malden Island, an atoll some 240 miles to the south of Kiritimati – but still too close for the comfort of local residents.

    According to Teeua, the evacuation was prompted by disillusioned labourers brought to Kiritimati without their families, who went on strike after learning how much the British troops were being paid. But the islanders’ perspectives do not feature much in the colonial records, which give precedence to British disputes about logistical costs and safety calculations.

    The Grapple task force resolved that the safe limit set by the International Commission on Radiological Protection should be reduced, to limit the cost of evacuations. A meeting in November 1956 noted that “only a very slight health hazard to people would arise from this reduction – and that only to primitive peoples”.

    Shocking as this remark sounds, it is typical of the disregard that nuclear planners appear to have had, both for Indigenous communities and the mostly working-class soldiers. These lives did not seem to matter much in the context of Britain’s quest for nuclear supremacy. William Penney, Britain’s chief nuclear scientist, had bemoaned how critics during tests in Australia were “intent on thwarting the whole future of the British Empire for the sake of a few Aboriginals”.

    Tekonau, Teeua’s father, was one of the 30 or so I-Kiribati people to stay behind on Kiritimati during the Malden tests in May and June 1957. As one of the only labourers to speak English, he had gained the trust of the district commissioner, Percy Roberts, who invited Tekonau to accompany him during inspections of villagers’ houses in Port London, then the island’s only village. On one occasion, Teeua said, the islanders did not recognise her father as he had been given a “flat top” haircut like the Fijian soldiers. “This means he had a nice relationship with the soldiers,” she told me. “Thank God for giving me such a good and clever dad.”

    Since the initial tests did not produce a thermonuclear explosion, the task force embarked on further trials between November 1957 and September 1958, known as Grapple X, Y and Z. In view of expense and time, these were conducted on Kiritimati rather than Malden Island – and this time, the residents were not evacuated to other islands. Rather, families were brought aboard ships in the island’s harbour and shown films below deck.

    After these tests, the islanders returned to find the large X and Y detonations had cracked the walls of their homes and smashed their doors and furniture. One islander found their pet frigate bird, like so many of the wild birds on Kiritimati, had been blinded by the flash of Grapple Y. No compensation was ever paid to the islanders, although the Ministry of Supply did reimburse the colony for deterioration of “plantation assets”, including £4 for every damaged coconut tree (equivalent to £120 today).

    A month before Grapple Y, Teraabo was born. Her earliest and most vivid childhood memories are of the US-led Operation Dominic four years later, by which time evacuation procedures had been abandoned altogether.

    This series of tests was sanctioned by Britain in exchange for a nuclear-powered submarine and access to the Nevada Proving Grounds in the US – regarded as pivotal to the future of British weapons technology ahead of the signing of the Test Ban Treaty in October 1963, which would prohibit atmospheric testing.

    Dominic’s 24 detonations on Kiritimati – which usually took place after sunset around 6pm, between April and November 1962 – were “awesome”, according to Teraabo. Recalling the suspense as the “tannoy announced the countdown”, she described “coming out of cover [and] witnessing the bomb [as] an amazing experience … When the bomb set off, the brilliance of the light was tremendous.”

    Each explosion’s slow expiration would re-illuminate the Pacific sky. One, Starfish Prime, became known as a “rainbow bomb” because of the multi-coloured aurora it produced over the Pacific, having been launched into space where it exploded.

    So spectacular were these descriptions that I almost felt I had to suspend disbelief as I listened. At one point in my interview with Teraabo, she leaned in to reassure me that she had no interest in exaggerating these events: “I’m a very proud person,” she whispered, “I would never lie.”

    ‘In our blood’

    More than six decades on from the Grapple tests, I was sitting in Teeua’s kitchen in the village of Tabwakea (meaning “turtle”), near the northern tip of Kiritimati. I had driven here in a Subaru Forester, clapped-out from the many potholes on the island’s main road, itself built by royal engineers over 60 years ago.

    Teeua Tekonau in her kitchen during the author’s visit to Kiritimati in 2023.
    Christopher R. Hill., CC BY

    Teeua’s home, nestled down a sand track, had a wooden veranda at the front where she would teach children to read and write under shelter from the hot equatorial sun. Handcrafted mats lined the sand and coral floor, fanning out from the veranda to the kitchen at the back.

    The house felt full of the sounds of the local community, from the chatter of neighbours to the laughter of children outdoors. No one could feel lonely here, despite the vastness of the ocean that surrounds Kiritimati.

    As Teeua cooked rice and prepared coffee, we discussed the main reason for my visit: to understand the impacts of the nuclear tests on the islanders, their descendents, and the sensitive ecosystem in which they live. Teeua is chair of Kiritimati’s Association of Atomic Cancer Patients, and one of only three survivors of the tests still living on Kiritimati. She pulled up a seat and looked at me:

    Many, many died of cancer … And many women had babies that died within three months … I remember the coconut trees … when you drank [from the coconuts], you [were] poisoned.

    Both Teeua’s parents and four of her eight siblings had died of cancer or unexplained conditions, she said. Her younger brother, Takieta, died of leukaemia at the age of two in November 1963 – less than a year after Operation Dominic ended. Her sister Teraabo, who discovered a tumour in her stomach shortly after the trials, was only able to have her stomach treated once she moved to the UK in 1981, by which time the tumour had turned malignant.

    Teeua’s testimony pointed to the gendered impacts of the nuclear tests. She referred to the prevalence of menstrual problems and stillbirths, evidence of which can be inferred from the testimony of another nuclear survivor, Sui Kiritome, a fellow I-Kiribati who had arrived on Kiritimati in 1957 with her teacher husband. Sui has described how their second child, Rakieti, had “blood coming out of all the cavities of her body” at birth.

    A rare military hospital record from 1958 – stored in the UK’s National Archives at Kew in London – also refers to the treatment of a civilian woman for ante-partum haemorrhage and stillbirth, though it is unclear whether this was a local woman or one of the soldier’s wives on the passenger ship HMT Dunera, which visited briefly to “boost morale” after Grapple X.

    Members of the Kiritimati Association of Atomic Cancer Patients.
    Courtesy: Teeua Taukaro., CC BY-ND

    Having re-established the Association of Atomic Cancer Patients in 2009, Teeua has continued much of the work that Ken McGinley, first chair of the British Nuclear Tests Veterans Association, did after its establishment in 1983. She has documented the names of all I-Kiribati people present during the tests, along with their spouses, children and other relatives. And she has listed the cancers and illnesses from which they have suffered.

    In the absence of medical records at the island hospital, these handwritten notes are the closest thing on the atoll to epidemiological data about the tests. But according to Teeua, concerns about the health effects of the tests date back much longer, to 1965 when a labourer named Bwebwe spoke out about poisonous clouds. “Everyone thought he was crazy,” Teeua recalled.

    But Bwebwe’s speculations were lent credibility by Sui Kiritome’s testimony, and by the facial scars she bore that were visible for all to see. In an interview with her daughter, Sui explained how she was only 24 when she started to lose her hair, and “burns developed on my face, scalp and parts of my shoulder”.

    In a similar manner to claims made by British nuclear test veterans, Sui attributed her health problems to being rained on during Grapple Y – which may have been detonated closer to the atoll’s surface than the task force was prepared to admit.

    When I asked Teeua why her campaigning association was only reformed in 2009, she explained it had been prompted by a visit from British nuclear test veterans who “told us that everyone [involved in the tests] has cancer – blood cancer”. They had been told this in the past but, she said, “we did not believe it. But after years … after our children [also] died of cancer, then we remembered what they told us.”

    After some visiting researchers explained to Teeua and the community that the effects of the tests were “not good”, she concluded that “our kids died of cancer because of the tests … That’s why we start to combine together … the nuclear survivors, to talk about what they did to our kids”.

    I found Teeua’s testimony deeply troubling: not only because of the suffering she and other families have been through, but in the way that veterans had returned to Kiritimati as civilians, raising concerns among locals that may have lain dormant or been forgotten. The suggestion that radiation was “in her blood” must have been deeply disturbing for Teeua and her community.

    But I reminded myself that the veterans who came looking for answers in 2009 were also victims. They made the long journey seeking clues about their health problems, or a silver bullet to prove their government’s deception over the nuclear fallout.

    As young men, they were unwittingly burdened with a lifetime of uncertainty – compounded by endless legal disputes with the Ministry of Defence or inconclusive health studies that jarred with their personal medical histories. And, like the islanders, some of these servicemen died young after experiencing agonising illnesses.

    The scramble for the Pacific

    My research on British nuclear imperialism also sheds light on how imperial and settler colonial perceptions of “nature” shaped how these nuclear tests were planned and operationalised.

    British sites were selected on the basis of in-depth environmental research. When searching the site for Britain’s first atomic bomb (the Montebello Islands off the west coast of Australia), surveyors discovered 20 new species of insect, six new plants, and a species of legless lizard.

    Monitoring of radioactive fallout from nuclear tests fed into the rise of ecosystem ecologies as an academic discipline. In the words of one environmental specialist on the US tests, it seemed that “destruction was the enabling condition for understanding life as interconnected”.

    Since H-bombs would exceed the explosive yield deemed acceptable by Australia, Winston Churchill’s government in the mid-1950s had been forced to look for a new test site beyond Western and South Australia. British planners drew on a wealth of imperial knowledge and networks – but their proposal to use the Kermadec Islands, an archipelago 600 miles north-east of Auckland, was rejected by New Zealand on environmental grounds.

    So, when Teeua and her family landed on Kiritimati in 1955, their journey was part of “the scramble for the Pacific”: a race between Britain and the US to lay claim to the sovereignty of Pacific atolls in light of their strategic significance for air and naval power.

    The British government archives include some notable environmental “what ifs?” Had the US refused the UK’s selection of Kiritimati because of its own sovereignty claim, then it would have been probable, as Lennox-Boyd, Britain’s colonial secretary, admitted, that “the Antarctic region south of Australia might have to be used” for its rapidly expanding nuclear programme.

    Instead, this extraordinary period in global history recently took me to a Victorian mansion in the Lancashire town of Burnley, where I interviewed Teeua’s younger sister, Teraabo, about her memories of the Kiritimati tests.

    ‘No longer angry’

    Teraabo’s home felt like the antithesis of Teeua’s island abode 8,300 miles away: ordered instead of haphazard, private instead of communal, spacious instead of crowded. And our interview had a more detached, philosophical tone.

    Teraabo Pollard with her father’s nuclear test veteran medal.
    Christopher R. Hill., CC BY-ND

    Like her sister, Teraabo has worked to raise awareness about the legacy of the nuclear tests, including with the Christmas Island Appeal, an offshoot of the British Nuclear Test Veterans Association that sought to publicise the extent of the waste left on Kiritimati from the nuclear test period.

    The appeal succeeded in persuading Tony Blair’s UK government to tackle the remaining waste in Kiritimati – most of which was non-radiological, according to a 1998 environmental assessment. The island was “cleaned up” and remediated between 2004 and 2008, at a cost of around £5 million to the Ministry of Defence. Much of the waste was flown or shipped back to the UK, where 388 tonnes of low-grade radioactive material were deposited in a former salt mine at Port Clarence, near Middlesbrough.

    Yet Teraabo’s views have evolved. She told me she is “no longer angry” about the tests, a stark contrast to her position 20 years ago, when she told British journalist Alan Rimmer how islanders had “led a simple life with disease virtually unknown. But after the tests, everything changed. I now realise the whole island was poisoned.”

    Whereas the Teraabo of 2003 blamed “the British government for all this misery”, she has since become more reflective. In the context of the cold war and the nuclear arms race, she even told me she could understand the British rationale for selecting Kiritimati as a test site. This seemed a remarkable statement from a survivor who had lost so much.

    Over the course of the interview, it became clear Teraabo had grown tired of being angry – and that she had felt “trapped” by the tragic figure she was meant to represent in the campaigns of veterans and disarmers. Each time Teraabo rehearsed the doom-laden script of radiation exposure, she admitted she was also suppressing the joy of her childhood memories.

    A turning point for Teraabo seems to have come in 2007, when she last visited Kiritimati and met her sister Teeua. By this time, the atoll’s population was 4,000 – quite a leap from the 300 residents she grew up with. “It is no longer the island I remember,” she said.

    The Kiritimati of Teraabo’s memory was neat and well-structured. The one she described encountering in 2007 was chaotic and unkempt. She had come to the realisation that the Kiritimati she had been campaigning for – the pristine, untouched atoll of her parents – had long since moved on, so she should move on with it. The sorrow caused by the test operations would not define her.

    Radioactive colonialism

    Not long after I left Kiritimati in June 2023, the global nuclear disarmament organisation Ican began researching the atoll ahead of a major global summit to discuss the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Descendants of Kiritimati’s nuclear test survivors were asked a series of questions, with those who provided the “right” answers being selected for a sponsored trip to UN headquarters in New York.

    The chosen representatives included Teeua’s daughter, Taraem. I wondered if the survivors of Kiritimati are doomed to forever rehearse the stories of their nuclear past – a burden that Teeua and Teraabo have had to carry ever since they stood in awe of atomic and thermonuclear detonations more than 60 years ago.

    They have had to deal with “radioactive colonialism” all their adult lives – the outside world demanding to see the imprint of radioactivity on their health and memories. But the sisters’ fondness for British order, despite all they have been through, prevails.

    Their positive memories of Britain may in part reflect the elevated role of their father, Tekonau Tetoa – a posthumous recipient of the test veteran medal – within the British colonial system. During my visit, I happened upon an old photo of Tekonau, looking immaculate as he hangs off the side of a plantation truck in a crisp white shirt. Knowing Teeua did not possess a photo of her parents, I took a scan and raced to her house down the road.

    “Do you recognise this man?” I asked, holding up my phone.

    She flickered with recognition. “Is that my father?”

    I nodded, and she shed a tear of joy.

    Tekonau Tetoa, father of Teeua and Teraabo, hangs off the door of a coconut plantation truck in Kiritimati.
    Courtesy: John Bryden., CC BY-ND

    Memories of Teeua and Teraabo’s father are preserved in the island landscape of their youth: pristine, regimented by the ostensible tidiness of colonial and military order.

    But such order masked contamination: an unknown quantity that would only become evident years later in ill-health and environmental damage. It was not only the nuclear tests: from 1957 to 1964, the atoll was sprayed four times a week with DDT, a carcinogenic insecticide, as part of attempts to reduce insect-borne disease. In the words of one of the pilots: “I had many a wave from the rather fat Gilbo ladies sitting on their loos as I passed overhead, and gave them some spray for good measure!” British tidiness concealed a special brand of poison.

    Today, the prospect of a meaningful response from the UK to the concerns raised by the islanders and servicemen alike seems slim. In October 2023, the UK and France followed North Korea and Russia in vetoing a Kiribati and Kazakhstan-proposed UN resolution on victim assistance and environmental remediation for people and places harmed by nuclear weapons use and testing.

    Over in Kiritimati, meanwhile, Teeua still tends to a small plot where Prince Philip planted a commemorative tree in April 1959, shortly after the British-led nuclear tests had ended. It is rumoured he did not drink from the atoll’s water while he was there.



    For you: more from our Insights series:

    • The Innu have lived in eastern Canada for thousands of years, yet their rights to this land are increasingly threatened by the question: who is Indigenous?

    • A century ago, the women of Wales made an audacious appeal for world peace – this is their story

    • A Peruvian farmer is trying to hold energy giant RWE responsible for climate change – the inside story of his groundbreaking court case

    • ‘We miners die a lot.’ Appalling conditions and poverty wages: the lives of cobalt miners in the DRC

    To hear about new Insights articles, join the hundreds of thousands of people who value The Conversation’s evidence-based news. Subscribe to our newsletter.

    Christopher Hill receives funding from the Office for Veterans’ Affairs, UK Cabinet Office. The research for this article was also supported by funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC), UKRI. The author wishes to thank the following for their support with this article: Fiona Bowler, Ian Brailsford, Joshua Bushen, John Bryden, Jon Hogg, Brian Jones, Rens van Munster, Wesley Perriman, Maere Tekanene, Michael Walsh, Rotee Walsh and Derek Woolf. Sincere thanks to Teeua Tekonau and Teraabo Pollard for sharing their family stories.

    – ref. ‘Our nuclear childhood’: the sisters who witnessed H-bomb tests over their Pacific island, and are still coming to terms with the fallout – https://theconversation.com/our-nuclear-childhood-the-sisters-who-witnessed-h-bomb-tests-over-their-pacific-island-and-are-still-coming-to-terms-with-the-fallout-239780

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: SBM Offshore divests minority interest in FPSO Sepetiba

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    October 24, 2024

    SBM Offshore announces it has completed the divestment of a 13.5% ownership interest in the special purpose companies related to the lease and operation of the FPSO Sepetiba to China Merchants Financial Leasing (Hong Kong) Holding Co., Limited (CMFL). This follows the announcement on February 10, 2022, of an agreement whereby CMFL would acquire its ownership interest after the FPSO Sepetiba had commenced operations. SBM Offshore is operator of the FPSO and will remain the majority shareholder with 51% ownership interest.

    FPSO Sepetiba is installed at the Mero unitized field located in the Santos Basin, approximately 180 kilometers offshore Rio de Janeiro in Brazil. The Mero unitized field is operated by Petrobras (38.6%), in partnership with Shell Brasil (19.3%), TotalEnergies (19.3%), CNPC (9.65%), CNOOC (9.65%) and Pré-Sal Petróleo S.A. (PPSA) (3.5%), representing the government in the non-contracted area.

    Corporate Profile

    SBM Offshore designs, builds, installs and operates offshore floating facilities for the offshore energy industry. As a leading technology provider, we put our marine expertise at the service of a responsible energy transition by reducing emissions from fossil fuel production, while developing cleaner solutions for alternative energy sources.

    More than 7,400 SBMers worldwide are committed to sharing their experience to deliver safe, sustainable and affordable energy from the oceans for generations to come.

    For further information, please visit our website at www.sbmoffshore.com.

    Financial Calendar   Date Year
    Third Quarter 2024 Trading Update   November 14 2024
    Full Year 2024 Earnings   February 20 2025
    Annual General Meeting   April 9 2025
    First Quarter 2025 Trading Update   May 15 2025
    Half Year 2025 Earnings   August 7 2025

    For further information, please contact:

    Investor Relations

    Wouter Holties
    Corporate Finance & Investor Relations Manager

    Media Relations

    Evelyn Tachau Brown
    Group Communications & Change Director

    Market Abuse Regulation

    This press release may contain inside information within the meaning of Article 7(1) of the EU Market Abuse Regulation.

    Disclaimer

    Some of the statements contained in this release that are not historical facts are statements of future expectations and other forward-looking statements based on management’s current views and assumptions and involve known and unknown risks and uncertainties that could cause actual results, performance, or events to differ materially from those in such statements. These statements may be identified by words such as ‘expect’, ‘should’, ‘could’, ‘shall’ and similar expressions. Such forward-looking statements are subject to various risks and uncertainties. The principal risks which could affect the future operations of SBM Offshore N.V. are described in the ‘Impact, Risk and Opportunity Management’ section of the 2023 Annual Report.

    Should one or more of these risks or uncertainties materialize, or should underlying assumptions prove incorrect, actual results and performance of the Company’s business may vary materially and adversely from the forward-looking statements described in this release. SBM Offshore does not intend and does not assume any obligation to update any industry information or forward-looking statements set forth in this release to reflect new information, subsequent events or otherwise.

    This release contains certain alternative performance measures (APMs) as defined by the ESMA guidelines which are not defined under IFRS. Further information on these APMs is included in the Half-Year Management Report accompanying the Half Year Earnings 2024 report, available on our website https://www.sbmoffshore.com/investors/financial-disclosures.

    Nothing in this release shall be deemed an offer to sell, or a solicitation of an offer to buy, any securities. The companies in which SBM Offshore N.V. directly and indirectly owns investments are separate legal entities. In this release “SBM Offshore” and “SBM” are sometimes used for convenience where references are made to SBM Offshore N.V. and its subsidiaries in general. These expressions are also used where no useful purpose is served by identifying the particular company or companies.

    “SBM Offshore®“, the SBM logomark, “Fast4Ward®”, “emissionZERO®” and “F4W®” are proprietary marks owned by SBM Offshore.

    Attachment

    • SBM Offshore divests minority interest in FPSO Sepetiba

    The MIL Network –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Deputy Secretary-General’s remarks to the Security Council – on Women, Peace and Security [as delivered]

    Source: United Nations secretary general

    Madam President, Excellencies,

    First, let me begin by wishing everyone a happy UN Day.

    Every year, in this Chamber, the global community reaffirms its commitment to ensuring women’s full, equal, and meaningful participation in conflict prevention, resolution, and recovery, and to upholding their rights during times of war.

    Yet, progress remains dishearteningly slow. 
     
    Peace and security decision-making is overwhelmingly dominated by men.

    And ending impunity for atrocities against women and girls is still but a distant goal.

    And the past year has been especially difficult.

    In Gaza, tens of thousands of Palestinian women and girls have been killed and injured amidst continued war and a terrible humanitarian crisis.

    Meanwhile, the plight of Israeli women still held hostage demands urgent action to ensure their safety and immediate release.

    In Lebanon, an escalation of destruction and displacement threatens women and girls’ safety and livelihood.  

    In Sudan, women are enduring extreme suffering, facing not only the loss of loved ones but also the dire lack of access to essential services and medical care.

    I reiterate the Secretary-General’s calls:

    Civilians must be protected, civilian infrastructure must not be targeted, and international law must be upheld.

    The United Nations remains steadfast.

    We will not look away or lose hope.

    The women, peace and security agenda will always guide our work and show a path forward. 

    Despite attacks on our offices, and the detention and killings of our staff in unprecedented numbers, allow me to honor the work of my colleagues and share examples of what they do.

    In peacekeeping missions, the women, peace and security agenda is a key political and strategic imperative.

    Our teams work tirelessly to help protect and assist women – from relocating human rights defenders to aiding women after their release from abduction by armed groups, from ensuring women’s representation in local dialogues to helping bring justice to women in places where sexual violence has long been met with impunity.

    In the Democratic Republic of Congo, for example, 57 percent of cases supported by the mission’s Prosecution Support Cells in 2023 involved conflict-related sexual violence, contributing to the conviction of dozens of members of armed groups and state security forces.

    In Abyei, earlier this year, one-third of participants in a post-migration conference were women – this was a first.

    In the Central African Republic, the mission is helping mobilize women for local elections that have not been held in 38 years.

    Deploying more diverse teams to peacekeeping operations has helped us deliver better on our mandates.

    The representation of women in most categories of uniformed personnel has doubled in the last five years, and initiatives have been put in place to foster gender-responsive work environments for all peacekeepers.

    Yet, much more remains to be done to improve the gender balance of our deployments and reap the benefits of inclusion and diversity.

    Success in peacekeeping hinges on the political support from Member States, especially those with the great honor of sitting in this Chamber to protect international peace and security.

    I commend the efforts of the United Arab Emirates to empower Women in Peace and Security. This initiative has provided training and capacity building opportunities for over 600 women from the Middle East, Africa and Asia in military and peacekeeping. The UN is a proud partner in these efforts that advance the Women, Peace and Security Agenda.

    Throughout the world, the UN reaches millions of displaced women and girls and survivors of violence with food, medical support, legal aid, shelter, access to safe spaces, psychosocial support, education, and jobs and livelihood opportunities.

    Yesterday, survivors of conflict-related sexual violence from many war-torn corners of the globe gathered for a Survivor’s Hearing to mark the 15th anniversary of resolution 1888.

    Effective protection from sexual violence is fundamental to women’s effective participation in peacebuilding, conflict recovery, and sustainable development that leaves no one behind. 

    None of this would happen without women’s organizations in the frontlines of crises, and we are trying to find ways of channeling more resources to them.

    The Women’s Peace and Humanitarian Fund has supported over 1,300 local women’s civil society organizations since 2016, nearly half of them accessing UN funds for the first time, and 582 women human rights defenders and their families.

    Last year, the Secretary-General invited all partners to contribute to the goal of raising 300 million dollars for women’s organizations in conflict-affected countries.

    We still have a long way to go to get there.

    40 percent of all funding of the 25-million-dollar GBV-focused grant by the Central Emergency Response Fund to UN Women and UNFPA was sub-granted to local women’s organizations and delivered remarkable results, a powerful demonstration that localization is both feasible and effective.

    The Peacebuilding Fund has now exceeded its internal target allocation of 30 percent to gender equality for seven years in a row.

    We know that the inclusion of women and gender-related provisions in peace processes not only advances gender equality, but also results in more durable peace agreements. From Guatemala to Northern Ireland, from Colombia to Liberia, research has shown how women in formal processes worked with diverse women’s groups to not only reach an agreement but also to strengthen the substance of peace agreements and opportunities for implementation.

    Yet, women remain starkly under-represented from peace negotiations and conflict resolution efforts – including in some of the most intractable conflicts over the last year.

    Historical data underscores this challenge: between 1992 and 2019, women constituted only 13 per cent of negotiators and six per cent of mediators in major peace processes.

    More recent data from UN Women for 2023 shows that women on average made up less than ten per cent of peace negotiators and 13.5 per cent of mediators.

    The processes in Libya and Yemen, where conflict parties have not included women, highlight a continued resistance to progress.

    In Afghanistan, the regression of women’s rights highlights the severe impact of excluding women from governance – and society altogether.

    It is imperative that we reinforce our resolve to support women in Afghanistan and elsewhere, advocating for their rights, agency and inclusion at every opportunity.

    Collective action and solidarity are crucial.

    In today’s broader global mediation landscape, the United Nations is not always present.

    In fact, a diverse set of regional, state and other mediation actors initiates and leads mediation processes.

    Many contexts feature joint or overlapping peace initiatives.

    This means that no single mediator can affect global and meaningful change on women’s participation.

    It is why, today, on behalf of the Secretary-General, I am pleased to launch the “Common Pledge on Women’s Participation in Peace Processes”, an initiative that brings together a broad array of mediation actors. 

    By endorsing this Common Pledge, Member States, regional organizations and other mediation actors commit to join the United Nations in taking concrete steps on women’s participation in all peace processes they are involved in.   

    These commitments include: 

    Appointing women as lead mediators and ensuring women are an integral part of mediation teams;

    Ensuring mediators advocate with conflict parties for concrete targets and measures that promote women’s direct and meaningful participation in peace processes, including as members of their delegations;

    Consulting with a broad range of women leaders and women-led civil society organizations in all stages of peace processes; and

    Embedding gender expertise in their mediation teams to foster gender-responsive peace processes and agreements.

    This Pledge targets mediating entities and is intended as an operational initiative, and not another general statement of principle. 

    It focuses on measures and decisions that are under the control of mediators and their organizations.

    The Secretary-General invites Member States, regional organizations and other actors who are actively engaged in mediation to join this initiative and report on their progress at next year’s 25th Anniversary Security Council Open Debate on women, peace and security.

    Madam President,

    We have no illusions about the challenges posed by today’s geopolitical landscape and the complexity of achieving diplomatic outcomes.

     As long as gendered power inequalities, patriarchal social structures, systematic biases, violence and discrimination continues to hold back half our societies, peace will remain elusive.

    Yet, our collective experience has shown that progress is possible.

    Together, we can have an impact that is greater than the sum of our individual efforts.

    By leveraging our respective political capital and roles, let us dismantle the patriarchal power structures and advance gender equality, ensuring women’s full, equal and meaningful participation in political and public life.

    Thank you.
     

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: Vanguard Announces Cash Distributions for the Vanguard ETFs

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    TORONTO, Oct. 24, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Vanguard Investments Canada Inc. today announced the final October 2024 cash distributions for certain Vanguard ETFs, listed below, that trade on Toronto Stock Exchange (TSX). Unitholders of record on October 31, 2024 will receive cash distributions payable on November 07, 2024. Details of the “per unit” distribution amounts are as follows: 

    Vanguard ETF® TSX
    Ticker
    Symbol
    Distribution
    per Unit ($)
    CUSIP ISIN Payment
    Frequency
    Vanguard Retirement Income ETF Portfolio VRIF 0.081577 92211X109 CA92211X1096 Monthly
    Vanguard FTSE Canadian Capped REIT Index ETF VRE 0.078389 92203B107 CA92203B1076 Monthly
    Vanguard FTSE Canadian High Dividend Yield Index ETF VDY 0.157956 92203Q104 CA92203Q1046 Monthly
               

    To learn more about the TSX-listed Vanguard ETFs, please visit www.vanguard.ca

    About Vanguard

    Canadians own CAD $103 billion in Vanguard assets, including Canadian and U.S.-domiciled ETFs and Canadian mutual funds. Vanguard Investments Canada Inc. manages CAD $70 billion in assets (as of April 30, 2024) with 37 Canadian ETFs and six mutual funds currently available. The Vanguard Group, Inc. is one of the world’s largest investment management companies and a leading provider of company-sponsored retirement plan services. Vanguard manages USD $9.3 trillion (CAD $12.8 trillion) in global assets, including over USD $2.7 trillion (CAD $3.7 trillion) in global ETF assets (as of March 30, 2024). Vanguard has offices in the United States, Canada, Mexico, Europe and Australia. The firm offers 423 funds, including ETFs, to its more than 50 million investors worldwide.

    Vanguard operates under a unique operating structure. Unlike firms that are publicly held or owned by a small group of individuals, The Vanguard Group, Inc. is owned by Vanguard’s U.S.-domiciled funds and ETFs. Those funds, in turn, are owned by Vanguard clients. This unique mutual structure aligns Vanguard interests with those of its investors and drives the culture, philosophy, and policies throughout the Vanguard organization worldwide. As a result, Canadian investors benefit from Vanguard’s stability and experience, low-cost investing, and client focus. For more information, please visit vanguard.ca.

    For more information, please contact:
    Matt Gierasimczuk
    Vanguard Canada Public Relations
    Phone: 416-263-7087
    matthew_gierasimczuk@vanguard.com

    Important information

    Commissions, management fees, and expenses all may be associated with investment funds. Investment objectives, risks, fees, expenses, and other important information are contained in the prospectus; please read it before investing. Investment funds are not guaranteed, their values change frequently, and past performance may not be repeated. Vanguard funds are managed by Vanguard Investments Canada Inc. and are available across Canada through registered dealers.

    London Stock Exchange Group companies include FTSE International Limited (“FTSE”), Frank Russell Company (“Russell”), MTS Next Limited (“MTS”), and FTSE TMX Global Debt Capital Markets Inc. (“FTSE TMX”). All rights reserved. “FTSE®”, “Russell®”, “MTS®”, “FTSE TMX®” and “FTSE Russell” and other service marks and trademarks related to the FTSE or Russell indexes are trademarks of the London Stock Exchange Group companies and are used by FTSE, MTS, FTSE TMX and Russell under licence. All information is provided for information purposes only. No responsibility or liability can be accepted by the London Stock Exchange Group companies nor its licensors for any errors or for any loss from use of this publication. Neither the London Stock Exchange Group companies nor any of its licensors make any claim, prediction, warranty or representation whatsoever, expressly or impliedly, either as to the results to be obtained from the use of the FTSE Indexes or the fitness or suitability of the Indexes for any particular purpose to which they might be put.

    The S&P 500 Index is a product of S&P Dow Jones Indices LLC (“SPDJI”), and has been licensed for use by The Vanguard Group, Inc. (Vanguard).   Standard & Poor’s®, S&P® and S&P 500® are registered trademarks of Standard & Poor’s Financial Services LLC (“S&P”);   Dow Jones® is a registered trademark of Dow Jones Trademark Holdings LLC (“Dow Jones”); and these trademarks have been licensed for use by SPDJI and sublicensed for certain purposes by Vanguard.  Vanguard ETFs are not sponsored, endorsed, sold or promoted by SPDJI, Dow Jones, S&P, their respective affiliates, and none of such parties make any representation regarding the advisability of investing in such product(s) nor do they have any liability for any errors, omissions, or interruptions of the S&P 500 Index.

    The MIL Network –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Senator Baldwin Leads Senate Resolution Designating October 23 National Marine Sanctuary Day

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Wisconsin Tammy Baldwin

    WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, U.S. Senator Tammy Baldwin (D-WI) introduced a Senate Resolution designating October 23, 2024 as “National Marine Sanctuary Day.” The resolution highlights the role of national marine sanctuaries in increasing access to nature, protecting biodiversity, and boosting economic activity for coastal communities.

    “Wisconsin Shipwreck Coast National Marine Sanctuary is an engine for tourism and world-class research along Lake Michigan, stimulating our local economies and pioneering breakthroughs for our Great Lakes,” said Senator Baldwin. “I’m proud to have fought for and delivered a national marine sanctuary for Wisconsin, and will continue to fight to protect our nation’s natural resources and ensure generations to come can enjoy our coastlines.”

    Senator Baldwin has fought to support national marine sanctuaries, successfully leading the charge to bring a National Marine Sanctuary to Wisconsin in 2021. In October 2013, Senator Baldwin urged the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) to re-open the public nomination process for marine sanctuaries for the first time in 20 years. After the Administration announced in June 2014 that Americans would be given the opportunity to nominate nationally significant marine and Great Lakes areas as national marine sanctuaries, Wisconsin’s Lake Michigan proposal was submitted and Senator Baldwin called on NOAA to support their efforts. The Wisconsin Shipwreck Coast National Marine Sanctuary was officially designated in 2021.

    As a member of the Senate Appropriations Committee, Senator Baldwin has continued to advocate for Wisconsin’s Great Lakes by supporting robust funding for the National Marine Sanctuaries Program and by requesting federal funding for the Wisconsin Shipwreck Coast National Marine Sanctuary Foundation.

    The resolution is co-sponsored by Senators Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), Maria Cantwell (D-WA), Ben Cardin (D-MD), Martin Heinrich (D-NM), Mazie Hirono (D-HI), Patty Murray (D-WA), Alex Padilla (D-CA), Brian Schatz (D-HI), Chris Van Hollen (D-MD), Raphael Warnock (D-GA), Peter Welch (D-VT), Cory Booker (D-NJ), and Gary Peters (D-MI).

    The resolution is supported by Alabama Coastal Foundation, Azul, California Academy of Sciences, Carolina Ocean Alliance, Creation Justice Ministries, EarthEcho International, The Florida Aquarium, Friends of the Mariana Trench, Global Rewilding Alliance, Greater Farallones Association, GreenLatinos, Guy Harvey Foundation, Healthy Ocean Coalition, Inland Ocean Coalition, Minorities in Shark Sciences, Monterey Bay Aquarium, National Aquarium, National Ocean Protection Coalition, National Wildlife Federation, Next 100 Coalition, Ocean Defense Initiative, Point Defiance Zoo & Aquarium + Northwest Trek Wildlife Park, Shark Stewards, Shedd Aquarium, South Carolina Aquarium, Surfrider Foundation, Sustainable Ocean Alliance, The Ocean Project, WILDCOAST, Wildlife Conservation Society, and World Ocean Day.

    “National marine sanctuaries are special places in America’s waters where people show up as part of the solution to steward our blue planet,” said Joel R. Johnson, President and CEO of the National Marine Sanctuary Foundation. “From the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, the Chesapeake Bay to Pacific Islands, national marine sanctuaries connect us with wildlife and our shared history making us feel like we are part of something much greater than ourselves. Our continued support for these treasured waters is more essential than ever and makes a positive impact for present and future generations.”

    “The conservation of our special ocean and Great Lakes places is vital for the species that depend on them, the communities that rely on them, and the future generations that dream about them,” said Ayana Melvan, Director of Conservation Action of the Aquarium Conservation Partnership.

    “The ACP and its members strive to celebrate the science and stories of our National Marine Sanctuary System at every opportunity. We’re proud to stand behind the Senator’s resolution to recognize the 600,000 sq. miles and growing of marine and Great Lake waters that truly make America beautiful,” said Kim McIntyre, Executive Director of the Aquarium Conservation Partnership.

    A full version of this resolution is available here and below.

    Designating October 23, 2024, as “National Marine Sanctuary Day”.

    Whereas, on October 23, 1972, the Marine Protection, Research, and Sanctuaries Act of 1972 (33 U.S.C. 1401 et seq.) became law and ushered in a new era of ocean conservation;

    Whereas the National Marine Sanctuary System is a nationwide network that conserves spectacular oceans, coasts, and Great Lakes;

    Whereas communities across the United States can nominate their most treasured marine and Great Lakes waters for consideration as national marine sanctuaries;

    Whereas national marine sanctuaries protect biodiversity, safeguard extraordinary seascapes, historic shipwrecks, and sacred cultural places, and provide abundant recreational opportunities;

    Whereas national marine sanctuaries seek opportunities to partner with indigenous governments and communities to achieve shared conservation goals and to support the care-taking of ecological resources and cultural sites of indigenous peoples;

    Whereas national marine sanctuaries protect vital habitats for countless species of fish and wildlife, including many species that are listed as threatened or endangered;

    Whereas the conservation of marine ecosystems is vital for healthy oceans, coasts, and Great Lakes, for addressing climate change, and for sustaining productive coastal economies;

    Whereas the National Marine Sanctuary Foundation and its partners work to protect and nurture the growth of the National Marine Sanctuary System;

    Whereas national marine sanctuaries increase access to nature for all, support coastal communities, and generate billions of dollars annually in local communities by providing jobs in the United States, supporting commercial, Tribal, and recreational fisheries, bolstering tourism and recreation, engaging businesses in stewardship, and driving the growth of the blue economy;

    Whereas national marine sanctuaries connect people and communities through science, education, United States history, recreation, and stewardship and inspire community-based solutions that help individuals understand and protect the spectacular underwater habitats, wildlife, archaeological resources, and cultural seascapes of the United States;

    Whereas national marine sanctuaries are living laboratories that enable cooperative science and research that improves resource management and advances innovative public-private partnerships;

    Whereas national marine sanctuaries can help make oceans, coasts, and Great Lakes more resilient by protecting ecosystems that sequester carbon, by safeguarding coastal communities from flooding and storms, and by protecting biodiversity;

    Whereas the United States is a historic maritime Nation, and oceans, coasts, and Great Lakes are central to the way of life of the people of the United States;

    Whereas engaging communities as stewards of these protected waters makes national marine sanctuaries unique and provides a comprehensive, ecosystem-based, highly participatory approach to managing and conserving marine and Great Lakes environments for current and future generations; and

    Whereas October 23, 2024, is recognized as “National Marine Sanctuary Day” to increase awareness about the importance of the National Marine Sanctuary System and healthy oceans, coasts, and Great Lakes and to celebrate the many recreational opportunities available for the enjoyment of this network of protected waters: Now, therefore, be it

    Resolved, That the Senate—

    (1) designates October 23, 2024, as “National Marine Sanctuary Day”;

    (2) encourages the people of the United States and the world to responsibly visit, experience, recreate in, and support the treasured national marine sanctuaries of the United States;

    (3) acknowledges the importance of national marine sanctuaries in supporting community resilience, protecting biodiversity, and increasing access to nature;

    (4) recognizes the importance of national marine sanctuaries for their recreational opportunities and contributions to local and national economies across the United States;

    (5) celebrates the ability of the National Marine Sanctuary System to protect nationally significant places in oceans, coasts, and Great Lakes;

    (6) calls on the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration to partner with communities and to complete designations of new national marine sanctuaries; and

    (7) encourages Federal agencies to balance priorities and work together to support the priorities of the Marine Protection, Research, and Sanctuaries Act of 1972 (33 U.S.C. 1401 et seq.).

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI: ChampionX Reports Third Quarter 2024 Results

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    • Revenue of $906.5 million
    • Net income attributable to ChampionX of $72.0 million
    • Adjusted net income of $85.9 million
    • Adjusted EBITDA of $197.5 million
    • Income before income taxes margin of 11.2%
    • Adjusted EBITDA margin of 21.8%
    • Cash from operating activities of $141.3 million and free cash flow of $108.1 million

    THE WOODLANDS, Texas, Oct. 23, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — ChampionX Corporation (NASDAQ: CHX) (“ChampionX” or the “Company”) today announced third quarter of 2024 results. Revenue was $906.5 million, net income attributable to ChampionX was $72.0 million, and adjusted EBITDA was $197.5 million. Income before income taxes margin was 11.2% and adjusted EBITDA margin was 21.8%. Cash from operating activities was $141.3 million and free cash flow was $108.1 million.

    CEO Commentary

    “The third quarter demonstrated the resiliency of our ChampionX portfolio as we delivered strong adjusted EBITDA and adjusted EBITDA margin, and generated robust free cash flow. These results were the direct result of our employees around the world remaining laser-focused on serving our customers well, and I am grateful to them for their dedication to our corporate purpose of improving lives,” ChampionX’s President and Chief Executive Officer Sivasankaran “Soma” Somasundaram said.

    “During the third quarter of 2024, we generated revenue of $907 million, which decreased 4% year-over-year, as growth in North America, Middle East & Africa, Europe, and Asia Pacific was offset by Latin America, which was impacted by lower sales in Mexico. Revenue from all areas other than Mexico increased 6% year-over-year. Our revenue increased 1% sequentially, with both North America and international revenues increasing slightly versus the second quarter. North America revenues were up 2% sequentially, driven primarily by higher sales volumes in our artificial lift business. International revenues were up 1% sequentially, driven, in part, by the contribution of RMSpumptools, which was acquired during the quarter. We generated net income attributable to ChampionX of $72 million, income before income taxes margin of 11.2%, and we delivered adjusted EBITDA of $198 million, representing a 21.8% adjusted EBITDA margin, our highest level as ChampionX, which speaks to the productivity and profitability focus of our team.

    “Cash flow from operating activities was $141 million during the third quarter, which represented 196% of net income attributable to ChampionX, and we generated strong free cash flow of $108 million, which represented 55% of our adjusted EBITDA for the period. We remain confident in achieving at least 50% adjusted EBITDA to free cash flow conversion for 2024. Our balance sheet and financial position remain strong, ending the third quarter with approximately $1.1 billion of liquidity, including $389 million of cash and $671 million of available capacity on our revolving credit facility.”

    Agreement to be Acquired by SLB

    On April 2, 2024, SLB (NYSE: SLB) and ChampionX jointly announced a definitive Agreement and Plan of Merger (the “Merger Agreement”) for SLB to purchase ChampionX in an all-stock transaction. The transaction was unanimously approved by the ChampionX board of directors and the transaction received the approval of the ChampionX stockholders at a special meeting held on June 18, 2024. The transaction is subject to regulatory approvals and other customary closing conditions. It is currently anticipated that the closing of the transaction will occur in the first quarter of 2025.

    ChampionX may continue to pay its regular quarterly cash dividends with customary record and payment dates, subject to certain limitations under the Merger Agreement. Given the pending acquisition of ChampionX by SLB, ChampionX has discontinued providing quarterly guidance and will not host a conference call or webcast to discuss its third quarter 2024 results.

    Production Chemical Technologies

    Production Chemical Technologies revenue in the third quarter of 2024 was $559.5 million, a decrease of $10.0 million, or 2%, sequentially, due primarily to lower international sales volumes.

    Segment operating profit was $87.3 million and adjusted segment EBITDA was $120.6 million. Segment operating profit margin was 15.6%, an increase of 60 basis points, sequentially, and adjusted segment EBITDA margin was 21.6%, an increase of 94 basis points, sequentially. The sequential increase in segment operating profit margin and adjusted segment EBITDA margin was driven by strong cost management, productivity improvements, and favorable product mix.

    Production & Automation Technologies

    Production & Automation Technologies revenue in the third quarter of 2024 was $275.7 million, an increase of $31.2 million, or 13%, sequentially, due primarily to higher artificial lift systems demand in North America, and the acquisition of RMSpumptools, which was completed during the quarter. Revenue from digital products was $57.9 million in the third quarter of 2024, an increase of 7% sequentially, driven by increased customer activity in North America.

    Segment operating profit was $34.1 million and adjusted segment EBITDA was $69.6 million. Segment operating profit margin was 12.4%, an increase of 330 basis points, sequentially, and adjusted segment EBITDA margin was 25.2%, an increase of 118 basis points, sequentially. The increase in segment operating profit margin and adjusted segment EBITDA margin was driven by higher sales volumes, productivity improvements, and favorable product mix.

    Drilling Technologies

    Drilling Technologies revenue in the third quarter of 2024 was $51.8 million, a decrease of $1.1 million, or 2%, sequentially, driven by lower sales volumes in the bearings product line associated with customers managing inventory levels.

    Segment operating profit was $11.5 million and adjusted segment EBITDA was $12.9 million. Segment operating profit margin was 22.2%, compared to 22.4% in the prior quarter, and adjusted segment EBITDA margin was 24.8%, a decrease of 2 basis points, sequentially, due primarily to lower volumes.

    Reservoir Chemical Technologies

    Reservoir Chemical Technologies revenue in the third quarter 2024 was $20.5 million, a decrease of $6.6 million, or 24%, sequentially, driven by lower sales volumes in the U.S. and internationally.

    Segment operating profit was $1.7 million and adjusted segment EBITDA was $3.3 million. Segment operating profit margin was 8.2%, a decrease of 793 basis points, sequentially, and adjusted segment EBITDA margin was 16.0%, a decrease of 592 basis points, sequentially. The decrease in segment operating profit margin and adjusted segment EBITDA margin was driven by lower volumes.

    Other Business Highlights

    • ChampionX won the Gulf Energy Information Excellence Award for best coating / corrosion advancement technology for its AnX coiled rod product line. The company was a finalist in four additional categories: SMARTEN™ XE ESP control system in the best controls, instrumentation, automation technology category; Pump Checker™ gas lift analysis module in the best digital transformation – upstream category; Chemical Technologies Decarbonization Program in the best HSE contribution category; and the ChampionX Diversity, Equality, and Inclusion programs in the DE&I in energy category.

    Other Business Highlights: Production Chemical Technologies and Reservoir Chemical Technologies

    • In the Asia Pacific region, ChampionX secured a significant new contract to provide both engineering services and the initial chemical supply for a new Floating Production Storage and Offloading (FPSO) unit, set to be deployed at a large gas condensate field in Australasia. Operations are scheduled to begin in the first half of 2025 and contribute significantly to regional Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) production capacity. This strategic win further strengthens our presence in the region and reinforces our commitment to delivering innovative, high-quality solutions to our upstream customers.
    • ChampionX was awarded a large first-fill contract to supply multiple production chemicals for corrosion inhibitors, scale inhibitors, and biocides for a major onshore oil and gas incremental project in Saudi Arabia.
    • ChampionX has secured a first-fill contract to supply production chemicals for a significant gas development program in Qatar.
    • ChampionX secured a multi-million-dollar order for a novel application of UltraFab in Carbon Capture, Utilization, and Storage (CCUS) for delivery in 2025.
    • ChampionX recently completed the pre-commission cleaning, chemical treatment, and readiness work for the 303-mile natural gas Mountain Valley Pipeline connecting Marcellus and Utica shale production to markets in the Mid- and South-Atlantic regions.
    • In the Canadian oil sands, ChampionX completed a steam additive first-fill program for a major technology development trial, leading to additional market interest.
    • ChampionX was awarded a three-year contract extension from a major producer in the San Juan Basin in California, recognizing our service, people, and commitment to helping the producer achieve their strategic goals as reasons for the extension.
    • As part of an initiative to expand our technology into adjacent markets, ChampionX Reservoir Chemical Technologies was awarded business with a premier supplier of local sand used for hydraulic fracturing in the Permian Basin. Our solution affords the supplier a significant savings on sand drying costs and is designed to increase operational throughput.

    Other Business Highlights: Production & Automation Technologies

    • In the third quarter, ChampionX completed the acquisition of RMSpumptools, a provider of advanced mechanical and electrical solutions for complex ESP systems. The acquisition expands ChampionX’s international footprint while providing greater opportunities for RMSpumptools in North America. Soon after the acquisition close, our Permian ESP team collaborated with RMSpumptools to deliver a sand control solution to a major oil company operating in the Permian basin.
    • ChampionX Artificial Lift expanded its Latin America footprint into Ecuador with a contract award for two 400HP multiplex surface pump systems for jet lift applications. This accomplishment is the result of a strengthening partnership with a Latin America independent operator that is expanding its operations from Colombia to Ecuador. Unlike typical systems, the surface pump and oil vessel required for jet lifted wells will be built on one skid with all the necessary piping, which reduces assembly time at the wellsite.
    • Building on the combined strengths of our XSPOC artificial lift software and the acquisition of Artificial Lift Performance Limited Pump Checker software, ChampionX introduced ALLY™ production optimization digital solutions, debuting a modern interface with user-friendly dashboards and intuitive workflows, paired with powerful performance—ingesting, processing, and displaying more data than ever before. It is a one-stop-shop for production teams to manage and optimize their producing assets, regardless of lift type or equipment provider. Building on the launch of this new digital solution, in the third quarter ChampionX secured seven new clients for our production optimization software solution.
    • ChampionX launched the PCS Ferguson new generation SMARTEN™ Unify control system, which is engineered to deliver sophisticated digital automation and optimization capabilities at a cost of ownership that fits within the narrow economic profile of plunger lifted wells. SMARTEN Unify provides enhanced visibility to what is happening “live” at any second in a plunger lift system, eliminating the need for operating based on calculated guesses.

    Other Business Highlights: Drilling Technologies

    • Drilling Technologies’ diamond bearings products continue to see positive test results in additional downhole drilling and completion tools applications.
    • Drilling Technologies’ diamond inserts business had significant new products launches with four major customers.

    About Non-GAAP Measures

    In addition to financial results determined in accordance with generally accepted accounting principles in the United States (“GAAP”), this news release presents non-GAAP financial measures. Management believes that adjusted EBITDA, adjusted EBITDA margin, adjusted net income attributable to ChampionX and adjusted diluted earnings per share attributable to ChampionX, provide useful information to investors regarding the Company’s financial condition and results of operations because they reflect the core operating results of our businesses and help facilitate comparisons of operating performance across periods. In addition, free cash flow, free cash flow to adjusted EBITDA ratio, and free cash flow to revenue ratio are used by management to measure our ability to generate positive cash flow for debt reduction and to support our strategic objectives. Although management believes the aforementioned non-GAAP financial measures are good tools for internal use and the investment community in evaluating ChampionX’s overall financial performance, the foregoing non-GAAP financial measures should be considered in addition to, not as a substitute for or superior to, other measures of financial performance prepared in accordance with GAAP. A reconciliation of these non-GAAP measures to the most directly comparable GAAP measures is included in the accompanying financial tables.

    About ChampionX

    ChampionX is a global leader in chemistry solutions, artificial lift systems, and highly engineered equipment and technologies that help companies drill for and produce oil and gas safely, efficiently, and sustainably around the world. ChampionX’s expertise, innovative products, and digital technologies provide enhanced oil and gas production, transportation, and real-time emissions monitoring throughout the lifecycle of a well. To learn more about ChampionX, visit our website at www.ChampionX.com. 

    Forward-Looking Statements

    This news release contains forward-looking statements within the meaning of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995, Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the “Securities Act”), and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended. Such forward-looking statements include statements relating to the proposed transaction between SLB and ChampionX, including statements regarding the benefits of the transaction and the anticipated timing of the transaction, and information regarding the businesses of SLB and ChampionX, including expectations regarding outlook and all underlying assumptions, SLB’s and ChampionX’s objectives, plans and strategies, information relating to operating trends in markets where SLB and ChampionX operate, statements that contain projections of results of operations or of financial condition and all other statements other than statements of historical fact that address activities, events or developments that SLB or ChampionX intends, expects, projects, believes or anticipates will or may occur in the future. Such statements are based on management’s beliefs and assumptions made based on information currently available to management. All statements in this communication, other than statements of historical fact, are forward-looking statements that may be identified by the use of the words “outlook,” “guidance,” “expects,” “believes,” “anticipates,” “should,” “estimates,” “intends,” “plans,” “seeks,” “targets,” “may,” “can,” “believe,” “predict,” “potential,” “projected,” “projections,” “precursor,” “forecast,” “ambition,” “goal,” “scheduled,” “think,” “could,” “would,” “will,” “see,” “likely,” and other similar expressions or variations, but not all forward-looking statements include such words. These forward-looking statements involve known and unknown risks and uncertainties, and which may cause SLB’s or ChampionX’s actual results and performance to be materially different from those expressed or implied in the forward-looking statements. Factors and risks that may impact future results and performance include, but are not limited to those factors and risks described in Part I, “Item 1. Business”, “Item 1A. Risk Factors”, and “Item 7. Management’s Discussion and Analysis of Financial Condition and Results of Operations” in SLB’s Annual Report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2023, as filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission (the “SEC”) on January 24, 2024 and Part 1, Item 1A, “Risk Factors” in ChampionX’s Annual Report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2023 filed with the SEC on February 6, 2024, and each of their respective, subsequent Quarterly Reports on Form 10-Q and Current Reports on Form 8-K. These include, but are not limited to, and in each case as a possible result of the proposed transaction on each of SLB and ChampionX: the ultimate outcome of the proposed transaction between SLB and ChampionX, including the effect of the announcement of the proposed transaction; the ability to operate the SLB and ChampionX respective businesses, including business disruptions; difficulties in retaining and hiring key personnel and employees; the ability to maintain favorable business relationships with customers, suppliers and other business partners; the terms and timing of the proposed transaction; the occurrence of any event, change or other circumstance that could give rise to the termination of the proposed transaction; the anticipated or actual tax treatment of the proposed transaction; the ability to satisfy closing conditions to the completion of the proposed transaction (including the adoption of the merger agreement in respect of the proposed transaction by ChampionX stockholders); other risks related to the completion of the proposed transaction and actions related thereto; the ability of SLB and ChampionX to integrate the business successfully and to achieve anticipated synergies and value creation from the proposed transaction; changes in demand for SLB’s or ChampionX’s products and services; global market, political and economic conditions, including in the countries in which SLB and ChampionX operate; the ability to secure government regulatory approvals on the terms expected, at all or in a timely manner; the extent of growth of the oilfield services market generally, including for chemical solutions in production and midstream operations; the global macro-economic environment, including headwinds caused by inflation, rising interest rates, unfavorable currency exchange rates, and potential recessionary or depressionary conditions; the impact of shifts in prices or margins of the products that SLB or ChampionX sells or services that SLB or ChampionX provides, including due to a shift towards lower margin products or services; cyber-attacks, information security and data privacy; the impact of public health crises, such as pandemics (including COVID-19) and epidemics and any related company or government policies and actions to protect the health and safety of individuals or government policies or actions to maintain the functioning of national or global economies and markets; trends in crude oil and natural gas prices, including trends in chemical solutions across the oil and natural gas industries, that may affect the drilling and production activity, profitability and financial stability of SLB’s and ChampionX’s customers and therefore the demand for, and profitability of, their products and services; litigation and regulatory proceedings, including any proceedings that may be instituted against SLB or ChampionX related to the proposed transaction; failure to effectively and timely address energy transitions that could adversely affect the businesses of SLB or ChampionX, results of operations, and cash flows of SLB or ChampionX; and disruptions of SLB’s or ChampionX’s information technology systems.

    These risks, as well as other risks related to the proposed transaction, are included in the Form S-4 and proxy statement/prospectus that was filed with the SEC in connection with the proposed transaction. While the list of factors presented here is, and the list of factors presented in the registration statement on Form S-4 are, considered representative, no such list should be considered to be a complete statement of all potential risks and uncertainties. For additional information about other factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those described in the forward-looking statements, please refer to SLB’s and ChampionX’s respective periodic reports and other filings with the SEC, including the risk factors identified in SLB’s and ChampionX’s Annual Reports on Form 10-K, respectively, and SLB’s and ChampionX’s subsequent Quarterly Reports on Form 10-Q. The forward-looking statements included in this communication are made only as of the date hereof. Neither SLB nor ChampionX undertakes any obligation to update any forward-looking statements to reflect subsequent events or circumstances, except as required by law.

    Investor Contact: Byron Pope
    byron.pope@championx.com 
    281-602-0094

    Media Contact: John Breed
    john.breed@championx.com 
    281-403-5751

    CHAMPIONX CORPORATION
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF INCOME
    (UNAUDITED)

      Three Months Ended   Nine Months Ended
      September 30,   June 30,   September 30,   September 30,
    (in thousands, except per share amounts)   2024       2024       2023       2024       2023  
    Revenue $ 906,533     $ 893,272     $ 939,783     $ 2,721,946     $ 2,814,730  
    Cost of goods and services   608,764       613,426       647,923       1,845,127       1,957,309  
    Gross profit   297,769       279,846       291,860       876,819       857,421  
    Costs and expenses:                  
    Selling, general and administrative expense   180,501       182,995       162,317       535,910       485,617  
    (Gain) loss on sale-leaseback transaction and disposal group   57       —       —       (29,826 )     12,965  
    Interest expense, net   14,137       15,421       13,744       43,493       40,754  
    Foreign currency transaction (gains) losses, net   3,505       (2,767 )     7,992       793       21,683  
    Other expense (income), net   (2,176 )     938       (1,994 )     1,689       (13,494 )
    Income before income taxes   101,745       83,259       109,801       324,760       309,896  
    Provision for income taxes   28,078       27,868       29,009       82,542       69,334  
    Net income   73,667       55,391       80,792       242,218       240,562  
    Net income attributable to noncontrolling interest   1,659       2,822       3,081       4,718       3,522  
    Net income attributable to ChampionX $ 72,008     $ 52,569     $ 77,711     $ 237,500     $ 237,040  
                       
    Earnings per share attributable to ChampionX:                  
    Basic $ 0.38     $ 0.28     $ 0.40     $ 1.25     $ 1.20  
    Diluted $ 0.37     $ 0.27     $ 0.39     $ 1.23     $ 1.18  
                       
    Weighted-average shares outstanding:                  
    Basic   190,496       190,426       195,881       190,575       197,058  
    Diluted   193,362       193,257       199,592       193,655       201,025  
                                           

    CHAMPIONX CORPORATION
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED BALANCE SHEETS
    (UNAUDITED)

    (in thousands) September 30, 2024   December 31, 2023
    ASSETS      
    Current Assets:      
    Cash and cash equivalents $ 389,109     $ 288,557  
    Receivables, net   434,107       534,534  
    Inventories, net   546,817       521,549  
    Prepaid expenses and other current assets   68,218       80,777  
    Total current assets   1,438,251       1,425,417  
           
    Property, plant and equipment, net   760,775       773,552  
    Goodwill   729,783       669,064  
    Intangible assets, net   270,361       243,553  
    Other non-current assets   178,490       130,116  
    Total assets $ 3,377,660     $ 3,241,702  
           
    LIABILITIES AND EQUITY      
    Current Liabilities:      
    Current portion of long-term debt $ 6,203     $ 6,203  
    Accounts payable   455,485       451,680  
    Other current liabilities   278,498       324,866  
    Total current liabilities   740,186       782,749  
           
    Long-term debt   592,161       594,283  
    Other long-term liabilities   246,296       203,639  
    Stockholders’ equity:      
    ChampionX stockholders’ equity   1,814,310       1,676,622  
    Noncontrolling interest   (15,293 )     (15,591 )
    Total liabilities and equity $ 3,377,660     $ 3,241,702  
                   

    CHAMPIONX CORPORATION
    CONDENSED CONSOLIDATED STATEMENTS OF CASH FLOWS
    (UNAUDITED)

      Nine Months Ended September 30,
    (in thousands)   2024       2023  
    Cash flows from operating activities:      
    Net income $ 242,218     $ 240,562  
    Depreciation and amortization   183,291       177,226  
    (Gain) loss on sale-leaseback transaction and disposal group   (29,826 )     12,965  
    Loss on Argentina Blue Chip Swap transaction   7,086       —  
    Deferred income taxes   (16,810 )     (15,380 )
    Loss (gain) on disposal of fixed assets   868       (1,480 )
    Receivables   115,269       85,181  
    Inventories   (40,118 )     (50,011 )
    Accounts payable   (30,577 )     (7,018 )
    Other assets   6,665       17,470  
    Leased assets   (24,193 )     (38,597 )
    Other operating items, net   (31,442 )     (49,600 )
    Net cash flows provided by operating activities   382,431       371,318  
           
    Cash flows from investing activities:      
    Capital expenditures   (101,403 )     (110,965 )
    Proceeds from sale of fixed assets   9,323       12,328  
    Proceeds from sale-leaseback transaction   44,292       —  
    Purchase of investments   (31,526 )     —  
    Sale of investments   24,358       —  
    Acquisitions, net of cash acquired   (123,269 )     —  
    Net cash used for investing activities   (178,225 )     (98,637 )
           
    Cash flows from financing activities:      
    Proceeds from long-term debt   —       15,500  
    Repayment of long-term debt   (4,652 )     (43,625 )
    Repurchases of common stock   (49,399 )     (159,730 )
    Dividends paid   (52,430 )     (48,309 )
    Other   3,854       (384 )
    Net cash used for financing activities   (102,627 )     (236,548 )
           
    Effect of exchange rate changes on cash and cash equivalents   (1,027 )     (1,314 )
           
    Net increase in cash and cash equivalents   100,552       34,819  
    Cash and cash equivalents at beginning of period   288,557       250,187  
    Cash and cash equivalents at end of period $ 389,109     $ 285,006  
                   

    CHAMPIONX CORPORATION
    BUSINESS SEGMENT DATA
    (UNAUDITED)

      Three Months Ended
      September 30,   June 30,   September 30,
    (in thousands)   2024       2024       2023  
    Segment revenue:          
    Production Chemical Technologies $ 559,539     $ 569,577     $ 604,254  
    Production & Automation Technologies   275,700       244,487       256,148  
    Drilling Technologies   51,792       52,888       54,869  
    Reservoir Chemical Technologies   20,531       27,123       25,093  
    Corporate and other   (1,029 )     (803 )     (581 )
    Total revenue $ 906,533     $ 893,272     $ 939,783  
               
    Income before income taxes:        
    Segment operating profit (loss):          
    Production Chemical Technologies $ 87,260     $ 85,388     $ 94,560  
    Production & Automation Technologies   34,136       22,207       28,299  
    Drilling Technologies   11,501       11,863       12,255  
    Reservoir Chemical Technologies   1,675       4,363       2,461  
    Total segment operating profit   134,572       123,821       137,575  
    Corporate and other   18,690       25,141       14,030  
    Interest expense, net   14,137       15,421       13,744  
    Income before income taxes $ 101,745     $ 83,259     $ 109,801  
               
    Operating profit margin / income before income taxes margin:          
    Production Chemical Technologies   15.6 %     15.0 %     15.6 %
    Production & Automation Technologies   12.4 %     9.1 %     11.0 %
    Drilling Technologies   22.2 %     22.4 %     22.3 %
    Reservoir Chemical Technologies   8.2 %     16.1 %     9.8 %
    ChampionX Consolidated   11.2 %     9.3 %     11.7 %
               
    Adjusted EBITDA          
    Production Chemical Technologies $ 120,622     $ 117,421     $ 133,101  
    Production & Automation Technologies   69,604       58,848       59,288  
    Drilling Technologies   12,867       13,149       13,786  
    Reservoir Chemical Technologies   3,292       5,954       4,198  
    Corporate and other   (8,873 )     (12,139 )     (12,837 )
    Adjusted EBITDA $ 197,512     $ 183,233     $ 197,536  
               
    Adjusted EBITDA margin          
    Production Chemical Technologies   21.6 %     20.6 %     22.0 %
    Production & Automation Technologies   25.2 %     24.1 %     23.1 %
    Drilling Technologies   24.8 %     24.9 %     25.1 %
    Reservoir Chemical Technologies   16.0 %     22.0 %     16.7 %
    ChampionX Consolidated   21.8 %     20.5 %     21.0 %
                           

    CHAMPIONX CORPORATION
    RECONCILIATIONS OF GAAP TO NON-GAAP FINANCIAL MEASURES
    (UNAUDITED)

      Three Months Ended
      September 30,   June 30,   September 30,
    (in thousands)   2024       2024       2023  
    Net income attributable to ChampionX $ 72,008     $ 52,569     $ 77,711  
    Pre-tax adjustments:          
    (Gain) loss on sale leaseback transaction and disposal group(1)   57       —       —  
    Russia sanctions compliance and impacts(2)   109       32       95  
    Restructuring and other related charges   5,317       7,927       1,228  
    Merger transaction costs(3)   8,312       15,059       —  
    Acquisition costs and related adjustments(4)   753       574       —  
    Intellectual property defense   69       531       220  
    Merger-related indemnification responsibility   —       —       722  
    Tulsa, Oklahoma storm damage   —       —       1,895  
    Foreign currency transaction (gains) losses, net   3,505       (2,767 )     7,992  
    Loss on Argentina Blue Chip Swap transaction   —       2,994       —  
    Tax impact of adjustments   (4,259 )     (5,722 )     (2,702 )
    Adjusted net income attributable to ChampionX   85,871       71,197       87,161  
    Tax impact of adjustments   4,259       5,722       2,702  
    Net income attributable to noncontrolling interest   1,659       2,822       3,081  
    Depreciation and amortization   63,508       60,203       61,839  
    Provision for income taxes   28,078       27,868       29,009  
    Interest expense, net   14,137       15,421       13,744  
    Adjusted EBITDA $ 197,512     $ 183,233     $ 197,536  

    _______________________

    (1) Amount represents the gain on the sale and leaseback of certain buildings and land.
    (2) Includes charges incurred related to legal and professional fees to comply with, as well as additional foreign currency exchange losses associated with, the sanctions imposed in Russia.
    (3) Includes costs incurred in relation to the Merger Agreement with Schlumberger Limited, including third party legal and professional fees.
    (4) Includes costs incurred for the acquisition of businesses.
       
      Three Months Ended
      September 30,   June 30,   September 30,
    (in thousands)   2024       2024       2023  
    Diluted earnings per share attributable to ChampionX $ 0.37     $ 0.27     $ 0.39  
    Per share adjustments:          
    (Gain) loss on sale leaseback transaction and disposal group   —       —       —  
    Russia sanctions compliance and impacts   —       —       —  
    Restructuring and other related charges   0.03       0.04       0.01  
    Merger transaction costs   0.04       0.08       —  
    Acquisition costs and related adjustments   —       —       —  
    Intellectual property defense   —       —       —  
    Merger-related indemnification responsibility   —       —       0.01  
    Tulsa, Oklahoma storm damage   —       —       0.01  
    Foreign currency transaction (gains) losses, net   0.02       (0.01 )     0.04  
    Loss on Argentina Blue Chip Swap transaction   —       0.02       —  
    Tax impact of adjustments   (0.02 )     (0.03 )     (0.02 )
    Adjusted diluted earnings per share attributable to ChampionX $ 0.44     $ 0.37     $ 0.44  
                           

    CHAMPIONX CORPORATION
    RECONCILIATIONS OF GAAP TO NON-GAAP FINANCIAL MEASURES BY SEGMENT
    (UNAUDITED)

      Three Months Ended
      September 30,   June 30,   September 30,
    (in thousands)   2024       2024       2023  
    Production Chemical Technologies          
    Segment operating profit $ 87,260     $ 85,388     $ 94,560  
    Non-GAAP adjustments   7,073       5,851       9,079  
    Depreciation and amortization   26,289       26,182       29,462  
    Segment adjusted EBITDA $ 120,622     $ 117,421     $ 133,101  
               
    Production & Automation Technologies          
    Segment operating profit $ 34,136     $ 22,207     $ 28,299  
    Non-GAAP adjustments   1,656       6,000       2,089  
    Depreciation and amortization   33,812       30,641       28,900  
    Segment adjusted EBITDA $ 69,604     $ 58,848     $ 59,288  
               
    Drilling Technologies          
    Segment operating profit $ 11,501     $ 11,863     $ 12,255  
    Non-GAAP adjustments   54       —       (8 )
    Depreciation and amortization   1,312       1,286       1,539  
    Segment adjusted EBITDA $ 12,867     $ 13,149     $ 13,786  
               
    Reservoir Chemical Technologies          
    Segment operating profit $ 1,675     $ 4,363     $ 2,461  
    Non-GAAP adjustments   3       11       72  
    Depreciation and amortization   1,614       1,580       1,665  
    Segment adjusted EBITDA $ 3,292     $ 5,954     $ 4,198  
               
    Corporate and other          
    Segment operating profit $ (32,827 )   $ (40,562 )   $ (27,774 )
    Non-GAAP adjustments   9,336       12,488       920  
    Depreciation and amortization   481       514       273  
    Interest expense, net   14,137       15,421       13,744  
    Segment adjusted EBITDA $ (8,873 )   $ (12,139 )   $ (12,837 )
                           

    Free Cash Flow

      Three Months Ended
      September 30,   June 30,   September 30,
    (in thousands)   2024       2024       2023  
    Free Cash Flow          
    Cash flows from operating activities $ 141,298     $ 67,625     $ 163,030  
    Less: Capital expenditures, net of proceeds from sale of fixed assets   (33,248 )     (29,310 )     (48,469 )
    Free cash flow $ 108,050     $ 38,315     $ 114,561  
               
    Cash From Operating Activities to Revenue Ratio          
    Cash flows from operating activities $ 141,298     $ 67,625     $ 163,030  
    Revenue $ 906,533     $ 893,272     $ 939,783  
               
    Cash from operating activities to revenue ratio   16 %     8 %     17 %
               
    Free Cash Flow to Revenue Ratio          
    Free cash flow $ 108,050     $ 38,315     $ 114,561  
    Revenue $ 906,533     $ 893,272     $ 939,783  
               
    Free cash flow to revenue ratio   12 %     4 %     12 %
               
    Free Cash Flow to Adjusted EBITDA Ratio          
    Free cash flow $ 108,050     $ 38,315     $ 114,561  
    Adjusted EBITDA $ 197,512     $ 183,233     $ 197,536  
               
    Free cash flow to adjusted EBITDA ratio   55 %     21 %     58 %

    The MIL Network –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Four Disaster Recovery Centers Close This Week, But Help Is Still Available

    Source: US Federal Emergency Management Agency

    Headline: Four Disaster Recovery Centers Close This Week, But Help Is Still Available

    Four Disaster Recovery Centers Close This Week, But Help Is Still Available

    SPRINGFIELD – Four FEMA/State Disaster Recovery Centers will close this week, but help will still be available. FEMA teams will work closely with county emergency managers to ensure Illinoisans who live in one of the seven designated counties will still be able to apply for assistance, update their application information, and speak to a FEMA specialist.The best way to get help from FEMA is by calling the helpline at 800-621-3362 or by contacting the county emergency management office for guidance. Applications will also continue to be accepted online at DisasterAssistance.gov or on the FEMA mobile app.The following location closes Thursday, October 24 at 7:30 p.m.:Kaskaskia College Extension Center17869 Exchange Ave.Nashville, IL 62263Hours: Tues. – Thurs. 10:30 a.m. – 7:30 p.m.The following locations close Friday, October 25 at 7 p.m.:Cuba Community Center616 E Polk St.Cuba, IL 61427Hours: Tues. – Fri. 8 a.m. – 7 p.m.Henry County Office of Emergency Management4424 Walter Payton Memorial Highway (Hwy 34)Kewanee, IL 61443Hours: Tues. – Fri. 8 a.m. – 7 p.m.Will County Center for Community Concerns2455 Glenwood Ave.Joliet, IL 60435Hours: Tues. – Fri. 8 a.m. – 7 p.m.Other Disaster Recovery Centers Remain OpenSeveral Disaster Recovery Centers will remain open throughout the state. No appointments are necessary; walk-ins are welcome. Survivors can visit any recovery center to speak with specialists from FEMA, the State of Illinois and the U.S. Small Business Administration. Starting Saturday, October 26, the hours of operation for the remaining recovery centers will be:Southwestern Illinois Justice & Workforce Development Campus2300 W. Main St.Suite M117 (City of Belleville Office Bldg.)Belleville, IL 62226Hours: Mon. – Fri. 8 a.m. – 6 p.m., Sat. 9 a.m. – 5 p.m., Closed SundaysCahokia Heights Fitness and Community Center509 Camp Jackson RoadCahokia Heights, IL 62207Hours: Mon. – Fri. 8 a.m. – 6 p.m., Sat. 9 a.m. – 5 p.m., Closed SundaysForest City Church1280 S. Alpine RoadRockford, IL 61108Hours: Mon. – Fri. 8 a.m. – 6 p.m., Sat. 9 a.m. – 2 p.m., Closed SundaysChicago Lawn Branch Library6120 S. Kedzie Ave.Chicago, IL 60629Hours: Mon. and Wed. 10 a.m. – 6 p.m., Tues. and Thurs. 12 p.m. – 6 p.m., Fri. and Sat. 9 a.m. – 5 p.m., Closed SundaysVillage of Homewood Auditorium2010 Chestnut RoadHomewood, IL 60430Hours: Mon. – Fri. 8 a.m. – 6 p.m., Sat. 9 a.m. – 5 p.m., Closed SundaysBeverly Center3031 South 25th Ave.Broadview, IL 60155Hours: Mon. – Fri. 8 a.m. – 6 p.m., Sat. 9 a.m. – 5 p.m., Closed SundaysFor the latest information on recovery center locations and hours, visit FEMA.gov/DRC.For even more information about the disaster recovery operation in Illinois, visit www.fema.gov/disaster/4819.  
    kimberly.keblish
    Wed, 10/23/2024 – 21:00

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: ERO Boston arrests fugitive wanted for money laundering crimes in Colombia

    Source: US Immigration and Customs Enforcement

    WORCESTER, Mass. — Enforcement and Removal Operations Boston apprehended a Colombian fugitive wanted for money laundering crimes in her native country. Officers with ERO Boston arrested the 38-year-old Colombian fugitive Oct. 17 in Worcester.

    “This Colombian fugitive attempted to flee the law in her native country by seeking refuge in our Massachusetts neighborhoods,” said ERO Boston acting Field Office Director Patricia H. Hyde. “Now she will be forced to face the justice she sought to subvert. ERO Boston will not allow our New England communities to become safe havens for the world’s criminal elements. We will continue to prioritize the safety of our public by arresting and removing egregious noncitizen offenders.”

    The Colombian national lawfully entered the United States in January 2015. However, she violated the terms of her lawful admission.

    Colombian authorities issued an arrest warrant for the Colombian national Nov. 3, 2023, for the crime of money laundering.

    Upon learning the Colombian fugitive might be residing in Massachusetts, officers with ERO Boston arrested her Oct. 17 in Worcester and served her with a notice to appear before a Department of Justice immigration judge. The Colombian fugitive remains in ERO custody.

    ERO conducts removals of individuals without a lawful basis to remain in the United States, including at the order of immigration judges with the Justice Department’s Executive Office for Immigration Review. The Executive Office for Immigration Review is a separate entity from the Department of Homeland Security and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Immigration judges in these courts make decisions based on the merits of each individual case, determining if a noncitizen is subject to a final order of removal or eligible for certain forms of relief from removal.

    As one of ICE’s three operational directorates, ERO is the principal federal law enforcement authority in charge of domestic immigration enforcement. ERO’s mission is to protect the homeland through the arrest and removal of those who undermine the safety of U.S. communities and the integrity of U.S. immigration laws, and its primary areas of focus are interior enforcement operations, management of the agency’s detained and non-detained populations, and repatriation of noncitizens who have received final orders of removal. ERO’s workforce consists of more than 7,700 law enforcement and non-law enforcement support personnel across 25 domestic field offices and 208 locations nationwide, 30 overseas postings, and multiple temporary duty travel assignments along the border.

    Members of the public can report crimes and suspicious activity by dialing 866-DHS-2-ICE (866-347-2423) or completing the online tip form.

    Learn more about ICE’s mission to increase public safety in our New England communities on X, formerly known as Twitter, at @EROBoston.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: ERO Philadelphia removes Guatemalan citizen wanted for child abuse, violence against women and abuse of power

    Source: US Immigration and Customs Enforcement

    PHILADELPHIA — Enforcement and Removal Operations Philadelphia removed Romeo Pop Sacui, a citizen of Guatemala with a final order of removal, to Guatemala Oct. 22. Pop is a foreign fugitive wanted by law enforcement authorities in Guatemala for child abuse, violence against women and abuse of power.

    “Protecting the American public is a key priority for ERO officers,” said ERO Philadelphia Field Office Director Cammilla Wamsley. “Our officers routinely arrest and remove violent criminal noncitizens, such as Romeo Pop Sacui, who have broken laws in their home country and continue to do so in the U.S.”

    The U.S. Border Patrol arrested Pop near Calexico, California, on March 14, 2019, for entering the United States without inspection or parole by an immigration official. U.S. Border Patrol authorities served Pop a notice to appear before a Department of Justice immigration judge charging inadmissibility March 15, 2019. On the same date, U.S. Border Patrol officials transferred Pop to ERO San Diego, which enrolled him in the Alternatives to Detention program and released him on an order of recognizance. ERO Miami terminated Pop from the Alternatives to Detention program March 27, 2019, after he absconded.

    A Department of Justice immigration judge in Miami, Florida, ordered Pop removed from the United States to Guatemala in absentia on May 24, 2019.

    On Sept. 2, 2024, the Harrisburg Police arrested Pop for simple assault and strangulation. Later that month, ERO Philadelphia arrested him in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, during an enforcement operation, and detained him at the Moshannon Valley Processing Center in Philipsburg, Pennsylvania, pending removal to Guatemala.

    As one of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s three operational directorates, ERO is the principal federal law enforcement authority in charge of domestic immigration enforcement. ERO’s mission is to protect the homeland through the arrest and removal of those who undermine the safety of U.S. communities and the integrity of U.S. immigration laws, and its primary areas of focus are interior enforcement operations, management of the agency’s detained and non-detained populations, and repatriation of noncitizens who have received final orders of removal. ERO’s workforce consists of more than 7,700 law enforcement and non-law enforcement support personnel across 25 domestic field offices and 208 locations nationwide, 30 overseas postings, and multiple temporary duty travel assignments along the border.

    Members of the public can report crimes or suspicious activity by calling 866-347-2423 or completing ICE’s online tip form.

    Learn more about ERO’s mission to increase public safety in your community on X, formerly known as Twitter, at @EROPhiladelphia.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Luján Travels Across Northwestern New Mexico, Meets with Tribal Leaders and Highlights Infrastructure Projects

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Ben Ray Luján (D-New Mexico)
    New Mexico – This week, U.S. Senator Ben Ray Luján (D-N.M.), a member of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, traveled across Northwestern New Mexico to hold meetings with Tribal leaders and highlight federal investments he secured for Tribal Nations and surrounding New Mexico communities.

    Luján began by meeting with the new leadership of the Jicarilla Apache Tribe to congratulate the newly elected leaders and listen to the Tribe’s priorities. Luján also visited with the Tribal leadership of the Pueblo of the Zuni to meet with the leadership and discuss the Zuni Pueblo’s priorities. During both meetings, Luján highlighted his work on behalf of Tribal communities and infrastructure improvements he was able to secure for the Jicarilla Apache Tribe and the Zuni Pueblo. Luján is fighting to pass bills to resolve the water rights of New Mexico’s Tribal Nations and has successfully delivered millions of dollars for Tribal communities, including over $1.8 billion from the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law to boost infrastructure and nearly $7 million to expand broadband for Jicarilla Apache and Zuni Pueblo communities.

    “This week, I had the privilege of meeting with the leaders of the Jicarilla Apache Tribe and Zuni Pueblo to hear directly from them about their priorities and how we can continue to work together,” said Senator Luján. “I am proud to be fighting for the water resources of our Tribal communities and to have delivered millions to improve infrastructure and expand broadband access. I was grateful to have these conversations with Jicarilla Apache and Zuni leaders and will continue to fight to strengthen the relationship between Tribal communities and the federal government.”

    On Tuesday, Luján visited a Navajo Nation home to highlight federal funding secured to bring modern electrical systems to homes across the Navajo Nation and New Mexico. Luján fought to pass the American Rescue Plan, which has funded projects like Light Up Navajo and delivered electricity to hundreds of Navajo Nation homes. The federally funded Light Up Navajo project has delivered electricity to nearly 1,000 Navajo Nation households and built almost 250 miles of power lines.
    “In 2024, no family should be without electricity,” said Senator Luján. “I was honored to visit a Navajo Nation home that now has access to electricity thanks to the American Rescue Plan, which I was proud to have helped pass into law. Although we’ve helped electrify many homes in our Tribal communities, the job is not done. There are still far too many families across the Navajo Nation that are living without access to electricity. I remain committed to expanding electrical connectivity and will keep fighting to bring electricity to every Navajo Nation home.”

    Later, Luján toured and received an update on the status of the Navajo-Gallup Water Supply Project. The major water infrastructure project is expected to deliver a long-term, sustainable water supply to nearly a quarter million people across the Navajo Nation and surrounding areas. In the Senate, Luján has delivered over $300 million in federal funding to support the Navajo-Gallup Water Supply Project through the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. Luján has worked on this project throughout his career in Congress.
    “Once completed, the Navajo-Gallup Water Supply Project will deliver clean, reliable drinking water to thousands of Navajo Nation homes, including many homes that currently live without running water,” said Senator Luján. “I am glad to see the progress that has been made on this monumental water infrastructure project and am proud to have delivered millions of dollars to support it. I will continue to fight to ensure the pipeline is fully funded and completed by 2029.”

    Finally, Luján visited the Gallup Indian Medical Center to meet with U.S. Indian Health Service officials and view improvements to the facility that were made possible by the Inflation Reduction Act, which Luján fought to pass into law.
    “Across the Navajo Nation and surrounding communities, it is paramount that there is convenient access to health care providers and hospitals,” said Senator Luján. “Thanks to legislation like the Inflation Reduction Act that I helped get signed into law, we are making it easier to access reliable health care for the people of the Navajo Nation. Facilities like the Gallup Indian Medical Center are making it easier for our Tribal communities to access the health care they deserve, and I will continue to fight for affordable, accessible health care for the Navajo Nation and Tribal communities across our state.”

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA News: Statement from Vice President Kamala  Harris and Second Gentleman Douglas Emhoff on the Passing of Fernando  Valenzuela

    Source: The White House

    Fernando Valenzuela was a baseball legend.
     
    For 17 seasons in the MLB, with his signature screwball, Fernando Valenzuela confounded batters and delighted fans. He remains the first and only player to win both the Rookie of the Year and Cy Young award in a single season.
     
    More than anything, Fernando Valenzuela brought people together. “Fernandomania” was a feeling meant to be shared. Fernando Valenzuela united an entire generation of Dodgers fans in collective joy, excitement, and awe. And he inspired countless young baseball players—in America, Mexico, and across the world—to pursue their own greatness.  
     
    Both Doug and I have fond memories of watching Fernando Valenzuela play. To see him pitch was to watch a master at work. As a player, broadcaster, and Angelino, Fernando Valenzuela left an indelible mark on our nation.
     
    Today, Doug and I send our prayers to Fernando’s wife, Linda, as well as their children and grandchildren.

    # # # 

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: $100m NZ-Brazil trade boost through 13 key partnerships

    Source: New Zealand Government

    Minister for Trade Todd McClay, today announced the signing of 13 Memorandums of Understanding (MOUs) between New Zealand and Brazilian companies as part of the New Zealand Trade Mission to São Paulo this week.
    “These partnerships mark a significant step in strengthening the trade relationship between the two nations and are set to generate over $100 million in revenue over the next three years,” Mr McClay says.
    “This will boost our economy and contribute towards achieving the ambitious target of doubling trade by value in 10 years.
    “These MOU’s will continue to increase market access to Latin America and deepen our people-to-people connections, while also contributing to Brazil’s economic growth. This is a win-win for both countries.
    The 13 MOUs signed today cover a broad range of sectors, including technology, healthcare, advanced manufacturing, and education, showcasing New Zealand’s diverse offerings and Brazil’s growing interest in Kiwi expertise.
    The MOUs include:

    New Zealand Brazil Business Council (NZBBC) and NZBBC Brazil – Establishing the NZBBC office in Brazil to foster further business ties.
     AD Instruments and UNESP Jaboticabal – Supplying telemetry technology to universities in São Paulo.
     AD Instruments and ANIMA Educacao – Renewing educational technology in ANIMA Group’s medical schools.
    Foot Science and IMPEC – Partnering to distribute Foot Science’s products across Brazil.
     Framecad and Placlux – Providing advanced construction technology to the InovaSteel Group.
     Framecad and Steel Corp – Delivering two Framecad systems to Steel Corp for further innovation in building systems.
     Gallagher Animal Management and D&Q Law – Launching Gallagher’s animal management operations in Brazil.
     Les Mills and Brazilian Trainer – Introducing Les Mills Pilates classes across Brazil.
    Loadscan and ASBZ – Expanding Loadscan’s presence with a new Brazilian entity.
    MindHive and ASBZ – Establishing MindHive’s Brazilian office to drive innovation and collaborative solutions.
    MindHive and JBS – Establishing MindHive’s technology in JBS processing.
    AROA and Nexgeen – Enhancing healthcare services with Nexgeen, a key healthcare provider in Brazil.
    Tait Communications and Santos Futebol Clube – Supplying communication systems to Santos Futebol ClubAROA and Nexgeen – Enhancing healthcare services with Nexgeen, a key healthcare provider in Brazil.

    “These partnership agreements highlight the importance of trade missions in driving collaboration and underscore the Government’s commitment to enhancing opportunities for innovation, trade, and shared prosperity.”

    MIL OSI New Zealand News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Economics: Transcript of Fiscal Monitor October 2024 Press Briefing

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    October 23, 2024

    SPEAKERS:
    Vitor Gaspar, Director, Fiscal Affairs Department
    Era Dabla‑Norris, Deputy Director, Fiscal Affairs Department
    Davide Furceri, Division Chief, Fiscal Affairs Department
    Tatiana Mossot, Moderator, Senior Communications Officer

    The Moderator (Ms. Mossot): Good morning, good afternoon, and good evening to our viewers around the world. I am Tatiana Mossot, the IMF Communications Department, and I will be your host for today’s press briefing on the Annual Meetings 2024 Fiscal Monitor, “Putting a Lead on Public Debt.” I am pleased to introduce this morning the Director of the Fiscal Affairs Department, Vitor Gaspar. He is joined by Era Dabla‑Norris, Deputy Director of the Fiscal Affairs Department, and Davide Furceri, who is the Division Chief of the Fiscal Affairs Department. Good morning, Vitor, Era, Davide.

    Before taking your questions, let me kick‑start our briefing by turning to you, Vitor, for your opening remarks. Vitor, the floor is yours.

    Mr. Gaspar: Thank you so much, Tatiana. Good morning, everybody. Thank you all for your interest in the Fiscal Monitor, covering fiscal policies all around the world. Deficits are high and global public debt is very high, rising, and risky. Global public debt is projected to go above $100 trillion this year. At the current pace, the global debt‑to‑GDP ratio will approach 100 percent by the end of the decade, rising above the pandemic peak. But the message of high and rising debt masks considerable diversity across countries. I will distinguish three groups.

    Public debt is higher and projected to grow faster than pre‑pandemic in about one third of the countries. This includes not only the largest economies, China and the United States, but also other large countries such as Brazil, France, Italy, South Africa, and the United Kingdom, representing in total about 70 percent of global GDP.

    In another one third of the countries, public debt is higher but projected to grow slower or decline compared with pre‑pandemic.

    In the rest of the world, debt is lower than pre‑pandemic. The Fiscal Monitor makes the case that public debt risks are elevated, and prospects are worse than they look. The Fiscal Monitor presents a novel framework, debt at risk, that illustrates risks around the most likely debt projection at various time horizons. Here we concentrate on the next 3 years.

    Our analysis shows that risks to public debt projections are tilted to the upside. In a severe adverse scenario, public debt would be 20 percentage points of GDP above the baseline projection. In most countries, fiscal plans that governments have put in place are insufficient to deliver stable or declining public debt ratios with a high degree of confidence. Additional efforts are necessary. Delaying adjustment is costly and risky. Kicking the can down the road will not do. The time to act is now. The likelihood of a soft landing has increased. Monetary policy has already started to ease in major economies. Unemployment is low in many countries. And, therefore, given these circumstances, most economies are well‑positioned to deal with fiscal adjustment.

    But it does matter how it is done. While the specific circumstances depend on—while specifics depend on country circumstances, the Fiscal Monitor and earlier IMF work provide useful pointers. For example, countries should avoid cuts in public investment. This can have severe effects on growth. Good governance and transparency improve the prospects of public understanding and social acceptance of fiscal reforms.

    Countries that are sufficiently away from debt distress should adjust in a sustained and gradual way to contain debt vulnerabilities without unnecessary adverse effect on growth and employment. However, in countries in debt distress or at high risk of debt distress, timely and frontloaded decisive action to control public debt or even debt restructuring may be necessary. Everywhere, fiscal policy, as structural policy, can make a substantial contribution to growth and jobs.

    What is the bottom line? Public debt is very high, rising, and risky. The time is now to pivot towards a gradual, sustained, and people‑focused fiscal adjustment.

    My colleagues and I are ready to answer your questions. Thank you for your attention and interest.

    The Moderator (Ms. Mossot): Thank you, Vitor. So, we will open the floor for questions. Thank you.

    Question: Good morning, given your findings on the increasing trend of spending across the political spectrum, how do governments then plan to balance the urgent need, as you stated, for investment in critical areas like healthcare and climate adaptation with the risks of what you also stated, overly optimistic debt projections?

    Ms. Dabla‑Norris: Thank you, global debt is very high, 100 trillion this year and rising. And debt risks, all the ones you mentioned, are also very elevated. So, policymakers are now facing a fundamental policy trilemma, to maintain debt sustainability, amid very high levels of debt in some countries, to accommodate the spending pressures for climate adaptation, for development goals, for population aging, and at the same time to garner support that is needed for reforms. This is why we are calling for a strategic pivot in public finances for countries to put their public finances in order. And why is this important? Because this can help create room that is needed for the priority spending. It can create fiscal space to combat future shocks that will surely come. And it can also help sustain long‑term growth.

    What this means is that for some countries, a very decisive implementation of reforms is needed now, under current plans. For many others, an additional adjustment is required that needs to be gradual but sustained. And yet for others with very high debt levels that are rising, a more frontloaded adjustment will be needed.

    These efforts, these fiscal efforts need to be people‑focused, because you want to balance the trade‑off between these measures adversely impacting growth and inequality. So, here it is important to seek to preserve public spending. It is important to seek to preserve social spending. And improving the quality, the composition, the efficiency of government spending can ensure that every dollar that is spent has maximum impact. It creates room for other types of spending without adding to debt pressures.

    Mobilizing revenues, setting up broad‑based and fair tax systems can allow countries to collect revenues to meet their spending needs. And this is particularly important in the case of emerging market and developing economies, which have considerable untapped tax potential.

    But I think it is also important to note that policymakers need to build the trust that taxpayer’s resources that are being collected will be well‑spent. This is why we are emphasizing strengthening governance, improving fiscal frameworks to build that trust that is needed for reforms.

    Ms. Mossot: We will go to this side of the room. The gentleman in the fourth row.

    Question: Thank you for doing this. I was wondering if you could please drive us a bit further to the debt‑at‑risk framework. Thank you.

    Mr. Furceri: Thank you. The debt risk is a framework that links current macroeconomic, financial, and political conditions to the entire spectrum of the future debt outcomes. So, in some sense it goes beyond the point focus that we typically provide, and it enables economic policymakers to first quantify what are the risks surrounding the debt projections and, second, what are the sources of this risk.

    The current framework estimates that in a severely adverse scenario but plausible, debt to GDP could be 20 percentage points higher in the next 3 years than currently projected. Why is this the case? This is because there are risks related to weaker growth, tighter financial conditions, as well as economic and political uncertainty.

    Another point that the Fiscal Monitor makes is that beyond this global level, the debt to risk associated to the global level, there is significant heterogeneities across countries. For example, in the case of advanced economies, our estimates of data risk are about 135 percent to GDP by 2026. This is a high level. It is lower than what we observed during the peak of the pandemic, but it is high, and it indeed is even higher than what we observed during the Global Financial Crisis.

    In the case of emerging market economies, what we see is that debt risk is increasing even compared to the pandemic and our estimate is about 88 percentage points of GDP.

    Summarizing, we think that this is a framework that could be useful to quantify a risk, identify the sources, and then make a response to this risk.

    Ms. Mossot: We will take another question in the room before going online.

    Question: Thank very much. I would like to know, Vitor, how can fiscal governance be strengthened to ensure long‑term fiscal adjustments, and while at it, what are the risks if fiscal adjustments are delayed, and how would that affect global financial markets? My second question, what lessons can be learned from countries that have successfully managed high debt levels in the past and how can transparency and accountability in public finance be improved to build trust and ensure effective debt management?

    Mr. Gaspar: Thank you so much. I will start with the timing. So I have already emphasized that delaying adjustment is costly and risky. You come from Ghana. If you allow me to place your question in the context of the sub‑Saharan Africa more broadly. I would argue that building fiscal space is not only crucial to limit public debt risks, but in many countries in sub‑Saharan Africa, it is key to enable this state to play its full role in development, which is, of course, a very important priority in the region.

    You asked about lessons from experience. I would say that fiscal adjustment should be timely. It should be decisive. It should be well‑designed. And it should be effectively communicated. And you have pointers on all of this in the Fiscal Monitor.

    You asked a very important question on governance. I would put it together with transparency and accountability. Era has already commented on why it is so important from a political viewpoint, but we have been working in this area for many years. For example, the IMF has a code on fiscal transparency that is extremely interesting. Something that also came up in a seminar that I participated in yesterday is the opportunities afforded by technology to make progress on governance. One of the speakers from India introduced this idea of three Ts that I found very inspiring. The three Ts are technology that is used to promote transparency. And if you have technology and transparency, you should expect to gain trust. And if you have trust, you have the citizens behind the government and, therefore, even willing to pay taxes, not necessarily happily, but in a quasi-voluntary way.

    Ms. Mossot: Thank you, Vitor. We have a question from Forbes, Mexico.” I have a question in countries like Mexico where fiscal consolidation is necessary. What are the biggest risks of this consolidation and how could it boost economic growth?” This is a question for Era.

    Ms. Dabla‑Norris: So, as we have said more generally, the design of fiscal adjustment is what really matters. And there is a right way to do it, and there are many wrong ways to do it.

    In the Fiscal Monitor, we illustrate how countries can undertake fiscal adjustment in a way that is what we call people focused. By that I mean, we want to trade off the negative impacts of the adjustment on growth and on inequality. And we do this by looking at different types of fiscal instruments. And different instruments have very different impacts. So, for example, progressive taxes have a very different impact on consumption and incentives to work and save as compared to other types of taxation.

    Similarly, cutting public investment has both negative short‑run effects on growth and wages, as well as more medium‑term impacts on growth. Cutting regressive energy subsidies similarly have much less of a deleterious impact on income and the consumption of the poor.

    So depending upon the country context, depending upon whether there is scope to raise revenues in non‑distortionary ways, depending upon the nature and the composition of public spending, there are ways for countries to do fiscal adjustment in a manner that is growth‑friendly and people‑friendly.

    Ms. Mossot: So, the last one we have from online is for you, Davide. “The report suggests that low‑income development countries should build tax capacity and improve spending efficiency. Given the high levels of debt and limited resources in these countries, how realistic are these recommendations without substantial international financial support?”

    Mr. Furceri: Indeed, many developing countries face significant pressing spending needs. For sustained development goals, to achieve climate goals, our estimate in the previous Fiscal Monitor suggests that the envelope of these spending needs could be as much as high as 16 percent of GDP.

    So, in this context, one important policy action is to increase revenue through revenue mobilization. Now, it is important that this revenue mobilization strategy is guided by the principle that make the tax system more efficient, more equitable, and more progressive. So policies could be, for example, to reduce informalities, broaden the tax base, increase efficiency in revenue collections, as well as progressivity.

    In the report, we also make the point that improving fiscal institutions, as also Era mentioned, is key to garner public support and to make sure that the debt system is indeed efficient.

    There is also policy on the spending side, improving the quality, the composition, and the efficiency spending to make sure that each dollar spent is well spent, is spent on the key priority areas, and maximizing it.

    Now, there are countries that will need help. The IMF as in the past years and as always has provided significant advice to countries from policy support, policy advice but also financing support. Just to give a number, over the past 4 years, about $60 billion of funding has been provided to African economies to help their challenge. And important, the IMF is also providing a variety of capacity development to support, including exactly in this area, for example, increase Public Finance Management, improve taxation, revenue mobilization, as well as a new area that are developing that are becoming more and more important, such as climate change.

    The Moderator (Ms. Mossot): Thank you. The gentleman with his book in the hand.

    Question: Thank you. You mentioned in the report that developed economies, including the United Kingdom, face risks if they do not bring debt down. We have a budget next week. Perhaps you could tell us what are those risks if the U.K. does not address its debt position quickly?

    Mr. Gaspar: So, when we think about the United Kingdom, the United Kingdom is one of the countries that I listed where debt is substantially higher than it was projected pre‑pandemic. It is also one of the countries where debt is projected to increase over time, albeit at a declining pace.

    If I were to give you my concern about the U.K., I would use what Kristalina Georgieva, the Managing Director of the Fund, emphasizes a theme through these Annual Meetings, the combination of high debt and low growth. For the case of the United Kingdom, I would put it as follows. The United Kingdom is living with interest rates that are close to U.S. interest rates, but it is also living with growth rates that are not close to U.S. growth rates. And that leads to a theme that has been amply debated in the United Kingdom, which is the importance of public investment.

    In the United Kingdom, as in many other advanced economies, public investment as a percentage of GDP has been trending down. And given challenges associated with the energy transition, new technologies, technological innovation, and much else, public investment is badly needed. The Fiscal Monitor emphasizes that public investment should be protected in the framework of a set of rules and budgetary procedures that foster sound macroeconomic performance. The fact that that debate is very much at the center of the debate in the United Kingdom right now is very much welcome.

    Ms. Mossot: We will take another question on this side. The lady in green.

    Question: Thank you. After 3 years of consolidation, fiscal deficits are widening in the western Balkans. The public expenditures are increasing but more on social debt—more on social spendings than on capital spendings. How do you evaluate the economic situation in this region?

    Ms. Dabla‑Norris: So, in western Balkans as a whole, growth has picked up since 2023, although there are differences across countries. For example, in North Macedonia, growth is projected to be 2.2 percent in 2024, down from 2.7 percent in 2023. But for the region, the growth momentum is expected to continue in 2025.

    Now, when it comes to inflation, we see that headline inflation continues to ease throughout the region, but core inflation remains stubbornly high in some countries.

    In terms of fiscal and debt, the differential—the interest and growth differential for the region is projected to remain negative over the medium term. And this is a good thing because it is favorable to debt dynamics, but this gap is closing. It is narrowing over time.

    So, what is important at this juncture for these countries is to sustainably lift their growth prospects. And the IMF has spoken at length about the importance of structural and fiscal structural reforms that are needed to improve the composition of spending, to lift public investment sustainably and to undertake the labor and product market reforms that are required to sustainably boost productivity.

    Ms. Mossot: Thank you. Back to the center of the room.

    Question: Thanks for taking my question. I wanted to ask about France. Do you believe that the French government’s plans to return to a budget deficit of less than 3 percent by 2029 is realistic, given the size of the deficit you project for France this year?

    Mr. Gaspar: So, when it comes to France, we have a country that is also in the group of countries where debt is considerably higher than pre‑pandemic. At this point in time, in our projections, the debt‑to‑GDP ratio in France is projected to increase by about 2 percentage points every year. So, given this path, we recommend in the case of France not only fiscal adjustment but fiscal adjustment that is appropriately frontloaded to enable France to credibly put public debt under control and inside the European framework.

    That is completely in line with our general recommendation because the European framework allows for a country‑specific path. It allows for risks to be considered. It allows for the impact of the investment and structural reform to be internalized through an adjustment period that varies, according to cases, from 5 to 7 years.

    We do believe that the government in France has presented ideas, proposals that move in the right direction, but we are waiting for more clarity coming from actual enacted measures in France.

    Ms. Mossot: Another one here, the lady in blue there.

    Question: Thank you. May I have an insight about public debt in Tunisia and reasons beyond not mentioning it in your report? Thank you.

    Mr. Furceri: For the specific numbers for Tunisia, I would defer to the regional press briefs that is coming in the coming days. What I would like to point out, that one of the challenges that we see in many countries in North Africa, it also relates with the untargeted subsidies. And one point that we make in the report is that, also as Era mentioned, that when you think about how to recalibrate spending, it is important to preserve public investment. It is important to present targeted transfers for those that are most vulnerable, and to recalibrate the spending, for example, from away from high wage compensation when this is not the case, and untargeted subsidies.

    Ms. Mossot: Thank you. This side, second row, the gentleman.

    Question: I just had a question about the U.S. election. As you know, both candidates are offering many tax breaks, no taxes on tips, no tax on social security on the Trump side. These would add to the deficit of the U.S. on the Trump side as much as $7 and a half trillion over 10 years. Some estimates more than 10 trillion. Kamala Harris’ plans would call for less debt because she would raise taxes in some cases. But I am just wondering, the worse‑case scenario, how concerned are you about the amount of debt that the U.S. could be adding here? It seems to be the opposite of what the IMF has been recommending for a long time. Do you have concerns about financial markets taking matters into their own hands and imposing some discipline?

    Mr. Gaspar: Thanks, I am clearly not commenting on specific elections or political platforms, but I point to you that the Fiscal Monitor in the spring was dedicated to the great election year, and there we do make a number of comments about the relevance of politics for fiscal policy. And Era, has very interesting research where she documents that political platforms on the left and on the right all around the world have turned in favor of fiscal support and fiscal expansion. And that makes the job of the Ministers of Finance around the world and the Secretary of Treasury here in the United States a particularly demanding job, but Era may want to comment on that.

    When it comes to the United States, the United States is one of the largest economies where it is a fact that debt is considerably above what it was pre‑pandemic. It is growing at about 2 percentage points of GDP every year. And so from that viewpoint, this path of debt cannot continue forever. We do believe that the situation in the United States is sustainable because the policymakers in the United States have access to many combinations of policy instruments that enable them to put the path of public debt under control. And they will do that at a time and with the composition of their choosing. The decision lies with the U.S. political system.

    Now, it is very important to understand that the United States is now in a very favorable economic and financial situation. Financing conditions are easing in the United States. The Fed has already started its policy pivot. The growth in the United States has been outperforming that of other advanced economies. The labor market in the United States shows indicators that are the envy of many other countries. And so the prescription that the time to adjust is now applies to the United States. It turns out that the Fiscal Monitor also documents that the United States is very important for the determination of global financial conditions and, therefore, adjustment in the United States is not only good for the United States, it is good also for the rest of the world.

    Ms. Mossot: Back to the center of the room. The lady with the red shirt, please.

    Question: My question is, whether you can comment on China’s recent stimulus package and as you mentioned in the opening, it seems that the largest economies, including China and the United States, is projected to keep raising its public debt, so I wonder how you are going to comment on the fiscal implication of the stimulus package, and do you have any other specific fiscal policy for China? Thank you.

    Mr. Gaspar: Thank you for your question. China is very important. China is one of the largest economies that I listed. The other is the United States. For China and for the United States, we say the same. Debt is growing. Debt is growing rapidly. That process cannot continue forever, but China, as the United States, has ample policy space. And so it has the means to put public debt in China under control with the policy composition and the timing that will be the choice of the Chinese political system.

    If I were to say what is most important for me for China, I would say four things. The first one is that fiscal policy, as structural policy, should contribute to the rebalancing of the Chinese economy in the sense of changing the composition of demand from exports to domestic demand. It is very important that the very high savings ratio in China diminishes so that Chinese households will be able to consume more and feel safe doing that. Making the social safety net in China wider would be a structural way of doing exactly that.

    The second aspect is to act decisively to end financial misallocations associated with the property sector crisis, the real estate crisis. That is very important to stabilize the situation in China but also to build confidence, which would help with the first dimension that I pointed out as well.

    Now, third, very much in the province of public finances, this is very important to address public finance imbalances and vulnerabilities at the sub‑national level. And now, there are sub‑national governments in China that are struggling with financial conditions—financial constraints, and it is very important to remove those constraints, and, again, is linked to my second point.

    Fourth and last, it is very important that fiscal policy, as structural policy, promotes the transition to a new growth model in China, a model based on technological innovation, a model that supports the structural transformation towards a green economy. And my understanding is that this fourth element has been emphasized by the political authorities in China at the highest level.

    Ms. Mossot: Thank you. Back to this side of the room.

    Question: As already mentioned, a novel assessment framework debt that is at risk varies from country to country. Please, could you provide me details, which risks are more important and more dangerous for Ukrainian debt? And one more related question. It is that you give advice for emerging markets to increase indirect taxes for revenue mobilization. And in the case of Ukraine, when we recently already increased our taxes, for example, war tax and tax for banks’ profits, which recommendations you can give us in our situation and the worse circumstances, and maybe there are other instruments despite tax increasing.

    Ms. Dabla‑Norris: Thank you. The debt‑at‑risk framework that has been presented in the Fiscal Monitor includes 70 countries, but we do not identify or quantify the debt at risk for all individual countries. Now, that said, the framework, as Davide mentions, shows that factors such as weak growth, tighter financial conditions, geopolitical uncertainty, or policy uncertainty can all add to future debt risks. This applies to Ukraine as it does to many other countries. And in the case of Ukraine particularly, the outlook, as you know, remains exceptionally uncertain.

    So, in terms of priorities, we believe that the authorities need to continue to restore debt sustainability. And in this regard, there is two important aspects. The first is to complete the restructuring of external commercial debt in line with program commitments. And the second is to really redouble efforts on domestic revenue mobilization and to accelerate the implementation of their national revenue strategy. Now, what is important here is the strategy is not only about aiming to raise revenues, mobilize revenues, but to fundamentally change the tax system. The strategy aims to reduce tax evasion, tax avoidance, to improve tax compliance, and more broadly enhance the fairness and equity of the tax system. And the IMF has long advocated for countries that it is not about raising rates. It is about broadening the base and making tax systems as fair and equitable as possible.

    Ms. Mossot: Back to this side. The gentleman on the second row.

    Question: I just want to ask a couple of questions, blended into one. In July, the IMF released calculations showing that the U.K. budget balance, excluding interest payments, would need to improve by between .8 and 1.4 percentage points of GDP per year to get debt under control, an adjustment of 22 to 39 billion pounds. Since then, we know that the Treasury has carried out an audit and discovered over‑spends it was not aware of, and the government has made decisions on things like public sector pay. So my question to you is, how has that changed the calculations you made in July? You talked about the importance of people‑focused adjustments. Would an increase in employer national insurance contributions be people‑friendly and growth‑friendly in your view?

    Mr. Gaspar: Thank you so much. So, your questions are very detailed and very specific, and so I am not in a position to comment on them at this point in time. Concerning the U.K., we believe it is very important to bring public debt under control. It is very important to control for public debt risks. In the Fiscal Monitor, we actually make the point that the risks that one should take into account when conducting a prudent fiscal policy go beyond the reference to the baseline that you made. So we believe that it is possible to make a stronger case for fiscal prudence than what was implicit in your question.

    Still, it is important how the adjustment is made, and Era has emphasized very much the importance of being people‑friendly. And we, all of us, have emphasized the important contribution of public investment. And there you do have specific estimates for the U.K., impacts of public investment on economic activity and growth from the Office of Budget’s responsibility. I do not know if you want to add something.

    Ms. Dabla‑Norris: No. Just to say that there are important tradeoffs, not just for the U.K., but for many countries, and there may be certain short‑term measures that see or appear to be less people‑friendly but that they improve the sustainability of the system for future generations. So there is an intertemporal aspect of this, referring to fiscal policy, that we often forget. So, pension systems, health systems, the sustainability, the fiscal sustainability of the system also matters for people because it is going to impact different generations in a different way.

    Ms. Mossot: The very last question.

    Question: Thank you. I would like to ask, what are the prescriptions on how developing countries can put their public debt in order, especially sub‑Saharan Africa? And, for example, Nigeria now and many other countries in Africa, their public debt has ballooned because of exchange rates devaluation. So what are your prescriptions? You also mentioned the tax systems should be friendly. In Africa, we are not seeing tax systems as being friendly now because a lot of people, they say, okay, why did not the tax base broaden? How much can you broaden since you have a lot of poor people? So, what kinds of tradeoffs do you do when incomes and people are also squeezed?

    The last one is from the report. $100 trillion of global debt. How much of that is from developing economies? Thank you.

    Mr. Furceri: Thank you very much. The challenges that Nigeria faces, as well as many other countries in the region, there are two. One is very low revenue‑to‑GDP ratio. For example, I believe that in the case of Nigeria it is about 10 percentage points. The second, one trend that we have seen, that we are a bit concerned, is that the ratio—the debt service obligation to revenue has been increasing. So for the average low‑income country, it is about 15 percent. What does it mean? It means that basically a large part of revenue in these countries goes to just finance the debt. And this is something that we would recommend to improve, or we can improve as we mentioned revenue mobilization. We think that it is important. It is important to broaden the tax base. But at the same time, and especially in countries like Nigeria that have been severely affected by the drought, we have seen also higher food price, it is important to put in place ex ante system and mechanisms that are transfer resources from the government to those that are most affected and those that are poor.

    Ms. Mossot: Thank you very much. We have to close this session. Thank you again Era, Davide, and Vitor. You can find the full report of the Fiscal Monitor on the IMF website and also a reminder that there is tomorrow at 8:00 a.m. the Managing Director’s press conference. Thank you, all.

    IMF Communications Department
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    MIL OSI Economics –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: October 23rd, 2024 Heinrich Cosponsors Legislation to Protect Medicare and Social Security for New Mexico’s Seniors

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for New Mexico Martin Heinrich
    WASHINGTON — U.S. Senator Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.) cosponsored the Medicare and Social Security Fair Share Act, legislation that will ensure the long-term solvency of Medicare and Social Security by reversing inequities in the tax system so that high earners contribute a fairer share. 
    “Medicare and Social Security are benefits that New Mexicans have earned over a lifetime of hard work. I’m proud to support this legislation to protect these bedrock programs for New Mexicans by making the ultrawealthy pay their fair share,” said Heinrich.
    Nearly 40% of seniors rely on Social Security for the majority of their incomes – benefits they have earned that let them retire with dignity. Medicare protects its over 60 million beneficiaries, one in five of whom have less than $15,000 in savings, from potentially catastrophic health care costs.
    Despite their bedrock importance, these programs are both at risk of not being able to fully pay out benefits within the next 15 years. Without new revenue, the Hospital Insurance Trust Fund and the Old Age and Survivors Insurance Trust Fund are expected to become insolvent in 2028 and 2033, respectively.
    The Medicare and Social Security Fair Share Act will increase funding for the Social Security and Medicare trust funds by extending the payroll tax on wages, self-employment income, and investment income to taxpayers making over $400,000. The legislation also applies a payroll tax on the pass-through business income, like hedge funds and private equity firms, of taxpayers earning more than $400,000, which will eliminate the classification of earned income as distributed business profits that is currently a major loophole. By applying these two provisions, we can extend Social Security solvency indefinitely and extend Medicare solvency by an estimated 20 years.
    The Medicare and Social Security Fair Share Act is led by U.S. Senator Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.). Alongside Heinrich, the legislation is cosponsored by U.S. Senators Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), and Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn). The bill is led in the House by U.S. Representative Brendan F. Boyle (D-Pa.).
    The bill is endorsed by the Alliance for Retired Americans; American Federation of Government Employees; American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations; American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees; American Federation of Teachers; Americans for Tax Fairness; Center for Medicare Advocacy; Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget; Communications Workers of America; Doctors for America; Families USA; Groundwork Collaborative; International Federation of Professional and Technical Engineers; Main Street Alliance; Mary’s Center; National Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare; National Council on Aging; National Education Association; NETWORK Lobby for Catholic Social Justice; People’s Action; Public Citizen; Revolving Door Project; Social Security Works; and the Teamsters.
    A one-page summary is here.
    The text of the bill is here. 
    Background
    Heinrich fought hard to pass the Inflation Reduction Act, historic legislation that lowers health care and prescription drug costs for working families. 
    This year, the Inflation Reduction Act began capping out-of-pocket costs for prescription drugs at an estimated $3,300, providing substantial relief for individuals facing high medication expenses. This new Medicare drug cap comes in tandem with several other major healthcare provisions Heinrich helped secure, including free vaccines for seniors and a $35 insulin cap for those on Medicare.
    Last year, the White House announced 48 Medicare Part B drugs that raised their prices faster than inflation, and some drug companies raised prices of certain medications faster than inflation for every quarter in 2023. The IRA provisions Heinrich helped deliver will now require these companies to pay rebates back to Medicare, saving seniors who take these drugs between $1 and $2,786 per dose, depending on their medication. 
    The IRA also reduced the cost of marketplace health insurance premiums by an average of hundreds of dollars per person, for roughly 40,000 New Mexicans.
    A longer list of provisions Heinrich helped to secure in the Inflation Reduction Act can be found here.
    Heinrich introduced the Strengthening Medicare and Reducing Taxpayer (SMART) Prices Act, legislation that builds on a provision that was included in the Inflation Reduction Act to empower Medicare to negotiate prescription drug prices for the first time. Specifically, the bill would allow prescription drugs and biologics to be eligible for negotiation five years after approval by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) — increasing the overall amount by which Medicare can lower prices through negotiation. Additionally, the SMART Prices Act would lower Medicare Part B drug prices through negotiation two years earlier than under current law, and increase the overall number of drugs that the Department of Health & Human Services (HHS) can negotiate starting in 2026.
    Additionally, Heinrich is a cosponsor of the Pharmacy Benefit Manager Transparency Act, legislation that bans deceptive unfair pricing schemes, prohibits arbitrary clawbacks of payments made to pharmacies, and requires Pharmacy Benefit Managers (PBMs) to report to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) how much money they make through spread pricing and pharmacy fees. 
    Heinrich also cosponsored the COLAs Don’t Count Act, legislation to exempt annual cost-of-living adjustments (COLA) from impacting the benefits of those who utilize the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) for food assistance. This would help ensure participants of SNAP are not losing benefits due to the added costs of inflation and allow families to keep food on the table.
    Heinrich recently secured committee passage of his Fiscal Year 2025 Agriculture Appropriations Bill, legislation that delivers critical new resources to fully fund WIC and ensure all eligible women, infants, and children can get the nutrition they need. It also protects vital nutrition assistance programs for families across the country.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI China: Mechanism paves way for economic recovery globally

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    This photo shows a view of the Kazan Kremlin in Kazan, Russia, Oct 20, 2024. [Photo/Xinhua]

    Greater collaboration and stronger coordination among BRICS countries — Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, as well as other new members — will greatly enhance their economic growth and fortify the multilateral trading system, according to market watchers and business leaders.

    Established in 2006 as BRIC (South Africa was added in 2011), the group has become a key platform for countries of the Global South to get united and strengthen themselves through cooperation in fields such as security, economy, finance and agriculture.

    The BRICS mechanism expanded with new members in January this year, marking the further internationalization and diversification of the cooperation mechanism, according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

    Analysts said that by capitalizing on their shared strengths, these influential emerging economies have the potential to lead a more dynamic global economic recovery. Through expanded trade, investment and technological innovation, BRICS countries can fuel growth not only domestically but also on a global scale.

    Following its expansion earlier this year, BRICS is becoming increasingly attractive to developing nations, as the platform promotes cooperation in areas such as international production capacity, trade in goods and services, and cross-border investment, said Jiang Shixue, vice-president of the Beijing-based China Society of Emerging Economies.

    Sharing similar views, Rasigan Maharajh, chief director of the Institute for Economic Research on Innovation at Tshwane University of Technology in South Africa, said BRICS supports these countries in enhancing their industrial capabilities, developing digital economies and fostering innovation.

    Highlighting that BRICS countries have vast markets and diverse economies, providing opportunities for increased trade between member nations, Xu Xiujun, a senior research fellow at the Institute of World Economics and Politics of the Beijing-based Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said that by reducing trade barriers and promoting intra-BRICS trade deals, more members could access new markets and boost exports of goods and services in the coming years.

    China’s foreign trade with the other BRICS countries reached 4.62 trillion yuan ($652.47 billion) in the first three quarters of 2024, an increase of 5.1 percent year-on-year, data from the General Administration of Customs showed.

    China exports mainly construction machinery, trains, building materials, manufacturing equipment, electronics, textiles, garments and household appliances to other BRICS markets.

    Chinese-made passenger vehicles and solar cells have also become popular in countries like Brazil, South Africa, the UAE and Egypt in recent years, according to customs statistics.

    In addition to metal, crude oil, natural gas and grains, other BRICS countries’ shipments to China include passenger aircraft, timber, agricultural products, steel, cotton, chemicals, pharmaceuticals and medical equipment.

    Lyu Daliang, director of the GAC’s department of statistics and analysis, noted that goods trade among BRICS countries makes up only about 10 percent of their total foreign trade, indicating significant growth potential.

    “As cooperation within the BRICS family deepens and extends into new areas, both bilateral and multilateral economic and trade exchanges are expected to see significant positive progress,” he said.

    The emphasis on trading, investing in each other’s markets and collaborating on technological innovations, industrial transformation and the digital economy has become a driving force for growth within the BRICS countries, said Egyptian Ambassador to China Assem Hanafi.

    Echoing that sentiment, Chen Jianwei, a researcher at the Beijing-based University of International Business and Economics’ Academy of China Open Economy Studies, said that by collectively leveraging the power of the digital era, BRICS nations can successfully navigate the complexities of modern manufacturing transformation.

    Chen said that these initiatives will not only enhance the bloc’s internal trade volume but also strengthen their trade relationships with the rest of the world.

    Encouraged by these factors, Dong Wei, vice-chairman and CEO of COFCO International, a subsidiary of Beijing-based COFCO Corp, said the group will deploy more resources in BRICS countries like Brazil and South Africa to purchase agricultural products, carry out technology transfers and invest in agriculture and transportation-related infrastructure facilities in the years ahead.

    COFCO International, headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland, currently conducts agricultural trade with more than 10 African countries and is one of the largest integrated grain traders in South Africa. “We will expand our agricultural product operations in other BRICS countries,” said Dong.

    MIL OSI China News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Remarks by APNSA Jake Sullivan at the Brookings  Institution

    US Senate News:

    Source: The White House
    Brookings InstitutionWashington, D.C.
    Good morning, everyone.  And thank you so much, David, for that introduction and for having me here today.  It’s great to be back at Brookings.
    As many of you know, I was here last year to lay out President Biden’s vision for renewing American economic leadership, a vision that responded to several converging challenges our country faced: the return of intense geopolitical competition; a rise in inequality and a squeeze on the middle class; a less vibrant American industrial base; an accelerating climate crisis; vulnerable supply chains; and rapid technological change.
    For the preceding three decades, the U.S. economy had enjoyed stronger topline aggregate growth than other advanced democracies, and had generated genuine innovation and technological progress, but our economic policies had not been adapted to deal effectively with these challenges.  That’s why President Biden implemented a modern industrial strategy, one premised on investing at home in ourselves and our national strength, and on shifting the energies of U.S. foreign policy to help our partners around the world do the same.
    In practice, that’s meant mobilizing public investment to unlock private sector investment to deliver on big challenges like the clean energy transition and artificial intelligence, revitalizing our capacity to innovate and to build, creating diversified and resilient global supply chains, setting high standards for everything from labor to the environment to technology.  Because on that level playing field, our logic goes, America can compete and win.  Preserving open markets and also protecting our national security and doing all of these things together with allies and partners.
    Since I laid this vision out in my speech at Brookings last year, I’ve listened with great interest to many thoughtful responses, because these are early days.  Meaningful shifts in policy require constant iteration and reflection.  That’s what will make our policy stronger and more sustainable. 
    So, today, I’m glad to be back here at Brookings to reengage in this conversation, because I really believe that the ideas I’m here to discuss and the policies that flow from them are among the most consequential elements of the administration’s foreign as well as domestic policy, and I believe they will constitute an important legacy of Joe Biden’s presidency. 
    I want to start by reflecting on some of the questions I’ve heard and then propose a few ways to consolidate our progress.
    One overarching question is at the core of many others: Does our new approach mean that we’re walking away from a positive-sum view of the world, that America is just in it for itself at the expense of everyone else? 
    In a word, no, it doesn’t.  In fact, we’re returning to a tradition that made American international leadership such a durable force, what Alexis de Tocqueville called “interest rightly understood.”  The notion that it’s in our own self-interest to strengthen our partners and sustain a fair economic system that helps all of us prosper.
    After World War Two, we built an international economic order in the context of a divided world, an order that helped free nations recover and avoid a return to the protectionist and nationalist mistakes of the 1930s, an order that also advanced American economic and geopolitical power.
    In the 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, we took that order global, embracing the old Eastern bloc, China, India, and many developing countries.  Suddenly, the major powers were no longer adversaries or competitors.  Capital flowed freely across borders.  Global supply chains became “just in time,” without anyone contemplating potential strategic risk.
    Each of these approaches was positive-sum, and each reflected the world as it was.
    Now, the world of the 1990s is over, and it’s not coming back, and it’s not a coherent plan or critique just to wish it so.
    We’re seeing the return of great power competition.  But unlike the Cold War era, our economies are closely intertwined.  We’re on the verge of revolutionary technological change with AI, with economic and geopolitical implications.  The pandemic laid bare the fragilities in global supply chains that have been growing for decades.  The climate crisis grows more urgent with every hurricane and heat wave. 
    So we need to articulate, once again, de Tocqueville’s notion of interest rightly understood.  To us, that means pursuing a strategy that is fundamentally positive-sum, calibrated to the geopolitical realities of today and rooted in what is good for America — for American workers, American communities, American businesses, and American national security and economic strength.
    We continue to believe deeply in the mutual benefits of international trade and investment, enhanced and enabled by bold public investment in key sectors; bounded in rare but essential cases by principled controls on key national security technologies; protected against harmful non-market practices, labor and environment abuses, and economic coercion; and critically coordinated with a broad range of partners. 
    The challenges we face are not uniquely our own and nor can we solve them alone.  We want and need our partners to join us.  And given the demand signal we hear back from them, we think that in the next decade, American leadership will be measured by our ability to help our partners pull off similar approaches and build alignment and complementarity across our policies and our investments. 
    If we get that right, we can show that international economic integration is compatible with democracy and national sovereignty.  And that is how we get out of Dani Rodrik’s trilemma.
    Now, what does that mean in practice?  What does this kind of positive-sum approach mean for trade policy?  Are we walking away from trade as a core pillar of international economic policy? 
    U.S. exports and imports have recovered from their dip during the pandemic, with the real value of U.S. trade well above 2019 levels in each of the last two years.  We’re also the largest outbound source of FDI in the world. 
    So, we are not walking away from international trade and investment.  What we are doing is moving away from specific policies that, frankly, didn’t contemplate the urgent challenges we face: The climate crisis.  Vulnerable, concentrated, critical mineral and semiconductor supply chains.  Persistent attacks on workers’ rights.  And not just more global competition, but more competition with a country that uses pervasive non-market policies and practices to distort and dominate global markets. 
    Ignoring or downplaying these realities will not help us chart a viable path forward.  Our approach to trade responds to these challenges. 
    Climate is a good example.  American manufacturers are global leaders in clean steel production, yet they’ve had to compete against companies that produce steel more cheaply but with higher emissions intensity.  That’s why, earlier this year, the White House stood up a Climate and Trade Task Force, and the task force has been developing the right tools to promote decarbonization and ensure our workers and businesses engaged in cleaner production aren’t disadvantaged by firms overseas engaged in dirtier, exploitative production.
    Critical minerals are another example.  That sector is marked by extreme price volatility, widespread corruption, weak labor and environmental protections, and heavy concentration in the PRC, which artificially drops prices to keep competitors out of the marketplace. 
    If we and our partners fail to invest, the PRC’s domination of these and other supply chains will only grow, and that will leave us increasingly dependent on a country that has demonstrated its willingness to weaponize such dependencies.  We can’t accept that, and neither can our partners. 
    That’s why we are working with them to create a high-standard, critical minerals marketplace, one that diversifies our supply chains, creates a level playing field for our producers, and promotes strong workers’ rights and environmental protections.  And we’re driving towards tangible progress on that idea in just the next few weeks.
    In multiple sectors that are important to our future, not just critical minerals, but solar cells, lithium-ion batteries, electric vehicles, we see a broad pattern emerging.  The PRC is producing far more than domestic demand, dumping excess onto global markets at artificially low prices, driving manufacturers around the world out of business, and creating a chokehold on supply chains.
    To prevent a second China shock, we’ve had to act. 
    That’s what drove the decisions about our 301 tariffs earlier this year.
    Now, we know that indiscriminate, broad-based tariffs will harm workers, consumers, and businesses, both in the United States and our partners.  The evidence on that is clear.  That’s why we chose, instead, to target tariffs at unfair practices in strategic sectors where we and our allies are investing hundreds of billions of dollars to rebuild our manufacturing and our resilience. 
    And crucially, we’re seeing partners in both advanced and emerging economies reach similar conclusions regarding overcapacity and take similar steps to ward off damage to their own industries, from the EU to Canada to Brazil to Thailand to Mexico to Türkiye and beyond.  That’s a big deal.
    And it brings me back to my earlier point: We’re pursuing this new trade approach in concert with our partners.  They also recognize we need modern trade tools to achieve our objectives.  That means considering sector-specific trade agreements.  It means creating markets based on standards when that’s more effective.  And it also means revitalizing international institutions to address today’s challenges, including genuinely reforming the WTO to deal with the challenges I’ve outlined. 
    And it means thinking more comprehensively about our economic partnerships.  That’s why we created the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and the Americas Partnership for Economic Prosperity.  That’s why we also gave them such catchy names. 
    Within IPEF, we finalized three agreements with 13 partners to accelerate the clean energy transition, to promote high labor standards, to fight corruption, and to shore up supply chain vulnerabilities before they become widespread disruptions.  And within APEP, we’re working to make the Western Hemisphere a globally competitive supply chain hub for semiconductors, clean energy, and more. 
    And that leads to the next question I’ve often been asked in the last year and a half: Where does domestic investment fit into all of this?  How does our positive-sum approach square with our modern industrial strategy?
    The truth is that smart, targeted government investment has always been a crucial part of the American formula.  It’s essential to catalyzing private investment and growth in sectors where market failures or other barriers would lead to under-investment.
    Somehow, we forgot that along the way, or at least we stopped talking about it.  But there was no plausible version of answers on decarbonization or supply chain resilience without recovering this tradition.  And so we have.
    We’ve made the largest investment ever to diversify and accelerate clean energy deployment through the Inflation Reduction Act.  And investments are generating hundreds of billions of dollars in private investment all across the country; rapid growth in emerging climate technologies like sustainable aviation fuels, carbon management, clean hydrogen, with investments increasing 6- to 15-fold from pre-IRA levels. 
    This will help us meet our climate commitments.  This will advance our national security.  And this will ensure that American workers and communities can seize the vast economic opportunities of the clean energy transition and that those opportunities are broadly shared.  And that last part is crucial. 
    The fact is that many communities hard hit in decades past still haven’t bounced back, and the two-thirds of American adults who don’t have college degrees have seen unacceptably poor outcomes in terms of real wages, health, and other outcomes over the last four decades.
    For many years, people assumed that these distributional issues would be solved after the fact by domestic policies.  That has not worked. 
    Advancing fairness, creating high-quality jobs, and revitalizing American communities can’t be an afterthought, which is why we’ve made them central to our approach. 
    In fact, as a result of the incentives in the IRA to build in traditional energy communities, investment in those communities has doubled under President Joe Biden.
    Now, initially, when we rolled this all out, our foreign partners worried that it was designed to undercut them, that we were attempting to shift all the clean energy investment and production around the world to the United States.
    But that wasn’t the case, and it isn’t the case. 
    We know that our partners need to invest.  In fact, we want them to invest.  The whole world benefits from the spillover effects of advances in clean energy that these investments bring. 
    And we are nowhere near the saturation point of investment required to meet our clean energy deployment goals, nor will markets alone generate the resources necessary either. 
    So, we’ve encouraged our partners to invest in their own industrial strength.  We’ve steered U.S. foreign policy towards being a more helpful partner in this endeavor.  And our partners have begun to join us.  Look at Japan’s green transformation policy, India’s production-linked incentives, Canada’s clean energy tax credit, the European Union’s Green Deal.
    As more and more countries adopt this approach, we will continue to build out the cooperative mechanisms that we know will be necessary to ensure that we’re acting together to scale up total global investment, not competing with each other over where a fixed set of investments is located.
    The same goes for investing in our high-tech manufacturing strength.  We believe that a nation that loses the capacity to build, risks losing the capacity to innovate.  So, we’re building again.
    As a result of the CHIPS and Science Act, America is on track to have five leading-edge logic and memory chip manufacturers operating at scale.  No other economy has more than two.  And we’re continuing to nurture American leadership in artificial intelligence, including through actions we’re finalizing, as I speak, to ensure that the physical infrastructure needed to train the next generation of AI models is built right here in the United States. 
    But all of this high-tech investment and development hasn’t come at the expense of our partners.  We’ve done it alongside them. 
    We’re leveraging CHIPS Act funding to make complementary investments in the full semiconductor supply chain, from Costa Rica to Vietnam. 
    We’re building a network of AI safety institutes around the world, from Canada to Singapore to Japan, to harness the power of AI responsibly. 
    And we’ve launched a new Quantum Development Group to deepen cooperation in a field that will be pivotal in the decades ahead.
    Simply put, we’re thinking about how to manage this in concert with our allies and partners, and that will make all of us more competitive.
    Now, all this leads to another question that is frequently asked:  What about your technology protection policies?  How does that fit into a positive-sum approach?
    The United States and our allies and partners have long limited the export of dual-use technologies.  This is logical and uncontroversial.  It doesn’t make sense to allow companies to sell advanced technology to countries that could use them to gain military advantage over the United States and our friends. 
    Now, it would be a mistake to attempt to return to the Cold War paradigm of almost no trade, including technological trade, among geopolitical rivals.  But as I’ve noted, we’re in a fundamentally different geopolitical context, so we’ve got to meet somewhere in the middle. 
    That means being targeted in what we restrict, controlling only the most sensitive technologies that will define national security and strategic competition.  This is part of what we mean when we say: de-risking, not decoupling.
    To strike the right balance, to ensure we’re not imposing controls in an arbitrary or reflexive manner, we have a framework that informs our decision-making.  We ask ourselves at least four questions:
    One, which sensitive technologies are or will likely become foundational to U.S. national security? 
    Two, across those sensitive technologies, where do we have distinct advantages and are likely to see maximal effort by our competitors to close the gap?  Conversely, where are we behind and, therefore, most vulnerable to coercion?
    Three, to what extent do our competitors have immediate substitutes for U.S.-sensitive technology, either through indigenous development or from third countries, that would undercut the controls?
    Four, what is the breadth and depth of the coalition we could plausibly build and sustain around a given control?
    When it comes to a narrow set of sensitive technologies, yes, the fence is high, as it should be. 
    And in the context of broader commerce, the yard is small, and we’re not looking to expand it needlessly.
    Now, beyond the realm of export controls and investment screening, we will also take action to protect sensitive data and our critical infrastructure, such as our recent action on connected vehicles from countries of concern.
    I suspect almost no one here would argue that we should build out our telecommunications architecture or our data center infrastructure with Huawei. 
    Millions of cars on the road with technology from the PRC, getting daily software updates from the PRC, sending reams of information back to the PRC, similarly doesn’t make sense, especially when we’ve already seen evidence of a PRC cyber threat to our critical infrastructure.
    We have to anticipate systemic cyber and data risks in ways that, frankly, we didn’t in the past, including what that means for the future Internet of Things, and we have to take the thoughtful, targeted steps necessary in response.
    This leads to a final, kind of fundamental question: Does this approach reflect some kind of pessimism about the United States and our inherent interests? 
    Quite the contrary.  It reflects an abiding and ambitious optimism.  We believe deeply that we can act smartly and boldly, that we can compete and win, that we can meet the great challenges of our time, and that we can deliver for all of our people here in the United States. 
    And while it’s still very early, we have some evidence of that.  This includes the strongest post-pandemic recovery of any advanced economy in the world.  There’s more work to do, but inflation has come down.  And contrary to the predictions that the PRC would overtake the U.S. in GDP either in this decade or the next, since President Biden took office, the United States has more than doubled our lead.  And last year, the United States attracted more than five times more inbound foreign direct investment than the next highest country. 
    We are once again demonstrating our capacity for resilience and reinvention, and others are noticing.  The EU’s Draghi report, published last month, mirrors key aspects of our strategy. 
    Now, as we continue to implement this vision, we will need to stay rigorous.  We will need, for example, to be bold enough to make the needed investments without veering into unproductive subsidies that crowd-out the private sector or unduly compete with our partners.
    We’re clear-eyed that our policies will involve choices and trade-offs.  That’s the nature of policy.  But to paraphrase Sartre, not to choose is also a choice, and the trade-offs only get worse the longer we leave our challenges unchecked.
    Pointing out that it’s challenging to strike the right balance is not an argument to be satisfied with the status quo.
    We have tried to start making real a new positive-sum vision, and we have tried to start proving out its value.  But we still have our work cut out for us. 
    So I’d actually like to end today with a few questions of my own, where our answers will determine our shared success: 
    First, will we sustain the political will here at home to make the investments in our own national strength that will be required of us in the years ahead? 
    Strategic investments like these need to be a bipartisan priority, and I have to believe that we’ll rise to the occasion, that we won’t needlessly give up America’s position of economic and technological leadership because we can no longer generate the political consensus to invest in ourselves.
    There is more we can do now on a bipartisan basis. 
    For example, Congress still hasn’t appropriated the science part of CHIPS and Science, even while the PRC is increasing its science and technology budget by 10 percent year on year.
    Now, whether we’re talking about investments in fundamental research, or grants and loans for firms developing critical technologies, we also have to update our approach to risk.  Some research paths are dead ends.  Some startups won’t survive.  Our innovation base and our private sector are the envy of the world because they take risks.  The art of managing risk for the sake of innovation is critical to successful geostrategic competition. 
    So, we need to nurture a national comfort with, to paraphrase FDR, bold and persistent experimentation.  And when an investment falls short, as it will, we need to maintain our bipartisan will, dust ourselves off, and keep moving forward.  To put it bluntly, our competitors hope we’re not capable of that.  We need to prove them wrong.  We need to make patient, strategic investments in our capacity to compete, and we need to ensure fiscal sustainability in order to keep making those investments over the long term.
    The second question: Will we allocate sufficient resources for investments that are needed globally? 
    Last year, here at Brookings, I talked about the need to go from billions to trillions in investment to help emerging and developing countries tackle modern challenges, including massively accelerating the speed and scale of the clean energy transition. 
    We need a Marshall Plan-style effort, investing in partners around the world and supporting homegrown U.S. innovation in growing markets like storage, nuclear, and geothermal energy. 
    Now, trillions may sound lofty and unachievable, but there is a very clear path to get there without requiring anywhere near that level of taxpayer dollars, and that path is renewed American leadership and investment in international institutions. 
    For example, at the G20 this fall, we’re spearheading an effort that calls for the international financial institutions, the major creditors in the private sector, to step up their relief for countries facing high debt service burdens so they too can invest in their future. 
    Or consider the World Bank and the IMF.  We’ve been leading the charge to make these institutions bigger and more effective, to fully utilize their balance sheets and be more responsive to the developing and emerging economies they serve.  That has already unlocked hundreds of billions of dollars in new lending capacity, at no cost to the United States.  And we can generate further investment on the scale required with very modest U.S. public investments and legislative fixes.  That depends on Congress taking action. 
    For example, our administration requested $750 million — million — from Congress to boost the World Bank’s lending capacity by over $36 billion, which, if matched by our partners, could generate over $100 billion in new resources.  This would allow the World Bank to deploy $200 for every $1 the taxpayers provide.
    We’ve asked Congress to approve investments in a new trust fund at the IMF to help developing countries build resilience and sustainability.  Through a U.S. investment in the tens of millions, we could enable tens of billions in new IMF lending.
    And outside the World Bank and the IMF, we’re asking Congress to increase funding for the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, which we launched at the G7 a couple of years ago. 
    This partnership catalyzes and concentrates investment in key corridors, including Africa and Asia, to close the infrastructure gap in developing countries.  It strengthens countries’ economic growth.  It strengthens America’s supply chains and global trusted technology vendors.  And it strengthens our partnerships in critical regions. 
    The private sector has been enthusiastic.  Together with them and our G7 partners, we’ve already mobilized tens of billions of dollars, and we can lever that up and scale that up in the years ahead with help on a bipartisan basis from the Congress.
    We need to focus on the big picture.  Holding back small sums of money has the effect of pulling back large sums from the developing world — which also, by the way, effectively cedes the field to other countries like the PRC.  There are low-cost, commonsense solutions on the table, steps that should not be the ceiling of our ambitions, but the floor.  And we need Congress to provide us the authorities and the seed funding to take those steps now.
    Finally, will we empower our agencies and develop new muscle to meet this moment? 
    Simply put, we need to ensure that we have the resources and the capabilities in the U.S. government to implement this economic vision over the long haul.  This starts by significantly strengthening our bilateral tools, answering a critique that China has a checkbook and the U.S. has a checklist. 
    Next year, the United States is going to face a critical test of whether our country is up to the task.  The DFC, the Ex-Im Bank, and AGOA, the African Growth and Opportunity Act, are all up for renewal by Congress.  This provides a once-in-a-decade chance for America to strengthen some of its most important tools of economic statecraft. 
    And think about how they can work better with the high-leverage multilateral institutions I just mentioned.  The DFC, for example, is one of our most effective instruments to mobilize private sector investments in developing countries.
    But the DFC is too small compared to the scope of investment needed, and it lacks tools our partners want, like the ability to deploy more equity as well as debt, and it’s often unable to capitalize on fast-moving investment opportunities.  So, we put forward a proposal to expand the DFC’s toolkit and make it bigger, faster, nimbler. 
    Another gap we need to bridge is to make sure we attract, retain, and empower top-tier talent with expertise in priority areas.
    We’re asking Congress to approve the resources we’ve requested for the Commerce’s Bureau of Industry Security, Treasury’s Office of Investment Security, the Department of Justice’s National Security Division. 
    If Congress is serious about America competing and winning, we need to be able to draw on America’s very best.
    Let me close with this:
    Since the end of World War Two, the United States has stood for a fair and open international economy; for the power of global connection to fuel innovation; for the power of trade and investment done right to create good jobs; for the power, as Tocqueville put it, of interest rightly understood.
    Our task ahead is to harness that power to take on the realities of today’s geopolitical moment in a way that will not only preserve America’s enduring strengths, but extend them for generations to come.  It will take more conversations like this one and iteration after iteration to forge a new consensus and perfect a new set of policies and capabilities to match the moment. 
    I hope it’s a project we can all work on together.  We can’t afford not to. 
    So, thank you.  And I look forward to continuing the conversation, including hearing some of your questions this morning. 

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-Evening Report: ‘We will not allow others to determine our fate’: Pacific nations dial up pressure on Australia’s fossil fuel exports

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Liam Moore, Lecturer in International Politics and Policy, James Cook University

    Tuvalu’s Prime Minister Feleti Teo took to a stage in Apia, Samoa, on Thursday morning to say something pointed. Planned fossil fuel expansions in nations such as Australia represented, for his nation, a “death sentence”. The phrase “death sentence”, Teo said, had not been chosen lightly. He followed up with this: “We will not sit quietly and allow others to determine our fate.”

    Teo chose the moment for this broadside well – on the sidelines of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM), attended by both King Charles and Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese. The speech came at the launch of a new report on moves by the “big three” Commonwealth states – the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia – to expand fossil fuel exports.

    These three states make up just 6% of the population of the Commonwealth’s 56 nations, but account for over 60% of the carbon emissions generated through extraction since 1990, the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative report shows.

    Canada and the UK are no climate angels, given their respective exports of highly polluting oil from oil sands and North Sea oil and gas. But Teo and others in the movement to stop proliferation of fossil fuels have reserved special criticism for Australia. That’s because Australia is now second only to Russia based on emissions from its fossil fuel exports and has the largest pipeline of coal export projects in the world – 61% of the world’s total.

    The elephant in the room

    Tuvalu, like many other small Pacific nations, is laser-focused on the threat of climate change. Across the Pacific, rising sea levels and saltwater intrusion are already pushing people to consider migration or retreat.

    Australia has long been influential in the Pacific, even more so as Western states try to outcompete Chinese funds and influence in the region. But fossil fuel exports are a very large elephant in the room.

    As Tuvalu’s leader points out, Australia is:

    morally obliged to ensure that whatever action it does [take] will not compromise the commitment it has provided in terms of climate impact.

    Teo pointed out the “obvious” inconsistency between Australia’s commitment to net zero by 2050 and ramping up fossil fuel exports.

    This year, Australia and Tuvalu’s groundbreaking Falepili Union treaty came into force. The treaty includes some migration rights for Tuvaluans as well as a controversial security agreement. But Teo has now flagged using this as leverage to “put pressure on Australia to align its activities in terms of fossil fuels”.

    Tuvalu’s diplomatic pressure is a small part of broader efforts by island states facing escalating climate damage to be seen not as passive victims but to emphasise, as Teo said, they are also “at the forefront of climate action”.

    Echoing these sentiments was Vanuatu’s climate envoy, Ralph Regenvanu. He called on Commonwealth nations to “not sacrifice the future of vulnerable nations for short-term gains”, and “to stop the expansion of fossil fuels in order to protect what we love and hold dear here in the Pacific”.

    Vanuatu and Tuvalu have led the campaign for a fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty, committing signatories to ending expansion of fossil fuels. So far, 12 other nations have joined, including Fiji, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Republic of Marshall Islands, Colombia and the CHOGM host, Samoa.

    Australia all alone?

    It’s not surprising to see Australia facing these calls for action. The meeting is being held in Samoa, the first time a Pacific Island state has hosted Commonwealth leaders.

    Leaders of other large Commonwealth states have skipped the meeting. Notable by their absence were Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

    Climate action is one of several background issues in Apia. One of the more significant is the call for reparations for slavery from former British colonies – calls UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is keen to put to the side. But reports on the ground suggest the issues of reparations, monarchy and the future relevance of the Commonwealth are all in the shadow of the main concern – climate change.

    The meeting also serves as a precursor to November’s United Nations climate talks, the COP29 conference in Baku, Azerbaijan. Pacific nations are focused on building consensus on climate finance.

    Australia has its own concerns. The host of the 2026 COP31 conference will be announced in Baku, with a joint Australia-Pacific bid in competition with Türkiye. Observers suggest Australia is in the box seat, but it has faced consistent pressure from Pacific states to reconcile its actions with its climate rhetoric.

    There are domestic implications too. As the next federal election looms, the lure of a potential A$200 million windfall for the COP host city would be more than welcome.

    Securing an Australia-Pacific COP could also boost the government’s environmental credentials as it comes under sustained attack from the Greens over fossil fuels and the Coalition over energy security and nuclear power.

    In Apia, Pacific efforts to convince leaders of the need for greater climate action are reported to include a walk through a mangrove reserve for King Charles, guided by Samoan chief and parliamentarian Lenatai Vicor Tamapua. Tamapua told the ABC he showed leaders how king tides today were “about twice what it was 20, 30 years ago”, which he says is forcing people to “move inwards, inland now”.

    For Australia, difficult questions remain. How will it balance regional demands to phase out coal and gas exports with domestic pressures to maintain jobs, public funds and economic growth? Can it walk the tightrope and be the partner of choice in the Pacific while continuing to explore for, extract and export coal and gas?

    These questions will not be resolved in Apia. They might not even be resolved by the next federal government, or by the time COP31 arrives. But they will not go away.

    The way Australia and other exporters resolve these tensions will, as Teo says, decide whether Tuvalu stays liveable – or goes under.

    Liam Moore does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘We will not allow others to determine our fate’: Pacific nations dial up pressure on Australia’s fossil fuel exports – https://theconversation.com/we-will-not-allow-others-to-determine-our-fate-pacific-nations-dial-up-pressure-on-australias-fossil-fuel-exports-242103

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Economics: Public Policies in Focus as APEC Pushes for Sustainable Finance Solutions Lima, Peru | 23 October 2024 APEC Finance Ministers’ Process

    Source: APEC – Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation

    The growing urgency to address climate change and environmental challenges has propelled sustainable finance into the spotlight as governments, businesses and investors increasingly prioritize sustainability considerations. This shift is transforming the financial landscape and driving capital toward projects that promote sustainability from renewable energy infrastructure to social impact initiatives.

    Against this backdrop, APEC Finance Ministers from across the APEC region convened in Lima on Sunday to discuss strategies for promoting low-carbon, climate-resilient economies. Representatives from international organizations, business leaders, and experts also offered their views on transition to a sustainable economy and the potential for investment it may bring.

    Opening the High-Level Event on Sustainable Finance: Public Policies in Action for Sustainable Development, José Arista Arbildo, Peru’s Minister of Economy and Finance, emphasized the importance of recognizing the interconnection between economic growth, environmental sustainability and social well-being.

    “We are facing unprecedented global environmental challenges such as climate change, biodiversity loss and natural resource scarcity,” Minister Arista said. “These challenges not only pose a threat to the environment, but also have significant implications for economic stability and the well-being of the populations of our economies.”

    Sustainable finance, a broad term that refers to investments aimed at generating both financial returns and positive environmental or social outcomes, has seen unprecedented growth. With the global economy increasingly focused on mitigating climate risks and achieving long-term sustainable development, financial institutions are responding by integrating sustainability criteria into their portfolios.

    “The strengthening of economic and financial systems is necessary to ensure their efficient adaptation to new paradigms that will make it possible to promote environmental, social and economic sustainability,” he added. “In this context, public policies are a transformative tool for integrating sustainability into the financial framework of our economies.”

    To successfully embed sustainability into the financial system, economies must embrace a strategic vision that shapes public policies promoting environmentally responsible practices.

    “Strategic planning for this integration is not only an ethical imperative, but also an economic necessity,” Minister Arista explained. “Providing a predictable framework for sustainable finance is one such policy.”

    During the panel discussion, experts called for holistic strategies that harmonize economic and financial activities to foster competitiveness and productivity. They stressed the importance of setting clear, long-term sustainability goals including the importance of governance frameworks and spaces for coordination; and fostering collaboration among stakeholders.

    The conversation also tackled the practical challenges member economies face in implementing sustainable financial practices. It further underscored the critical role of public-private partnerships in overcoming obstacles such as limited funding and regulatory barriers.

    APEC Business Advisory Council Chair, Julia Torreblanca, echoed the sentiment, highlighting the importance of business and public sector collaboration in driving sustainable development.

    “Sustainable finance is a joint endeavor where the private sector plays a critical role,” Torreblanca said. “However, it needs a policy environment that fosters innovation, facilitates sustainable investments and nurtures public-private collaboration.”

    According to experts, the transition to a sustainable economy presents significant investment opportunities despite the challenges. From renewable energy projects to sustainable agriculture, sectors aimed at reducing carbon emissions and promoting social equity are poised for growth. Experts also explored the potential for innovative economic instruments to support sustainability initiatives.

    One key takeaway from the event was the importance of fostering partnerships between governments, businesses and financial institutions. Such collaborations are seen as essential for creating innovative financial instruments and policies that will enhance the implementation of sustainable finance initiatives across the APEC region.

    “Being appropriately prepared to address emerging challenges and seize opportunities along the path to sustainable finance is essential,” Minister Arista concluded. “Public policies are thus a powerful tool that can guide us. If designed and implemented correctly, they can transform our economies and societies.”

    For further details, please contact:

    APEC Media at [email protected]

    MIL OSI Economics –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Christmas air mail – latest dates of posting 2024

    Source: Hong Kong Government special administrative region

          Hongkong Post today (October 24) announced the latest air mail posting dates for Christmas this year. While the dates are provisional, they have been calculated based on the requirements of respective postal administrations, and are for reference only. These dates and services are subject to availability of flights, and may be altered at short notice. Members of the public are advised to post earlier than the dates shown. They may visit the Hongkong Post web page at (www.hongkongpost.hk/en/about_us/whats_new/index.html) on the service availability for various destinations before posting.
     

    Destinations
    Letters and packets
    Parcels

    Asia and the Middle East

    Bangladesh
    December 5
    November 29

    Brunei Darussalam
    December 3
    *

    India
    December 2
    November 29

    Indonesia
    December 6
    December 5

    Iran
    December 3
    December 2

    Israel
    December 3
    *

    Japan
    December 4
    December 4

    Jordan
    December 3
    December 2

    Korea
    December 3
    December 3

    Lao People’s Democratic Republic
    December 9
    December 6

    Lebanon
    November 29
    November 28

    Malaysia
    December 3
    December 2

    Myanmar
    December 3
    *

    Nepal
    December 3
    *

    Pakistan
    December 9
    December 2

    Saudi Arabia
    December 3
    December 2

    Singapore
    December 2
    November 29

    Sri Lanka
    December 9
    *

    Taiwan
    December 4
    December 2

    Thailand
    December 4
    December 2

    The Mainland
    December 9
    December 5

    The Philippines
    December 3
    December 2

    United Arab Emirates
    December 5
    December 4

    Vietnam
    December 6
    December 5

    Other destinations in Asia
    and the Middle East
    December 5
    December 4

    Central, South and North America

    Argentina
    November 19
    November 18

    Brazil
    December 2
    November 20

    Canada
    December 4
    November 28

    Chile
    November 28
    November 18

    Costa Rica
    November 19
    *

    Mexico
    November 29
    November 29

    Panama
    December 3
    December 2

    Peru
    December 3
    December 2

    United States
    December 5
    December 5

    Other destinations in Central, South and North America   
    November 28
    November 26

    Europe

    Austria
    December 3
    December 2

    Belgium
    December 5
    December 4

    Cyprus
    November 19
    November 18

    Czech Republic
    November 18
    November 18

    Denmark
    December 2
    November 29

    Estonia
    December 4
    December 3

    Finland
    December 5
    December 2

    France
    December 3
    December 3

    Germany
    December 6
    December 5

    Greece
    November 28
    November 27

    Hungary
    December 3
    December 2

    Iceland
    December 2
    *

    Ireland
    December 9
    December 2

    Italy
    December 3
    *

    Latvia
    December 2
    November 29

    Lithuania
    December 3
    December 2

    Malta
    December 3
    December 2

    Netherlands
    December 3
    December 2

    Norway
    December 3
    December 2

    Poland
    December 4
    December 2

    Portugal
    December 3
    November 28

    Romania
    December 6
    December 2

    Russia
    November 25
    November 15

    Serbia
    December 3
    December 2

    Slovakia
    December 4
    November 29

    Spain
    November 28
    November 28

    Sweden
    December 3
    December 2

    Switzerland
    December 9
    December 5

    Türkiye
    December 3
    December 2

    United Kingdom
    December 3
    December 3

    Other destinations in Europe
    November 26
    November 25

    Oceania

    Australia
    December 4
    December 4

    Fiji
    November 29
    November 28

    French Polynesia
    December 3
    December 2

    Nauru
    November 29
    *

    New Caledonia
    December 3
    December 2

    New Zealand
    November 29
    November 29

    Papua New Guinea
    November 26
    *

    Solomon Islands
    December 3
    *

    Tonga
    December 3
    December 2

    Other destinations in Oceania
    December 3
    November 25

    Africa

    Egypt
    December 6
    December 6

    Kenya
    December 3
    *

    Malawi
    December 4
    *

    Mauritius
    December 3
    November 27

    Morocco
    December 3
    December 2

    South Africa
    November 21
    November 20

    Other destinations in Africa
    December 3
    December 2

    * Service is currently under suspension

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI China: 2024 Silk Road Rediscovery Tour of Beijing launched

    Source: China State Council Information Office 2

    The 2024 Silk Road Rediscovery Tour of Beijing kicked off in the capital city of China on the evening of October 21. The event, themed “Explore a Modernized City of Opportunities”, welcomed prominent international influencers from Albania, Brazil, Ethiopia, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Russia, Serbia, Tajikistan, Thailand, Türkiye, the United States, and Uzbekistan, to embark on a journey of discovery in Beijing.

    Foreign influencers and other attendees launching the event together
    Since 2016, ten consecutive sessions of the Silk Road Rediscovery Tour of Beijing have been held, participated by a total of 125 international influencers from 51 Belt and Road partner countries so far.

    Mukhammad Obidov, Chief Editor of Uzbekistan National News Agency and Chairman of the Fergana Journalists’ Association, delivered a speech as the representative of all the participating influencers.
    Mukhammad Obidov, Chief Editor of Uzbekistan National News Agency and Chairman of the Fergana Journalists’ Association, spoke of the increasing interest of Uzbek people towards their neighboring countries, especially China, and suggested creating an alliance of Central Asian and Chinese journalists as well as a unified information platform to help deepen understanding among the members of this proposed alliance.

    Kanat Sakhariyanov, Director of Kazakhstan’s Atameken TV, delivered a speech.
    Kanat Sakhariyanov, Director of Kazakhstan’s Atameken TV, said in his speech that Beijing is a city marked by the convergence of ancient history and cutting-edge technologies, and that the residents of Beijing are good at living with each other in harmony through tolerance and mutual respect. Since 2019, Atameken TV has aired more than 20 documentaries about China along with regular news programs such as “On the Silk Road” and “China News”, as part of efforts to strengthen understanding between the two countries.

    Lucas Eleuterio Fernandes, a Brazilian influencer, delivered a speech.
    Lucas Eleuterio Fernandes, a journalist and presenter of TV Globo and a social media influencer from Brazil, is also a popular social media influencer with 2.1 million followers on Instagram. He began his world tour from China in 2010 and returned here 14 years later to find “astounding Chinese development and transformation”. According to Fernandes, “Many people still have misconceptions about this country, but I want to say that China is a place everyone should visit at least once in their lifetime.”
    This year’s Silk Road Rediscovery Tour of Beijing will run from October 21 to 25, and the participating influencers will experience Beijing’s unique urban charm blending ancient heritage and modern achievements from multiple angles and through a number of landmarks, including the three major cultural venues in Beijing Municipal Administrative Center, ZGC E-Town International Robot Industrial Park, GTVerse Center, the Palace Museum, the Olympic Tower, the No. 3 Blast Furnace and the Big Air Shougang in Shougang Park, etc.

    MIL OSI China News –

    January 25, 2025
  • MIL-OSI USA: Venezuelan Television News Network Owner Charged in Alleged $1.2B Money Laundering Scheme

    Source: US State of North Dakota

    A federal grand jury in the Southern District of Florida returned an indictment today charging a Venezuelan television news network owner for his role in a $1.2 billion scheme to launder funds corruptly obtained from Venezuela’s state-owned and state-controlled energy company, Petróleos de Venezuela S.A. (PDVSA), in exchange for hundreds of millions in bribe payments to Venezuelan officials.

    According to court documents, between 2014 and 2018, Raul Gorrin Belisario (Gorrin), 56, of Venezuela, conspired with others to launder the proceeds of an illegal bribery scheme using the U.S. financial system as well as various bank accounts located abroad. Gorrin and his co-conspirators paid millions of dollars in bribes to high-level Venezuelan officials to obtain foreign currency exchange loan contracts with PDVSA. Gorrin and his co-conspirators subsequently directed the laundering of the illicit proceeds, in part, in the Southern District of Florida, where they purchased real estate, yachts, and other luxury items. To conceal the movement of the bribe payments and illicit funds, Gorrin and his co-conspirators used a series of shell companies and offshore bank accounts.

    “According to the indictment, Gorrin and his co-conspirators paid millions of dollars in bribes to high-ranking foreign officials to secure over $1 billion in ill-gotten gains, which Gorrin and his co-conspirators used to purchase yachts and other luxury items in the United States,” said Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General Nicole M. Argentieri, head of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division. “Gorrin’s alleged conduct enriched corrupt government officials and exploited the U.S. financial system to facilitate these crimes. Together with our partners, the Criminal Division remains committed to ensuring that the United States is not a safe haven for carrying out money laundering schemes or hiding criminal proceeds.”

    “This case represents the Southern District of Florida’s continued commitment to combating foreign corruption and holding those who subvert the integrity of the U.S. financial system responsible for their crimes,” said U.S. Attorney Markenzy Lapointe for the Southern District of Florida. “Our office will continue to partner with the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces (OCDETF) to identify, disrupt and prosecute those who launder money to facilitate corruption and carry out their nefarious schemes.”

    “This action by Homeland Security Investigations (HSI), working against global illegal activities with our international and domestic partners, significantly upholds the rule of law,” said Executive Associate Director Katrina W. Berger of HSI. “This case demonstrates HSI’s global footprint and our commitment to curbing the flow of illicit funds while enforcing U.S. sanctions. It also serves as a stark reminder that crime and corruption will not be tolerated.”

    Gorrin is charged with one count of conspiracy to commit money laundering. If convicted, Gorrin faces a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison. Gorrin, who is a fugitive in a separately charged matter, remains at large.

    HSI Miami’s El Dorado Task Force is investigating the case. The Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs and authorities in the United Kingdom, Spain, Switzerland, Portugal, and Malta provided assistance.

    Trial Attorney Paul A. Hayden of the Criminal Division’s Fraud Section and Assistant U.S. Attorney Nalina Sombuntham for the Southern District of Florida are prosecuting the case. Assistant U.S. Attorney Joshua Paster for the Southern District of Florida is handling asset forfeiture.

    This effort is part of an OCDETF operation. OCDETF identifies, disrupts, and dismantles the highest-level criminal organizations that threaten the United States using a prosecutor-led, intelligence-driven, multi-agency approach. Additional information about the OCDETF Program can be found at www.justice.gov/OCDETF.

    The Fraud Section is responsible for investigating and prosecuting Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and Foreign Extortion Prevention Act matters. Additional information about the Justice Department’s FCPA enforcement efforts can be found at www.justice.gov/criminal-fraud/foreign-corrupt-practices-act.

    An indictment is merely an allegation. All defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.

    MIL OSI USA News –

    January 25, 2025
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