Category: Natural Disasters

  • MIL-OSI USA: As Avian Flu Rages, Gillibrand Calls On Trump Administration To Take Action To Fight Spread, Bring Down Skyrocketing Cost Of Eggs

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for New York Kirsten Gillibrand
    As avian flu rages across the country and drives up the cost of eggs, U.S. Senator Kirsten Gillibrand held a virtual press conference calling on the Trump administration to take action to develop and approve a vaccine for poultry and contain the outbreak.
    Bird flu has been found in 44 of New York’s 62 counties and has forced farmers to cull more than 150 million birds around the country, including 100,000 at one farm on Long Island alone. A new strain of the disease has been found in cattle; its spread would be devastating to New York’s dairy farmers and could pose a serious threat to human health if the strain continues to evolve.
    Nevertheless, the Trump administration has stopped releasing crucial data on the spread of bird flu and has fired federal workers responsible for tracking cases and managing the federal response. Gillibrand is calling on the administration to take action to address the outbreak and support the development and approval of a vaccine to bring down egg prices, reduce the need to depopulate flocks, and safeguard public health. 
    “Avian flu is decimating bird populations, and the subsequent shortage of egg-laying hens is making eggs unaffordable for working New Yorkers,” said Senator Gillibrand. “President Trump must act now to contain this outbreak. I am urging him to do everything in his power to prioritize the development of a vaccine to inoculate chickens against avian flu and fulfill his campaign promise to bring down grocery prices. I am alarmed that the administration limited the data shared with the scientific community and am urging full transparency. This deadly disease requires a whole of government response to be enacted immediately.” 
    The full text of Senator Gillibrand’s letter to leadership at the U.S. Department of Agriculture, the Department of Health and Human Services, the Department of Homeland Security, and the Office of the United States Trade Representative is available here or below:
    Dear Secretary Rollins, Secretary Kennedy, Secretary Noem, and Ambassador Greer,
    As the United States enters its third year of containing the H5N1 strain of Highly Pathogenic Avian Influenza (HPAI), it is imperative that the federal government continue to aggressively combat the spread of this deadly disease. With more than 150 million birds already culled, including 100,000 birds at one farm on Long Island alone, this outbreak does not appear to be slowing down.1 Human infections, including a fatal case in Louisiana, and a new strain of the disease discovered in a dairy herd in Nevada, demonstrate the ongoing and increasing risk this influenza is posing to animal and human health.2 Agencies must work together on comprehensive response efforts including vaccine development, publishing current scientific data, and proactive engagement with our international trading partners.  
    On January 31, 2025, the Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service confirmed a new genotype of HPAI, Genotype D1.1, identified in a dairy farm in Nevada.3 This is the first time in which there is clear, genetic confirmation that dairy cattle derived the virus from birds. As the virus evolves, it will make it more difficult to control the spread amongst wild birds, commercial poultry flocks, and dairy farms. In addition, an evolving virus could potentially lead to increased infections among humans, particularly farmworkers who interact with the animals daily. While the poultry industry has robust biosecurity measures to reduce the spread of HPAI in their operations, it seems that these measures are not adequate in combatting this highly virulent strain. The strategies used to combat the 2015 avian flu epidemic (i.e. increased biosecurity precautions) do not seem to be enough to counteract this strain.4  
    Engagement with the scientific community is the cornerstone of disease prevention and mitigation.  It is extremely alarming that the weekly Morbidity and Mortality Report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, released on February 5, 2025, did not have any mention of H5N1 and did not contain any publicly available information on the risks associated with this virus. While data seemed to have been briefly included in the Morbidity and Mortality Report, it is no longer included in versions available online.5 Reports indicate that mistakenly reported data included indications there has been transmission of H5N1 between cats and humans, specifically those that share the same household.6 The midst of a potential public health crisis is not the time to hide information from the broader scientific community. The refusal to share this data will stifle critical vaccine development.  
    Unfortunately, inoculating poultry against HPAI, especially operations that are free-range, is extremely difficult. This outbreak of HPAI will require novel solutions in terms of vaccine delivery, such as additions to water or feed, as direct vaccine injection is not feasible on larger commercial operations. The income lost for poultry farmers can be immense if they must cull their flock. For example, egg-laying operations must wait at least 17 weeks before the animal is providing product, meaning farmers could be out of income for up to 5 months. Additionally, broiler chickens have a much shorter lifespan, meaning they must be vaccinated at a younger age. It is critical that the federal government use all resources available to rapidly develop and deploy these new vaccine strategies. The United States Department of Agriculture and the Department of Homeland Security must work closely together to use all possible resources at shared facilities, such as Plum Island or the National Bio and Agro-Defense Facility, to develop these new treatments for chickens, turkeys, and dairy cows.  
    While vaccines are being developed, the United States Trade Representative must proactively engage with our international trading partners regarding the usage of newly developed vaccines. Public-private engagement will be critical to inform vaccination guidance to ensure our agricultural communities have access to these critical foreign markets.  
    In summation, I request monthly written updates on the following items: 
    What coordination actions have been undertaken by the Departments of Health and Human Services, Agriculture, Homeland Security, and the U.S. Trade Representative. 
    The status of vaccine development for HPAI.  
    The interactions with international trading partners in terms of vaccine development. 
    Actions taken by executive agencies to engage with the scientific community.  
    I look forward to working on this issue together. If you have additional questions, please reach out to my staff.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Governor Stein Meets with Western North Carolinians in Yancey County Impacted by Hurricane Helene

    Source: US State of North Carolina

    Headline: Governor Stein Meets with Western North Carolinians in Yancey County Impacted by Hurricane Helene

    Governor Stein Meets with Western North Carolinians in Yancey County Impacted by Hurricane Helene
    lsaito

    Raleigh, NC

    Today, Governor Josh Stein joined Yancey County Sheriff Shane Hilliard to meet with local officials and North Carolinians impacted by Hurricane Helene damage in Burnsville. He also joined local firefighters to thank them for their heroic work as first responders. 

    “Yancey County residents are supporting each other in inspiring ways,” said Governor Josh Stein. “Just as they are working together to recover, so must we help them rebuild schools, small businesses, and critical infrastructure. I am grateful for the General Assembly’s ongoing work to get dollars to impacted areas, while I continue to push them and Congress to allocate meaningful resources to ensure western North Carolina is not forgotten.”

    In Burnsville, Governor Stein viewed damage from the South Toe River flood and stopped by the South Toe Fire Department to honor their emergency response efforts.

    Since taking office, Governor Stein has prioritized getting aid out west with urgency, focus, transparency, and accountability:  

    • Last month, Governor Stein requested an additional $19 billion in federal funds to restore infrastructure, support home repair and renovation, and reduce impacts from future natural disasters. Read more about Governor Stein’s continued advocacy here.
    • Governor Stein continues to work with the legislature to secure state funding to address immediate needs in the aftermath of Hurricane Helene, following his request for $1.07 billion. 
    • This week, the Governor’s Recovery Office for Western North Carolina launched a recovery dashboard with updates, resources, and information detailing progress of Helene recovery efforts.  
    Mar 6, 2025

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: St. Charles Parish Man Guilty of Being Felon with Firearm

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA – Acting U.S. Attorney Michael M. Simpson announced that on February 27, 2025, DARRYL DAVIS (“DAVIS”), age 30, a resident of St. Charles Parish, pleaded guilty to being a felon in possession of a firearm, in violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section 922(g)(1).

    According to court documents, after reviewing DAVIS’s social media postings about firearms,  Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) agents began an investigation which revealed that DAVIS had been twice previously convicted of felonies and knew  he was prohibited from possessing a firearm.  DAVIS was arrested on August 14, 2024 and found in possession of a Glock Model 43X, nine- millimeter semi-automatic pistol and ammunition.

    DAVIS faces up to 15 years imprisonment, a fine of up to $250,000.00, up to 3 years of supervised released, and a $100 mandatory special assessment fee.  He is scheduled for sentencing on May 27, 2025.

    This case is part of Project Safe Neighborhoods (PSN), a program bringing together all levels of law enforcement and the communities they serve to reduce violent crime and gun violence, and to make our neighborhoods safer for everyone.  On May 26, 2021, the Department launched a violent crime reduction strategy strengthening PSN based on these core principles: fostering trust and legitimacy in our communities, supporting community-based organizations that help prevent violence from occurring in the first place, setting focused and strategic enforcement priorities, and measuring the results.

    The case was investigated by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives and the St. Charles Parish Sheriff’s Office. It is being prosecuted by Assistant United States Attorney Greg Kennedy of the Violent Crime Unit.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: Federal Grand Jury in Louisville Indicts Illegal Alien For Methamphetamine Trafficking and Firearms Offenses

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    Louisville, KY – A federal grand jury in Louisville, Kentucky, returned an indictment on March 4, 2025, charging an illegal alien with federal drug and gun crimes.  

    U.S. Attorney Michael A. Bennett of the Western District of Kentucky, Acting Special Agent in Charge A.J. Gibes of the ATF Louisville Field Division, Special Agent in Charge Rana Saoud of Homeland Security Investigations, Sam Olson, Field Office Director for Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) Chicago, U.S. Immigration Customs, and Chief Paul Humphrey of the Louisville Metro Police Department made the announcement.

    According to the indictment, Edi Diaz-Lopez, a/k/a Edy Diaz-Lopez, age 30, a citizen of Mexico, was charged with possession with intent to distribute methamphetamine, possession of a firearm by a prohibited person, and possession of a firearm in furtherance of drug trafficking.  On January 3, 2025, Diaz-Lopez possessed a Phoenix, .25 caliber pistol, and a Bryco, model 59, 9-millimeter pistol. Diaz-Lopez was prohibited from possessing firearms because he was an alien illegally and unlawfully in the United States.

    Diaz-Lopez made his initial appearance before a United States Magistrate Judge for the Western District of Kentucky on March 6, 2025. He was ordered detained pending trial. If convicted, Diaz-Lopez faces a maximum sentence of 40 years in prison. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the sentencing guidelines and other statutory factors.

    There is no parole in the federal system.

    This case is being investigated by ATF, HSI, ICE/ERO, and LMPD.

    Assistant U.S. Attorney Frank Dahl is prosecuting this case.

    An indictment is merely an allegation. All defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.

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    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Security: Louisville Man Sentenced to 20 Years in Federal Prison for Methamphetamine and Firearms Charges

    Source: United States Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco Firearms and Explosives (ATF)

    Louisville, KY – A Louisville, Kentucky, man was sentenced yesterday to 20 years in federal prison for engaging in a conspiracy to distribute methamphetamine, distributing methamphetamine, possessing a firearm in furtherance of drug trafficking crimes, and possession of a firearm by a convicted felon.   

    U.S. Attorney Michael A. Bennett of the Western District of Kentucky, Acting Special Agent in Charge A.J. Gibes of the ATF Louisville Field Division, and Chief Paul Humphrey of the Louisville Metro Police Department made the announcement.

    According to court documents, Dominique Lewis, 24, was sentenced to 20 years in prison, followed by 5 years of supervised release, for conspiring to distribute methamphetamine, distributing methamphetamine, possessing a firearm in furtherance of drug trafficking crimes, and possession of a firearm by a convicted felon. Lewis distributed methamphetamine on 12 occasions and conspired to distribute methamphetamine from October 17, 2022, through April 27, 2023. On 2 occasions Lewis possessed of a firearm in furtherance of a drug trafficking crime, and on 5 occasions he illegally possessed a firearm because he was a convicted felon. Lewis was prohibited from possessing a firearm because he had previously been convicted of the following felony offenses.

    On August 3, 2020, in Shelby County Circuit Court, Lewis was convicted of two counts of theft by unlawful taking and two counts of criminal mischief in the first degree.

    On August 3, 2021, in Jefferson County Circuit Court, Lewis was convicted of receiving stolen property, two counts of criminal mischief in the first degree, wanton endangerment in the first degree, and fleeing or evading police in the first degree.

    On March 10, 2022, in Jefferson County Circuit Court, Lewis was convicted of theft by unlawful taking.

    There is no parole in the federal system.

    This case was investigated by the ATF and the Louisville Metro Police Department.

    Assistant U.S. Attorney Josh Porter prosecuted the case with the assistance of paralegal Aaron Cooper.

    This effort is part of an Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force (OCDETF) operation. OCDETF identifies, disrupts, and dismantles the highest-level criminal organizations that threaten the United States using a prosecutor-led, intelligence-driven, multi-agency approach. Additional information about the OCDETF Program can be found at www.justice.gov/OCDETF .

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    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Transcript of COM Regular Press Briefing, March 6, 2025

    Source: International Monetary Fund

    March 6, 2025

    SPEAKER:  Ms. Julie Kozack, Director of the Communications Department, IMF

     *  *  *  *  *

    MS. KOZACK: Good morning, everyone, and welcome to this IMF press briefing. It is very good to see you all, both those of you who are here in person and, of course, our colleagues online as well.

    I am Julie Kozak, Director of the Communications Department. As usual, this briefing is embargoed until 11 a.m. Eastern Time in the U.S. I will start with a short announcement and then take your questions in person on Webex and via the Press Center. 

    The 2025 Spring Meetings of the IMF and World Bank Group will take place from Monday, April 21 through Saturday, April 26. Press registration to attend the spring meetings in person in Washington D.C. is now open and you can register through www.IMFconnect.org. 

    And with that, I will now open the floor for your questions. For those connecting virtually, please turn on both your camera and microphone when speaking. And with that, over to you. 

    QUESTIONER: If the Congress does not approve the future agreement, as it is established by the local law, does the IMF give the money to Argentina? 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, so that is a question on Argentina. Any other questions on Argentina? I do not see any hands up in the room. Let us go online. QUESTIONER: Do you think we are already in the final stage? And what remains to announce the Staff Agreement with the IMF?

    QUESTIONER: Good morning. I was wondering about also there have been versions of a new loan up to $20 billion and the first deployment of $8 billion this year. Can you confirm that, or can you give us an insight into the fresh funds that could be coming in the new agreement? And also, when can we expect a signing of the letter of intent? 

    QUESTIONER: So, my question is about the Congress. President Milei confirmed that the staff-level agreement must be approved by the Parliament as indicated by the Argentine law. So, is that also a requirement from the IMF itself or could the President sign a decree avoiding the current law that requires the staff-level agreement to be approved by Parliament. 

    QUESTIONER: I want to ask about the scope of the potential agreement with Argentina. There are reports out saying it could be as high, or there is an expectation it could be as high as $20 billion.

    QUESTIONER: I think a few people have already asked, but when [do] you expect to reach a staff-level agreement, whether, as the Argentine government has said, it is only the final numbers that need to be agreed and not other technical aspects? And whether the IMF requires that the entirety of the SLA be reviewed by Congress for approval or if whether a general outline produced by the government will be enough? 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, very good. So, with that, let me go ahead and talk about Argentina. So, first, I just want to start by saying, as I think many of you know, both the Managing Director and the First Deputy Managing Director recently met with the Argentine authorities. And as they recently emphasized, we are continuing to make good progress toward a program, and we are working constructively with the Argentine authorities in this regard. The authorities’ stabilization and growth plan is delivering significant results.

    It has made notable strides in reducing inflation, stabilizing the economy, and fostering a return to growth in the country, and poverty is finally beginning to decline in Argentina. To sustain these early gains, there is a shared understanding about the need to continue to adopt a consistent set of fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies, while very importantly, advancing growth enhancing reforms. And the new program would build on the progress achieved so far while also addressing Argentina’s remaining challenges. 

    Now, with respect to some of the questions regarding Congressional approval, we do take note of President Milei’s commitment to seek congressional support for a new IMF supported program. As we have often said in the past, strong ownership and broad support are key to the program’s success, 

    Here, I want to emphasize, though, that securing congressional support is a decision of the authorities as legislated in Argentine domestic law. And at the same time, of course, as I just noted, broad political and social support can enhance program implementation. Questions regarding the specific process on achieving or seeking congressional support should be addressed really to the Argentine authorities because it is a matter of domestic law. 

    From our side, as I noted, the negotiations are continuing in a constructive manner. In terms of the process from the IMF side. Once the negotiations are completed, as with any IMF program or proposed program, the final arrangement, the documents, will require approval of the IMF’s Executive Board. And we will provide further updates as we have them. 

    With respect to some of the questions about the details of the negotiations, the potential size of the program. All I can say right now is this is still under discussion as part of the ongoing and constructive dialogue that we are having with the authorities. And we will provide an update when we have more information that we can share with you. 

    QUESTIONER: On Lebanon, so following recent reports that the Lebanese government is in discussions with IMF over a potential deal on its financial default in public debt. I just want to see if the IMF can confirm these reports. If so, what does it look like? Are there any contingencies to this? And will there be an IMF mission visiting Lebanon? Thank you. 

    MS. KOZACK: So, what I can share on Lebanon is that an IMF team will visit Lebanon very soon, March 10th to 14th. This mission is aimed at, of course, meeting the new authorities, discussing Lebanon’s recent economic developments, its reconstruction needs, and the authorities’ economic priorities in the near-term. This is a fact-finding mission that will take place. But beyond this fact-finding mission, as we look ahead, future next steps could include helping the authorities to formulate a comprehensive economic reform program.

    Our staff continues to be closely engaged with the authorities. We are providing policy advice and capacity development to help the authorities’ efforts to rebuild Lebanon’s economy and institutions in coordination with other international partners. And that is what I have for now on Lebanon. 

    QUESTIONER: I wanted to ask you about what is happening in the United States. The trade wars have begun, and we are seeing some impact already, both in terms of market reaction and a lot of volatility in the markets, ups, and downs. We are also seeing some interesting developments in terms of bond markets and yields; it is going to increase the cost of borrowing. So, I wanted to ask you if you, at this point, I know we’ve asked this question before, but I wonder if you’ve got an additional assessment, as we’re now seeing some of these policies that had been promised taking effect, and whether you can say now whether you’re expecting an impact on the global economy and also on the U.S. economy and the affected economies that have been targeted thus far — China, Canada, Mexico. 

    QUESTIONER: As a follow up to [that] question, does the IMF consider that the ongoing developments of the U.S. tariffs and trade wars would push other nations to seek more trade relations and more alliances with other economic organizations and trade organizations such as BRICS, for example, or others? And broadly speaking, what is the IMF assessment of the global fragmentation that is going on right now? Do you see that it is slowing down or opposite it is moving faster, taking into account the latest developments in the United States?

    QUESTIONER: I would like to focus on the development of 10 years of U.S. bond yield movement. The 10-year bond yield now decreased, dropping substantially. And what does it mean? What is the implication of the movement? Does it represent some U.S. recession or U.S. economy? 

    QUESTIONER: With the tariffs actually now in place, has the IMF undertook a study to determine the potential impact on small island states that are heavily dependent on flows and goods and commodities coming out of the United States, more specifically, those countries within the Caribbean region who are very much dependent and could face significant inflationary pressures based on these tariffs?

    MS. KOZACK: So, first I want to just step back a little bit to recognize that we have seen now several new and significant developments over the past few days. The U.S. has imposed tariffs on Canada and Mexico as well as additional tariffs on China. Canada and China have, in response, announced tariffs on some U.S. goods and other measures. And Mexico has indicated that it will provide more details in the coming days.

    And as we have said before, you know, while assessing the full impact of tariffs on economic activity and inflation will depend on many factors, we do expect to provide an analysis of this, certainly at the global level and for the most affected countries at the time of our World Economic Outlook update in April. And of course we will also cover this issue, I imagine, in some of the regional updates where relevant. And I want to also emphasize that as part of our bilateral surveillance with countries, the individual Article IV reports this topic will also be covered to the extent that the countries are affected. 

    What I can say today is that if sustained the impact of the U.S. tariffs on Canada and Mexico can be expected to have a significant adverse economic impact on those countries given their very strong integration and exposure to the U.S. market. 

    Now, more broadly, there were some questions about financial market movements. So let me also just step back for a moment on some of these, and here I want to refer to some remarks that our Managing Director has been making recently. As she’s been saying, we are now in the midst of significant transformations, and these include the rapid advance of AI to changing patterns of capital flows and trade. She has also been mentioning that trade is no longer the engine of global growth that it used to be. 

    For example, during the period of 2000 to 2019, global trade growth reached nearly 6 percent on an annual basis, whereas over the more recent period of 2022 to 2024, global trade is growing closer to 3 percent. So global trade growth has been on a downward — has declined. And of course, it is in this more global context that governments are recalibrating their approaches and adjusting policies. 

    I also want to recognize, of course, that we have seen increased volatility in financial markets. We see that in indicators such as the VIX. We also have seen indicators of global uncertainty showing an increase. And what will be critical to assess what the economic impact of this will be — will be whether these trends are short-lived or whether they are sustained. Generally speaking, our research shows that both historically and across countries, sustained periods of elevated uncertainty can be associated with both households and firms holding back on consumption and investment decisions. And as I said, we will be providing a comprehensive analysis of our views on the global economy and individual economies as part of the World Economic Outlook that will be released in April. 

    On the specific question on U.S. bond yields, we do recognize of course, that U.S. bond yields have moved lower since the beginning of the year. And it does seem that on that basis markets may be reappraising or reassessing their views, particularly on the outlook for monetary policy. I will stop there and move on.

    QUESTIONER: When is the IMF Board expected to review and approve the next disbursement for Ukraine? Are there any remaining conditions or procedural steps that Ukraine must fulfill before approval? And the Ukrainian government is engaging in debt restructuring efforts with its creditors. How does the IMF assess Ukraine’s debt sustainability and what role does this play in bord’s decision making process regarding future disbursement announcements?

    QUESTIONER: So, to follow up on previous question. In February, you stated, that Ukraine would have access to about U.S. $900 million for the next review. Now we are speaking about $400 million. So, why the IMF has made a decision to adjust to the total sum of disbursement that will be provided to Ukraine?

    QUESTIONER: And do you think that it can impact financial stability of Ukrainian economy or there is no risk for them? 

    QUESTIONER: How do you expect the freezing of the U.S. aid for Ukraine might impact the program you have already on course right now? And how does this affect the global plan that had been made like a year ago or two years ago now? 

    QUESTIONER: I just want to follow up the last question about the impact — what the impact Trump administration is doing. Does this impact the IMF projections on Ukraine this and next year? 

    QUESTIONER: An adjacent question, maybe related to the prospect for ending the war. And, you know, we have seen economic developments in Russia continue to percolate along even though the war has been going on and there have been sanctions. Have you started to look at what the end of the war could mean for both the Russian and Ukrainian economies in terms of, you know, perhaps, you know, assuming that there would be an end of sanctions once there was a cessation of hostilities, whether that would give a boost to the Russian economy, maybe the European economy in general could lower costs, things like that? So just kind of walk us through what you are seeing there. 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, let me go ahead on Ukraine. So, just to bring everyone up to speed. So, on February 28th, the IMF staff, and the Ukrainian authorities reached a staff-level agreement on the Seventh Review of the four-year EFF arrangement. This is subject to approval of the IMF’s Executive Board. Ukraine is expected to draw, as noted, about U.S. $400 million, and that would bring total disbursements under the program to U.S. $10.1 billion.

    I just want to note that program performance in Ukraine remains strong. All of the end December quantitative performance criteria were met, and understandings were reached between the Ukrainian authorities and IMF staff on a set of policies and reforms to sustain macroeconomic stability. The structural reform agenda in Ukraine is continuing to make good progress, and there are strong commitments from the Ukrainian authorities in a number of other areas. 

    Now on some of the specific questions, first on the matter of the disbursement, what I can say there is that it is not unusual over the life of a program for the pattern of disbursements to shift based on evolving balance of payments needs. And that is what has happened in this case. It is also important to emphasize that the overall size of the program, which is $15.6 billion, remains unchanged. And so that shift in disbursement pattern reflects the shifting balance of payments pattern for Ukraine. 

    So, on the issue the debt restructuring and debt process, what I can say there is that restoring debt sustainability in Ukraine hinges on continued implementation of the authority’s debt restructuring strategy, where completing the treatment of the GDP warrants remains important. And it also hinges very much on continuation of the revenue-based fiscal adjustment strategy, which is supported under the program. And as you know, Ukraine’s debt has been assessed in the last review to be sustainable on a forward-looking basis contingent on these two areas that I just mentioned. And of course, there will be a revised debt sustainability assessment as part of the ongoing review. 

    With respect to the other question, what I can say here is that the Ukrainian economy, you know, has shown continued resilience despite the challenges arising from the war. At the time of the Seventh Review, the last review, we estimated GDP growth to be 3.5 percent in 2024. But we did expect it at that time to moderate to 2 to 3 percent in 2025. And that was reflecting some headwinds from labor constraints and damage to energy infrastructure, given the ongoing war. It is the case in general for Ukraine, and we have been saying this throughout the life of the program, that the outlook remains exceptionally uncertain, especially as the war continues and it is taking a heavy toll on Ukraine’s people, economy, and infrastructure. 

    On the more recent developments that you were referring to, we are following these developments very closely. It is premature at the moment to comment on them, but we are following them, and we will make an assessment in due course.

    And on your question, the answer is essentially the same. We are following the developments very closely, and we will, as developments evolve, be undertaking obviously an assessment of what a peace deal could potentially look like and what would be the implications for all of the involved parties. 

    QUESTIONER: Julie, can you on the basis of having studied previous conflicts ending, can you just give us divorced from Ukraine and Russia, but just can you give us an indication of what generally happens when a conflict ends, what that means? And is there anything that we can draw on, at least just from history? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, I do not have, you know, off the top of my head a piece of research that I can kind of point to in terms of the interest analysis. What I certainly can say is that we always, for all of our member countries, hope for peace and stability in all of our member countries. And I think at that moment this is really what I can say. But I take note of the importance of your point, and we will, I have no doubt, in due course be conducting all of the necessary analysis as events unfold.

    QUESTIONER: I have two questions mainly on Egypt. as Egypt is scheduled for 10th of March for the discussion of the Fourth Review of the EFF for the country, what are we expecting from this meeting? And if you please, could you update us on the RSF facility worth $1.2 billion for the country? Thank you so much. 

    QUESTIONER: I would second exactly those questions. And just to add to that, I know it says on the IMF Executive Board calendar that the Board will be discussing waivers of non-observance for some of the performance criteria related to Egypt’s loan program and modifications for others. Are you able to tell us any more about exactly which criteria the Board will be looking at? And on the RSF, if you are able to give us any more detail about the prospective value of that. I know it has been put at $1 billion before. A related question, not on Egypt but on Gaza. I would be interested to know if the IMF has begun to think, whether internally or with partners in the region, about what its potential role would be in funding a reconstruction plan for Gaza given the $50 billion, upwards of $50 billion, cost of any reconstruction. 

    QUESTIONER: I may repeat questions about the value of current tranche to be given to Egypt and the timing of when the central bank of Egypt to receive it. And also, I have another question about the program of state assets selling. Will we witness some steps, new steps in that program? Could it be connected with the decision to be taken in March?

    MS. KOZACK: And any other questions on Egypt? All right. And then I have a question that came in through the Press Center. I am going to read it out loud – ’Does the IMF’s approval of the fourth tranche to Egypt require Egypt to implement some reforms? And when will the Fifth Review of the loan be held? What is the estimated size of the loan allocated to Egypt, and here will it be dispersed in installments or in one lump sum?’

    On Egypt – on March 10th, our Executive Board will be discussing Egypt’s Article IV consultation and the fourth review under the EFF. It will also be discussing at the same time Egypt’s request for an RSF, the Resilience and Sustainability Facility. Subject to completion by the Executive Board, the authorities, would have access to $1.2 billion under the EFF. So, under the EFF program. And then in addition, subject again to approval by our Executive Board, the size of the RSF would be about U.S. $1.3 billion. Regarding the RSF, like all of the IMF programs, the RSF is also delivered in tranches. So, it is not one lump sum up front. It is a phased program where tranches are dispersed on the basis of conditions being met. 

    And with respect to some of the other questions, what I can say today is just that we will provide, of course, more details following the Board meeting and on the question of waivers and modifications and also the questions on the state-owned enterprises. And again, the board meeting will be on March 10th. 

    QUESTIONER: I have two questions related to Japan. Firstly, amid rising uncertainty due to President Trump’s tariff policy, I would like to ask you — ask your thoughts on whether the Bank of Japan, currently in a rate hike phase, should continue raising rate or take more cautious approach in assessing the impact. And secondly, President Trump recently made remarks suggesting that Japan and China are engaging in currency devaluation. I would appreciate it if you share your views on Japan’s foreign exchange policy. Thank you. 

    MS. KOZACK: So, maybe just stepping back to give a bit of context on Japan. What I can say on Japan is that on the growth side, growth this year is expected to strengthen, and we also expect inflation to converge to the Bank of Japan’s 2 percent target by the end of 2025. 

    In 2024, growth in Japan slowed due to some temporary supply disruptions. But since then, we have seen a strengthening in growth driven by domestic demand, particular — particularly private consumption in Japan and rising wages. And we expect this to continue into 2025, where we project growth, at the time of the January WEO, we projected growth at 1.1 percent for Japan in 2025. And of course, just to say that we will be updating this projection as part of the April forecast. 

    Looking at inflation — headline and core inflation, as I said, are expected to decline gradually toward the 2 percent target. We have been supportive of the Bank of Japan’s recent monetary policy decisions. We believe that these decisions will help anchor inflation expectations at the 2 percent target but also given balance risks around inflation, our assessment has been that further hikes in the policy interest rate should continue to be data dependent, and they should proceed at a gradual pace over time. 

     With respect to the question on the exchange rate, what I can say there is that the Japanese authorities have affirmed their commitment to a flexible exchange rate regime. Japan’s flexible exchange rate regime has helped the country or has helped the economy absorb the impact of shocks. And it also supports the focus of monetary policy on price stability. And at the same time, what I can say is that that flexible exchange rate regime is helping maintain an external position that is in line with fundamentals. 

    QUESTIONER: Could you give us an update on the negotiations for Ethiopia, please? And on El Salvador, the deal that you agreed on in December and was approved a couple of weeks ago involves the government not increasing its exposure to Bitcoin. Government has continued to buy through the Office of Bitcoin, which is linked to the presidential palace. But yesterday the Fund said that these purchases do not increase the government’s exposure to Bitcoin. Could you please explain that? 

    QUESTIONER: Also on El Salvador, obviously he was saying to not to not buy it as a government reserve. I just wanted to, I guess, contrast to the U.S. I mean, President Trump has very much announced a digital assets reserve, including Ethereum and other coins, as well as Bitcoin. And I wondered if the IMF could – can you comment on the U.S. program or how would you distinguish the two countries and why the IMF might be taking a different approach?

    MS. KOZACK: All right, let me go ahead and take the El Salvador question in Ethiopia and then we will go back. I see many hands up online. 

    So, on El Salvador, as you know, last week our Executive Board approved a 40-month Extended Fund Facility, EFF, for U.S. $1.4 billion and with an immediate disbursement of $113 million. The program is expected to catalyze financial and technical support from other IFIs. And this will lead to a combined total over the program period of about U.S. $3.5 billion of support for El Salvador. The goals of the program are to restore fiscal sustainability, rebuild external and financial buffers, strengthen governance and transparency, and ultimately create the conditions for stronger and more resilient growth. 

    Regarding Bitcoin, in particular, the program aims to address the risks associated with the Bitcoin project to protect consumers and investors, as well as to limit potential fiscal costs. So, to start, there were recent legal reforms that have made the acceptance of Bitcoin voluntary, and taxes can be paid only in U.S. dollars. Under the program, the government has committed to not accumulate for their Bitcoins at the level of the overall public sector. 

    Regarding the recent increase in Bitcoin holding by the Strategic Bitcoin Reserve Fund, the authorities have confirmed that these are consistent with the agreed program conditionality, and we do remain engaged with the authorities on this important issue. 

    And then, to your question. We are obviously closely monitoring President Trump’s announcement in this area. The Presidential Working Group on Digital Asset Markets has not yet completed its work. So, we do not yet have details on the implementation of this proposal, but we will come back in due course. 

    And then turning to the question on Ethiopia. So just an update on Ethiopia. On January 17th, the IMF Executive Board completed the Second Review of the arrangement, the ECF arrangement for Ethiopia, and that allowed for a drawdown of about U.S. $245 million. The ECF arrangement supports the authorities’ reforms to address macroeconomic imbalances, restore external debt sustainability, and lay the foundation for strong private sector-led growth. 

    I can also just remind you that the Managing Director recently traveled to Ethiopia. She was there February 8th and 9th. She met with Prime Minister Abiy and his team to take stock of the economic reforms and the progress that is being made in the country. And she also took the opportunity to meet with other stakeholders, including representatives of the private sector. 

    QUESTIONER: My question is on USAID. USAID has now totally stopped its business. And to what extent do you see the impact, especially on lower income countries at the global level? And should you consider using your facility to support them just in case? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, on this issue, we are obviously again paying close attention to developments, and we are working with our country authorities. But it is, at the same time, it is too early to really say what the precise impact may be. And so, we will come back in due course. For now, we are monitoring.

    QUESTIONER: I have a question on Senegal. Following a recent audit of the country’s debt, it was found to be 99.7 percent of GDP. That was in 2023. And I know that IMF has said before that Senegal debt was stable even though it was high. I am wondering if that is the figure that you still consider sustainable. And then also with regards on talks of a new IMF program, I am wondering if Senegal could be asked to reimburse previous dispersion under this reporting period. 

    QUESTIONER: Still on Senegal, as soon as the report from the Audit Supreme Court was released, we saw rating agency downgrading Senegal sovereign notes. So, the country is now stuck. It cannot raise funds from the internal market, and it cannot go in a very comfortable position in international markets while they still face a lot of challenges. So, I am wondering why the IMF is working fast and bold to find a solution for Senegal in the midterm or even long-term. Is there any situation where IMF can provide a short-term, I mean, short-term relief to the country so they can go through these hard moments in a very soft way? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, on Senegal, what I can say is that we are actively engaged in discussions with the authorities with respect to the Court of Auditors Report and the associated misreporting under the IMF program. The Court of Auditors Report was released on February 12th. The Court confirmed that the fiscal deficit and debt were under reported during the period of 2019 to 2023.

    So, what we are doing is working closely with the authorities in their efforts to preserve fiscal and debt sustainability. We are working actively to advance on our discussions following the publication of the report, and we are also working with the authorities on measures to correct and remedy the misreporting that took place. What I can add is that the resolution of the misreporting in line with IMF policy is a precondition for discussions of any future financial assistance by the IMF.

    And with respect to potential consequences, I can say that the IMF does not impose any sanctions for misreporting cases. It is up to our Executive Board to decide on the next steps. And those next steps, you know, could include a waiver. And that waiver could — it could also include; it could be a waiver without a request for reimbursement. So, all of those discussions on Senegal are now underway. We are actively, very much working with the authorities, supporting as much as possible their efforts on fiscal and debt sustainability, as I said. And we will come back and report back when we have more information on Senegal. 

    I have a question here online that I am going to read. It came from the Press Center on Thailand. And the question is – ‘The upcoming World Bank IMF Annual Meetings in Thailand will bring significant attention to Southeast Asia’s economic outlook. From the from IMF’s perspective, how can Thailand best leverage this opportunity to address regional challenges such as digital transformation, climate change adaptation, and income inequality? And what collaborative initiatives between the IMF and Thailand are being planned to ensure lasting economic benefits for the country beyond the meetings themselves?’ 

    So, on this very important question, a very nice question, actually, what I can say is that we are very much looking forward to having Thailand host the annual meetings in 2026. So, this will be in October of 2026. Every three years, we do our Annual Meetings abroad. 2026, October will be Thailand. So, mark your calendar. I can also add that preparations are underway. The Fund, the IMF staff are working hand in hand with the Thai authorities to make this a highly successful event and showcasing the significant strides that Thailand has made since it last hosted our annual meetings in 1991. So, it will be 25 years when we get to 2026. 

    The Managing Director recently met with Bank of Thailand’s Governor Sethaput at the AlUla Conference in Saudi Arabia. They discussed the preparations for the annual meetings and agreed that it would be a very good opportunity to showcase on the global stage the region’s dynamism and economic activities. And of course, the meetings will also allow Thailand to position itself as a key contributor to the international economic dialogue and to gather views and experiences from countries throughout the membership of the IMF and the World Bank. 

    This ongoing close relationship leading up to and beyond, we hope, the Annual Meetings will focus on prioritizing reform reforms that are necessary to ensure the lasting benefits for Thailand and building the relationships and the shared policy, dialogue and experiences we hope will deepen our engagement, our excellent engagement and relationship with Thailand and will be sustained even past the Annual Meetings in 2026.

    QUESTIONER: My question is, what are the IMF growth projections for Jordan amid the ongoing impact of the Gaza war? And when will the Third Review under the EFF begin? And are any adjustments expected to the war’s region effect on Jordan’s economy? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, what I can share on Jordan is that the Executive Board on December 12th completed the Article IV Consultation with Jordan and the Second Review under the EFF arrangement. The mission for the next review, which will be the Third Review, is expected to take place in April.

    What I can also say is that Jordan has demonstrated resilience and maintained macroeconomic stability throughout the prolonged regional conflict. This resilience reflects the authority’s continued implementation of sound macroeconomic policies and progress with reforms. While recent developments in the region, particularly the ceasefire agreements, give rise to some cautious optimism, uncertainty, of course, in Jordan does remain high. And with respect to the growth projections, what I can say is that growth in 2024 was 2.3 percent. We are projecting growth at 2.5 percent in 2025 and a further increase in growth in 2026 to 3 percent. But like in all countries, we will be updating these projections as both part of our April World Economic Outlook Global Forecast, and also, of course, the team will be doing a full assessment of the Jordanian economy as part of their mission in April 

    And so, with this, I’m going to bring this press briefing to a close. Thank you all very much. Thank you very much for participating today. As a reminder, the briefing is embargoed until 11 a.m. Eastern Time in the U.S. The transcript, as always, will be made available later today on IMF.org. And in case of clarifications or additional questions, please reach out to my colleagues at media@IMF.org. And I wish everyone a wonderful day, and I look forward to seeing you next time. Thank you very much. 

     

    * * * * *

     

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Boris Balabanov

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI USA: Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth Greets the United Kingdom’s Secretary of State for Defence John Healey and Takes Questions From the Press

    Source: United States Department of Defense

    SECRETARY OF DEFENSE PETE HEGSETH: Well, Mr. Secretary, your entire delegation, welcome to the Pentagon. It’s great to see you. It was wonderful to meet you the first time in Brussels, and have some great interactions about our mutual interest, no doubt. And your prime minister, it was a privilege to meet him as well. He was here last week. Our nations, as you know, share a long and special relationship. Stronger today than ever before. I experienced that firsthand myself, as many of our generation has, on the battlefield, shoulder-to-shoulder with British troops in Afghanistan. I know how capable they are, how tough they are, and how close our bond is as brothers across the Atlantic, full stop.

    And so we are grateful for oh the many years that we have stood by each other’s side. And at the same, we are in the middle of a dynamic security environment, where on that continent, President Trump is calling on our European allies to take the lead, and you have done just that, sir. In fact, you chaired the first meeting of the Ukraine defense contact group that I had a pleasure to speak to. That was your first time as chair, and you’ll continue to it. And that’s, again, the United Kingdom stepping up.

    And then, once again, when your prime minister was here, you called me, we had a chance to speak briefly about the increase in defense spending that the U.K. is undertaking. So U.K. leadership is absolutely critical, and we very much appreciate it. We want to work together to achieve peace and security in Europe by working to bring an end to the war in Ukraine, building sustainable deterrence on the continent, and then increasing our allied capabilities and interoperability.

    And European leadership of NATO, led by the U.K., led by others, is, we believe, the future of defense on the continent, ensuring we provide a peaceful future for your kids and my kids and your grandkids and my grandkids. That’s ultimately what it’s about. I also want to thank the British people for the warm support they give to US forces stationed in the U.K. as well. It’s a long-standing relationship that we are very grateful for. So, you’re true allies, longtime friends. We’re new friends, but we’re getting there, and fellow warriors, so thank you very much for being here, Mr. Secretary.

    SECRETARY OF STATE FOR DEFENCE JOHN HEALEY: Mr. Secretary, thank you for such a warm welcome and such warm words. It’s great to be back in Washington, and it’s good to see you again. We last met last month in NATO, and then you challenged Europe to step up. You challenged us to step up on Ukraine, on defense spending, on European security. And I say to you that we have, we are, and we will further. And last week, the British prime minister announced the biggest increase in defense spending since the end of the Cold War, and we will go further.

    You also asked the U.K. to step up on leadership on Ukraine alongside the U.S., and indeed, you were with me when we had the 46 nations round the table at a week’s notice at the Ukraine Contact Group. Our meeting today follows very good discussions between President Trump and Prime Minister Starmer a week ago today, in which they both pledged to work together, our nations would work together to secure lasting peace in Ukraine. And we have a chance today to discuss the progress on that path to peace, with the opportunity that President Trump has created now since the 20th of January.

    When your president and my prime minister met last week, your president also said that the U.K. and the U.S. have a relationship like no other, and I think for me, that was exemplified last night at the British Embassy, when we were able to lay on a party to celebrate the 250th birthday of the U.S. Marine Corps. And for more than a century, your U.S. Marines and our Royal Marines have trained together. They fought together, and too often they’ve died together, defending the values that our two free nations share.

    And Pete, as you say, you know that from your own experience and your own service. And in many ways, for me, they embody the sort of warrior force that both you and I as defense secretaries are dedicated in our roles to strengthen because we know that we have to strengthen together with allies, deterrence in the face of rising threats.

    And finally, if I may, you’ve spoken about the deep bond between our two nations, and I’d say to you, I’m here today to strengthen that defense and security bond between our two nations. It’s needed now more than ever in this new era that we must face together. So thank you for receiving us and thank you for welcoming our delegation and I look forward to the discussions ahead.

    SECRETARY HEGSETH: And to that, I say, amen. Thank you. Appreciate you being here. If it’s OK, we’ll take a few questions for either myself or the secretary.

    Pentagon Press Secretary John Ullyot : We’ll take two from the U.S. press, and we’ll take two from the British press. Go with the U.S.

    Q: Mr. Secretary, you have said that Europe needs to do more to contribute to defense. Is a security guarantee of troops from France and the U.K. enough for Ukraine?

    SECRETARY HEGSETH: I think it’s been very encouraging to watch our friends in the U.K. and in France step up to say they are prepared to take the lead to ensure an enduring peace in Ukraine. What the president has also said time and time again is, let’s not get ahead of ourselves. Let’s get both sides to the table. Let’s get a commitment to peace, and that is what President Trump is actively doing, both with the Russians and Vladimir Putin and also the Ukrainians and Zelenskyy. So, there will be…in order to maintain enduring peace, there’s a security aspect to it. The U.K. and France have pledged, along with others, to be the core part of that, there will be other aspects that are part of further terms of the negotiation.

    Mr. Ullyot: British press. Go ahead.

    Q: Mr. Secretary, there are reports that a negotiating team will be going to Saudi Arabia next week. Given a renewed push for peace, will you reconsider resupplying Ukraine with weapons, or have the taps been turned off permanently?

    SECRETARY HEGSETH: As the president has pointed out, it is a pause. Exactly what he said from the beginning, pause pending a true commitment to a path to peace. The president is paying a very keen eye to precisely what the Ukrainians are saying and doing about committing to that peace process, and we’re very encouraged by the signs we’re seeing. Ultimately, he will make the determination, but it is a pause for now.

    Q: Thank you.

    Mr. Ullyot: U.S. press.

    Q: Missy Ryan, Washington Post. Secretary Healey, a question for you. Obviously, you both have referenced this strong, historic relationship. At the same time, what does it mean for the U.K. that its closest ally is now voicing the same narrative that Russia is voicing, vis a vis the war in Ukraine and seeming to align itself more closely with Russia versus what it has done in the past?

    SECRETARY HEALEY: Look, first of all, I don’t believe as members of government and decision takers, we’re the people to comment on every twist and turn in this process. I’m fixed on the historic opportunity the president has created to bring a lasting and secure peace to Ukraine. That’s what he and my prime minister dedicated themselves to do last week. And you’ve seen since then, the British prime minister pulled together in London, leaders of 18 nations to discuss the detail of a path to peace. And the president also has asked Europe to step up, and we are.

    The U.K. is ready to take on a leadership in that task. You saw that from Keir Starmer at the weekend, in the way that he is pulling the parties together, ensuring that we take Ukraine with us and that we work closely alongside the United States. And it’s the detail of those discussions which are rightly behind the scenes that the defense secretary and I will now pursue this afternoon.

    Mr. Ullyot: Last question from Danielle with the U.K. press.

    Q: Yeah. Thank you so much. Danielle [inaudible] Daily Telegraph. This is for both secretaries. What’s the plan if the Ukrainian Front line falls apart in the next couple of days? Does Britain, Europe have permission to intervene and help? And secondly, if I may, does Britain have the ability to use its nuclear deterrent by itself?

    SECRETARY HEALEY: Nobody who has been to Ukraine, who has talked with Ukraine, who has worked with the Ukrainian leaders, or met the Ukrainian servicemen and women, or the civilians, believe that they will not fight, nor do I or the prime minister doubt that as President Zelenskyy has said, they are ready to sign the important economic deal with the U.S. They are ready for a ceasefire. They want the guarantees and the security that must follow to ensure that they will not again face Russian invasion and Russian aggression. But they, like we, are willing to work to make the most of this unique opportunity that we now have, and that’s a responsibility on all of us. And that is very clear from our prime minister. It’s clear from the president. It’s also clear from President Zelenskyy, too.

    And as far as your question about nuclear, it is a question that it will be unthinkable and unprecedented for any defense secretary or any government to start commenting on or speculating on.

    SECRETARY HEGSETH: We are watching, obviously very closely, the front line of troops. I mean, our chairman our defense department, of course, we monitor that very closely. But ultimately, we’re interested in creating the conditions for peace. I mean, to the previous question from the Washington Post, the press is interested in narratives. Our president is interested in peace. So, we will get characterized one way or another, oh, your stance is pro Russia or pro…it’s all garbage. The president got elected to bring peace in this conflict, and he is working with both sides in a way that only President Trump can. Let’s be clear, only President Trump can, to bring them to the table to end the killing. And I can tell you from being behind the scenes, he is laser-focused on making that happen, and we’re closer today than we’ve ever been because of his leadership. Thank you very much.

    Mr. Ullyot: Thank you very much, press.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Governor Polis to Attend Denver’s First Ever Smart Stair Housing Competition, Smart Stair Apartments: Smart For Safety, Supply, and Affordability

    Source: US State of Colorado

    DENVER – Today, Governor Polis will attend Denver’s first ever Single Stair Housing competition. Designs will be judged on how they use Single-Stair, or Smart-Stair apartments, to create more housing people can afford, while enhancing the walkability and liveability of neighborhoods. Governor Polis called for Smart Stair reform in his 2025 State of the State address and will join Denver’s first Single-Stair Housing Challenge Awards, a competition of single stair apartment designs that use this strategy to increase housing options Coloradans can afford while enhancing walkability and liveability in our neighborhoods. The event begins tonight at 5 pm MT and will be held at 1550, Wynkoop Street, Denver, CO 80202.

    Pew Research shows that Single-Stairway Apartments, also known as Smart-Stair, have a strong safety record and produce lower-cost homes. Governor Polis called for smart stair reform in his 2025 State of the State address, to increase the supply of housing people can afford in the neighborhoods where people want to live.

    “In Colorado we continue to lead the way to create more housing people can afford where we want to live. The cost of housing is a top concern for hardworking Coloradans. We know that city block sized apartments alone will not solve the housing shortage, and that is why we are removing government barriers to empower builders to build homes people can afford that fit in our neighborhoods,” said Governor Polis.

    Smart Stair buildings, residential buildings of 5 stories or less served by a single stairwell, take up less space, cost less to build, create more 2-4 bedroom units for families, and are safe for residents. Adding a single additional stairwell can increase building costs by 6-13%. Single Stair Apartments increase natural light for residents, can reduce cooling costs by up to 80%, and significantly reduce the distance between each resident and the closest exit.

    HB25-1273, Residential Building Stair Modernization, sponsored by Representatives Andrew Boesenecker and Steven Woodrow, and Senators Matt Ball and Nick Hinrichsen, would allow Smart Stair buildings to be built in Colorado, increasing housing Coloradans can afford, and empowering builders to build homes Coloradans can afford that fit in the neighborhoods where people want to live.

    “Expensive land costs are a huge barrier to building housing, and if we want to effectively address the housing crisis, we have to be strategic about how we utilize the space we have available to build housing that people can afford. From sprinkler systems to fire-hardened building materials, we have more tools at our disposal to protect Coloradans from building fires without requiring more than one stairwell in smaller complexes. I’m excited to work alongside my fellow bill sponsors and Gov. Polis on legislation that would modernize Colorado building codes to build more safe housing options that hardworking Coloradans can afford,” said Speaker Pro Tempore Andy Boesenecker, D-Fort Collins.

    “This PEW study confirms what we knew as we crafted this legislation – we can create more housing at a price Coloradans can afford while keeping our communities safe. Colorado Democrats have taken a multi-pronged approach to make housing more affordable, including the transit-oriented communities policy I sponsored last year that encourages local governments to build high-density housing near transit hubs, job centers, retail, and restaurants. Our recently introduced bill would build on this work by allowing small- and medium-sized apartment complexes to build one stairwell, making room for more units in price ranges that hardworking Coloradans can afford,” said Rep. Steven Woodrow, D-Denver.

    “Single-stair buildings are a safe and practical solution that make it far easier to build family-sized apartments,” said Senator Matt Ball, D-Denver, sponsor of HB25-1273. “The Denver Single-Stair Housing Challenge proves that, in addition to their safety and efficiency, single-stair buildings can be impressive architectural additions to our neighborhoods. I’m proud to sponsor legislation that modernizes our building codes and positions Colorado at the forefront of innovative solutions to our housing crisis.”

    “Colorado is facing a housing crisis and we must explore every option to build more homes that families can afford,” said Senator Nick Hinrichsen, D-Pueblo, sponsor of HB25-1273. “Modernizing outdated building codes to allow for single-stair apartment buildings is a simple and effective solution that will open up opportunities to build more affordable housing and revitalize our neighborhoods. This legislation is a critical way that we can increase housing supply, drive down costs, and ensure that every Coloradan has a safe, affordable place to call home.”

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    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Transcript on Dismantling the Department of Education

    Source: US State of New York

    arlier today, Governor Kathy Hochul joined a virtual press conference with education leaders on President Trump’s Executive Order dismantling the Department of Education.

    VIDEO: The event is available to stream on YouTube here and TV quality video is available here (h.264, mp4).

    AUDIO: The Governor’s remarks are available in audio form here.

    A rush transcript of the Governor’s remarks is available below:

     Denise, thank you so much. And I know we’ll be hearing from Becky Pringle. I want to thank her for extraordinary work as the president of NEA. And also joining you is someone that I’m extremely fond of, Barack Obama’s Secretary of Education, who I was able to snag to become our Chancellor of our entire State University System, Chancellor John King. So you do have an all-star cast here. But I think about casts and performances. Think about the fact that Donald Trump could have picked anybody he wanted to be the Secretary of Education. A lot of talented people out there who are dedicated to our children. Now, who did he pick? He picked a pro-wrestling mogul who is in the process of body slamming our Department of Education.

    So, what does that mean for a place like New York? Five billion dollars in cuts. We’re talking about billions of dollars lost in Pell Grants, money for kids with disabilities, programs that are helping our kids in rural areas, and mental health. I mean, what they’re doing is saying our kids don’t matter. What’s more important is that we slash for the sake of slashing, and also be able to fund tax breaks for millionaires and billionaires.

    So instead of supporting a math class, they’re supporting tax breaks for the buddies at Mar-a-Lago. So that’s the reality we’re dealing with here in New York. And I have to give some news to everybody — and this is a message from all the governors: We’re not going to be able to backfill losses like this scale — $5 billion. So the children are going to suffer. But there’s only one way to reverse this before the next presidential election, and that is in the midterms. That is what happens in 2026, and that’s another whole topic, but that’s what I’m laser focused on is building a firewall in the House of Representatives at least, and possibly the Senate, so we can stop the insanity and put our focus on the kids.

    What we do now with this generation of kids is going to make a difference for generations to come because it’s an investment in the future workforce. And we are in global competition with other countries. And if we stop these investments now, then we’re basically saying, “We give up. We’re not even going to compete.”

    I’m not going to stand for that here in the State of New York. So, as always, I’m calling on teachers and advocates and parents and students. Use your voices and stand up and scream from the mountaintops. This must stop. And I want to shame them into everything they’re contemplating and doing and saying, “Don’t do this to our kids. I’m New York’s first mom Governor, so anything that happens to our children is personal to me.”

    So that’s my message from New York.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI: Palomar Holdings, Inc. to Host Investor Day

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    LA JOLLA, Calif., March 06, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Palomar Holdings, Inc. (NASDAQ:PLMR) (“Palomar” or “Company”) today announced that it will host an Investor Day at The Pierre in New York City on Thursday, March 20, 2025. The presentation will begin at 8:30 a.m. ET and conclude at approximately 12:45 p.m. ET.

    The event will feature Palomar’s Chairman and CEO, Mac Armstrong, alongside members of its senior leadership team. The Company will provide a comprehensive overview of the business, focusing on Palomar’s specialty products, operations, and the Palomar 2X philosophy.

    The presentation portion of the event will be available via webcast on the Events and Presentations section of the Company’s Investor Relations website at ir.palomarspecialty.com. A webcast replay will be available following the event at approximately 6pm ET at the same website.

    If you plan to attend in-person or have any questions regarding logistics for the in-person event, please e-mail Jamie Lillis at jlillis@soleburystrat.com.

    About Palomar Holdings, Inc.
    Palomar Holdings, Inc. is the holding company of subsidiaries Palomar Specialty Insurance Company (“PSIC”), Palomar Specialty Reinsurance Company Bermuda Ltd. (“PSRE”), Palomar Insurance Agency, Inc. (“PIA”), Palomar Excess and Surplus Insurance Company (“PESIC”), Palomar Underwriters Exchange Organization, Inc (“PUEO”), Palomar Crop Insurance Services, Inc, and First Indemnity of America Insurance Company (acquired 1/1/2025). Palomar’s consolidated results also include Laulima Reciprocal Exchange, a variable interest entity for which the Company is the primary beneficiary. Palomar is an innovative specialty insurer serving residential and commercial clients in five product categories: Earthquake, Inland Marine and Other Property, Casualty, Fronting, and Crop. Palomar’s insurance subsidiaries, Palomar Specialty Insurance Company, Palomar Specialty Reinsurance Company Bermuda Ltd., and Palomar Excess and Surplus Insurance Company, have a financial strength rating of “A” (Excellent) from A.M. Best.

    Safe Harbor Statement
    Palomar cautions you that statements contained in this press release may regard matters that are not historical facts but are forward-looking statements. These statements are based on the company’s current beliefs and expectations. The inclusion of forward-looking statements should not be regarded as a representation by Palomar that any of its plans will be achieved. Actual results may differ from those set forth in this press release due to the risks and uncertainties inherent in the Company’s business. The forward-looking statements are typically, but not always, identified through use of the words “believe,” “expect,” “enable,” “may,” “will,” “could,” “intends,” “estimate,” “anticipate,” “plan,” “predict,” “probable,” “potential,” “possible,” “should,” “continue,” and other words of similar meaning. Actual results could differ materially from the expectations contained in forwardlooking statements as a result of several factors, including unexpected expenditures and costs, unexpected results or delays in development and regulatory review, regulatory approval requirements, the frequency and severity of adverse events and competitive conditions. These and other factors that may result in differences are discussed in greater detail in the Company’s filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission. You are cautioned not to place undue reliance on these forward-looking statements, which speak only as of the date hereof, and the Company undertakes no obligation to update such statements to reflect events that occur or circumstances that exist after the date hereof. All forward-looking statements are qualified in their entirety by this cautionary statement, which is made under the safe harbor provisions of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995.

    To learn more, visit PLMR.com

    Follow Palomar on LinkedIn: @PLMRInsurance

    Contact
    Media Inquiries
    Lindsay Conner
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    Source: Palomar Holdings, Inc.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI USA: Senators Markey, Whitehouse, Alsobrooks, EPW Democrats Rip Zeldin’s Scheme to Cripple EPA

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Massachusetts Ed Markey
    Zeldin’s illegal plan to gut the federal agency is poised to torpedo environmental safeguards while undermining the Constitution
    Washington (March 5, 2025) – Senator Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.) joined Senator Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.), Ranking Member of the Committee on Environment and Public Works (EPW), Committee member Senator Angela Alsobrooks (D-M.D), who represents nearly 150,000 federal workers, and all EPW Democrats in demanding answers from EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin about his illegal scheme to gut the agency. President Trump recently announced that Administrator Zeldin planned to fire 65 percent of staff at EPA, but Administrator Zeldin subsequently clarified that he actually plans to slash EPA spending by at least 65 percent. 
    Either would be devastating.  Firing more than 10,000 EPA workers or making deep budget cuts would make it impossible for the agency to protect the American public’s clean air and water and to prevent toxic pollution, and any of Administrator Zeldin’s efforts to manipulate agency spending levels would violate congressional authority.
    “Your intention to do either of these things—fire large numbers of EPA staff or proceed with deep budget cuts—raises serious concerns.  EPA could not fulfill its mission of protecting our air and water and preventing toxic pollution if its staff or budget were cut by 65 percent.  Moreover, you do not have legal authority to set EPA’s spending levels; that power is reserved under Article I of the Constitution to Congress,” wrote Senators Markey, Whitehouse, Alsobrooks, Sanders, Merkley, Kelly, Padilla, Schiff, and Blunt Rochester. 
    “[A]ny decision to fire large numbers of EPA staff calls into question the probity of the statements you made on this subject at your confirmation hearing not even two months ago.  Each time you were asked about your plans for agency staffing, you assured Committee members that you looked forward to working ‘collaboratively’ with EPA’s dedicated staff …. During your confirmation hearing, you also told members of the Committee on eight separate occasions that you would ‘not prejudge[e] outcomes’ or made substantially identical statements.  It is difficult to understand how a decision to cut two-thirds of a federal agency’s staff or budget when Trump-affiliated groups had been urging a similar course of action since before President Trump even took office is anything other than a ‘prejudged outcome,’” the Senators continued.  “Please describe how you believe that any largescale firing of EPA employees will ‘support career staff who have dedicated’ themselves to EPA’s mission and ‘foster a collaborative culture within the agency,’ as you pledged under oath to do during your confirmation hearing.”
    In accordance with the President’s directives to gut the civil service, agency heads are required to submit their plans for cutting staff to the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and the Office of Personnel Management’s (OPM) by March 13, 2025. EPW Democrats are demanding answers from Administrator Zeldin by March 11, 2025.
    The text of the letter is below, and a full version (with footnotes) is available HERE.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Markey, Warren, Colleagues Call for Investigation Into Trump’s Purge of Workers Protecting Americans’ Health and Safety

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Massachusetts Ed Markey
    Air travel, flood and wildfire response, infectious disease control, nuclear safety, veterans’ healthcare and benefits, food safety are all at risk after massive layoffs
    “Congress and the public need to better understand the full impact of these terminations on our health and safety, given that the Administration and Musk clearly do not.”  
    Text of Letter (PDF) 
    Washington (March 6, 2025) – Senators Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.), Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), Tammy Baldwin (D-Wisc.) Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), Cory Booker (D-N.J.), Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.), Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.), Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), and Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) sent a letter to the Government Accountability Office (GAO) requesting an investigation into how the recent mass firings of probationary federal workers have impacted Americans’ health and safety. 
    In recent weeks, President Trump has fired at least 25,000 probationary federal employees. Despite termination letters from many agencies citing “poor performance,” probationary employees appear to have been fired in indiscriminate batches, regardless of their individual performance. 
    Thousands of these fired workers were responsible for protecting Americans’ health and safety, across areas like air travel, flood and wildfire response, infectious disease control, nuclear safety, veterans’ healthcare and benefits, food safety, and managing the opioid epidemic. 
    The Trump Administration has since called some of the firings an “accident” and scrambled to rehire certain workers — including people who’d worked on the bird flu outbreak, nuclear security, veterans’ health, and health services in Tribal communities. To date, agencies have not been able to rehire all of the workers affected and continue to face critical workforce shortages. 
    “Rather than make government more efficient, these firings appear to have created massive inefficiencies and put the American people at risk,” wrote the senators. 
    As the Trump administration implements its “plans for large-scale reductions in force,” over 200,000 probationary workers are expected to be laid off, and private companies are expected to benefit. In fact, some private companies, including some owned by or connected to Elon Musk and other Trump officials, have begun entering agencies to take the role of fired workers. 
    “Unlike the federal government, those companies are not responsible for prioritizing Americans’ health and safety interests, and we are concerned that they will not do so,” said the senators. 
    The senators requested that GAO’s investigation cover the duties of fired probationary workers, attempts to hire those workers back, data on how the terminations are impacting Americans’ health and safety, and more. 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Markey, Warren, Wyden, Schumer, Lawmakers Seek IRS Watchdog Investigation Into Trump Administration’s Decision To Gut IRS

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator for Massachusetts Ed Markey
    Mass firings, office closures could delay taxpayers’ refunds, allow major abuses to go undetected or unaddressed
    “Reducing IRS staff will have profound effects, hindering the agency’s ability to process … tax returns … potentially causing delays for taxpayers waiting for refunds, and inhibiting the agency’s ability to conduct audits to catch wealthy tax cheats.”
    Text of Letter (PDF) 
    Washington (March 6, 2025) – Senator Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.) joined Senators Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) and Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), Ranking Member of the Senate Finance Committee, and their colleagues in sending a letter to the Acting Treasury Inspector General for Tax Administration (TIGTA), urging her to launch an investigation into the Trump Administration’s decision to fire nearly 7,000 Internal Revenue Service (IRS) employees and close over 100 Taxpayer Assistance Centers (TACs). The letter follows new reporting revealing that the IRS is preparing to gut half of its workforce, a decision that threatens to undermine the IRS’s ability to crack down on wealthy tax cheats and provide quality service for American taxpayers.
    The following 15 senators signed on: Minority Leader Schumer (D-N.Y.) and Senators Merkley (D-Ore.), King (I-M.E.), Shaheen (D-N.H.), Booker (D-N.J.), Blumenthal (D-Conn.), Durbin (D-Ill.), Kim (D-N.J.), Murray (D-Wash.), Sanders (I-Vt.), Van Hollen (D-Md.), Welch (D-Vt.), Whitehouse (D-R.I.), Reed (D-R.I.), and Hirono (D-Hawaii)
    “Given the implications these mass firings and office closures may have on the quality of service provided by the IRS, an evaluation by your office would be consistent with your mission of ‘conducting audits and investigations that improve IRS operations,’” explained the lawmakers.
    Before President Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), which provided the IRS with $80 billion over the next 10 years, the agency suffered from chronic underfunding and understaffing. This major investment allowed the IRS to recover $1.3 billion from tax cheats, improve access to IRS services, and launch more digital tools to help Americans file their taxes. 
    “These investments made through the IRA will—if not rolled back by President Trump and Republicans in Congress—pay for themselves many times over… every dollar (spent) on the IRS’s enforcement activities results in $5 to $9 of revenue to fund investments in programs for the American people,” wrote the lawmakers.
    Last month, the Trump Administration ordered the IRS to begin firing employees. The massive layoffs have already begun “shaking the foundations of the tax agency during filing season.” Reducing IRS staff and offices will profoundly affect Americans filing their taxes this season, slowing the agency’s ability to process the over 140 million expected individual tax returns and potentially causing delays for taxpayer refunds. The IRS also plans to close an additional 110 TACs around the country, which will harm Americans seeking to access critical taxpayer services.
    The senators asked the Acting Inspector General to determine if the Trump Administration’s recent decisions undermine the IRS’s progress, and if the firings and closures impact the agency’s mission to “(p)rovide America’s taxpayers top-quality service by helping them understand and meet their tax responsibilities and enforce the law with integrity and fairness to all.” 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Transcript of COM Regular Press Briefing, March 6, 2025

    Source: IMF – News in Russian

    March 6, 2025

    SPEAKER:  Ms. Julie Kozack, Director of the Communications Department, IMF

     *  *  *  *  *

    MS. KOZACK: Good morning, everyone, and welcome to this IMF press briefing. It is very good to see you all, both those of you who are here in person and, of course, our colleagues online as well.

    I am Julie Kozak, Director of the Communications Department. As usual, this briefing is embargoed until 11 a.m. Eastern Time in the U.S. I will start with a short announcement and then take your questions in person on Webex and via the Press Center. 

    The 2025 Spring Meetings of the IMF and World Bank Group will take place from Monday, April 21 through Saturday, April 26. Press registration to attend the spring meetings in person in Washington D.C. is now open and you can register through www.IMFconnect.org. 

    And with that, I will now open the floor for your questions. For those connecting virtually, please turn on both your camera and microphone when speaking. And with that, over to you. 

    QUESTIONER: If the Congress does not approve the future agreement, as it is established by the local law, does the IMF give the money to Argentina? 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, so that is a question on Argentina. Any other questions on Argentina? I do not see any hands up in the room. Let us go online. QUESTIONER: Do you think we are already in the final stage? And what remains to announce the Staff Agreement with the IMF?

    QUESTIONER: Good morning. I was wondering about also there have been versions of a new loan up to $20 billion and the first deployment of $8 billion this year. Can you confirm that, or can you give us an insight into the fresh funds that could be coming in the new agreement? And also, when can we expect a signing of the letter of intent? 

    QUESTIONER: So, my question is about the Congress. President Milei confirmed that the staff-level agreement must be approved by the Parliament as indicated by the Argentine law. So, is that also a requirement from the IMF itself or could the President sign a decree avoiding the current law that requires the staff-level agreement to be approved by Parliament. 

    QUESTIONER: I want to ask about the scope of the potential agreement with Argentina. There are reports out saying it could be as high, or there is an expectation it could be as high as $20 billion.

    QUESTIONER: I think a few people have already asked, but when [do] you expect to reach a staff-level agreement, whether, as the Argentine government has said, it is only the final numbers that need to be agreed and not other technical aspects? And whether the IMF requires that the entirety of the SLA be reviewed by Congress for approval or if whether a general outline produced by the government will be enough? 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, very good. So, with that, let me go ahead and talk about Argentina. So, first, I just want to start by saying, as I think many of you know, both the Managing Director and the First Deputy Managing Director recently met with the Argentine authorities. And as they recently emphasized, we are continuing to make good progress toward a program, and we are working constructively with the Argentine authorities in this regard. The authorities’ stabilization and growth plan is delivering significant results.

    It has made notable strides in reducing inflation, stabilizing the economy, and fostering a return to growth in the country, and poverty is finally beginning to decline in Argentina. To sustain these early gains, there is a shared understanding about the need to continue to adopt a consistent set of fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies, while very importantly, advancing growth enhancing reforms. And the new program would build on the progress achieved so far while also addressing Argentina’s remaining challenges. 

    Now, with respect to some of the questions regarding Congressional approval, we do take note of President Milei’s commitment to seek congressional support for a new IMF supported program. As we have often said in the past, strong ownership and broad support are key to the program’s success, 

    Here, I want to emphasize, though, that securing congressional support is a decision of the authorities as legislated in Argentine domestic law. And at the same time, of course, as I just noted, broad political and social support can enhance program implementation. Questions regarding the specific process on achieving or seeking congressional support should be addressed really to the Argentine authorities because it is a matter of domestic law. 

    From our side, as I noted, the negotiations are continuing in a constructive manner. In terms of the process from the IMF side. Once the negotiations are completed, as with any IMF program or proposed program, the final arrangement, the documents, will require approval of the IMF’s Executive Board. And we will provide further updates as we have them. 

    With respect to some of the questions about the details of the negotiations, the potential size of the program. All I can say right now is this is still under discussion as part of the ongoing and constructive dialogue that we are having with the authorities. And we will provide an update when we have more information that we can share with you. 

    QUESTIONER: On Lebanon, so following recent reports that the Lebanese government is in discussions with IMF over a potential deal on its financial default in public debt. I just want to see if the IMF can confirm these reports. If so, what does it look like? Are there any contingencies to this? And will there be an IMF mission visiting Lebanon? Thank you. 

    MS. KOZACK: So, what I can share on Lebanon is that an IMF team will visit Lebanon very soon, March 10th to 14th. This mission is aimed at, of course, meeting the new authorities, discussing Lebanon’s recent economic developments, its reconstruction needs, and the authorities’ economic priorities in the near-term. This is a fact-finding mission that will take place. But beyond this fact-finding mission, as we look ahead, future next steps could include helping the authorities to formulate a comprehensive economic reform program.

    Our staff continues to be closely engaged with the authorities. We are providing policy advice and capacity development to help the authorities’ efforts to rebuild Lebanon’s economy and institutions in coordination with other international partners. And that is what I have for now on Lebanon. 

    QUESTIONER: I wanted to ask you about what is happening in the United States. The trade wars have begun, and we are seeing some impact already, both in terms of market reaction and a lot of volatility in the markets, ups, and downs. We are also seeing some interesting developments in terms of bond markets and yields; it is going to increase the cost of borrowing. So, I wanted to ask you if you, at this point, I know we’ve asked this question before, but I wonder if you’ve got an additional assessment, as we’re now seeing some of these policies that had been promised taking effect, and whether you can say now whether you’re expecting an impact on the global economy and also on the U.S. economy and the affected economies that have been targeted thus far — China, Canada, Mexico. 

    QUESTIONER: As a follow up to [that] question, does the IMF consider that the ongoing developments of the U.S. tariffs and trade wars would push other nations to seek more trade relations and more alliances with other economic organizations and trade organizations such as BRICS, for example, or others? And broadly speaking, what is the IMF assessment of the global fragmentation that is going on right now? Do you see that it is slowing down or opposite it is moving faster, taking into account the latest developments in the United States?

    QUESTIONER: I would like to focus on the development of 10 years of U.S. bond yield movement. The 10-year bond yield now decreased, dropping substantially. And what does it mean? What is the implication of the movement? Does it represent some U.S. recession or U.S. economy? 

    QUESTIONER: With the tariffs actually now in place, has the IMF undertook a study to determine the potential impact on small island states that are heavily dependent on flows and goods and commodities coming out of the United States, more specifically, those countries within the Caribbean region who are very much dependent and could face significant inflationary pressures based on these tariffs?

    MS. KOZACK: So, first I want to just step back a little bit to recognize that we have seen now several new and significant developments over the past few days. The U.S. has imposed tariffs on Canada and Mexico as well as additional tariffs on China. Canada and China have, in response, announced tariffs on some U.S. goods and other measures. And Mexico has indicated that it will provide more details in the coming days.

    And as we have said before, you know, while assessing the full impact of tariffs on economic activity and inflation will depend on many factors, we do expect to provide an analysis of this, certainly at the global level and for the most affected countries at the time of our World Economic Outlook update in April. And of course we will also cover this issue, I imagine, in some of the regional updates where relevant. And I want to also emphasize that as part of our bilateral surveillance with countries, the individual Article IV reports this topic will also be covered to the extent that the countries are affected. 

    What I can say today is that if sustained the impact of the U.S. tariffs on Canada and Mexico can be expected to have a significant adverse economic impact on those countries given their very strong integration and exposure to the U.S. market. 

    Now, more broadly, there were some questions about financial market movements. So let me also just step back for a moment on some of these, and here I want to refer to some remarks that our Managing Director has been making recently. As she’s been saying, we are now in the midst of significant transformations, and these include the rapid advance of AI to changing patterns of capital flows and trade. She has also been mentioning that trade is no longer the engine of global growth that it used to be. 

    For example, during the period of 2000 to 2019, global trade growth reached nearly 6 percent on an annual basis, whereas over the more recent period of 2022 to 2024, global trade is growing closer to 3 percent. So global trade growth has been on a downward — has declined. And of course, it is in this more global context that governments are recalibrating their approaches and adjusting policies. 

    I also want to recognize, of course, that we have seen increased volatility in financial markets. We see that in indicators such as the VIX. We also have seen indicators of global uncertainty showing an increase. And what will be critical to assess what the economic impact of this will be — will be whether these trends are short-lived or whether they are sustained. Generally speaking, our research shows that both historically and across countries, sustained periods of elevated uncertainty can be associated with both households and firms holding back on consumption and investment decisions. And as I said, we will be providing a comprehensive analysis of our views on the global economy and individual economies as part of the World Economic Outlook that will be released in April. 

    On the specific question on U.S. bond yields, we do recognize of course, that U.S. bond yields have moved lower since the beginning of the year. And it does seem that on that basis markets may be reappraising or reassessing their views, particularly on the outlook for monetary policy. I will stop there and move on.

    QUESTIONER: When is the IMF Board expected to review and approve the next disbursement for Ukraine? Are there any remaining conditions or procedural steps that Ukraine must fulfill before approval? And the Ukrainian government is engaging in debt restructuring efforts with its creditors. How does the IMF assess Ukraine’s debt sustainability and what role does this play in bord’s decision making process regarding future disbursement announcements?

    QUESTIONER: So, to follow up on previous question. In February, you stated, that Ukraine would have access to about U.S. $900 million for the next review. Now we are speaking about $400 million. So, why the IMF has made a decision to adjust to the total sum of disbursement that will be provided to Ukraine?

    QUESTIONER: And do you think that it can impact financial stability of Ukrainian economy or there is no risk for them? 

    QUESTIONER: How do you expect the freezing of the U.S. aid for Ukraine might impact the program you have already on course right now? And how does this affect the global plan that had been made like a year ago or two years ago now? 

    QUESTIONER: I just want to follow up the last question about the impact — what the impact Trump administration is doing. Does this impact the IMF projections on Ukraine this and next year? 

    QUESTIONER: An adjacent question, maybe related to the prospect for ending the war. And, you know, we have seen economic developments in Russia continue to percolate along even though the war has been going on and there have been sanctions. Have you started to look at what the end of the war could mean for both the Russian and Ukrainian economies in terms of, you know, perhaps, you know, assuming that there would be an end of sanctions once there was a cessation of hostilities, whether that would give a boost to the Russian economy, maybe the European economy in general could lower costs, things like that? So just kind of walk us through what you are seeing there. 

    MS. KOZACK: Okay, let me go ahead on Ukraine. So, just to bring everyone up to speed. So, on February 28th, the IMF staff, and the Ukrainian authorities reached a staff-level agreement on the Seventh Review of the four-year EFF arrangement. This is subject to approval of the IMF’s Executive Board. Ukraine is expected to draw, as noted, about U.S. $400 million, and that would bring total disbursements under the program to U.S. $10.1 billion.

    I just want to note that program performance in Ukraine remains strong. All of the end December quantitative performance criteria were met, and understandings were reached between the Ukrainian authorities and IMF staff on a set of policies and reforms to sustain macroeconomic stability. The structural reform agenda in Ukraine is continuing to make good progress, and there are strong commitments from the Ukrainian authorities in a number of other areas. 

    Now on some of the specific questions, first on the matter of the disbursement, what I can say there is that it is not unusual over the life of a program for the pattern of disbursements to shift based on evolving balance of payments needs. And that is what has happened in this case. It is also important to emphasize that the overall size of the program, which is $15.6 billion, remains unchanged. And so that shift in disbursement pattern reflects the shifting balance of payments pattern for Ukraine. 

    So, on the issue the debt restructuring and debt process, what I can say there is that restoring debt sustainability in Ukraine hinges on continued implementation of the authority’s debt restructuring strategy, where completing the treatment of the GDP warrants remains important. And it also hinges very much on continuation of the revenue-based fiscal adjustment strategy, which is supported under the program. And as you know, Ukraine’s debt has been assessed in the last review to be sustainable on a forward-looking basis contingent on these two areas that I just mentioned. And of course, there will be a revised debt sustainability assessment as part of the ongoing review. 

    With respect to the other question, what I can say here is that the Ukrainian economy, you know, has shown continued resilience despite the challenges arising from the war. At the time of the Seventh Review, the last review, we estimated GDP growth to be 3.5 percent in 2024. But we did expect it at that time to moderate to 2 to 3 percent in 2025. And that was reflecting some headwinds from labor constraints and damage to energy infrastructure, given the ongoing war. It is the case in general for Ukraine, and we have been saying this throughout the life of the program, that the outlook remains exceptionally uncertain, especially as the war continues and it is taking a heavy toll on Ukraine’s people, economy, and infrastructure. 

    On the more recent developments that you were referring to, we are following these developments very closely. It is premature at the moment to comment on them, but we are following them, and we will make an assessment in due course.

    And on your question, the answer is essentially the same. We are following the developments very closely, and we will, as developments evolve, be undertaking obviously an assessment of what a peace deal could potentially look like and what would be the implications for all of the involved parties. 

    QUESTIONER: Julie, can you on the basis of having studied previous conflicts ending, can you just give us divorced from Ukraine and Russia, but just can you give us an indication of what generally happens when a conflict ends, what that means? And is there anything that we can draw on, at least just from history? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, I do not have, you know, off the top of my head a piece of research that I can kind of point to in terms of the interest analysis. What I certainly can say is that we always, for all of our member countries, hope for peace and stability in all of our member countries. And I think at that moment this is really what I can say. But I take note of the importance of your point, and we will, I have no doubt, in due course be conducting all of the necessary analysis as events unfold.

    QUESTIONER: I have two questions mainly on Egypt. as Egypt is scheduled for 10th of March for the discussion of the Fourth Review of the EFF for the country, what are we expecting from this meeting? And if you please, could you update us on the RSF facility worth $1.2 billion for the country? Thank you so much. 

    QUESTIONER: I would second exactly those questions. And just to add to that, I know it says on the IMF Executive Board calendar that the Board will be discussing waivers of non-observance for some of the performance criteria related to Egypt’s loan program and modifications for others. Are you able to tell us any more about exactly which criteria the Board will be looking at? And on the RSF, if you are able to give us any more detail about the prospective value of that. I know it has been put at $1 billion before. A related question, not on Egypt but on Gaza. I would be interested to know if the IMF has begun to think, whether internally or with partners in the region, about what its potential role would be in funding a reconstruction plan for Gaza given the $50 billion, upwards of $50 billion, cost of any reconstruction. 

    QUESTIONER: I may repeat questions about the value of current tranche to be given to Egypt and the timing of when the central bank of Egypt to receive it. And also, I have another question about the program of state assets selling. Will we witness some steps, new steps in that program? Could it be connected with the decision to be taken in March?

    MS. KOZACK: And any other questions on Egypt? All right. And then I have a question that came in through the Press Center. I am going to read it out loud – ’Does the IMF’s approval of the fourth tranche to Egypt require Egypt to implement some reforms? And when will the Fifth Review of the loan be held? What is the estimated size of the loan allocated to Egypt, and here will it be dispersed in installments or in one lump sum?’

    On Egypt – on March 10th, our Executive Board will be discussing Egypt’s Article IV consultation and the fourth review under the EFF. It will also be discussing at the same time Egypt’s request for an RSF, the Resilience and Sustainability Facility. Subject to completion by the Executive Board, the authorities, would have access to $1.2 billion under the EFF. So, under the EFF program. And then in addition, subject again to approval by our Executive Board, the size of the RSF would be about U.S. $1.3 billion. Regarding the RSF, like all of the IMF programs, the RSF is also delivered in tranches. So, it is not one lump sum up front. It is a phased program where tranches are dispersed on the basis of conditions being met. 

    And with respect to some of the other questions, what I can say today is just that we will provide, of course, more details following the Board meeting and on the question of waivers and modifications and also the questions on the state-owned enterprises. And again, the board meeting will be on March 10th. 

    QUESTIONER: I have two questions related to Japan. Firstly, amid rising uncertainty due to President Trump’s tariff policy, I would like to ask you — ask your thoughts on whether the Bank of Japan, currently in a rate hike phase, should continue raising rate or take more cautious approach in assessing the impact. And secondly, President Trump recently made remarks suggesting that Japan and China are engaging in currency devaluation. I would appreciate it if you share your views on Japan’s foreign exchange policy. Thank you. 

    MS. KOZACK: So, maybe just stepping back to give a bit of context on Japan. What I can say on Japan is that on the growth side, growth this year is expected to strengthen, and we also expect inflation to converge to the Bank of Japan’s 2 percent target by the end of 2025. 

    In 2024, growth in Japan slowed due to some temporary supply disruptions. But since then, we have seen a strengthening in growth driven by domestic demand, particular — particularly private consumption in Japan and rising wages. And we expect this to continue into 2025, where we project growth, at the time of the January WEO, we projected growth at 1.1 percent for Japan in 2025. And of course, just to say that we will be updating this projection as part of the April forecast. 

    Looking at inflation — headline and core inflation, as I said, are expected to decline gradually toward the 2 percent target. We have been supportive of the Bank of Japan’s recent monetary policy decisions. We believe that these decisions will help anchor inflation expectations at the 2 percent target but also given balance risks around inflation, our assessment has been that further hikes in the policy interest rate should continue to be data dependent, and they should proceed at a gradual pace over time. 

     With respect to the question on the exchange rate, what I can say there is that the Japanese authorities have affirmed their commitment to a flexible exchange rate regime. Japan’s flexible exchange rate regime has helped the country or has helped the economy absorb the impact of shocks. And it also supports the focus of monetary policy on price stability. And at the same time, what I can say is that that flexible exchange rate regime is helping maintain an external position that is in line with fundamentals. 

    QUESTIONER: Could you give us an update on the negotiations for Ethiopia, please? And on El Salvador, the deal that you agreed on in December and was approved a couple of weeks ago involves the government not increasing its exposure to Bitcoin. Government has continued to buy through the Office of Bitcoin, which is linked to the presidential palace. But yesterday the Fund said that these purchases do not increase the government’s exposure to Bitcoin. Could you please explain that? 

    QUESTIONER: Also on El Salvador, obviously he was saying to not to not buy it as a government reserve. I just wanted to, I guess, contrast to the U.S. I mean, President Trump has very much announced a digital assets reserve, including Ethereum and other coins, as well as Bitcoin. And I wondered if the IMF could – can you comment on the U.S. program or how would you distinguish the two countries and why the IMF might be taking a different approach?

    MS. KOZACK: All right, let me go ahead and take the El Salvador question in Ethiopia and then we will go back. I see many hands up online. 

    So, on El Salvador, as you know, last week our Executive Board approved a 40-month Extended Fund Facility, EFF, for U.S. $1.4 billion and with an immediate disbursement of $113 million. The program is expected to catalyze financial and technical support from other IFIs. And this will lead to a combined total over the program period of about U.S. $3.5 billion of support for El Salvador. The goals of the program are to restore fiscal sustainability, rebuild external and financial buffers, strengthen governance and transparency, and ultimately create the conditions for stronger and more resilient growth. 

    Regarding Bitcoin, in particular, the program aims to address the risks associated with the Bitcoin project to protect consumers and investors, as well as to limit potential fiscal costs. So, to start, there were recent legal reforms that have made the acceptance of Bitcoin voluntary, and taxes can be paid only in U.S. dollars. Under the program, the government has committed to not accumulate for their Bitcoins at the level of the overall public sector. 

    Regarding the recent increase in Bitcoin holding by the Strategic Bitcoin Reserve Fund, the authorities have confirmed that these are consistent with the agreed program conditionality, and we do remain engaged with the authorities on this important issue. 

    And then, to your question. We are obviously closely monitoring President Trump’s announcement in this area. The Presidential Working Group on Digital Asset Markets has not yet completed its work. So, we do not yet have details on the implementation of this proposal, but we will come back in due course. 

    And then turning to the question on Ethiopia. So just an update on Ethiopia. On January 17th, the IMF Executive Board completed the Second Review of the arrangement, the ECF arrangement for Ethiopia, and that allowed for a drawdown of about U.S. $245 million. The ECF arrangement supports the authorities’ reforms to address macroeconomic imbalances, restore external debt sustainability, and lay the foundation for strong private sector-led growth. 

    I can also just remind you that the Managing Director recently traveled to Ethiopia. She was there February 8th and 9th. She met with Prime Minister Abiy and his team to take stock of the economic reforms and the progress that is being made in the country. And she also took the opportunity to meet with other stakeholders, including representatives of the private sector. 

    QUESTIONER: My question is on USAID. USAID has now totally stopped its business. And to what extent do you see the impact, especially on lower income countries at the global level? And should you consider using your facility to support them just in case? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, on this issue, we are obviously again paying close attention to developments, and we are working with our country authorities. But it is, at the same time, it is too early to really say what the precise impact may be. And so, we will come back in due course. For now, we are monitoring.

    QUESTIONER: I have a question on Senegal. Following a recent audit of the country’s debt, it was found to be 99.7 percent of GDP. That was in 2023. And I know that IMF has said before that Senegal debt was stable even though it was high. I am wondering if that is the figure that you still consider sustainable. And then also with regards on talks of a new IMF program, I am wondering if Senegal could be asked to reimburse previous dispersion under this reporting period. 

    QUESTIONER: Still on Senegal, as soon as the report from the Audit Supreme Court was released, we saw rating agency downgrading Senegal sovereign notes. So, the country is now stuck. It cannot raise funds from the internal market, and it cannot go in a very comfortable position in international markets while they still face a lot of challenges. So, I am wondering why the IMF is working fast and bold to find a solution for Senegal in the midterm or even long-term. Is there any situation where IMF can provide a short-term, I mean, short-term relief to the country so they can go through these hard moments in a very soft way? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, on Senegal, what I can say is that we are actively engaged in discussions with the authorities with respect to the Court of Auditors Report and the associated misreporting under the IMF program. The Court of Auditors Report was released on February 12th. The Court confirmed that the fiscal deficit and debt were under reported during the period of 2019 to 2023.

    So, what we are doing is working closely with the authorities in their efforts to preserve fiscal and debt sustainability. We are working actively to advance on our discussions following the publication of the report, and we are also working with the authorities on measures to correct and remedy the misreporting that took place. What I can add is that the resolution of the misreporting in line with IMF policy is a precondition for discussions of any future financial assistance by the IMF.

    And with respect to potential consequences, I can say that the IMF does not impose any sanctions for misreporting cases. It is up to our Executive Board to decide on the next steps. And those next steps, you know, could include a waiver. And that waiver could — it could also include; it could be a waiver without a request for reimbursement. So, all of those discussions on Senegal are now underway. We are actively, very much working with the authorities, supporting as much as possible their efforts on fiscal and debt sustainability, as I said. And we will come back and report back when we have more information on Senegal. 

    I have a question here online that I am going to read. It came from the Press Center on Thailand. And the question is – ‘The upcoming World Bank IMF Annual Meetings in Thailand will bring significant attention to Southeast Asia’s economic outlook. From the from IMF’s perspective, how can Thailand best leverage this opportunity to address regional challenges such as digital transformation, climate change adaptation, and income inequality? And what collaborative initiatives between the IMF and Thailand are being planned to ensure lasting economic benefits for the country beyond the meetings themselves?’ 

    So, on this very important question, a very nice question, actually, what I can say is that we are very much looking forward to having Thailand host the annual meetings in 2026. So, this will be in October of 2026. Every three years, we do our Annual Meetings abroad. 2026, October will be Thailand. So, mark your calendar. I can also add that preparations are underway. The Fund, the IMF staff are working hand in hand with the Thai authorities to make this a highly successful event and showcasing the significant strides that Thailand has made since it last hosted our annual meetings in 1991. So, it will be 25 years when we get to 2026. 

    The Managing Director recently met with Bank of Thailand’s Governor Sethaput at the AlUla Conference in Saudi Arabia. They discussed the preparations for the annual meetings and agreed that it would be a very good opportunity to showcase on the global stage the region’s dynamism and economic activities. And of course, the meetings will also allow Thailand to position itself as a key contributor to the international economic dialogue and to gather views and experiences from countries throughout the membership of the IMF and the World Bank. 

    This ongoing close relationship leading up to and beyond, we hope, the Annual Meetings will focus on prioritizing reform reforms that are necessary to ensure the lasting benefits for Thailand and building the relationships and the shared policy, dialogue and experiences we hope will deepen our engagement, our excellent engagement and relationship with Thailand and will be sustained even past the Annual Meetings in 2026.

    QUESTIONER: My question is, what are the IMF growth projections for Jordan amid the ongoing impact of the Gaza war? And when will the Third Review under the EFF begin? And are any adjustments expected to the war’s region effect on Jordan’s economy? 

    MS. KOZACK: So, what I can share on Jordan is that the Executive Board on December 12th completed the Article IV Consultation with Jordan and the Second Review under the EFF arrangement. The mission for the next review, which will be the Third Review, is expected to take place in April.

    What I can also say is that Jordan has demonstrated resilience and maintained macroeconomic stability throughout the prolonged regional conflict. This resilience reflects the authority’s continued implementation of sound macroeconomic policies and progress with reforms. While recent developments in the region, particularly the ceasefire agreements, give rise to some cautious optimism, uncertainty, of course, in Jordan does remain high. And with respect to the growth projections, what I can say is that growth in 2024 was 2.3 percent. We are projecting growth at 2.5 percent in 2025 and a further increase in growth in 2026 to 3 percent. But like in all countries, we will be updating these projections as both part of our April World Economic Outlook Global Forecast, and also, of course, the team will be doing a full assessment of the Jordanian economy as part of their mission in April 

    And so, with this, I’m going to bring this press briefing to a close. Thank you all very much. Thank you very much for participating today. As a reminder, the briefing is embargoed until 11 a.m. Eastern Time in the U.S. The transcript, as always, will be made available later today on IMF.org. And in case of clarifications or additional questions, please reach out to my colleagues at media@IMF.org. And I wish everyone a wonderful day, and I look forward to seeing you next time. Thank you very much. 

     

    * * * * *

     

    IMF Communications Department
    MEDIA RELATIONS

    PRESS OFFICER: Boris Balabanov

    Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org

    https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/03/06/tr030625-transcript-of-com-regular-press-briefing

    MIL OSI

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI Global: Where Trump’s outbursts have left Ukraine and Europe

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sam Phelps, Commissioning Editor, International Affairs

    This article was first published in The Conversation UK’s World Affairs Briefing email newsletter. Sign up to receive weekly analysis of the latest developments in international relations, direct to your inbox.


    It has not been a good week for relations between the US and Ukraine. After a meeting in the Oval Office between the two countries’ presidents descended into acrimony before the eyes of the world, the minerals deal that Donald Trump had said would be the first step towards a ceasefire with Russia was temporarily called off.

    Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky has since tried to salvage the relationship, announcing that he is ready to sign the minerals deal at “any time and in any convenient format”. Trump, on the other hand, has continued to fume. He took to his Truth Social media platform on March 3 to slam Zelensky’s remarks to reporters that the end to the war “is still very, very far away”.

    “This is the worst statement that could have been made by Zelensky, and America will not put up with it for much longer,” Trump wrote. “This guy doesn’t want there to be peace as long as he has America’s backing.”

    The following day, Trump paused US military aid to Ukraine. And he has now suspended intelligence sharing, cutting off the flow of information that has been critical to Ukraine’s ability to hit strategic targets inside Russia.


    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.


    According to Stefan Wolff and Tetyana Malyarenko, who are both regular contributors to our coverage of the war in Ukraine, neither of these two moves will have an immediate game-changing effect on the war. But, in their view, they do increase pressure on Ukraine to accept whatever peace deal Trump will ultimately make with Putin.

    Trump’s manoeuvring poses not only a threat to Ukraine, but the rest of Europe too. As Wolff and Malyarenko report, European nations are now scrambling to strengthen their own security. Following Friday’s White House showdown, the EU revealed plans to mobilise an additional €800 billion (£670 million) for European defence. European leaders were reportedly close to agreeing a deal for this plan as this newsletter was being written.

    The challenges Europe faces on the way to becoming strategically independent from the US are enormous, write Wolff and Malyarenko. But a stronger, and more independent Europe, will be crucial for the war in Ukraine moving forward – particularly as the effects of the US aid suspension hit.




    Read more:
    Europe-Nato ‘coalition of the willing’ scrambles for collective response to hostility from Trump and threat from Putin


    As Veronika Poniscjakova of the University of Portsmouth writes, the battlefield advantage in Ukraine is now overwhelmingly with Russia. The Russian military is putting intense pressure on Ukrainian troops in the Kherson oblast in the south of the country.

    According to Poniscjakova, Russian forces are now reportedly attempting to cross the Dnipro river, which would allow them a clear run at the strategically important port city of Kherson. Reporting from the frontlines has described Russian assaults on Dnipro crossings as “suicide missions” that are involving heavy Russian casualties.




    Read more:
    Russia launching ‘suicide missions’ across strategic Dnipro river as pause in US aid hampers defence


    Russian forces are trying to seize a foothold across Ukraine’s Dnipro River.
    Institute for the Study of War

    Since returning to the White House, Trump has echoed some of Putin’s favourite claims. He has stated that Ukraine does not have any cards to play, is unwilling to do a peace deal and has to give up land to Russia.

    In the view of Natasha Lindstaedt, a professor in the Department of Government at the University of Essex, Trump’s support for Putin threatens security worldwide. It plays perfectly into the hands of China, she writes, which could now be emboldened to expedite its plan to annex Taiwan.

    All of this, Lindstaedt says, will make the US more vulnerable. In her view, the US is more secure and prosperous when it is working in partnership with its allies to ensure security, stability, free trade and investment. “If the US were to even reduce its security commitments to Nato by 50%, estimates suggest trade with members would fall by US$450 billion,” Lindstaedt says.




    Read more:
    How Trump’s spat with Zelensky threatens the security of the world – including the US


    Back in the Oval Office, Friday’s meeting was undoubtedly a major setback for Zelensky. He left the meeting publicly weakened, with Trump telling him to “come back when you’re ready for peace”.

    But Zelensky is not the first leader to walk out of a face-to-face meeting with their tail between their legs. In this piece, Marcus Holmes of the William & Mary Global Research Institute and Nicholas John Wheeler of the University of Birmingham draw a historical parallel in a 1961 summit between the then US president, John F. Kennedy, and the Soviet premier, Nikita Khrushchev, in Vienna.




    Read more:
    Trump and Zelensky: when face-to-face diplomacy goes wrong it can be disastrous – especially if the whole world is watching


    At that time, Kennedy admitted that Khrushchev “beat the hell out of me”, leaving him convinced that tensions with the Soviet Union would escalate. “It’s going to be a cold winter,” he remarked afterwards.

    But, as Holmes and Wheeler write, there was one crucial difference: Kennedy and Khrushchev’s bruising exchange happened behind closed doors. Zelensky was forced to experience his own Vienna moment in front of the world. This, they say, could make it even harder for Zelensky to recover politically.

    The art of the deal

    At no point in the meeting did Trump and Vance seek a resolution to their disagreement with Zelensky or attempt to find common ground. Holmes and Wheeler call this a “domination ritual” – designed to make clear that Ukraine is in no position to set terms.

    In this piece, Andrea Caputo, a professor of strategy & negotiation at the University of Lincoln, breaks down Trump’s negotiation style. Unlike typical US negotiators who are thought to avoid emotional expression, Trump uses anger and confrontation to dominate discussions and control narratives.

    He frames negotiations in zero-sum terms, where every deal must have a clear winner and loser. This, Caputo says, reinforces his public image as a strong leader.

    Caputo argues that Zelensky should have structured negotiations around US economic interests rather than western unity or moral imperatives. Otherwise, he is speaking a negotiation language that Trump doesn’t understand.




    Read more:
    How to negotiate with Trump: forget principles and learn to speak the language of business


    In the high-stakes arena of international security, Caputo says that understanding your counterpart’s negotiation style isn’t just good practice – it may be essential for survival.


    World Affairs Briefing from The Conversation UK is available as a weekly email newsletter. Click here to get updates directly in your inbox.


    ref. Where Trump’s outbursts have left Ukraine and Europe – https://theconversation.com/where-trumps-outbursts-have-left-ukraine-and-europe-251661

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Money laundering plays a key role in every part of the illegal drugs industry – here’s how it works

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mark Berry, Lecturer In Criminology, Bournemouth University

    R Mendoza/Shutterstock

    The global illicit drugs trade is estimated to be worth at least half a trillion US dollars each year. Drugs such as cocaine, methamphetamine and heroin generate large revenues all along their supply chains, from where the products (and precursor materials) are grown or made – principally Colombia and Bolivia, China, Afghanistan, and the “golden triangle” of Myanmar, Laos and Thailand – to wherever the finished drugs are consumed.

    Earnings in the illicit drug trade are variable. Few people will make the kind of money that once put the Mexican former cartel boss Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán on the Forbes list of global billionaires. But while drug “kingpins” are the industry’s biggest individual earners, they do not hold the majority of the drug money that is generated throughout the global supply chain.

    Despite their frequent glamorisation in film and TV portrayals, drug cartels are basically international logistics companies. They work with distributors in different countries who deliver the drugs to regional wholesalers, who in turn supply the local retailers (dealers) who sell drugs to individuals.

    Everyone along the supply chain takes their cut, with most people making much more modest incomes than the millionaire drug traffickers of narcocorrido lore. In our interviews with illicit drug entrepreneurs in the US and UK, we routinely spoke to sellers whose incomes ranged from pocket money to providing a moderately comfortable life.



    Illicit drug use is damaging large parts of the world socially, politically and environmentally. Patterns of supply and demand are changing rapidly. In our longform series Addicted, leading experts bring you the latest insights on drug use and production as we ask: is it time to declare a planetary emergency?


    Around 70% to 80% of the overall revenue generated by illicit drugs is shared among the many wholesale and street-level dealers in destination countries such as the UK and US, where the price per gram is at its highest. How this money moves and is used to sustain the illicit drug trade should be an important part of any worthwhile counter-narcotics strategy. But it rarely is.

    Professional money launderers

    The people and organisations responsible for laundering drug revenues – that is, transforming them into untraceable money that can easily be spent, or into assets that can be held or sold – often exist under the radar of law enforcement and the media.

    Yet the ways illicit drug money is laundered are hardly a mystery. Techniques include wire transfers to offshore bank accounts, investments in shell companies or deposits in cash businesses, and buying foreign currencies or (to a small extent) cryptocurrencies. In addition, the straightforward physical transportation of cash across national borders is an often-used method known as a “bulk cash transfer”.

    The largest players in the illicit drugs industry, such as international cartels, national distributors and large-scale wholesalers, often use professional money launderers – some of whom have seemingly reputable jobs in the financial sector. In one recent case, US financial regulators fined TD Bank US$3 billion (£2.4 billion) – a record penalty for a bank – for facilitating the laundering of millions of dollars of drug cartel money.

    Over six years, more than 90% of the bank’s transactions went unmonitored, enabling “three money laundering networks to collectively transfer more than US$670 million through TD Bank accounts”. Then-US attorney general Merrick Garland commented: “By making its services convenient for criminals, [TD Bank] became one.”

    Video: CBC News.

    Some money laundering networks are as global as the drug supply chains they service. In June 2024, the US Department of Justice’s (DoJ) multi-year “Operation Fortune Runner” investigation saw LA-based associates of Mexico’s Sinaloa drug cartel charged with conspiring with money-laundering groups linked to a Chinese underground banking network. According to the IRS’s head of criminal investigation, Guy Ficco:

    Drug traffickers generate immense amounts of cash through their illicit operations. This case is a prime example of Chinese money launderers working hand-in-hand with drug traffickers to try to legitimise profits generated by drug activities.

    According to the DoJ, “many wealthy Chinese nationals” barred from transferring large amounts to the US by the Chinese government’s capital flight restrictions seek informal alternatives to the conventional banking system – including via schemes to launder illicit drug money. The DoJ explained how this works:

    The China-based investor contacts an individual who has US dollars available to sell in the United States. This seller of US dollars provides identifying information for a bank account in China, with instructions for the investor to deposit Chinese currency (renminbi) in that account. Once the owner of the account sees the deposit, an equivalent amount of US dollars is released to the buyer in the United States.

    These arrangements are not unique to Chinese actors. Similar arrangements occur throughout the world, including schemes to leverage the black market peso exchange and the Hawala international money transfer system.

    Professional launderers are both creating and exploiting vulnerabilities in the global financial system. Such corruption allows suspicious transactions to occur without proper checks or oversight. This not only reduces transparency in the financial system but erodes public trust in it.

    How cartels launder their money

    International drug cartels and national wholesalers have a smaller markup on their transactions, compared with retailers. But because they are responsible for moving enormous quantities of illicit drugs, they still generate millions of dollars worth of revenue.

    The most prolific known drug distributors in US history, Margarito Flores Jr and his twin brother Pedro, delivered billions of dollars worth of cocaine, heroin and methamphetamines to their US and Canadian wholesale clients between 1998 and 2009. They were working for Guzmán and Ismeal “El Mayo” Zambada García, then leaders of the Sinaloa cartel, as well as the Mexican Beltrán Leyva brothers whose cartel bore their surname.

    Today, Margarito Flores Jr trains law enforcement across the US in the methods he and his brother used to traffic drugs and run their business. In January 2015, both men were sentenced to 14 years for drug trafficking – Margarito Flores Jr would later reach out to one of this article’s authors (R.V. Gundur) after reading his book, Trying to Make It: The Enterprises, Gangs, and People of the American Drug Trade, which includes a comprehensive account of the Flores crew’s activities.

    In a subsequent interview, he told us: “My brother and I estimate that, if we added up all of the money we sent back to Mexico over the decade we sold drugs, it was probably more than US$3.5 billion.”

    The billions they remitted to Mexico were used by Guzmán, Zambada and the Beltrán Levya brothers not only to expand their drug businesses, but to corrupt powerful figures such as Mexico’s former secretary of public security, Genaro García Luna.

    García Luna, who was Mexico’s highest-ranking law enforcement official from 2006 to 2012, was sentenced to nearly 40 years in prison in October 2024 after being found guilty of taking millions of dollars in bribes from the Sinaloa cartel, as well as enabling the trafficking of more than a million kilograms of cocaine into the US. Flores explained to us:

    It’s important to understand that corruption impacts people at all levels of government. Our payoffs included local police and other people in the community, up to higher-positioned people in government. Lots of that money ended up funding the violent conflicts between cartels.

    While there has been widespread coverage of cartel drug money being laundered through high-profile businesses and banks such as Wachovia and HSBC, Flores suggested that “the money involved in the drug trade is a lot more than anybody really can understand”. The reason for this, he said, is that it’s very hard to track the flow of hard cash via lorries, boats, planes and even drones. Flores told us:

    It’s a misconception that everyone who makes a lot of money in drugs or other illegal business makes an effort to launder their money. My brother and I held much of what we earned in cash. We knew the government could eventually take everything [else].

    The twins were right: in time, that’s exactly what the US government did.

    ‘Everyday’ money laundering

    In our study of money laundering strategies used by people involved in the illicit drug trade in the UK and US, we found that street dealers do not typically undertake sophisticated laundering processes. Rather, they spend their cash on food and other routine living expenses. One independent UK drug dealer, whose experience was typical of many, used the money earned from his cocaine sales to buy groceries and pay bills for himself and his daughter.

    Spending money, even small amounts, gained through illegal activities is a money laundering offence – albeit one that is seldom prosecuted. As a result, these everyday activities that return illicit drug money to the legal economy are not well accounted for – even though the street value of drugs drives global market value estimates.

    Business-savvy street dealers can earn gross revenues that approach the earnings of high-paid white-collar workers. But they must disguise their earnings’ origins before they can spend them, of course, and various tactics are used to do this.

    Some dealers solicit close friends or family members to act as “strawmen”. These are people willing to put assets paid for by illicit drug money – such as cars, properties or even businesses – in their names on behalf of the dealer. Idris Elba’s character Stringer Bell in HBO’s The Wire was an accurate portrayal of someone investing in legal enterprises using illicit drug money.

    A guide to Stringer Bell’s character in The Wire. Video: Just an Observation.

    These strategies occur wherever illegal enterprise exists, and have done for well over a century. In the US, we interviewed wholesalers who had used family members to own houses and other properties on their behalf. This is done to mitigate against the risk of asset forfeiture should they be convicted of a crime. If an illicit enterprise can create a plausible beneficial owner who is not involved in crime, then the asset is harder to seize. This is why the Donald Trump administration’s recent suspension of beneficial owner oversight is problematic from a drug enforcement perspective.

    In liberal democracies, governments cannot investigate someone’s finances simply because they are related to criminals. The dirty money that is put into their accounts can also be disguised as legitimate income making it difficult to identify, although thorough investigations may uncover it.

    In the UK, we also talked to successful drug retailers who had set up local businesses in their own names. The EU’s law enforcement agency, Europol, has reported similar activities throughout Europe.

    Legal businesses are a common – and often hard-to-detect – vehicle to launder drug money. Bars, clubs, gyms, and hair, nail and tanning salons can be readily set up with drug money, as large cash infusions to establish a business are often not well scrutinised. These businesses are comparatively easy to run with significant cash flows, providing suitable cover for dirty money.

    For example, a beauty salon, especially one that offers high-value boutique services, could easily incorporate drug revenue into its financial accounts by reporting sales that do not occur. Tanning salons can be set up with little expense since they require only sunbeds and the rental of a property.

    Along with bars, clubs and salons, construction companies and restaurants stand out as other cash-intensive businesses with high volumes of transactions – characteristics that make good fronts for laundering money.

    It’s hard to spot a ‘dirty’ business

    There is no surefire way to tell whether a business is a laundering front. While some may look like enterprises struggling to stay afloat, others develop into viable operations that eventually no longer need dirty money to sustain them.

    Some drug dealers incorporate laundering practices within their legitimate jobs. Tradespeople such as electricians or plumbers, for example, can launder money by generating invoices for fake jobs, then reporting the income on their tax returns.

    In both the UK and US, tax authorities are not charged with evaluating the veracity of the funds reported, and are generally satisfied once tax is paid. In other words, they generally trust declared income as proof of legal business activity. Moreover, they, along with the police, lack the resources to investigate these businesses for money laundering.

    Through their legal businesses, many drug dealers pay significant taxes on their illegal revenue, and thus contribute to the economy.

    Paying income tax effectively renders this income laundered. It can be invested and used to set up other businesses, or to purchase cars and properties without suspicion. It can also bolster credit ratings, and improve access to legal financial services such as bank loans.

    Many small-time drug dealers start legal businesses in order to exit the illicit drug trade. We interviewed one cocaine dealer who had used his drug money to set up a retail electronics store; once it was successful, he stopped dealing. Similarly, the person behind a semi-legitimate nitrous oxide enterprise used his proceeds to set up a legitimate alcohol delivery service.

    Through self-laundering, these modest drug dealers transform their proceeds of crime into spendable cash – and may eventually leave criminality behind altogether.

    The (losing) battle against laundered money

    Across the world, anti-money laundering efforts against organised criminal gangs are notoriously ineffective.

    The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) – an intergovernmental organisation formed in 1999 to combat money laundering and the financing of terrorism – assesses financial regulators’ anti-money laundering controls all over the world. Countries designated as a risk that require monitoring are placed on the task force’s “grey list”, while severe, high-risk countries go on its “black list”. Being put on these lists can result in a withdrawal of international investment and implementation of sanctions by other countries.

    Although developing countries have often scored badly in their assessments, there has been some progress. While Kenya remained on the grey list in 2024, for example, it was found to have strengthened its measures to tackle both money laundering and terrorist financing. In the same year, though, Lebanon was added to the grey list over concerns on both counts.

    The FATF’s evaluation processes are designed to provide an objective assessment of whether a country has implemented its anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing recommendations. However, the success of the FATF’s anti-money laundering controls remains unclear.

    Video: The Financial Action Task Force.

    Often lost in the criminal financing narrative is the role of bulk cash transfers. Even in a world that is moving to cashless transactions, cash generally remains the primary currency of both the illicit drug trade and corruption.

    The biggest and most successful drug traffickers have significant cash reserves which are used to pay workers, replace drugs that are lost or seized, accrue assets, and bribe key officials.

    Reflecting on his former illicit enterprise, Margarito Flores observed: “For every kilo of cocaine or heroin or methamphetamine we sold in the US, at least a kilo of cash went back to Mexico.” For deals in Europe, Flores said: “Given the markup the further away you trade, the amount of cash sent back could be even higher – I would estimate it to be a kilo and a half.”

    Flores described the ineptitude of law enforcement in policing cash that was leaving the US:

    No matter how careful we were, my brother and I lost a handful of loads of drugs heading north [from Mexico into the US]. Heading south was different: we just had the money put on tractor trailers and had it driven it across the border. We never lost a dollar. That’s where politicians don’t pay enough attention. That cash lets traffickers keep doing business.

    Focus on the money as well as the drugs

    So long as demand for illicit drugs exists, the industry will continue – and the revenue it generates will be laundered.

    We believe that to curb the drugs trade, enforcement strategies need to go beyond simply capturing drugs and focus much more on capturing the money. Governments should go after reserves held not only by drug cartels but high-level distributors, such as those who replaced the Flores twins, and also wholesalers. People like these – comparatively high earners in destination countries – are the backbone of the illicit drugs trade.

    Transnational law enforcement should prioritise detecting and seizing bulk cash transfers. These high-volume proceeds underwrite the wellbeing of drug trafficking organisations. Digital tools, such as machine learning and artificial intelligence, can be developed to create new techniques to track and trace suspicious transactions, although they alone won’t solve all laundering problems.

    Corruption of officials also remains a problem. Governments need to ensure their officials are well paid and sufficiently monitored in their roles – be they working in government, border control, banks, police departments or prisons. Unfortunately, the US has shirked its leadership in global anti-corruption efforts with the recent halting of the enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, which bans the bribing of foreign officials.




    Read more:
    Mexico’s drug corruption has more to do with US demand than crooked politicians


    Anti-money laundering efforts need to be consistently supported and required. Lamentably, the US has undermined its anti-money laundering toolkit by suspending the enforcement of beneficial ownership information reporting requirements. Establishing beneficial ownership helps financial institutions to identify parties that are hiding their financial interests, which can be an indication of money laundering or other criminal activity.

    Similarly, foreign investment in producer countries can strengthen their capacity to counter laundering by supporting intelligence infrastructure and improved training. Recent cuts to USAid and the reduction of US State Department efforts in these areas is another indication that the US will no longer lead in these domains.

    As cash businesses provide an easy mechanism for cleaning money, moving to a cashless society that uses digital transactions may help ensure that money is traceable. At the same time, cryptomarkets provide a minor, but potentially increasing, pathway to hiding dirty money digitally.

    Ultimately, we should recognise the decades-long “war on drugs” for what it is: a policy costing trillions of dollars that combined mass incarceration with insufficient public health investment, and which has harmed the very communities the illicit drug trade affects the most. It is a difficult balance, but the pathway forward needs to reorient the objectives regarding drugs: invest in people, then go after the money that keeps the cartels, distributors and wholesalers afloat.


    For you: more from our Insights series:

    To hear about new Insights articles, join the hundreds of thousands of people who value The Conversation’s evidence-based news. Subscribe to our newsletter.

    Mark Berry received funding from the Dawes Trust for a prestigious PhD scholarship to undertake work that informs the contents of this article.

    R.V. Gundur received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council to undertake work that informs the contents of this article. He is also a professional member of the International Compliance Association.

    The authors wish to thank Margarito Flores Jr (kingpintoeducator.com) for his help with this article.

    ref. Money laundering plays a key role in every part of the illegal drugs industry – here’s how it works – https://theconversation.com/money-laundering-plays-a-key-role-in-every-part-of-the-illegal-drugs-industry-heres-how-it-works-251288

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI USA: Gov. Kemp Signs AFY25 Budget – Delivering Hurricane Relief, Tax Refunds, and Major One-Time Investments

    Source: US State of Georgia

    ATLANTA – Governor Brian P. Kemp, joined by First Lady Marty Kemp, Lt. Governor Burt Jones, Speaker Jon Burns, House and Senate Appropriations Chairmen Tillery and Hatchett, constitutional officers, and members of the Georgia General Assembly, today signed the Amended Budget for Fiscal Year 2025

    Excerpt of Governor Kemp’s Remarks

    I want to start by thanking the great legislative partners you see behind us and those next to me, including Lt. Governor Burt Jones, Speaker Jon Burns, Chairman Blake Tillery, Chairman Matt Hatchett, and the members of the General Assembly from both chambers and parties who overwhelmingly voted for this budget.

    We’re also glad to be joined by the Constitutional Officers here with us today and the nation’s best First Lady, Marty Kemp!

    I also want to thank OPB Director Rick Dunn and his team for all the time and hard work they put into the budget process each year alongside our partners in the House and Senate Budget Offices and all the time and effort they still have left to give as we work on the big budget. Let’s give his team a round of applause.

    Today, I’ll sign the amended budget for Fiscal Year 2025… a budget that gives relief to Georgians devastated by Hurricane Helene… makes our schools and communities safer through strategic investments… and yet again returns hard-earned money to the taxpayers. 

    All of this investment is designed to benefit our local communities but it’s also going to keep Georgians working in all parts of the state during these uncertain economic times.

    As we all know too well, inflation may have come down, but high prices haven’t. And that’s why this budget includes 1 billion dollars for another one-time refund for hardworking taxpayers!

    And as just a reminder to you all behind me, we still need the General Assembly to pass the enabling legislation.

    I’m sure some of these men and women up here will help us out with that later today!

    And as soon as we pass the second tax cut acceleration measure, we’ll be able to keep even more of Georgians’ money in their pockets… because they know how to spend it better than the government does!

    My goal working with the members of the General Assembly who have been such strong supporters in these measures has been to help Georgians fighting through 40-year-high inflation. 

    To give them a chance during these challenging times to keep their businesses going and provide for their families by putting more money in their pockets. And to help them and their children have good-paying jobs by developing an environment that attracts business and opportunity.

    That’s what people voted for in November of 2024; that’s what we’ve all been doing; and that’s what we’re going to keep doing!

    So, thank you, legislators, for helping us keep Georgia the best place to live, work, and raise a family through budgets like this.

    You can watch Governor Kemp’s full remarks and the signing of the budget here.

    “This budget includes critical midyear adjustments for Georgia’s education system, economic development projects, transportation infrastructure and public safety,” said Lt. Governor Burt Jones. “Additionally, over $250 million is included for Georgia’s agriculture and timber communities impacted by Hurricane Helene, along with relief for our fellow Georgians and local communities for recovery and cleanup efforts. I want to thank Governor Kemp, Speaker Burns, Chairman Tillery, and all members of the Senate Appropriations Committee for their hard work to ensure we passed a balanced and fiscally conservative budget, as we prepare for fiscal year 2026. Georgia is a shining example of how to budget efficiently and effectively, while putting Georgian’s hard earned dollars back in their pockets. I look forward to our continued work to appropriate taxpayer dollars in a fiscally, conservative manner.”

    “This budget reaffirms Georgia’s commitment to making strategic investments that strengthen and uplift every community, family, and citizen across our great state—all while putting money back in the pockets of taxpayers,” said Speaker Jon Burns. “As we look ahead, the House is looking forward to working alongside Governor Kemp to continue prioritizing fiscally responsible and measured investments that secure the future success of our state for generations to come.”

    In addition to investments in healthcare, public safety, education, and returning $1 billion to taxpayers through a third one-time special tax refund, the amended budget includes investments and allocations for:

    • Hurricane Helene Relief: More then $867 million for response costs and relief, including but not limited to, one-time grants to public rural and critical access hospitals included in the major disaster declaration area to assist in financial stabilization and recovery efforts, disaster relief assistance to impacted farmers and timber producers, and grants to non-profits for Hurricane Helene rebuilding and recovery efforts.
    • Education and Workforce Development: $140 million in additional allocations to fully fund QBE and support our local school systems to help us build an unrivaled workforce as we work to make Georgia the Top State for Talent.
    • Public Safety and Corrections: More than $434 million in new funding for the Department of Corrections to fortify state facilities, invest in Corrections Officers, and equip them with the tools they need to be effective and efficient.
    • Fighting Human Trafficking: $3.5 million to design a recovery center for victims of human trafficking – an effort championed by First Lady Marty Kemp – and over $187,000 to expand the Human Trafficking Prosecution Unit to the Macon and Augusta regions.
    • School Security: An additional $50 million in one-time funds for another round of security grants to all K-12 public schools.
    • Coastal Water Infrastructure: $501.7 million in funding for the development and construction of water infrastructure in Georgia’s coastal region to meet the growing demand due to historic economic development.
    • Local Water and Sewer Infrastructure: Over $266 million in funding for the Georgia Environmental Finance Authority to support water and sewer infrastructure development projects across Georgia.
    • Local Road Infrastructure: $265 million into the local maintenance and improvement grant program and $46 million to the Georgia Transportation Infrastructure Bank’s grant and loan program. 
    • Combating Wildfires: $4.7 million for the Forestry Commission to purchase a new fire suppression helicopter

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Senegal: Authorities must deliver justice to victims of violent repression of protests since 2021 

    Source: Amnesty International –

    The Senegalese authorities must deliver justice, truth and reparation to the thousands of victims of the violent crackdown on protests between 2021 and 2024, said Amnesty International on the first anniversary of a law granting an amnesty to security forces.  

    The amnesty law, passed on 6 March 2024, covers all acts likely to be classified as crimes or offences relating to ‘demonstrations or politically motivated events’, which took place between 1 February 2021 and 25 February 2024. During this period, during protests triggered by the arrest of then opposition leader Ousmane Sonko, security forces routinely deployed excessive and lethal use of force against protesters. According to figures gathered by Amnesty International and other civil society organizations, at least 65 people were killed, the majority by firearms, with at least 1,000 wounded. A further 2,000 people were arrested.  

    “Justice, truth and reparation require that security forces allegedly responsible for excessive and illegal use of force during protests be prosecuted. The amnesty law constitutes an obstacle that must be removed by the current Senegalese authorities, as they pledged to do,” said Marceau Sivieude, Amnesty International’s interim regional director for West and Central Africa. 

    Justice, truth and reparation require that security forces allegedly responsible for excessive and illegal use of force during protests be prosecuted.

    Marceau Sivieude, Amnesty International Interim Regional Director for West and Central Africa

    “The financial assistance paid in 2024 to some of the victims of detentions and announced in 2025 to families of people killed during protests is a first step. However, it does not meet their need for justice, nor does it constitute a guarantee that such events will not be repeated. Senegalese authorities must repeal the amnesty law and provide justice to all victims of human rights violations during protests,” said Seydi Gassama, executive director of Amnesty International Senegal.    

    MIL OSI NGO

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Integrating Disaster Risk Reduction in Kenya’s Dadaab Refugee Complex

    Source: UNISDR Disaster Risk Reduction

    In May 2024, heavy rains in Kenya triggered severe flooding, affecting the communities in Dadaab refugee complex and displacing over 20,000 people, according to UNHCR. The floods disrupted schooling, destroyed latrines and homes, blocked roads, and heightened the risk of disease outbreaks. The high population density, combined with limited infrastructure and resources make the complex and its inhabitants highly vulnerable to climate-related disasters.

    The Dadaab refugee complex, situated in Garissa County, has been continuously expanding since its creation in 1991. Home to more than 400,000 people, the three camps that make up the complex welcome victims of conflict and persecution but also climate shocks.

    Despite disasters and displacement being deeply interconnected, and refugees facing recurring disasters, DRR has often been an afterthought in humanitarian responses.

    “Historically, our focus has been on immediate humanitarian response-providing shelter, food, and protection for displaced populations. DRR was often seen as a secondary priority in the urgency of crisis response. However, with the increasing frequency and intensity of climate-related disasters, we can no longer afford to address displacement and disasters separately. We now recognize that resilience must be built from the outset. Integrating DRR into our work is critical to ensure that communities we serve are not perpetually vulnerable to the next disaster.” Mr William Ejalu, Head of UNHCR Dadaab sub-office.

    As these displacements become more protracted, the Government of Kenya, supported by humanitarian and development partners, launched the Shirika plan. It aims to transition refugee camps into integrated municipalities, promoting durable solutions to displacement that strengthen resilience and promote inclusion. This municipalization process constitutes a critical opportunity to embed disaster risk reduction (DRR) into broader humanitarian and development strategies.

    Recognizing this window of opportunity, the United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNDRR) and the United Nations University (UNU) conducted a scoping mission to Dadaab in January 2025, as part of project accelerating disaster risk reduction in humanitarian action supported by the Government of Germany. The mission assessed disaster risks and identified the best ways to leverage the Early Warnings for All (EW4All) and Making Cities Resilient 2030 initiatives to support the integration of DRR in the refugee complex and in the establishment of the new municipalities.

    “The future of disaster risk reduction in refugee settings hinges on strong partnerships, and innovative solutions. As displacement becomes increasingly protracted and climate risks intensify, we must act now to integrate refugees into national resilience strategies. This is not just about reducing risks-it’s about safeguarding lives, protecting livelihoods, and ensuring that no one, regardless of their status, is left behind.” Mr. Huw Beynon, Deputy Chief, UNDRR Regional Office for Africa

    In this context, there is an opportunity to reduce disaster risk and build resilience in Dadaab. To support this, UNDRR and UNU proposed four areas of collaboration including improving disaster risk governance; strengthening early warning and early action; enhancing data and knowledge management and promoting community-led resilience.

    “Refugees should not be the last to know when disaster strikes. They need to be integrated into national early warning systems just as any other resident. Integrating refugees into national disaster preparedness systems is not just a matter of equity but also of efficiency. When everyone receives early warnings, response times improve, and lives are saved.” Mr Vitalis Ogur, Assistant County Commissioner, Dadaab Subcounty

    This initiative will serve as a model for DRR in refugee-hosting municipalities worldwide, demonstrating that even in displacement settings, resilience is possible.

    “Dadaab is no longer just a refugee camp-it is evolving into a municipality. This means we must work with all stakeholders and integrate disaster risk in everything we do, to ensure that we develop a resilient sustainable municipality.” Mr Emma Mohammed, Municipal Manager, Dadaab Municipality,

    By leveraging the strengths of EW4All, MCR2030, and the municipalization process, stakeholders can move beyond short-term humanitarian responses to build long-term resilience for both refugees and host communities.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the white paper on the future of European defence – B10-0150/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    B10‑0150/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the white paper on the future of European defence

    (2025/2565(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas the EU is currently under attack, with hybrid incidents inside its borders, a large-scale war in its neighbourhood, and a realignment of global powers, all presenting real risks to the security of the EU and its citizens and requiring immediate, ambitious and decisive action;

    B. whereas the Commissioner for Defence and Space and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy are expected to present a white paper on the future of European defence on 19 March 2025, which should serve as a roadmap for such action;

    1. Urges the EU to act immediately to ensure its ability to protect its citizens, deter its enemies, support its allies and become a powerful defender of the rules-based international order and the principles of the European security architecture; urges the EU and its Member States to define a coherent, comprehensive and actionable strategy to achieve this; expects the Commission to present a proposal for such a strategy in its white paper on the future of European defence;

    2. Is firmly convinced that a united EU can overcome all the challenges it faces and become a global power for peace, security, human rights and sustainable development, but that this requires a strong EU budget or additional European financial instruments, a reliable and sovereign industrial basis, a full spectrum of European military capabilities, including strategic enablers, and an integrated command allowing all national forces to act under a unified structure at the service of the EU, alone or in complementarity with other allied forces;

    3. Believes that the strategy must include a renewed threat assessment, reflecting the recent unprecedented changes in the EU’s geopolitical context, a plan for supporting Ukraine against Russia’s war of aggression, as a key action to defend the EU’s values and protect its citizens and territory, a roadmap to close the capability gap, restore deterrence and enable autonomous EU action, and a plan to finance such vital transformations in the EU’s capacity to act;

    4. Stresses its firm commitment to continued close cooperation with NATO to reinforce deterrence, collective defence and interoperability; calls nonetheless for the development of a fully-capable European Pillar of NATO able to act autonomously whenever necessary;

    Assessing our threats and challenges

    5. Is convinced that the EU needs to define its foreign policy goals and strategic defence doctrine, identifying the most pressing challenges, systemic threats and rival actors, and to shape its defence strategy accordingly;

    6. Strongly believes that Europe is today facing the most profound military threat to its territorial integrity since the Second World War; believes that Russia and its allies are currently the most significant threat to our security and that of EU candidate countries and partners, and reiterates its condemnation in the strongest terms of Russia’s unprovoked, illegal and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine; notes, however, that the instability in our southern neighbourhood, the rise in Chinese military power, the increased aggressiveness of some middle powers and the behaviour of the Trump administration, which appears ready to jeopardise transatlantic cooperation on common security and make a deal with the Russian aggressor at the expense of Ukrainian and European security, which are one and the same, must also be fully taken into consideration;

    7. Highlights the fact that on assessments by several European intelligence services, Russia will be ready to attack EU territory within 3 to 10 years, particularly if there is a ceasefire in its aggression against Ukraine that does not lead to a just and lasting peace; notes with deep concern that the Russian armed forces have grown in size and gained valuable battlefield experience, unlike any European forces with the exception of those of Ukraine, aims to have a 1.5 million-strong military by 2026 and has significantly ramped up its armaments production, making it an extremely worrisome threat for the EU’s security and for peace in Europe and globally;

    8. Strongly condemns Russia’s escalating hybrid warfare tactics within the EU and its neighbourhood, which encompass both non-physical and physical actions, including attacks on critical infrastructure and disruption of elections; highlights that Russia’s strategic doctrine includes significant conventional conflict in its conception and execution of hybrid war and conceives hybrid wars as the main line of future military development, rather than a temporary phenomenon; calls for the EU to immediately and significantly step up its ability to defend, attribute and punish hybrid warfare waged within its territory and that of candidate countries;

    9. Condemns all countries that are providing military equipment, financial support or any other form of assistance to Russia, thereby enabling and intensifying its ongoing aggression; warns of the very serious risks resulting from a widening of the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine; is deeply concerned that the involvement of Iran and North Korea will provide them with important lessons to modernise their military capabilities, and may accelerate their paths towards nuclearisation;

    10. Reaffirms its grave concerns about China’s increasing military investments and capabilities; expresses serious concerns about the renewed Chinese and Russian commitment to further strengthen their military ties and condemns China’s supplying of components and equipment to Moscow’s military industry;

    11. Notes with concern the increase in both intra and inter-state conflicts in the EU’s wider neighbourhood, in part driven by the hegemonic ambitions of several middle powers, the presence of aggressive non-state actors and by the fragility of several states; also notes that this leads to clear threats to the EU’s security, namely by fostering terrorism and increasing the destabilisation of populations, often forcing their displacement;

    12. Is deeply concerned by the recent actions of the Trump administration, which distance it from the values that have been at the core of its relationship with the EU, namely democracy, the rule of law, freedom of speech and support for the rules-based international order; regrets, in this regard, the votes of the US Government, aligned with the Russian Government, in the UN General Assembly and the UN Security Council on resolutions about the third anniversary of Russia’s war of aggression, as well as the unilateral decision to end Russia’s international isolation and to propose a normalisation of relations between them; strongly condemns any attempt to blame Ukraine, the victim, for the actions of the aggressor, Russia; urges the US Government to maintain maximum pressure on Russia until the latter agrees to a just and lasting peace for Ukraine; rejects any attempt by the US Government to impose a new security architecture on the EU and its Member States, and reiterates that any negotiation of such a security architecture must take place with the EU at the table; is deeply concerned by the actions of the US Government towards NATO and the doubts raised regarding the United States’ commitment to the security of the European continent; supports the peace process for Ukraine launched by European leaders, together with Ukraine, on 2 March 2025 in London, which seeks a just and lasting peace for Ukraine, and must be based on full respect for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, the principles of international law, accountability for Russia’s war crimes and crime of aggression, Russian payments for the massive damage caused in Ukraine and credible security guarantees for Ukraine;

    13. Concurs with the assessment of the Strategic Compass that the EU is surrounded by instability and conflicts, but notes that in the meantime the situation has changed dramatically; believes that, altogether, these developments produce an encirclement of Europe that reduces its scope for the pursuit of democratically defined and autonomous interests and values, and that this requires an immediate response; recognises the evolving nature of global security threats and therefore calls for the EU to conduct more frequent threat assessments, as they are the precondition for a realistic and successful planning of capabilities and operations;

    Supporting Ukraine

    14. Urges the EU and its Member States, together with international partners and NATO allies, to immediately increase their military support to Ukraine in order to assist it in exercising its legitimate right to self-defence against the Russian war of aggression according to Article 51 of the UN Charter; calls, in this regard, for the swift adoption of the next military aid package, which should be the largest to date and reflect the level of ambition this juncture calls for; calls on the Member States, international partners and NATO allies to lift all restrictions on the use of Western weapons systems delivered to Ukraine against military targets in Russian territory; calls for a significant increase in the financing of military support to Ukraine; calls on the Member States, together with their G7 partners, to immediately seize all frozen Russian assets in order to maintain and step up the EU’s response to Ukraine’s military needs;

    15. Urges the Member States to immediately engage in joint procurement of additional capabilities, in particular ammunition for air defence and artillery, as well as any capabilities in which US assistance has played a key role thus far; further urges them to plan in advance for a possible sudden stop in US military assistance;

    16. Welcomes the continued support for the Ukrainian Armed Forces through the EU Military Assistance Mission in support of Ukraine, which has already trained more than 60 000 Ukrainian troops, and calls on the mission to continue training as many troops as possible; stresses the importance of specific training modules aimed at developing the capacities of existing and future officers of the Ukrainian Armed Forces across all levels and in accordance with their needs; emphasises that the mission should also act as a platform for the exchange of best practices that would ensure that European forces also benefit from the lessons learnt on the battlefield by the Ukrainian Armed Forces; calls on the Member States to further expand training operations for the Ukrainian Armed Forces, including training operations in Ukrainian territory;

    17. Insists on the paramount importance of cooperation with, and the integration of, the Ukrainian defence industry into the EU’s defence technological and industrial base (EDTIB), which offers clear advantages for both sides, and calls for speedier integration of the Ukrainian defence industry; recalls the importance of the European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP) to that effect, and highlights the urgency of properly financing EDIPs Ukraine Support Instrument, which is currently not budgeted; calls on the Commission to include Ukraine and its defence industry in all its defence industrial programmes;

    18. Praises the ‘Danish Model’ for support to Ukraine, which consists of procuring defence capabilities produced directly in Ukraine; urges the EU and its Member States to strongly support this model and to make full use of its potential, as there is an underutilisation of Ukraine’s defence industrial capacity, estimated at around 50 %, and it brings many advantages to both sides, such as cheaper equipment, speedier and safer logistics as well as greater ease of training and maintenance;

    19. Calls for the EU and its Member States to actively work towards maintaining and achieving the broadest possible international support for Ukraine and identifying a peaceful solution to the war that must be based on full respect for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, the principles of international law, accountability for Russia’s war crimes and the crime of aggression, and Russian payments for the massive damage caused in Ukraine; urges the EU and its Member States to participate in establishing robust future security guarantees for Ukraine;

    Closing the capabilities gap and restoring deterrence

    20. Strongly believes that strengthening Europe’s security and defence requires not just a simple increase in ambition and action, but a complete overhaul of the way we act and invest in our security and defence, such that from now on we plan, innovate, develop, purchase, maintain and deploy capabilities together, in a coordinated and integrated fashion, while making full use of the complementary competences of all actors in Europe, including NATO;

    21. Calls on the Commission to come up with a complete programme for defence, including against hybrid attacks, ensuring that planning, research, development, procurement and management of capabilities are all done through a European lens, and that all EU funds are used as a stimulus to joint EU action, instead of perpetuating the present state of market fragmentation, divergent and incompatible capabilities, and superfluous and wasteful investments; considers EDIP to be a good step forward and as such calls for its swift adoption;

    22. Recognises that the starting point must be a realistic assessment of the current capabilities and capability gap; calls on the Commission, with the support of the European Defence Agency and in cooperation with NATO, to identify critical defence capability gaps and shortfalls in the EU, in particular for strategic enablers, where the Member States have fallen behind and become dependent on non-European allies; furthermore, calls on the Commission to transform the capability gaps into clear industrial targets that can be the object of planning and programming and benefit from an industrial policy;

    23. Declares the EDTIB to be a strategic asset of the EU, and as such considers that the Commission should be tasked with its mapping and monitoring, so as to safeguard the EU’s strengths, reduce its vulnerabilities, avoid crises, and provide it with an effective and efficient industrial policy; calls on the Commission to draw on the EU Military Committee’s expertise in the definition of defence industries’ priorities and the formulation of defence initiatives in order to ensure alignment between industrial capabilities and military needs; recalls the importance of ensuring that the EDTIB is present in all Member States, distributing the burden and the benefits equitably, and preventing its disruption by a targeted attack on a particular area;

    24. Strongly believes that EU support for the production and procurement of defence products should focus on stimulating the EDTIB, increasing production volumes and ensuring the development of native European solutions for key capabilities, in particular for domains of action where we have so far relied on support from allies, and thus be oriented towards EU-based companies; rejects a scenario in which EU funds contribute to perpetuating or deepening dependences on non-European actors, whether for production of capabilities or their deployment; notes with concern that the vast majority of EU defence investment is diverted to defence industry players outside the EU; highlights that our investments should also contribute to bringing our European allies closer together, first and foremost Ukraine, but also Norway and the UK, finding synergies between complementary industrial strengths and bolstering the interoperability of our fighting forces; states, however, that joining common projects in defence and security requires a steadfast commitment to the EU’s values and norms and demands that any industrial partnerships with non-EU allies include strong safeguards on technology transfer and design authority, ensuring that we do not face restrictions on the use of the capabilities acquired; highlights that EU funds will provide opportunities for the defence industry, but also require a commitment to give priority to orders linked to ensuring European security and defence, in particular in times of crisis;

    25. Urges the Member States to radically change the way they procure defence products, choosing common procurement by default, and to consider tasking the Commission with undertaking joint procurement on their behalf; considers that all products procured in the EU, particularly those supported by EU funds, must respect strong safeguards on technology transfer and design authority;

    26. Welcomes all measures that allow a faster and more effective ramp-up of production of defence products in Europe, in particular those that are most needed for a land war; calls for a change in paradigm from a ‘flow’ approach to a ‘stock’ approach, with stock piles of materiel ready for a sustained increase in demand; notes, in this regard, the advantages offered by mechanisms such as advance purchase agreements, the establishment of ‘ever-warm’ facilities and the creation of defence readiness pools; calls on the Commission to support the Member States in developing wartime economic cooperation contingency plans with close partners to prepare for mutual support in the case of large-scale security crises involving them directly, and to deepen wartime economic dialogues with European and global partners;

    27. Highlights that the EDTIB cannot thrive without a true single market for defence; emphasises, in this regard, the need for an effective regulatory framework aimed at encouraging innovation and cross-border cooperation in production, procurement and investment; insists on the need to remove barriers to market entry for defence products across the EU and calls on the Commission to act upon the results of the reviews of the Directives on the transfer of defence-related products[1] and defence procurement[2], considering the obstacles and costs imposed by the current fragmented framework for certification of defence products; calls on the Commission to propose a regulation for common rules on the certification of defence products and the creation of a European defence certification authority; underlines at the same time the importance of maintaining fruitful competition between different undertakings in the single market for defence; calls on the Commission to propose a regulation on the standardisation of defence products with binding industrial standards, taking advantage of the lessons learnt from the implementation of NATO defence standards;

    28. Stresses the need for greater transparency and convergence at the national and European levels on arms exports; points out the need for the Member States to respect the EU Common Position on Arms Exports, while acknowledging their competences in their defence acquisition policies;

    29. Underlines the importance of Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) in improving and harmonising the EU’s defence capabilities; reiterates its regret that Member States continue to not make full use of the PESCO framework; reiterates its call on the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the Member States, and with the involvement of the Commission, to assess projects and their potential regularly and comprehensively with a view to streamlining the current set of projects to a small set of priority projects; believes that priority projects must focus on reducing our dependencies regarding strategic enablers, such as battlefield command and control (C2), aerial and satellite intelligence, surveillance and recognition, satellite communication, air defence and suppression of enemy air defences, military mobility, strategic and tactical air transport and aerial refuelling, missile and deep strike capabilities, drone and anti-drone technologies, combat engineering and wet-gap crossing, and airborne electronic attack; believes that these could be European Defence Projects of Common Interest (EDPCI); regrets that Parliament is not in a position to properly scrutinise PESCO projects and calls for a change of paradigm for the governance of EDPCIs, such that Parliament is adequately involved; reiterates its call on the Member States to provide an implementation report on PESCO projects to Parliament at least twice a year;

    30. Calls on the Commission to propose an EU drones package, focusing on drone and anti-drone systems and auxiliary capabilities, containing plans and funds to stimulate research and development, which should learn from the Ukrainian experience and be open to the participation of Ukraine’s highly innovative companies, as well as an industrial programme dedicated to the joint development, production and procurement of drones and anti-drone systems, and a regulation on the use of drones in civilian and military contexts;

    31. Calls on the Commission to step up the ambition of the European Defence Fund, both quantitatively and qualitatively, and to better align its work programme with the capability planning exercises; recalls that the EU’s investment in defence research and innovation is much lower than that of its industrial competitors; considers that part of the investment from the European Defence Fund (EDF) should be designed to foster partnerships between academia, ministries of defence and the defence industry, and to the creation of dedicated research centres for defence; highlights the importance of promoting the participation of the most innovative high-tech companies from the civilian sector in the EDF;

    32. Recalls that the EDTIB is currently facing a shortage of skilled workers, and calls on the Commission and the Member States to develop a strategy to train, upskill and reskill workers; considers that funding from defence programmes must be paired with requirements regarding benefits for workers and communities where the investments are located, making the European defence industry a source of high-quality jobs and earning the EDTIB broad support from the population;

    33. Calls for the EU and its Member States to quickly improve the state of military mobility and logistics, removing all unnecessary obstacles that slow down the speed at which the EU can react to threats and deploy its forces;

    34. Calls for the EU to develop a comprehensive set of instruments to detect, prevent and react to hybrid attacks and threats and protect the Union’s citizens and assets, including critical infrastructure, but also democratic institutions and processes; reiterates its call on the Member States, the European External Action Service and the Commission to consider the creation of a well-resourced and independent structure tasked with identifying, analysing and documenting foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) threats against the EU as a whole to increase situational awareness and threat intelligence sharing, and develop attribution capabilities and countermeasures in relation to FIMI;

    35. Stresses the importance of enhanced intelligence sharing and information exchange among the Member States and EU institutions, including Parliament, to improve situational awareness and to be able to better anticipate and counter threats to collective security and define common lines of action under the common security and defence policy (CSDP), particularly in the area of crisis management; calls on the Member States to use the EU Intelligence Analysis Centre (EU INTCEN) as an effective intelligence-sharing body to share intelligence securely, formulate a common strategic culture and provide strategic information to better anticipate and respond to crises within and outside the EU; reiterates its call for the deployment of intelligence-gathering capacities in all CSDP missions and operations, which would provide information to the EU INTCEN, EU military staff, the EU’s Military Planning and Conduct Capability (MPCC) and the Civilian Planning and Conduct Capability;

    36. Welcomes the Niinistö report and its recommendations for strengthening Europe’s civilian and military preparedness and resilience; supports the adoption of a whole-of-society approach to resilience, involving the active engagement of the EU institutions, the Member States, civil society and individual citizens in strengthening the Union’s security framework; urges the EU to increase the alignment of existing EU instruments and policies, as well as that between EU and national policies, pioneering a ‘preparedness in all policies’ approach to security and defence, ensuring they do not generate contradictory obligations or jeopardise overall defence objectives, especially during a security crisis; expects the upcoming EU strategy on preparedness to offer details of the implementation of the report;

    Enabling autonomous EU action

    37. Recalls that the Strategic Compass provides the EU and its Member States with a framework for strengthening the EU’s security and defence and for advancing towards a common forward-looking strategic culture; reiterates that the Strategic Compass’s ambitious aims and milestones can only be achieved with the corresponding political will, adequate financial contributions and openness to cooperation where necessary; calls for the Member States to take all the necessary steps and decisions and fully implement the Strategic Compass; reiterates its call to strengthen the EU-s MPCC, establishing it as the preferred command and control structure for EU military operations and providing it with adequate premises, staff, enhanced command and control, and effective communication and information systems for all CSDP missions and operations, including those of the Rapid Deployment Capacity; insists that the Rapid Deployment Capacity must achieve full operational capability in the first half of 2025 at the latest, with at least 5 000 troops; calls on the Member States to urgently pursue a more ambitious pace and scale of command integration and joint operational capability, with the goal of enabling the EU to conduct large-scale operations independently, without reliance on non-EU countries for any capability, including strategic enablers; stresses that the EU and its Member States cannot develop consistent foreign and defence policies without strong support for democratic and agile structures and decision-making processes; underlines that further institutional discussions on removing the unanimity requirement to enhance cooperation should be explored;

    38. Underlines that in the current geopolitical context, the need for continuing to operationalise Article 42(7) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) on mutual assistance, ensuring solidarity among Member States, especially those whose geographical position leaves them directly exposed to imminent threats and challenges, regardless of whether or not they are NATO members, is of utmost importance; calls on the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy to present concrete steps towards developing a true EU solidarity policy, including by clarifying the practical arrangements in the event of a Member State triggering Article 42(7) TEU;

    39. Notes that EU candidate countries are frequently the target of destabilisation campaigns, and thus calls for the EU to ensure them greater support, in order to preserve stability and security and increase defence cooperation, especially in the fight against disinformation and hybrid warfare; is concerned that otherwise it will act as an invitation to Russia to invade them before they finally join the EU;

    40. Reiterates the importance of EU-NATO cooperation, as NATO remains, for those states that are members of it, an important pillar of their collective defence, such that EU-NATO cooperation should continue, in particular in areas such as information exchange, planning, military mobility and exchange of best practices; highlights that all EU-NATO cooperation must be mutually beneficial and inclusive and respect the EU’s capacity to act autonomously; remains concerned, in this respect, that Türkiye, a NATO member and EU candidate country, excludes Cyprus from cooperation with NATO, hampering an enhanced relationship between the EU and NATO;

    41. Underlines the need for a strong EU defence pillar within NATO, able to act autonomously from, and in complementarity with, NATO, turning the transatlantic alliance into a more equal partnership, and granting the necessary security guarantees to the EU, its Member States and whoever else they deem it necessary to extend them to;

    42. Considers it essential to formalise a security and defence partnership with the United Kingdom as a means of strengthening European security and the European pillar of NATO, in particular in the context of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine; underlines, in this regard, the importance of closer cooperation on information and intelligence sharing, military mobility, security and defence initiatives, crisis management, cyber defence, hybrid threats, FIMI and in jointly addressing shared threats;

    43. Calls on the Commission and the Member States to ensure that all instruments of external action, including development aid and cooperation, are aligned with the EU’s security objectives, fostering resilient societies by promoting inclusive economic growth, good governance and human rights; emphasises the crucial role that diplomacy and development cooperation play alongside military efforts in ensuring long-term international security; underscores that sustainable peace cannot be achieved through military measures alone, but requires comprehensive strategies that address the root causes of instability, such as poverty, inequality, governance failures and climate change;

    Financing our security and defence

    44. Considers that, in order to be able to protect its citizens, deter its enemies, support its allies and become a powerful actor in the defence of a rules-based international order, the EU requires an immediate, substantial and sustained investment in security and defence, in particular at EU level, using a mix of public and private funds and incentivising better spending and better collective action; calls for the EU and the Member States to urgently agree on concrete financial solutions to finance security and defence-related investments; welcomes the ReArmEU initiative by the Commission as an important first step towards swift action;

    45. Recalls that the Commission has estimated the funding needed at EUR 500 billion over the next 10 years (2025-2034), including EUR 400 billion to strengthen Member States’ defence capabilities and EUR 100 billion to support Ukraine; notes higher estimates, such as a Bruegel study referring to EUR 250 billion annually in the event that the United States withdraws its military presence from Europe; highlights that the cost of isolated action is much higher than the cost of joint action, and that the EU and its Member states can also increase their preparedness by making current investment more efficient and coordinated; highlights that the cost of non-preparedness and the consequent loss of autonomy and potential military defeat is much higher than the cost of acting decisively now;

    46. Strongly supports increased investments in our security and defence to ensure that the EU and its Member States are able to face all types of threats, from hybrid to conventional, and establish strong deterrence, while reducing dependences; notes that insecurity, social exclusion and poverty are persistently weaponised by our enemies, as they make large swaths of people more vulnerable to hostile propaganda and anti-democratic narratives; demands therefore that the increased investments in our security and defence come on top of the important investments in social cohesion and welfare, and not instead of them; calls instead for a comprehensive EU investment strategy, based on a permanent fiscal capacity that addresses both vulnerabilities in military capabilities and in the social fabric, empowering us to fight all threats to our values, social model, security and defence; underlines that this pressing investment requires raising public financial resources quickly and in substantial volumes and that this should be based on the principle of social solidarity and a fair redistribution of wealth within our European societies; calls therefore on the Commission to propose new own resources and taxes on the stakeholders benefiting from the current economic and security situation, notably through windfall profits, in order to ensure a fair and sustainable contribution to our collective resilience; recalls that investing in security and defence brings many additional benefits for European society besides greater security and autonomy, and contributes to the desire to make the EU’s economy more competitive;

    47. Warns that simply increasing national defence spending without addressing coordination issues, redundant efforts, and misaligned strategies could be counterproductive as it may exacerbate force integration challenges and drive up procurement costs for all Member States by intensifying competition between them; is therefore concerned by the Commission’s proposals in ReArmEU to activate the escape clause of the Stability and Growth Pact for defence investments, which would change the fiscal rules without creating more fiscal space and without accompanying it with proposals for increased coordinated or joint spending; recalls that any exemption should take into account the need to avoid moral hazard and avoid rewarding countries with long-standing inadequacies in their security and defence spending; demands that the Commission and the Member States design any exemptions for defence spending ramp-up in a way that incentivises coordinated spending and ensures the definition of such investments takes into account all threats, including hybrid, and the need to improve military mobility, resilience and security of communications and the availability of skilled workers;

    48. Calls therefore for the bulk of the effort to serve EU-level action; regrets that the Commission’s ReArmEU initiative is mostly based on national expenditure; furthermore calls for the EU and its Member States to give prominent coordination roles to the Commission and the European Defence Agency in new financing instruments, which should be coupled with a complete programme for defence, including against hybrid attacks, ensuring that planning, development, procurement and management of capabilities is done together, in groupings of significant numbers of Member States, and often with the Commission and the European Defence Agency acting on their behalf;

    49. Recognises that the present multiannual financial framework (MFF) is unable to provide sufficient resources for security and defence, and rejects any increases in security and defence spending in the present and future MFFs at the expense of cohesion policy funds, as proposed by the Commission in its ReArmEU initiative; calls on the Commission and the Member States to adapt the cohesion policy funds to a new geopolitical reality, shifting from a reactive, crisis-response stance to a more proactive policy focused on resilience; underlines that the EU budget alone cannot fill the defence spending gap, but has an important role to play; calls for additional EU-wide and European solutions to bridge the gap until the next MFF; highlights the importance of future MFFs in transforming the current immediate increases in security and defence into structural and sustainable EU-level efforts to ensure the EU’s security and defence;

    50. Notes the proposals to make use of readily available sources of capital to finance security and defence, namely the unspent funds of NextGenerationEU and potential financial lines from the European Stability Mechanism, similar to the programme put together during the response to the COVID-19 pandemic; believes that these options could be explored, but would fall short of the needs estimated by the Commission;

    51. Calls therefore on the Commission to raise common debt to provide the Union with the fiscal capacity to borrow in exceptional and crises situations, present and future, taking into account the experience and lessons learnt from NextGenerationEU, as we are now experiencing a pressing need to boost security and defence to protect the EU’s citizens, restore deterrence and support our allies, first and foremost Ukraine; notes additional ideas to create a rearmament bank or a special purpose vehicle with pooled national guarantees to ensure Member States have easier access to markets; underlines that the meaningful involvement of Parliament as one arm of the budgetary authority in the governance of future EU defence spending is a sine qua non; reiterates that the governance of whatever instrument is used should be such that it gives rise to a European defence programme that uses the funds to solve coordination problems in planning, developing, procuring, maintaining and deploying capabilities, reduces dependencies from non-European countries, supports the EDTIB and ultimately enables the EU and its close allies to act autonomously and in a coordinated manner;

    52. Recognises the importance of mobilising private capital into security and defence; recalls, however, that, as governments remain the sole procurers of military capabilities, private capital will not replace public capital in the security and defence sector; calls on the Commission and the European Investment Bank (EIB) to consider an investment guarantee programme, similar to InvestEU, to assist in this effort; calls on the EIB to re-evaluate the list of excluded activities, to adjust its lending policy to increase the volume of available funding in the field of security and defence, and to investigate earmarked debt issuance for funding security and defence projects; calls for more consistent support for companies by reducing unnecessary administrative burdens and simplifying procedures, in particular by increasing information-sharing between public authorities, upholding the once-only principle and making full use of digital technologies; calls for the EU to start preparing emergency procedures for projects established in response to major crises or wars;

     

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    53. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the European Council, the Council, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President of the Commission and competent Commissioners, the EU security and defence agencies, and the governments and parliaments of the Member States.

     

     

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the white paper on the future of European defence – B10-0148/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Nathalie Loiseau, Petras Auštrevičius, Dan Barna, Helmut Brandstätter, Engin Eroglu, Bernard Guetta, Urmas Paet, Marie‑Agnes Strack‑Zimmermann, Hilde Vautmans, Dainius Žalimas, Michał Kobosko
    on behalf of the Renew Group

    B10‑0148/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the white paper on the future of European defence

    (2025/2565(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas over the last decade, major geopolitical shifts, amplified by the return of large-scale wars in the EU’s neighbourhood, have threatened the security of the EU, its Member States and its citizens;

    B. whereas the global order is fragmenting and is increasingly characterised by complex and entrenched instabilities;

    C. whereas the EU cannot be secure without security in its immediate neighbourhood; whereas Ukraine’s capacity to resist Russias war of aggression is vital to EU security;

    D. whereas recent statements by members of the US Administration, accompanied by the behaviour of the US leadership towards President Zelenskyy, reflect a shift in US foreign policy; whereas it is becoming increasingly clear that Europe needs to strengthen its own security and defence and must be in a position to help Ukraine win the war;

    E. whereas the biggest and fastest growth in Russia’s military capabilities is taking place close to Russia’s borders with the West, while the EU is taking its time to enhance its defence capacity;

    F. whereas there is an urgent need to further reform and strengthen the EU’s defence policy in the light of Ukraine’s recent war experience and the use of new war technologies;

    G. whereas it is in the EU’s interest to see Ukraine as an integral part of a genuine European security system;

    H. whereas, in their mission letters from the President of the European Commission, the Commissioner for Defence and Space and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy were tasked with presenting a white paper on the future of European defence within the first 100 days of their mandate;

    1. Considers that the EU must take urgent action to ensure its own autonomous security, strengthen useful partnerships with like-minded partners and significantly reduce its dependencies on other countries; stresses, therefore, that the EU is now facing a turning point in its history and construction; insists that ‘business as usual’ is no longer an option as it would mean the end of a safe and secure Europe; considers that the EU and its Member States have to choose between pulling together in a synchronised way and joining forces to overcome the threats and attacks against EU security, or standing alone at the mercy of aggressive adversaries and unreliable partners; recalls that Russia is the most significant direct threat to Europes security; emphasises, however, the fact that the instability in the EU’s Southern Neighbourhood must also be fully taken into consideration;

    2. Underlines that the EU must now adopt a holistic and cross-cutting approach, integrating a defence and security dimension into most European policies, including adequate regulatory and financial instruments to address identified capability needs and gaps;

    3. Believes therefore that the time has come for renewed political ambition to act and turn the EU into a genuine security provider, increase the EUs defence readiness and build a true European Defence Union; recalls that the adoption of the Strategic Compass was a good starting point, but that it must still be implemented in a timely manner; welcomes the recent EU defence instruments; insists on the urgent need to change scale, as EU defence efforts cannot remain limited in size, fragmented in scope and lengthy in delivery; calls for a quantum leap and a new approach on defence, accompanied by strong choices and decisions, an action plan and a short-to-long-term defence investment plan to enhance the blocs security infrastructure, improve deterrence, respond to hybrid threats and attacks, guarantee the mobilisation of equity and private capital and develop strategic enablers and strategic weapons systems to enhance Europe’s collective military power and thus reduce its dependency on others;

    4. Urges the EU to adopt a coherent, robust and comprehensive framework to strengthen its security and the security of its partners, to better identify potential future breaking points and prevent further crises, and, together with the Member States, to marshal responses similar to those required in times of war;

    5. Expects the white paper on European defence to define this new framework and the extent to which the EU can help Europe anticipate and ready itself for the most extreme military contingencies, deter potential aggressors and defend itself both in the short and long term with a view to becoming a credible power and a European pillar within NATO;

    6. Considers that common foreign and security policy (CSDP) missions and operations have to be reassessed and reviewed with this perspective in mind; insists that, to fulfil its role as an insurance policy for Europes security, the CSDP must become stronger and more agile, including by becoming the EUs instrument to fight against hybrid warfare;

    7. Stresses that capabilities and resources must be increased, and that the fragmentation of the defence market must be overcome; fully agrees with and shares the Draghi report’s[1] view that the EU and its Member States must urgently decide on incentives directed towards the EU defence industry and find creative solutions for large-scale public and private investments in security and defence;

    8. Urges the EU and its Member States to significantly increase their efforts to decisively shift the trajectory of Russias war against Ukraine; underlines that such a shift depends now almost entirely on Europeans; urges the Member States, therefore, to provide more arms and ammunition to Ukraine; warns, ahead of any negotiations, that if the EU should fail in its support, and if Ukraine were to be forced to surrender, Russia would turn against other countries, including possibly EU Member States; calls on the Council to work with Ukraine to identify a peaceful solution to the war, and to actively engage in implementing Ukraine’s Peace Formula; urges the EU and its Member States, first and foremost, to participate in establishing robust future security guarantees for Ukraine;

    9. Believes that the EU can play a crucial role in identifying the gap between Ukraine’s military capabilities and its needs, after three years of war, as well as in identifying the available defence capabilities of the Member States, with a view to coordinating the ramping up of defence industry production as well as ensuring the constant production of certain equipment in order to respond to foreign aggressions or the specific needs of its strategic partners;

    10. Calls for a significant increase in the financing of military support to Ukraine; condemns the veto imposed by one Member State on the functioning of the European Peace Facility; calls on the Member States to take the decision, together with their G7 partners, to use frozen assets as a basis for a substantial grant and loan to Ukraine, as a legally robust and financially substantial way to maintain and increase Europe’s response to Ukraine’s military needs;

    11. Urges the Council and the Member States to review and strengthen the enforcement of existing sanctions, and to adopt and strictly implement restrictive measures against all entities and countries facilitating the circumvention of sanctions and helping to provide Russias military complex with military and dual-use technologies and equipment;

    12. Insists on the paramount importance of cooperation with the Ukrainian defence industry and its integration, in the long term, into the EU’s defence technological and industrial base; recalls the urgency to properly finance the Ukraine instrument under the European Defence Industrial Programme (EDIP), which is not currently budgeted for;

    13. Strongly believes that the EU must further expand and improve its tailor-made training operations to respond to the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and, in return, create the conditions for European armed forces to learn lessons and strategic practices from them;

    14. Calls for the EU and its Members States to facilitate the use of CSDP instruments to complement national security tools in the immediate vicinity of the EUs territory and territorial waters, and to strengthen dual-use and civilian-military cooperation at EU level, based on a whole-of-government approach; reiterates its call for the protection of critical underwater infrastructure and the development of protective countermeasures;

    15. Calls for the EU to develop a comprehensive EU risk assessment to help identify the major cross-sectoral threats and hazards and the concrete risks facing the EU as a whole, building on current sector-specific risk assessment processes;

    16. Insists on the importance of using the upcoming Preparedness Union strategy to put the EU on track towards comprehensive preparedness;

    17. Calls for a principle of ‘preparedness by design’ to be embedded consistently in a cross-cutting way across the EU institutions, bodies, and agencies; insists on the need to develop a mandatory security and preparedness check for future impact assessments and stress-tests of existing legislation; stresses the need to reduce the obstacles in current EU legislation that undermine the efficiency of European defence and security;

    18. Invites the Commission and the Member States to explore the feasibility of an EU preparedness act, setting joint standards and long-term guidelines, to align EU and national efforts wherever possible;

    19. Calls for the EU and its Member States to set up and regularly conduct an EU comprehensive preparedness exercise to test both high-level decision-making and operational coordination, in order to encourage the building of strong horizontal links between actors and across sectors;

    20. Calls for the EU to urgently adapt its tools to new realities by designing an administrative capacity to fast-track procedures during wars or other large-scale crises, and to adopt the appropriate tools;

    21. Considers regular threat analyses, like the one that was first conducted in the Strategic Compass, to be an absolute necessity; considers that the Strategic Compass, the CSDP, the white paper and the European defence industrial strategy should form the basis of a comprehensive vision for European defence;

    22. Recalls that the Strategic Compass provides the EU with necessary propositions; urges the Member States to take urgent decisions to ensure its full implementation; reiterates its call for the Military Planning and Conduct Capability to finally benefit from adequate premises and staff, enhanced command and control, and effective communication and information systems for all CSDP missions and operations; insists on the fact that the Rapid Deployment Capacity has to achieve full operational capability in 2025; strongly believes that more substantial progress must be made in bringing Article 42(7) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) into operation;

    23. Reiterates its call to strengthen EU-NATO cooperation with actions and not only words, including in the domains of information exchange, planning coordination, improved cooperation on their respective military operations, and joint efforts to significantly improve on military mobility initiatives, building on lessons learnt from military assistance to Ukraine;

    24. Invites the Member States to actively participate in a priority ordering mechanism for defence production to help prioritise orders, contracts and the recruitment of employees in emergency situations; underlines that such a mechanism should apply beyond current defence applications to encompass other essential resilience-building infrastructure such as energy, transport and telecommunications;

    25. Calls for the EU, in cooperation with NATO and with the support of the European Defence Agency (EDA), to identify and address the critical defence capability gaps and shortfalls in the EU and focus efforts on European strategic enablers to provide genuine EU added value; notes that in order to address the most extreme military contingencies, the EU must use the same force requirements as those set by NATO for critical military capabilities, particularly for air defence, ammunition, long-range fire capabilities, logistics and enablement;

    26. Urges the EU and its Member States to move from a ‘flow’ approach to their military capabilities, which has prevailed during peacetime, to a ‘stock’ approach, with stockpiles of defence equipment ready for a sustained increase in demand; believes that the Commission should take all possible action to increase trust between Member States and encourage greater exchange and transparency on long-term planning, more proactive measures aimed at securing raw materials, and policies to close gaps in production processes and on the labour market;

    27. Calls for the EU to adopt a global and coherent approach to external aid in all its aspects, with much closer alignment between the common foreign and security policy and the objectives and instruments of the CSDP;

    28. Considers that the CSDP must become the EUs armed wing in the fight against the hybrid war being waged against it, its Member States and its partners, in particular candidate countries; is deeply worried by the sharp increase in hybrid attacks including sabotage, cyberattacks, information manipulation and interference in elections, with the objective of weakening the EU and candidate countries; calls on the Member States to consider appropriate forms of deterrence and countermeasures, including the use of Article 42(7) TEU; insists on the need to improve the CSDP’s ability to identify, prevent and counter information manipulation aimed at hindering the EUs external action; reiterates its call to establish an effective horizontal strategic communications strategy adapted to all EU communication channels;

    29. Calls for the creation, under the CSDP, of an EU crisis response air fleet comprising military transport aircraft held at EU level and made available to Member States for EU deployments, transport of equipment or troops (military mobility), or emergency evacuation – the need for which was demonstrated by the capability gap during the withdrawal from Afghanistan – as well as for civilian security missions, based on the model of the European Air Transport Command;

    30. Expects the European External Action Service to carry out comprehensive and uncompromising reviews of CSDP missions and operations taking into account, in particular, the realism of their respective mandates in relation to the resources allocated, the recruitment method for the staff of missions and operations, particularly with regard to the link between the skills required and the different profiles, the rationalisation of resources and the management of missions and operations, the transparency of calls for tender, activities and results obtained, best practice and lessons learned, and difficulties encountered; asks the Council, on the basis of these reviews, to take the decisions required to adapt or abandon ineffective missions and to strengthen the most useful missions; believes that the evaluation and control of CSDP missions and operations must be improved;

    31. Believes that the EU should develop wartime economic cooperation contingency plans with close partners to prepare for mutual support in the case of large-scale security crises involving them directly, and deepen wartime economic dialogues with European and global partners to provide early warning of hard, hybrid, and cyber threats, to foster mutual support planning, protection of critical infrastructure and maritime safety;

    32. Calls for the EU and its Member States, in cooperation with NATO, to remove all unnecessary regulatory obstacles that slow down the speed at which Europe is able to develop its military mobility; believes that the EU has to move from the logic of ‘mobility’ to that of ‘military logistics’; considers that the definition of military mobility should apply to infrastructure that covers all logistical aspects of mobility, including but not limited to logistics hubs, fuel, spare parts, repair capacity and ammunition; stresses the need for significant investments in military mobility infrastructure to enhance cargo airlift capabilities, for increased development of logistical infrastructure such as camps, depots, ports, air, sea and rail platforms, railways, waterways, roads and bridges; insists on the need to adapt regulations with the rapid implementation of the technical arrangement signed under the aegis of the EDA Cross Border Movement Permission, the harmonisation of customs formalities and the preparation of a centralised and reasoned lifting of road and rail traffic standards in the event of a crisis situation;

    33. Believes that, in order to build a favourable ecosystem for the European defence industry, the EU must provide it with a united and clear long-term vision, giving it visibility and ensuring that priority needs are addressed;

    34. Urges the EU to increase the coherence between existing and future EU instruments, in particular between Permanent Structured Cooperation on demand consolidation, and the European Defence Fund (EDF) on programmatic roadmaps, between the European defence industry reinforcement through common procurement act (EDIRPA) on joint procurement, and the Act in support of ammunition production (ASAP) on industrial ramp-up, between the EDIP on identification of dependencies, and the EDF on the resolution of identified dependencies; and within the EDIP itself on the coherence of actions related to the consolidation of demand and supply;

    35. Insists on the importance of EU flagship projects, in the form of European Defence Projects of Common Interest (EDPCI), which are critical to the European defence industry; believes that EDPCIs should be used to support the industrial and technological capacities underpinning major priorities shared by several Member States and in fields such as strategic enablers – particularly in space and European air defence – so as to act on the whole spectrum of threats, develop military mobility, in particular strategic and tactical air transport, deep strike capabilities, drone and anti-drone technologies, missiles and munitions, and artificial intelligence, as well as to develop sovereign infrastructure and critical enablers; emphasises that realism must prevail in view of the sheer number of priorities and the need to mobilise new resources; considers, in that regard, that the EU should focus on rapidly available and proven European technologies that reduce its dependencies and improve its security; calls for the creation of European defence industry champions as an objective to consolidate the EU’s defence technological and industrial base (EDTIB) and increase its global competitiveness; considers, furthermore, that instead of focusing on fair returns, EU defence policies should encourage the growth of European centres of excellence;

    36. Calls on the further development of the EU defence industrial policy to improve existing defence-specific instruments and develop new instruments where necessary, and to optimise the use of non-defence-specific instruments for the purposes of the EDTIB;

    37. Recalls the need to ensure the consistency of EU public policies, which must not generate obligations contradictory to the overall defence objectives, especially in a period of security crisis where the concept of ‘strategic exception’ should be introduced; calls for the creation of a genuine defence environment that supports industrial ramp-up efforts by taking better advantage of the Commission’s existing multi-sectoral instruments, screening, reviewing and, where needed, revising them to ensure that they do not undermine EU defence policy objectives;

    38. Proposes that relevant defence-related entities/activities be allowed access to InvestEU, and other EU funds taking advantage of the EU defence industry as a job creator; insists on the prioritising of defence-related entities/activities as appropriate with the support of the Chips Act, and the Critical Raw Materials Act; believes that simplification efforts announced by the Commission must fully encompass the defence sector;

    39. Insists on the need to ensure geographical coherence by taking stock of the will of the EU and the UK to work together, first and foremost to build security guarantees for Ukraine and to become closer security partners, but also to sign a joint declaration with concrete commitments and structured dialogue to strengthen EU-UK cooperation on the full range of foreign and security challenges the continent faces, the budgetary and regulatory conditions of which remain to be negotiated, and keeping in mind the importance of the EU’s decision-making autonomy;

    40. Calls for the coherence of the support offered to companies to be improved by reducing unnecessary administrative burdens and cutting red tape, and ensuring much easier access to support for small and mid-cap companies;

    41. Calls for greater coherence in governance, as the CSDP must become the instrument of a powerful Europe; considers that this requires a real link in governance between the Member States, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the other European Commissioners; urges the Member States to overcome the complexity of decision-making on European defence; calls for the creation of a Council of defence ministers and the move from unanimity to qualified majority voting for decisions in the European Council, the Council of Ministers and EU agencies such as the EDA, except for those on military operations with an executive mandate; until then, calls for the use of Article 44 TEU and the creation of a cross-sectoral task force on defence in the Commission; calls for increased democratic accountability through enhanced control by Parliament;

    42. Stresses that the creation of a single European defence market is a priority as the fragmentation and lack of competitiveness of the European defence industry have so far hampered the capacity of the EU to take more responsibility as a security provider; recalls that the notion of a ‘defence market’ implies a full recognition of its specificity and an appropriate and consistent application of EU public policies; recalls that this single market should aim for European preference by strictly linking it to territoriality and added-value generated in the EU;

    43. Strongly believes that European preference should be the cornerstone of EU policies related to the European defence market, as a strategic imperative aimed at protecting European know-how and strengthening European defence capabilities on a long-term basis, and to ensure that EU taxpayer money is used to create added value on EU territory;

    44. Calls for the notion of the internal market to be linked to that of territoriality, as defence is driven by Member State policy rather than the market, and as the defence industry is under authorisation to produce and under exemption to sell;

    45. Insists on the need to remove barriers to market entry for defence products across the EU by reviewing the directives on the transfer of defence-related products and defence procurement;

    46. Underlines that the European preference principle must be reflected in EU defence regulations by clear and unambiguous eligibility criteria both for entities and for products;

    47. Calls on the Commission to design a better resourced, more strategic and more efficient successor to the EDF that supports common research and innovation in defence all along the supply chain and lays down the conditions for addressing technological challenges such as advanced persistent threats, artificial intelligence and machine learning, quantum computing, military internet of things, security, supply chain attacks, zero-day exploits and cloud security; calls for the establishment of an EU agency inspired by the American Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), adapted to the EUs specific characteristics, in order to fund strategic, groundbreaking projects designed to promote European technological and economic superiority;

    48. Is concerned that, without a substantial increase in investment in defence, the EU will not reach its objectives on security and defence, either for military support to Ukraine or to bolster the EU’s common security; highlights that the cost of non-preparedness for most extreme military contingencies would then be much higher than the cost of decisive EU preparedness; recalls that aggregate EU defence spending is inadequate and lacks sufficient focus on innovation; calls for the EU and the Member States to work and agree on the concrete ways and means for short- to long-term massive public and private investments in defence and security; recalls that the Commission has estimated the funding needed at EUR 500 billion over the next 10 years (2025-2034), including EUR 400 billion to strengthen Member States’ defence capabilities and EUR 100 billion to support Ukraine;

    49. Considers that, in the next EU multiannual financial framework (MFF), defence spending lines will have to reflect the new priority of being ‘ready for the most extreme military contingencies’ and include ambitious financing for military mobility, counter-mobility measures and defence industrial capacity building;

    50. Strongly supports the five-point Re-Arm Europe plan proposed by the Commissions President on 4 February 2025, which includes the possibility of triggering the escape clause of the Stability and Growth Pact for defence investments in order to allow Member States to increase their defence spending, a new instrument to provide EUR 150 billion of loans to Member States for defence investment, possibilities and incentives for Member States that choose to use cohesion policy programmes to increase defence spending, as well as the mobilisation of private capital through the completion of the capital markets union and the widening of the scope of the European Investment Bank (EIB); urges the Member States to support this plan;

    51. Strongly supports the notion that Member States must increase financing for their defence and security to new levels; notes that some Member States are already increasing their defence spending to 5 % of GDP and insists that the current security environment and multiple, complex and evolving security threats require Member States to spend at least 3 % of GDP on defence;

    52. Insists that urgent needs cannot wait for the next MFF; insists that innovative solutions for finding additional funding must be considered without delay, including:

    (a) re-prioritising existing EU funds,

    (b) investing in the defence sector by making it explicitly eligible under the European Regional Development Fund and the Cohesion Fund, while leaving the regions and Member States free to decide whether to make it a priority according to local needs;

    (c) making it easier and faster to re-purpose funds from one project to another,

    (d) exploring the possibility of adjusting EU funding criteria to give new prominence to security criteria in allocating spending;

    53. Underlines that a ‘popular loan’ would not only mobilise the European families’ savings, but also unify the 450 million European citizens around the need to improve our collective security; stresses that this popular loan should be organised with the same rules and advantages in all the 27 Member States and could give a common sense of belonging to the nations of the EU;

    54. Is of the opinion that national recovery and resilience plans should be amended to allow for new defence funding;

    55. Recommends the identification of new resources that could require contributions from the Member States as part of a new EU debt programme along the lines of the NextGenerationEU plan, following on from the idea of ‘defence bonds’, to complement the Commission’s Re-Arm Europe plan, if necessary;

    56. Reiterates, in line with the Commission’s Re-Arm Europe plan, its call for the EIB, other international financial institutions and private banks in Europe to invest more actively in the European defence industry, as speeding up security and defence investments in the EU would leverage private funding and have a strong signalling effect as regards other investors and market operators;

    57. Calls on the EIB in particular to re-evaluate its list of excluded activities, to adjust its lending policy to increase the volume of available funding in the field of security and defence, and to investigate the possibility of issuing earmarked debt for funding security and defence projects;

    58. Calls for the development of emergency procedures for projects established in response to major crises or wars whereby the EU, jointly with the EIB, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and the Council of Europe Development Bank, can enable banks to use faster processes to support projects necessary in crises or wars; calls for the EU also to consider amending the Treaties to allow the use of capital from the European Stability Mechanism for Europes war economy;

    59. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the European Council, the Council, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the President of the Commission and competent Commissioners, the EU security and defence agencies and the governments and parliaments of the Member States.

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the white paper on the future of European defence – B10-0144/2025

    Source: European Parliament

    B10‑0144/2025

    European Parliament resolution on the white paper on the future of European defence

    (2025/2565(RSP))

    The European Parliament,

     having regard to the common security and defence policy (CSDP) and the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the EU,

     having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in particular Article 42 thereof,

     having regard to Title III, Article 3 of the Protocol on the concerns of the Irish people on the Treaty of Lisbon,

     having regard to the announced publication of the white paper on the future of European defence on 19 March 2025,

     having regard to the Helsinki Accords,

     having regard to the various European defence projects of recent years,

     having regard to Rule 136(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

    A. whereas, in line with the Treaties, the CSDP is part of the CFSP and is considered a policy framework through which Member States can develop a European strategic culture of security and defence, address conflicts and crises together, protect the Union and its citizens and strengthen international peace and security;

    B. whereas Article 42(2) TEU states that the Union’s CSDP must be compatible with the common security and defence policy established within the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), under the North Atlantic Treaty;

    C. whereas NATO is largely dominated by the United States, and NATO membership entails a mandatory complementarity and compatibility of European weapons systems with US systems, hence impeding the strategic and operational autonomy of Member States and other European countries;

    D. whereas at the NATO Summit in Bucharest in 2008, the US Government pushed for Ukrainian NATO membership against the opinion of several Member States; whereas following the Russian invasion, the United States pushed EU Member States to systematically increase the quantity and quality of arms deliveries to Ukraine;

    E. whereas different Member States have different military and security policies, including policies of military neutrality;

    F. whereas the United States saw windfall benefits from the Ukraine war through an increase of US shale gas exports to the European Union; whereas the US Government now unjustly wishes to control Ukrainian mineral resources and negotiate an end to the war in Ukraine with Putin, without involving Ukraine and the European Union;

    G. whereas unlike nuclear weapon states such as India and the People’s Republic of China, NATO and Russia refuse to commit to a ‘no first use’ policy, whereby they would formally refrain from using nuclear weapons, except in retaliation to an attack by an enemy power using weapons of mass destruction;

    H. whereas the US Government has launched a high number of wars and military operations that violated international law and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations; whereas, in light of 2024 advisory opinions of the International Court of Justice, the United States’ ongoing military support for Israel might make it complicit in genocide and illegal occupation; whereas the participation of EU Member States in violations of international law, including in wars of aggression and military invasions contrary to international law against countries such as the former Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, have undermined global adherence to the principles of international law;

    I. whereas the United States has forwardly deployed new B61-12 gravity bombs on the territory of EU Member States, increasing the risk that these Member States will fall victim to preventive or retaliatory strikes related to US foreign policy;

    J. whereas Russia’s repeated acts of war and aggression, starting with the war against Georgia in 2008, the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the ongoing illegal war of aggression against Ukraine, as well as an increasing number of acts of sabotage on critical infrastructure, have been factors in creating and exacerbating tensions;

    K. whereas Article 41(2) TEU prohibits charging expenditure arising from operations with military or defence implications to the Union budget;

    L. whereas the Commission has nevertheless launched several European defence projects over the last few years, including the European Defence Industrial Development Programme (EDIDP), the Preparatory Action on Defence Research (PADR), the European Defence Fund (EDF), the European Defence Industry Reinforcement through common Procurement Act (EDIRPA), the Act in Support of Ammunition Production (ASAP) and, most recently, the European Defence Industrial Strategy (EDIS) and the European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP);

    M. whereas according to 2023 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute figures, EU Member States, together with the United Kingdom, already spend more nominally on defence than all other countries in the world combined, with the exception of the United States;

    N. whereas in April 2021, the Commission estimated that increased cooperation between Member States in the field of security and defence could save between EUR 25 billion and EUR 100 billion every year;

    O. whereas the Commission’s Directorate-General for International Partnerships (DG INTPA) is planning to shut down more than four out of five of its hubs worldwide, reducing its diplomatic presence from around 100 delegations to 18 hubs;

    P. whereas in 2024, EU leaders agreed to cut EUR 2 billion from the EU’s external action budget in the multiannual financial framework for 2021-2027; whereas several Member States, such as France and Belgium, have also made cuts and reforms to their diplomacy services;

    Q. whereas Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has proposed a new common instrument to boost military spending across the EU to unlock up to EUR 800 billion of additional defence spending over the coming years;

    R. whereas even the military spending of the United States, which maintains over 700 military installations in over 70 countries, does not exceed 3.46 % of its GDP;

    S. whereas, nevertheless, the US Government, certain Member States and NATO and Commission officials are pushing for a further massive increase in defence expenditure, from an average of 1.9 % of GDP to 5 %;

    T. whereas even the military-oriented Niinisto Report, entitled ‘Safer Together –Strengthening Europe’s Civilian and Military Preparedness and Readiness’ highlights the fact that threats to the security of European citizens, including increasingly frequent and intense extreme weather events, such as megadroughts, floods and heatwaves, and the risk of new pandemics, would require massive investment in public services;

    U. whereas while the Draghi report on the future of European competitiveness highlights the need for massive investment in a variety of sectors, including energy, pharmaceuticals and transport, the Commission has placed seven Member States under an excessive deficit procedure, pushing for harsh austerity and structural reforms in social and public expenses;

    V. whereas a further massive increase in military expenditure will instead lead to cuts in public services, and in social, climate and environmental spending throughout Europe, endangering the social and human security of European citizens;

    W. whereas the Commission is nonetheless considering the suspension of economic governance rules for military expenses;

    X. whereas the Commission has failed to present a fully autonomous assessment of European defence needs and priorities, relying instead on NATO assessments of critical gaps in defence capability;

    Y. whereas Türkiye, a NATO member, illegally occupies 37 % of Cyprus, an EU Member State;

    Z. whereas in international relations theory the ‘security dilemma’ refers to a phenomenon whereby actions, such as arms procurement, taken by a state actor to increase its own security provokes reactions from other states, such as increased arms procurement or preventive attacks, that ultimately lead to a decrease rather than an increase in the original state’s security;

    AA. whereas the 1975 Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, concluded in Helsinki between the United States, Canada, the Soviet Union and all of the countries of Europe, except Albania, played an important role in easing tensions between East and West during the Cold War;

    AB. whereas the Cold War collective security acquis has been systematically undermined by the United States’ withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM), the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF) and the Open Skies Treaty, systematically followed by Russian withdrawals, and by the Russian withdrawal from the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe and from the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty;

    AC. whereas a new European security architecture will have to apply the principles of peaceful coexistence between countries with different political systems and offer security guarantees to all parties in order to avoid Europe being divided once again into two diametrically opposed blocs;

    Towards a European collective security architecture

    1. Recalls that the Treaties consider the CSDP part of the CFSP; asks, therefore, that any defence initiative at EU level be subordinated to a clear foreign and security policy and strategy for peace on the European continent;

    2. Rejects the militarisation of the EU and any belligerent objectives of the CSDP;

    3. Notes with great concern the diminishing respect for international and humanitarian law by parties all around the world, with Israel, Russia and the United States being flagrant examples; reiterates the need for European independence in shaping foreign and defence policy;

    4. Considers that in light of the United States’ past and ongoing violations of international law and the negative impact of US military interventions on neighbouring regions, the foreign, security and defence policy of the Union and Member States can no longer be aligned with the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO); calls, therefore, on the European Council to start the process of revising the EU Treaties to remove this requirement from the TEU;

    5. Recalls that NATO and the EU are distinct organisations which serve very different purposes and whose membership is not even identical; regrets the conflation of NATO, a military alliance, with the EU;

    6. Is extremely worried by the fact that there are still more than 13 000 nuclear weapons scattered around the world, many of which can be deployed within minutes and could cause the end of humankind; notes with concern that despite a stated commitment to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, NATO’s nuclear member states invested USD 271 billion in nuclear weapons modernisation and maintenance between 2019 and 2023, while in 2023 China and Russia were the second and third largest spenders, with budgets of USD 11.9 billion and USD 8.3 billion respectively;

    7. Believes that NATO’s refusal to commit to a ‘no first use’ policy on nuclear weapons and the forward deployment of US nuclear weapons in Europe increases the risk of Europe becoming a target of nuclear strikes; demands, therefore, the withdrawal of US nuclear weapons from the territory of Member States; is deeply concerned about nuclear threats to European security, including veiled warnings about the use of tactical nuclear weapons and Russia’s lowering of its threshold for using nuclear weapons;

    8. Urges the Member States to work on a new long-term collective security architecture for Europe inspired by the principles of the Helsinki process and including the concept of mutual security guarantees; notes that a fundamental aspect of such an approach is respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations and a commitment to international law;

    9. Insists that a new European security architecture apply the principles of peaceful coexistence between countries with different political systems, and offer security guarantees to all parties;

    10. Calls on the Commission, in light of multiple threats ranging from climate-related catastrophes to pandemics, to abandon a narrow focus on military security and develop a policy centred on human security as defined in United Nations General Assembly resolution 66/290, which states that ‘human security is an approach to assist Member States in identifying and addressing widespread and cross-cutting challenges to the survival, livelihood and dignity of their people’ and calls for ‘people-centred, comprehensive, context-specific and prevention-oriented responses that strengthen the protection and empowerment of all people’;

    11. Calls on the Commission and Member States to seek inspiration from Austria, which has enshrined neutrality in its constitution, committing not to join military alliances and not to permit the establishment of any foreign military bases on its territory;

    12. Calls on the Commission and Member States to also look to the example set by Ireland, with its tradition of military neutrality; recalls that this tradition includes an active approach towards peace support operations and crisis management, contributions to conflict resolution and peacebuilding, work for human rights and development, and efforts to promote disarmament and the elimination of weapons of mass destruction;

    13. Regrets the attacks on Irish neutrality and recalls that the people of Ireland were guaranteed continued military neutrality, underpinned by a commitment to only undertake operations with a United Nations mandate, ahead of their ratification of the Lisbon Treaty;

    14. Reiterates its call on Türkiye, a NATO member, to withdraw its troops from Cyprus, an EU Member State, and to work constructively towards finding a viable and peaceful solution based on the relevant UN resolutions;

    15. Calls for unanimity voting on defence issues to be maintained within the Council to promote consensus-based solutions that foster much-needed unity;

    Diplomacy as the cornerstone of European security

    16. Believes that diplomacy should remain a cornerstone of EU foreign policy;

    17. Recalls that conflict prevention is paramount to any security and defence strategy; underlines the fact that diplomacy prevents and ends wars, and that every euro invested in conflict prevention saves around EUR 16 later on;

    18. Believes that, given the deteriorating security situation on several fronts and increasing geopolitical tensions, preventive diplomacy requires sustained and enhanced attention; calls, therefore, on the Commission and Member States to immediately reverse the cutbacks made to diplomatic representations;

    19. Believes that its systematic alignment with US foreign policy, most recently with regard to Israeli war crimes, ethnic cleansing and genocidal practices against Palestinians, has dramatically reduced the EU’s global diplomatic credibility and therefore worsened its security situation;

    20. Recalls that the participation of EU Member States in illegal military operations and the support for violations of international law abroad gravely endangers the security of EU citizens; urges the Commission and Member States to explore a non-aligned foreign and security policy stance based on the principles of the UN Charter, including peaceful conflict resolution, diplomacy and multilateralism;

    21. Believes that Europe has much to gain from diversifying its relations and maintaining diplomatic connections with as many countries as possible around the world;

    Arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation

    22. Is deeply concerned that world military expenditure continues to rise to new record levels; highlights the fact that an arms race will not create security for European citizens, but instead, in line with the security dilemma, heighten the risk of violent conflict; calls on the Commission to actively promote new arms control treaties;

    23. Recalls that the EU strategy against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction made non-proliferation a central goal of the EU’s CFSP, stating that ‘our objective is to prevent, deter, halt and, where possible, eliminate proliferation of concern worldwide’; calls, therefore, on Member States to sign and ratify the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons;

    24. Notes that arms exports, also of small and light weapons, can fuel conflict and global terrorism and destabilise entire regions, states and societies, thereby thwarting sustainable development and crisis management efforts; calls on the Commission and Member States to strictly apply Council Common Position 2008/944/CFSP of 8 December 2008 defining common rules governing control of exports of military technology and equipment in order to avoid a worsening of the security situation in the EU’s immediate neighbourhood;

    25. Calls for the creation of a Directorate-General for Disarmament and Arms Control at the Commission;

    26. Demands an immediate arms embargo against Israel and any other country directly or indirectly involved in armed conflict, except in the case of those that are the victim of invasion by others, in order to stop EU complicity in war crimes, ethnic cleansing and genocidal practices, whether perpetrated by Israel or any other country; calls on the Commission and Member States to base their foreign and security policy on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law;

    Defence expenditure

    27. Urges the Commission and Member States to offer full transparency and a critical audit of the current defence expenditure within the Union, detailing why it estimates that European countries would be unable to defend themselves with budgets already vastly superior to those of most of the world’s countries;

    28. Notes with concern that the Commission has presented a new EUR 150 billion common defence fund; believes that an increase in defence spending is not the solution to finding a lasting peace and that cuts in the EU structural funds should not be used for this purpose, given how vital these funds are to the development of local communities across the EU;

    29. Notes that the share of GDP is not an adequate measure for the efficiency and impact of defence expenditure; calls on the Commission and Member States not to enter an arms race through a massive increase in defence budgets at the expense of both human and social security;

    30. Regards the NATO demand for complementarity and compatibility of European weapons systems with US systems as incompatible with European strategic autonomy; regrets that the Commission and the Council have failed to present a detailed assessment of European critical defence capability gaps; calls on both institutions to present such an assessment, including specific priorities, before considering increased defence expenditure; recalls that these should focus on defensive tasks, not on building capacities for military intervention all over the world;

    31. Recalls Commission estimates that increased cooperation between Member States in the field of security and defence could save up to EUR 100 billion every year; calls, in this regard, for inspiration to be drawn from existing intra-European cooperation structures, such as BACA, the Belgian-Dutch Naval cooperation BeNeSam and the Nordic Defence Cooperation, including Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, which have increased the efficiency of the participating nations’ national defence, and to explore common synergies and facilitate efficient common solutions;

    32. Considers that the military cooperation commitments that may be assumed in collective security organisations should be considered in light of strict respect for the UN Charter;

    33. Rejects the allocation of appropriations on the EU budget to the EU’s militarisation; calls for the reallocation of EU budget funds earmarked for the ongoing militarisation of the EU and its programmes to respond to the social and economic needs of citizens and promote cohesion between Member States;

    34. Highlights the fact that there can be neither autonomy nor security without digital sovereignty; calls on the Commission to prioritise the development of a democratic, public-led digital stack that includes digital infrastructure as a service, and universal platforms, such as search engines and foundation AI models, governed by new public institutions with public and civil society representation;

    35. Calls for heightened cooperation between Member States on sectoral issues of critical infrastructure protection, such as submarine cables;

    Defence industry

    36. Recalls that over the past three years, the EU has adopted a number of new initiatives on defence, and that the new Commissioner for Defence and Space believes that an additional investment of EUR 500 billion is needed in the coming decade, though other sources speak of EUR 700 billion;

    37. Recalls that the previous EU programmes have been implemented with a lack of transparency with regard to the application of EU ethical guidelines, and that decision-making is extremely opaque and heavily influenced by arms industry lobbyists;

    38. States that without ethics in investment choices, the EU will contribute to the creation of a more dangerous and lawless world order, where imperialist powers can disregard international law without facing consequences, while countries of the global south are exploited for their resources;

    39. Calls, in addition, for the EU to adopt a policy of transparent, mission-oriented military spending, with more conscious spending at the service of a defined foreign policy to ensure greater efficiency;

    40. Recalls that under Article 41(2) TEU expenditure arising from operations having military or defence implications may not be charged to the EU budget; calls for a strict application of this article; demands a retroactive review of corresponding defence funds and budget lines and for their termination where needed;

    41. Expresses deep concern about the increased subsidies and public support for the military-industrial complex amid record total global military expenditure of USD 2 443 billion in 2023, making 2023 the ninth consecutive year in which military expenditure increased;

    42. Demands that European public money go to European companies and emphasises that public European companies should, by definition, remain in Europe, while private companies can relocate their activities if they so wish;

    43. Observes that leading arms companies have benefited shamelessly from the war in Ukraine; notes that Lockheed Martin alone distributed USD 6.8 billion of cash to shareholders in dividends and share repurchases in 2024; demands that windfall profits be taxed to finance climate adaptation, public health and housing, which are also components of a broader understanding of security;

    44. Considers that the use of public money should systematically correspond to a proportional public return on investment and not finance corporate profit;

    45. Stresses that focusing our resources, notably research and development spending, on the military sector will also slow down the development of other strategic industries with civilian purposes, such as renewable energy or pharmaceuticals;

    46. Adds that military spending does not address any of the major social or environmental challenges, and that, worse still, it reinforces polluting and energy-consuming industrial models, thus increasing pressure on resources and the climate, particularly critical materials;

    47. Believes that a massive increase in purchases of US-made goods would not only be detrimental to the European economy but would equally prolong Europe’s military dependence on the United States, while creating new industrial and technological constraints;

    48. Demands that the defence industry continue to be excluded from qualifying for the sustainability criteria with regard to investment;

    49. Calls for EIB financing to be strictly limited to civilian projects, excluding dual-use items;

    Reprioritising public services and social spending

    50. Is deeply concerned that militarisation, and specifically the ReArm Europe plan, is being used to further attack public services across the EU, which are already facing the suffocating effects of austerity measures imposed by the Commission;

    51. Is appalled by the fact that the Commission is willing to bend fiscal rules such as the Stability and Growth Pact to finance military spending, but considers it impossible to raise spending to fund crumbling public services and support social and economic upward convergence in Member States;

    52. Firmly insists that health, education, green mobility, climate adaptation, climate mitigation, biodiversity, food security and digital transition are elements of human security and should be considered priorities that require investments rather than budgetary cuts;

    53. Calls, in line with the concept of human security, for a reprioritisation of public services and social welfare spending, as well as for investments in fighting climate change, as imperative prerequisites for guaranteeing that people live in a safe and secure environment;

    °

    ° °

    54. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the European External Action Service.

     

     

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Wyden, Merkley Reintroduce Legislation to Help Recreation and Wildfire Prevention Work in SW Oregon and Near Molalla River

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Ron Wyden (D-Ore)
    March 06, 2025
    Washington D.C.— – U.S. Senators Ron Wyden and Jeff Merkley today reintroduced their legislation that would boost recreation opportunities in Southwestern Oregon and on the Molalla River in Clackamas County, while ensuring wildfire prevention work in both regions.
    The senators’ Oregon Recreation Enhancement (ORE) Act would create the Rogue Canyon Recreation Area and the Molalla Recreation Area, expand the Wild Rogue Wilderness Area, and prohibit destructive mining on pristine rivers in Southwestern Oregon.
    “Protecting our beautiful outdoor areas is central to Oregonians’ identities. By acting as good stewards to our public lands, we can both expand jobs in rural communities and preserve precious natural resources,” said Wyden. “This legislation is essential to boosting wildfire prevention and conservation projects that help the fight against the climate crisis.”
    “These areas are among Oregon’s most breathtaking landscapes and are vital in supporting the state’s economy and in addressing climate chaos,” Merkley said. “Protecting these natural areas not only fuels a robust outdoor recreation economy, but is also a part of who we are as Oregonians. It is our responsibility to protect these lands and headwaters from degradation and mining, increasingly intense wildfires, and other damaging impacts. Our lands and waters are our greatest resource, and it’s on us to ensure they are passed down to future generations in good shape.”?
    The ORE Act would make the following three designations:

    Molalla Recreation Area: Establish a 30,000-acre recreation area on the banks of the Molalla River in Clackamas County next to the Table Rock Wilderness Area.

    Rogue Canyon Recreation Area: Establish a 98,000-acre recreation area on the banks of the Rogue River in Southwestern Oregon next to the Wild Rogue Wilderness Area.

    Wild Rogue Wilderness Expansion: Expand the existing Wild Rogue Wilderness Area by about 60,000 acres. The federal land included within this expansion has been identified by federal land managers as land that should be protected and conserved.

    Each of these three proposed recreation and wilderness designations would require forest health, wildfire resiliency, and other wildfire prevention strategies in the region to continue.
    The ORE Act also would permanently prevent irresponsible mining on more than 100,000 acres of Forest Service land near the existing Kalmiopsis Wilderness Area. These areas are at the headwaters of several National Wild and Scenic Rivers, and support clean drinking water for thousands of Oregonians. After much public input and local consensus, the Forest Service and Bureau of Land Management issued a 20-year mineral withdrawal for this area in 2016. 
    A one-pager of the legislation is here.
    “As the owner of a recreation-based business, I appreciate Senator Wyden and Merkley’s leadership in reintroducing the Oregon Recreation Enhancement Act to protect the headwaters of our region’s finest rivers.” said Dave Lacey owner of South Coast Tours in Gold Beach. “My community—and my business—depends on the clean water, salmon, and thriving ecosystems that earn our place its reputation as ‘America’s Wild Rivers Coast.’”
    “Across the State from the Gold Beach to Canby the drinking water for the vast majority of Oregonians comes from our public lands,” said David Moryc of American Rivers. “By championing these common sense, locally supported conservation measures Senators Wyden and Merkley are ensuring that the water we drink will remain clean and low-cost for future generations.”
    “My outfitting business offers four-day rafting trips on the Wild and Scenic Illinois and Rogue Rivers—two of the most extraordinary river experiences in the country. These trips not only provide visitors with unforgettable outdoor adventures but also drive significant economic support to local hotels, restaurants, and shops. The Rogue River watershed is a cornerstone of Southern Oregon’s economy, and preserving its pristine headwaters is essential for the future of these iconic river journeys.” said Zach Collier of Northwest Rafting Company. “I commend Senator Wyden and Senator Merkley for their dedication to protecting Southwest Oregon’s rivers and for championing the Oregon Recreation Enhancement Act to ensure these remarkable waterways remain safeguarded for generations to come.”
    “Our entire team is extremely appreciative of Senator Wyden’s and Merkley’s ongoing efforts to conserve and protect the remarkable wild steelhead and salmon-bearing rivers of southern Oregon,” said Ken Morrish of Fly Water Travel. “As international fly fishing travel experts deeply involved with the world’s premier anadromous fisheries, we know from experience that Southwest Oregon’s rivers are world class and just how worthy of protection they are.”
    “As an outfitter on the Rogue, we believe the river is unmeasurable. Wild rivers are crucial in providing not only healthy communities but also prosperous economics for these communities,” said Kait Bailey of Humble Heron Fly Fishing. “These rivers allow an experience for people to care for the outdoors and pass it on to future generations. The ORE Act will help spread tourism, income for businesses, outdoor school opportunities, family fun filled activities, and most importantly it will help bring people to OREGON. Humble Heron Fly Fishing thanks Senators Ron Wyden and Jeff Merkley for standing with their constituents and re-introducing legislation to protect the wild Rogue River.”
    “Southwestern Oregon has an extraordinary cast of National Wild and Scenic Rivers, including the Rogue, the Illinois, and the Smith,” said Tim Palmer, author of Field Guide to Oregon Rivers and America’s Wild and Scenic Rivers. “These are absolutely some of our nation’s finest rivers, and so protecting their headwaters is key to conserving their outstanding values—from crystal clean water, to robust salmon runs, to some of the very best recreation our region has to offer, including swimming, fishing, camping, and boating. I appreciate that Senators Wyden and Merkley have been strong leaders in conserving Oregon’s treasured rivers so that future generations can enjoy the waterways that make our state so special.”
    “Southwest Oregon’s Wild and Scenic rivers are truly national treasures,” said Ann Vileisis, President, Kalmiopsis Audubon Society, Port Orford. “They provide not only clean drinking water for local communities but also salmon runs that draw anglers from afar and many other outstanding recreation opportunities. We are grateful for Senator Wyden’s and Merkley’s leadership and longstanding efforts to conserve and protect the cherished wild rivers of our ‘Wild Rivers Coast.’”
    “The botanically-rich Rough and Ready Creek watershed is truly unique and beloved by all who know it—it’s also the headwaters of the exceptional National Wild and Scenic Illinois and Rogue rivers,” said Barbara Ullian, resident of Grants Pass, Oregon since 1947. “We’re thankful that Senator Wyden and Senator Merkley are working to protect our region’s very special rivers and the clean drinking water they provide to downstream communities.”
    “Growing up in rural Josephine County, I spent a lot of time on the Rogue and Illinois Rivers as a kid, and now my son is enjoying these rivers, too. They are amazing places where people can swim, boat, fish or just sit and watch the beautiful clear waters flow” said Allee Gustafson, Klamath Siskiyou Wildlands Center, Central Point. “Rivers are central to the social and economic fabric of rural communities in southern Oregon. Thanks to Senator Wyden and Senator Merkley for their leadership to protect these renowned but threatened watersheds and the amazing outdoor experiences that they provide.”
    The full text of the bill is here.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: What You Need to Know about NASA’s SpaceX Crew-10 Mission

    Source: NASA

    Four crew members are preparing to launch to the International Space Station as part of NASA’s SpaceX Crew-10 mission to perform research, technology demonstrations, and maintenance activities aboard the microgravity laboratory.
    NASA astronauts Anne McClain, Nichole Ayers, JAXA (Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency) astronaut Takuya Onishi, and Roscosmos cosmonaut Kirill Peskov will lift off from Launch Complex 39A at NASA’s Kennedy Space Center in Florida.
    The flight is the 10th crew rotation mission with SpaceX to the space station, and the 11th human spaceflight as part of NASA’s Commercial Crew Program.
    As teams progress through Dragon spacecraft milestones for Crew-10, they also are preparing a second-flight Falcon 9 booster for the mission. Once all rocket and spacecraft system checkouts are complete and all components are certified for flight, teams will mate Dragon to the Falcon 9 rocket in SpaceX’s hangar at the launch site. The integrated spacecraft and rocket will then be rolled to the pad and raised to vertical for a dry dress rehearsal with the crew and an integrated static fire test prior to launch.

    Selected by NASA as an astronaut in 2013, this will be McClain’s second spaceflight. A colonel in the U.S. Army, she earned her bachelor’s degree in Mechanical Engineering from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, New York, and holds master’s degrees in Aerospace Engineering, International Security, and Strategic Studies. The Spokane, Washington, native was an instructor pilot in the OH-58D Kiowa Warrior helicopter and is a graduate of the U.S. Naval Test Pilot School in Patuxent River, Maryland. McClain has more than 2,300 flight hours in 24 rotary and fixed-wing aircraft, including more than 800 in combat, and was a member of the U.S. Women’s National Rugby Team. On her first spaceflight, McClain spent 204 days as a flight engineer during Expeditions 58 and 59 and completed two spacewalks, totaling 13 hours and 8 minutes. Since then, she has served in various roles, including branch chief and space station assistant to the chief of NASA’s Astronaut Office. Follow @astroannimal on X and @astro_annimal on Instagram.
    This mission will be the first spaceflight for Ayers, who was selected as a NASA astronaut in 2021. Ayers is a major in the U.S. Air Force and the first member of NASA’s 2021 astronaut class named to a crew. The Colorado native graduated from the Air Force Academy in Colorado Springs with a bachelor’s degree in Mathematics and a minor in Russian, and was a member of the academy’s varsity volleyball team. She later earned a master’s in Computational and Applied Mathematics from Rice University in Houston. Ayers served as an instructor pilot and mission commander in the T-38 ADAIR and F-22 Raptor, leading multinational and multiservice missions worldwide. She has more than 1,400 total flight hours, including more than 200 in combat. Follow @astro_ayers on X and @astro_ayers on Instagram.
    With 113 days in space, Crew-10 will mark Onishi’s second trip to the space station. After being selected as an astronaut by JAXA in 2009, he flew as a flight engineer for Expeditions 48 and 49, becoming the first Japanese astronaut to robotically capture the Cygnus spacecraft. He also constructed a new experimental environment aboard Kibo, the station’s Japanese experiment module. After his first spaceflight, Onishi became certified as a JAXA flight director, leading the team responsible for operating Kibo from JAXA Mission Control in Tsukuba, Japan. He holds a bachelor’s degree in Aeronautics and Astronautics from the University of Tokyo, and was a pilot for All Nippon Airways, flying more than 3,700 flight hours in the Boeing 767. Follow astro_onishi on X.
    The Crew-10 mission also will be Peskov’s first spaceflight. Before his selection as a cosmonaut in 2018, he earned a degree in Engineering from the Ulyanovsk Civil Aviation School and was a co-pilot on the Boeing 757 and 767 aircraft for airlines Nordwind and Ikar. Assigned as a test cosmonaut in 2020, he has additional experience in skydiving, zero-gravity training, scuba diving, and wilderness survival.

    Following liftoff, the Falcon 9 rocket will accelerate Dragon to approximately 17,500 mph. Once in orbit, the crew and SpaceX mission control in Hawthorne, California, will monitor a series of maneuvers that will guide Dragon to the forward-facing port of the station’s Harmony module. The spacecraft is designed to dock autonomously, but the crew can take control and pilot manually, if necessary.
    After docking, Crew-10 will be welcomed aboard the station by the seven-member crew of Expedition 72 and conduct a short handover period on science and maintenance activities with the departing Crew-9 crew members. Then, NASA astronauts Nick Hague, Suni Williams, Butch Wilmore, and Roscosmos cosmonaut Aleksandr Gorbunov will undock from the space station and return to Earth. Ahead of Crew-9 return, mission teams will review weather conditions at the splashdown sites off the coast of Florida prior to departure from station.
    Crew-10 will conduct new scientific research to prepare for human exploration beyond low Earth orbit and benefit humanity on Earth. The crew is scheduled to conduct material flammability tests for future spacecraft designs, engage with students via ham radio and use its existing hardware to test a backup lunar navigation solution, and participate in an integrated study to better understand physiological and psychological changes to the human body to provide valuable insights for future deep space missions.
    These are just a few of the more than 200 scientific experiments and technology demonstrations taking place during the mission.
    While aboard the orbiting laboratory, Crew-10 will welcome a Soyuz spacecraft with three new crew members, including NASA astronaut Jonny Kim, and they will bid farewell to the Soyuz carrying NASA astronaut Don Pettit. The crew also is expected to see the arrival of the SpaceX Dragon, Roscosmos Progress, and Northrop Grumman’s Cygnus cargo spacecraft, as well as the short-duration private Axiom Mission 4 crew.
    The cadre will fly aboard the SpaceX Dragon spacecraft, named Endurance, which previously flew NASA’s SpaceX Crew-3, Crew-5, and Crew-7 missions.
    Commercial crew missions enable NASA to maximize use of the space station, where astronauts have lived and worked continuously for more than 24 years, testing technologies, performing research, and developing the skills needed to operate future commercial destinations in low Earth orbit, and explore farther from Earth. Research conducted on the space station benefits people on Earth and paves the way for future long-duration missions to the Moon and beyond through NASA’s Artemis missions.
    Learn more about the space station, its research, and crew, at: https://www.nasa.gov/station

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Public Invited to Appeal or Comment on Flood Maps in Trinity County, Texas

    Source: US Federal Emergency Management Agency

    Headline: Public Invited to Appeal or Comment on Flood Maps in Trinity County, Texas

    Public Invited to Appeal or Comment on Flood Maps in Trinity County, Texas

    DENTON, Texas – Preliminary flood risk information and updated Flood Insurance Rate Maps (FIRMs) are available for review in Trinity County, Texas. Residents and business owners are encouraged to review the latest information to learn about local flood risks and potential future flood insurance requirements.The updated maps were produced in coordination with local, state and FEMA officials. Significant community review of the maps has already taken place, but before the maps become final, community residents can identify any concerns or questions about the information provided and participate in the 90-day appeal and comment period.The 90-day appeal and comment period will begin on or around March 6, 2025. Appeals and comments may be submitted through June 4, 2025, for:The cities of Groveton and Trinity; and the unincorporated areas of Trinity CountyResidents may submit an appeal if they consider modeling or data used to create the map to be technically or scientifically incorrect.An appeal must include technical information, such as hydraulic or hydrologic data, to support the claim. Appeals cannot be based on the effects of proposed projects or projects started after the study is in progress.If property owners see incorrect information that does not change the flood hazard information — such as a missing or misspelled road name in the Special Flood Hazard Area or an incorrect corporate boundary — they can submit a written comment.The next step in the mapping process is to resolve all comments and appeals. Once these are resolved, FEMA will notify communities of the effective date of the final maps.To review the preliminary maps or submit appeals and comments, visit your local floodplain administrator (FPA). A FEMA Map Specialist can identify your community FPA. Specialists are available by telephone at 877-FEMA-MAP (877-336-2627) or by email at FEMA-FMIX@fema.dhs.gov.The preliminary maps may also be viewed online:The Flood Map Changes Viewer at http://msc.fema.gov/fmcv FEMA Map Service Center at http://msc.fema.gov/portalThe Base Level Engineering-to-FIRM Viewer at https://webapps.usgs.gov/fema/ble_firmFor more information about the flood maps:Use a live chat service about flood maps at floodmaps.fema.gov/fhm/fmx_main.html (just click on the “Live Chat Open” icon).Contact a FEMA Map Specialist by telephone at 877-FEMA-MAP (877-336-2627) or by email at FEMA-FMIX@fema.dhs.gov.There are cost-saving options available for those newly mapped into a high-risk flood zone. Learn more about your flood insurance options by talking with your insurance agent or visiting floodsmart.gov.
    toan.nguyen
    Thu, 03/06/2025 – 16:40

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Estill, Johnson, Simpson Counties Now Eligible for FEMA Assistance

    Source: US Federal Emergency Management Agency

    Headline: Estill, Johnson, Simpson Counties Now Eligible for FEMA Assistance

    Estill, Johnson, Simpson Counties Now Eligible for FEMA Assistance

    FRANKFORT, Ky — Additional counties in the commonwealth of Kentucky have been added to the major disaster declaration for Kentucky’s severe storms and flooding that took place from Feb. 14, 2025, and continuing. Homeowners and renters in Estill, Johnson and Simpson counties are eligible to apply for FEMA’s Individual Assistance program. FEMA may provide grants to help pay for temporary housing and essential home repairs as well as other serious disaster-related needs, such as medical and dental expenses, transportation, childcare, and moving and storage expenses. In addition to Estill, Johnson and Simpson counties, other counties eligible for IA include Breathitt, Clay, Floyd, Harlan, Knott, Lee, Letcher, Martin, Owsley, Perry and Pike. The first step to receive FEMA assistance is to apply. There are four ways to apply: visit DisasterAssistance.gov, download the FEMA App or visit a Disaster Recovery Center or call the toll-free FEMA Helpline at 800-621-3362, The phone line is open daily from 7 a.m. to midnight ET, and help is available in most languages. If you use a relay service, such as Video Relay Service (VRS), captioned telephone or other service, give FEMA the number for that service.The deadline to apply for assistance for flooding is April 25, 2025. For an accessible video on how to apply for FEMA assistance, go to youtube.com/watch?v=WZGpWI2RCNw.For the latest information about Kentucky’s recovery, visit fema.gov/disaster/4860. Follow FEMA on X at x.com/femaregion4 or on Facebook at facebook.com/fema.
    sarah.cleary
    Thu, 03/06/2025 – 17:16

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Security: Pittsburgh Felon Sentenced to 20 Years in Prison for Large-Scale Drug Trafficking and Firearms Violations

    Source: Office of United States Attorneys

    PITTSBURGH, Pa. – A resident of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, has been sentenced in federal court to 20 years of imprisonment, to be followed by five years of federal supervised release, on his drug trafficking and firearms convictions, Acting United States Attorney Troy Rivetti announced today.

    United States District Judge J. Nicholas Ranjan imposed the sentence on Dante Webb, 43.

    “The seizure of more than 26,000 doses of illegal narcotics, eight firearms—including two ghost guns and several with extended magazines, and thousands of dollars in drug profits during the 2022 search of Dante Webb’s residence speaks to how dangerous a criminal Webb has been, through both his large-scale dealing and through his use of weapons in carrying out his crimes,” said Acting U.S. Attorney Rivetti. “This sentence reflects the danger and serious nature of his conduct. Our office will continue to work with our law enforcement partners at all levels to identify and prosecute armed drug traffickers such as Webb in order to protect our communities.”

    According to information presented to the Court, on June 3, 2022, the Pittsburgh Bureau of Police responded to a Pittsburgh residence, from which, upon law enforcement’s arrival, Webb ran. Law enforcement learned that Webb stored both controlled substances and firearms there and obtained a search warrant for his residence. The subsequent search resulted in the seizure of digital scales, cellular phones, firearms, hundreds of rounds of ammunition, and a safe, which contained a garbage bag of over 26,000 doses of packaged controlled substances, including mixtures of fluorofentanyl, heroin, and fentanyl. Officers also seized packaged cocaine and crack.

    Law enforcement seized eight firearms from Webb’s residence, some of which were loaded with attached extended magazines. Two of the firearms were Polymer 80 pistols, or ghost guns, which are untraceable due to the lack of a serial number; one of these pistols was later determined by a forensic scientist to operate only as a fully automatic firearm. Many of the firearms were easily accessible from a duffel bag located under a bed and were recovered in close proximity to the safe containing the packaged controlled substances. Prior to the seizure, Webb was twice convicted of aggravated assault related to shootings in Allegheny County. Federal law prohibits possession of a firearm or ammunition by a convicted felon.

    On June 7, 2022, law enforcement located Webb in the Bloomfield area of Pittsburgh. When a detective attempted to arrest Webb, the defendant fled by running in and out of traffic. After falling while jumping a low wall, Webb was arrested. A search incident to arrest resulted in the seizure from Webb of approximately $6,000, a digital scale, an owe sheet, a flip phone, and packaged controlled substances. The glassine bags seized from Webb bore similar markings to the bags recovered from Webb’s safe on June 3, 2022. A search of one of Webb’s phones revealed numerous photographs of Webb posing with large amounts of cash and multiple firearms inside his residence.

    Prior to imposing sentence, Judge Ranjan emphasized that fentanyl is a plague on the community and that drug dealers like Webb pose the greatest risk of harm because they use firearms. Judge Ranjan also stated that he did not sense that Webb had any genuine remorse for his crimes.

    Assistant United States Attorneys Brendan J. McKenna and Justin E. Lewis prosecuted this case on behalf of the government.

    Acting United States Attorney Rivetti commended the Pittsburgh Bureau of Police and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives for the investigation leading to the successful prosecution of Webb.

    MIL Security OSI

  • MIL-OSI USA: On Senate Floor, Rosen Calls on Trump Administration to Reverse Layoffs at Department of Veterans Affairs

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Jacky Rosen (D-NV)

    Watch Senator Rosen’s Full Remarks HERE.
    WASHINGTON, DC – Today, U.S. Senator Jacky Rosen (D-NV) took to the Senate floor to oppose the actions of the Trump Administration and Elon Musk to mass fire employees working at the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). In her speech, Senator Rosen called for them to reverse course on these layoffs, and  emphasized the impact that these cuts have had on Nevada veterans and their ability to access the care and benefits they earned through their service.
    Below are excerpts of Senator Rosen’s floor remarks:
    Mr. President,
    I rise today to speak out against the harmful actions taken by the Trump administration and Elon Musk.
    What they’re doing, it isn’t about “government efficiency.” 
    They’re mass firing the men and women who help provide vital services that countless Nevadans rely on, from Medicaid to food assistance.
    And this is being felt in nearly every corner of our country. 
    It’s impacting our veterans who rely on the VA,  our seniors who rely on Social Security and Medicare, our families who rely on Medicaid and CHIP for their kids’ health care, and so many others.
    The actions taken by the Trump Administration and Elon Musk, an unelected billionaire, are tearing at the fabric of American society.
    And this is no way to run a country, and the people in my state, they’re being hurt in the process.
    And so today, I want to focus on a specific aspect of the Trump firings: how it’s impacting veterans. Not just veterans across the country, but particularly those veterans in Nevada. 
    Just yesterday, it was reported that Elon Musk and his “DOGE” tech bros are planning to cut 80,000 employees from the Department of Veterans Affairs. 80,000.
    This is in addition to the 1,000 VA employees they have already laid off, which included people who staffed the Veterans Crisis Hotline.
    And so, maybe Mr. Musk and his team, his team of, like I said, teenybopper tech bros, they don’t understand the magnitude of their actions. So, let me explain to them what the VA does. What the VA means.
    The Department of Veterans Affairs provides critical health care to the men and women who were willing to sacrifice their very lives for our nation, and for their families. It provides them with the benefits that they have earned and that they, frankly, deserve.
    It is quite literally the least that we can, as a nation, do for our veterans. 
    Firing those employees who work at the VA will hurt our veterans, plain and simple. 
    It will hurt veterans not only because they rely on VA staff, but because many of those who work at the VA are themselves veterans. The VA [is] the largest employer of veterans in this nation.
    […]
    You know, many veterans already face significant challenges in accessing the care and the services that they need: long wait times for medical appointments, overwhelmed but dedicated staff, and a system already stretched thin that they have created barriers that delay essential care. 
    And these layoffs, these layoffs, the Trump layoffs, they’ll only worsen an already difficult situation. 
    […]
    With these positions being eliminated, there will be fewer hands to process claims, handle scheduling, and make sure that our veterans are getting the care and attention that they deserve. 
    This is going to lead to even longer wait times for veterans, further delays in access to care, resulting in potentially worse health outcomes for our veterans.
    It is simply unconscionable that, after years of sacrifice and service, that our veterans will suffer due to cuts being made by people like Elon Musk, who were never elected by the American people. 
    So I urge this administration to take immediate action to halt and reverse these unnecessary and, frankly, unjust layoffs. 
    We must always stand up for our veterans. We must always stand up for the workers who serve them.
    God bless our veterans. God bless our troops.
    I thank you, Mr. President.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA: Padilla, Schiff Lead Entire California Delegation in Urging FEMA to Extend LA Fire Victims Assistance Deadline

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Alex Padilla (D-Calif.)

    Padilla, Schiff Lead Entire California Delegation in Urging FEMA to Extend LA Fire Victims Assistance Deadline

    WASHINGTON, D.C. — U.S. Senators Alex Padilla and Adam Schiff (both D-Calif.), along with the Chairs of the Republican and Democratic Congressional Delegations — Representatives Ken Calvert (R-Calif.-41) and Zoe Lofgren (D-Calif.-18) — led the entire bipartisan California Congressional delegation in urging the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to extend the application deadline for federal disaster assistance for victims of the Los Angeles fires to May 9, 2025. Currently, the application deadline for most federal disaster assistance programs is March 10, 2025. 

    “Due to the massive scale of destruction caused by the January wildfires, many victims will not know the total sum of their losses or whether these losses exceed their insurance coverage before the end of the 60-day application period. The widespread damage to infrastructure has made access to many homes in the affected areas difficult or impossible,” wrote the lawmakers. “Additionally, many fire victims have lost computers, cell phones, and other technological devices, limiting their ability to submit applications and to receive messages transmitted by FEMA and other authorities pertaining to relief.”

    “We urge you to swiftly extend the application deadlines so that Southern Californians impacted by the fires can evaluate their losses with ample time and apply for relief. Thank you for your attention to this matter and your commitment to delivering relief to those who lost their homes, businesses, and loved ones in this disaster,” continued the lawmakers.  

    According to the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection, the Eaton, Palisades, and Hurst fires destroyed over 11,600 homes, displaced 22,600 households, and took at least 29 lives. These fires devastated homes, schools, businesses, places of worship, and entire neighborhoods. Initial estimates show that the economic losses resulting from these fires could make this one of the costliest natural disasters in U.S. history. 

    Senator Padilla has fought relentlessly to secure and protect Southern Californians’ access to desperately needed disaster relief aid. In the immediate aftermath of the Los Angeles fires, Padilla and Senator Schiff led 47 bipartisan members of the California Congressional delegation in successfully urging President Biden to grant Governor Gavin Newsom’s request for a major disaster declaration to expedite timely relief to Los Angeles County residents impacted by these disasters. Padilla also delivered remarks on the Senate floor urging his Republican colleagues and President Trump to provide essential disaster recovery aid to California without conditioning it on the passage of partisan legislation.

    Last month, Padilla introduced bipartisan legislation to create a national Wildfire Intelligence Center to streamline federal response and create a whole-of-government approach to combat wildfires. He also announced a package of three bipartisan bills to bolster fire resilience and proactive mitigation efforts, including the Wildfire Emergency Act, the Fire-Safe Electrical Corridors Act, and the Disaster Mitigation and Tax Parity Act. In January, Padilla introduced another suite of bipartisan bills to strengthen wildfire recovery and resilience, including the Wildland Firefighter Paycheck Protection Act to protect firefighter pay.

    Full text of the letter is available here and below:

    Dear Acting Administrator Hamilton, 

    As members of the California delegation, we write to express our appreciation for Federal Emergency Management Agency’s (FEMA) assistance and support in response to the devastating wildfires in Los Angeles this past January. We also write to respectfully urge FEMA to approve Cal OES’s request to extend the application deadline for Individual Assistance (IA) to May 9, 2025, for victims under the January 8, 2025, California Wildfires and Straight-line Winds Major Disaster Declaration. 

    As you know, FEMA has the authority to extend these deadlines in extraordinary circumstances, such as this disaster. According to the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection, the Eaton, Palisades, and Hurst fires destroyed over 11,600 homes, displaced 22,600 households, and took 29 lives. These fires devastated homes, schools, businesses, places of worship, and entire neighborhoods. Initial estimates find that the economic losses resulting from these fires could make this one of the costliest natural disasters in U.S. history. 

    Currently, the application deadline for Individual Assistance through FEMA is March 10, 2025, in line with the standard 60-day application period for most disaster declarations. Due to the massive scale of destruction caused by the January wildfires, many victims will not know the total sum of their losses or whether these losses exceed their insurance coverage before the end of the 60-day application period. The widespread damage to infrastructure has made access to many homes in the affected areas difficult or impossible. Additionally, many fire victims have lost computers, cell phones, and other technological devices, limiting their ability to submit applications and to receive messages transmitted by FEMA and other authorities pertaining to relief. For these reasons, it is imperative that FEMA grant California’s request to extend the IA application deadline to May 9, 2025. 

    We urge you to swiftly extend the application deadlines so that Southern Californians impacted by the fires can evaluate their losses with ample time and apply for relief. Thank you for your attention to this matter and your commitment to delivering relief to those who lost their homes, businesses, and loved ones in this disaster.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: MeitY launches AIKosha, a secured platform that provides a repository of datasets, models and use cases to enable AI innovation. It also features AI sandbox capabilities through an integrated development environment along with tools and tutorials.

    Source: Government of India (2)

    MeitY launches AIKosha, a secured platform that provides a repository of datasets, models and use cases to enable AI innovation. It also features AI sandbox capabilities through an integrated development environment along with tools and tutorials.

    Ashwini Vaishnaw unveils India AI compute portal, AIKosha and other AI initiatives on IndiaAI Mission anniversary to enable India’s AI research and innovation ecosystem

    The IndiaAI Compute Portal launched for providing accessible and affordable AI compute, network, storage, platform, and cloud services

    AI Competency Framework released to equip public sector officials with skills related to AI competency mapping, and upskilling initiatives

    Launch of iGOT-AI: An advanced AI-powered personalized content recommendation system, developed to enhance the learning experience for government officials on the iGOT Karmayogi platform

    Launch of IndiaAI Startups Global Acceleration Program: A collaborative acceleration program with Station F and HEC Paris that will provide ten selected Indian AI startups with a four-month immersive acceleration program in Paris

    30 AI solutions addressing critical challenges shortlisted under IndiaAI Innovation Challenge, from over 900 submissions, for the next stage

    Introducing the IndiaAI Fellowship Students under IndiaAI Futureskills Pillar

    Posted On: 06 MAR 2025 10:40PM by PIB Delhi

    Union Minister for Electronics & Information Technology, Railways, and Information & Broadcasting, Shri Ashwini Vaishnaw marked a major milestone in India’s AI journey with the launch of several key initiatives under the IndiaAI Mission during its anniversary celebration in New Delhi today.

    The newly introduced initiatives include AIKosha: IndiaAI Datasets Platform, the AI Compute Portal, the AI Competency Framework for Public Sector Officials, iGOT-AI Mission Karmayogi, the IndiaAI Startups Global Acceleration Program with Station F, the IndiaAI Application Development Initiative and IndiaAI FutureSkills all aimed at strengthening AI-driven research, innovation, and skill development.
     

    While speaking at the event in New Delhi, Union Minister Shri Ashwini Vaishnaw emphasized that the launch of AIKosha: IndiaAI Datasets Platform and the AI Compute Portal marks a major milestone in enabling AI research and innovation in India. He highlighted that the AI Compute Portal will initially provide access to 10,000 GPUs, with 8,693 more to be added, offering AI compute services at a highly subsidized rate to support startups, researchers, and enterprises. He also noted India’s remarkable progress in global AI rankings, securing Rank 1 in AI skill penetration and being recognized among the Top 10 AI nations.

    He further stressed India’s DPI framework for AI, which ensures ethically sourced, consent-based datasets, reducing reliance on synthetic and foreign data. Speaking on AIKosha, he highlighted that the platform hosts over 300  datasets and over 80 models, fostering the development of diverse and unbiased AI solutions. Shri Vaishnaw also underscored the role of AI in governance and capacity building, mentioning the iGOT-AI Mission Karmayogi, which integrates AI-driven learning recommendations for public officials.

    Speaking on this occasion, MeitY Secretary Shri S. Krishnan emphasized that the launch of the AI Compute Portal is set to revolutionize AI deployment across the country. He highlighted that this portal represents the largest component of the IndiaAI Mission, with nearly 45% of the mission’s funding allocated to it. He further noted that AI is a cross-cutting technology that can enhance productivity and prosperity across government, corporate, and social sectors. Shri Krishnan stressed that leveraging AI is essential to realizing the Prime Minister’s vision of Viksit Bharat by 2047, requiring a technological leap to drive economic growth. Addressing comparisons with global AI investments, he pointed out that India’s Rs, 10,372 crore AI Mission is a structured, government-led initiative with seven clear verticals to ensure nationwide AI adoption.

    The IndiaAI Mission, approved in March 2024, is a landmark initiative dedicated to fortifying India’s AI ecosystem through strategic programs and partnerships spanning both public and private sectors. With a vision to democratize AI access, enhance data quality, cultivate indigenous AI capabilities, and ensure ethical AI practices, the Mission is structured around seven core pillars:

    ●       IndiaAI Compute

    ●       IndiaAI Datasets Platform

    ●       IndiaAI Application Development Initiatives

    ●       IndiaAI FutureSkills

    ●       IndiaAI Innovation Center

    ●       IndiaAI Startup Financing

    ●       Safe & Trusted AI

     

    Last month, Union Minister, Shri Ashwini Vaishnaw, launched several initiatives under the aforementioned pillars. These included a call for proposals for developing and deploying indigenous foundation models which garnered 67 submissions within just 15 days—the establishment of an AI Safety Institute for adoption of a techno-legal approach, and the announcement of eight selected projects under the Safe & Trusted AI pillar.

    Applauding the series of new ground-breaking developments by IndiaAI Mission, Shri Ashwini Vaishnaw said “Prime Minister Shri Modi’s last 10 years of efforts are culminating in unexpected growth for India. His vision and investments in technologies such as AI, semiconductors, and deep tech will propel India among the top 5 countries. Our Prime Minister’s vision has always been to democratize tech—imagine DPI enhanced by AI.” These initiatives will serve as a pivotal enabler for AI research, innovation, and application development in India, fostering an inclusive and responsible AI ecosystem.

    Launch of AIKosha: IndiaAI Datasets Platform

    To provide a unified portal for seamless access to datasets, tools and AI models, Hon’ble Union Minister has launched AIKosha: IndiaAI Datasets Platform. AIKosha is a secured platform that provides a repository of datasets, models and use cases to enable AI innovation. It also features AI sandbox capabilities through an integrated development environment along with tools and tutorials. The platform is equipped with the features like content discoverability, AI readiness scoring of datasets, permission based access & security mechanisms like data encryption at rest and in motion, secure API, and firewalls for real-time filtering of malicious traffic.

    Launch of IndiaAI Compute Portal

    IndiaAI had published a Request for Empanelment (RFE) inviting applications for the empanelment of AI services on the cloud. A competitive bidding process saw the participation of 19 bidders, offering diverse AI services, including GPUs and AI platforms. Following a rigorous technical evaluation, 10 bidders were shortlisted for the commercial bid opening. To ensure equitable access to computational resources, Hon’ble Union Minister has launched the IndiaAI Compute Portal that will offer AI compute, network, storage, platform and cloud services at discounted rates to startups, MSMEs, academia, researchers, PhD scholars, students, startups and government agencies. The portal will facilitate easy access to high end and mid range GPUs such as NVIDIA H100, H200, A100, L40S, and L4, AMD MI300x and 325X, Intel Gaudi 2, AWS Tranium and Inferentia along with network and storage services, ensuring cost-effective AI development capabilities and innovation. Eligible AI users will receive up to 40% subsidy on AI compute services on cloud. RFE for Inviting Applications for Continuous Empanelment of Agencies for providing AI services on Cloud is live.

    AI Competency Framework for Public Sector Officials

    Recognizing the critical role of AI in governance the AI Competency Framework was released at the event. The competency framework aims to equip public sector officials with skills related to AI competency mapping, and upskilling initiatives. This framework aligns with global best practices to ensure informed AI policy-making and implementation.

    iGOT-AI: AI-Powered Personalized Learning for Government Officials

    An advanced AI-powered personalized content recommendation system, developed to enhance the learning experience for government officials on the iGOT Karmayogi platform.

    IndiaAI Startups Global Acceleration Program with Station F

    In collaboration with STATION F and HEC Paris, the IndiaAI Mission will launch an acceleration program for Indian AI startups. This four-month immersive program (1 month online, 3 months onsite at STATION F in Paris) at the world’s largest startup campus will provide 10 selected AI startups with access to mentorship, networking, and global market expansion opportunities in Europe. A call for applications has been announced at the event.

    IndiaAI Innovation Challenge: Felicitation of AI Innovators

    The IndiaAI Application Development Initiative (IADI) pillar under the IndiaAI Mission focuses on developing, scaling, and promoting the adoption of impactful AI solutions with the potential for large-scale socio-economic transformation. Under this pillar IndiaAI has launched the IndiaAI innovation challenge which seeks to promote impactful AI solutions in critical sectors, over 900 AI solutions were submitted to address pressing challenges in Healthcare, Climate Change & Disaster Management, Governance, Agriculture, and Learning Disabilities. These solutions aim to improve healthcare outcomes, enhance access to public services, boost agricultural productivity, support individuals with learning disabilities, and mitigate the impacts of climate change. Following a rigorous evaluation process, 30 AI solutions have been shortlisted for the next stage across three stages of maturity: Idea, Prototype, and Existing Solutions.

    IndiaAI FutureSkills Fellowship: Introducing the IndiaAI Fellowship Student

    The IndiaAI FutureSkills initiative is conceptualized to mitigate barriers to entry into AI programs and will increase AI courses in undergraduate, masters-level, and Ph.D. programs. IndiaAI Fellowship students were introduced who  demonstrated their skills in AI Projects and shared their experiences how IndiaAI Fellowship has supported them in AI research. IndiaAI is disbursing tranches of the IndiaAI Fellowship, UG students PG students from various centrally funded institutes, including IITs, NITs, IIITs, as well as other government and private academic institutes.

    Additionally, IndiaAI Data Labs are being established in Tier 2 and Tier 3 cities across India to impart foundational level courses. IndiaAI has developed two courses for the roles of Data Annotator and Data Curator, focusing on sectors such as healthcare, education, manufacturing, and agriculture to be imparted in IndiaAI Data Labs across NIELIT and ITI centres.

    The Launch of AIKosha, AI Compute Portal and other IndiaAI initiatives signifies a major step in democratizing AI access, enabling research-driven innovation, and strengthening India’s global AI leadership. The event brought together key stakeholders from the AI ecosystem, including government officials, researchers, industry leaders, and startups, fostering collaboration to build a robust AI-powered future for India.

    Click Here to see List of team selected for next stage of IndiaAI Innovation challenge & IndiaAI Fellowship students felicitated at the launch event

    ***

    Dharmendra Tewari/ Navin Sreejith/ Shatrunjay Kumar

    (Release ID: 2108961) Visitor Counter : 77

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News