NewzIntel.com

Category: Natural Disasters

  • MIL-OSI: Federal Home Loan Bank of Atlanta Commits $60 Million for Homeownership Grants

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    ATLANTA, Feb. 24, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — The Federal Home Loan Bank of Atlanta (FHLBank Atlanta) announced today that it is making $60 million in grant funding available through two enhanced programs to help families and individuals purchase or rehabilitate a home. Financial institutions that are members of FHLBank Atlanta can apply for funding to distribute to eligible customers beginning today, Feb. 24, 2025.

    “We are pleased to expand our support for homebuyers and homeowners this year, especially in light of challenges including high home prices and recent natural disasters,” said FHLBank Atlanta President and CEO Kirk Malmberg. “These programs have been designed to assist both first-time and repeat homebuyers, low- and moderate-income families, members of public service occupations, and those in declared emergency areas. We anticipate this funding will significantly impact the lives of thousands of people.”  

    FHLBank Atlanta is committing $40 million through its 2025 Affordable Housing Program (AHP) Homeownership Set-aside Program. Each member financial institution can access up to $750,000 to distribute through three products:

    • First-time Homebuyer: Provides up to $17,500 in downpayment, closing cost, or rehabilitation assistance to first-time homebuyers in connection with the purchase of an existing home. This is an increase from $12,500 offered in 2024.
    • Community Partners: Provides up to $20,000 in downpayment, closing cost, counseling, or rehabilitation assistance in connection with the purchase or purchase and rehabilitation of an existing home by employed or retired law enforcement officers, educators, firefighters, health care workers, veterans and surviving spouses, and other first responders. This is an increase from $15,000 offered in 2024.
    • Community Rebuild and Restore: Provides up to $25,000 in funding for the rehabilitation of an existing owner-occupied home in Major Disaster Declaration areas as designated by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) or by a local, state, or other federal government agency. This funding per unit is up from $10,000 in 2024.

    FHLBank Atlanta is contributing $20 million to promote affordable housing through its Workforce Housing Plus+ Program, developed for borrowers with incomes between 80.01% and 120% of the area median income (AMI).

    • Member financial institutions can access up to $500,000 each and disburse grants up to $15,000 per eligible borrower for downpayment and closing costs.
    • Homes must be the primary residence of each grant recipient and located in FHLBank Atlanta’s district, which includes Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, and the District of Columbia.

    “As a member of FHLBank Atlanta, we have access to a range of affordable housing programs, including downpayment assistance, which reduces barriers to homeownership for many people,” said Paul Phillips, President and CEO of Freedom First Federal Credit Union. “By applying for FHLBank Atlanta funding to distribute, we are creating a ripple effect of positive change – empowering local individuals and families to invest in their futures and build generational wealth while strengthening communities. As a community development financial institution (CDFI), these programs are a powerful way that we fulfill our mission to help people prosper and help communities thrive.”

    Visit the FHLBank Atlanta website for full detail and eligibility requirements for the 2025 Homeownership Set-aside Program and Workforce Housing Plus+ Program. Funds to member institutions are available on a first-come, first-served basis. Borrower contribution and credit counseling are required for most products.

    If you need assistance connecting with a member financial institution, or for more information, call the Bank’s Community Investment Services department at 1.800.536.9650, option 3.

    About FHLBank Atlanta
    FHLBank Atlanta offers competitively-priced financing, community development grants, and other banking services to help member financial institutions make affordable home mortgages and provide economic development credit to neighborhoods and communities. The Bank’s members – its shareholders and customers – are commercial banks, credit unions, savings institutions, community development financial institutions, and insurance companies located in Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, and the District of Columbia. FHLBank Atlanta is one of 11 district Banks in the Federal Home Loan Bank System. Since 1990, the FHLBanks have awarded approximately $9.1 billion in Affordable Housing Program funds, assisting more than 1.2 million households.

    For more information, visit our website at www.fhlbatl.com.

    CONTACT: Sheryl Touchton
    Federal Home Loan Bank of Atlanta
    stouchton@fhlbatl.com

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 3 ways Trump is acting like a king and bypassing the Constitution’s checks and balances on presidential authority

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By David Lopez, University Professor of Law, Rutgers University – Newark

    Donald Trump’s efforts to expand presidential power defy the Constitutional separation of powers. zimmytws/iStock via Getty Images

    I learned basic civics in my public school. But mostly, because it was more interesting, I also learned civics after school watching the animated series “Schoolhouse Rock,” often with my abuela – my grandmother – who took care of me.

    Back then, “Schoolhouse Rock” had a wonderful episode, “Three Ring Government.” In singing narration, the characters explained “about the government, and how it’s arranged, divided in three, like a three-ring circus.”

    Those three circles, all the same size, kept each other honest. For many in my generation, those three rings were our introduction to the idea of the checks and balances built into the U.S. government. They include the separation of powers among the legislative, judicial and executive branches.

    In short, we learned, Congress passes the laws, the president administers the laws, and the courts interpret the laws.

    This elegant but simple system stood in contrast to the nearly unshackled power of the British king, who ruled over the American colonies before independence. And it provided representation for “We the People,” because we vote for members of Congress.

    During its first month, the second Trump administration has pushed a new balance of these powers, granting the president expansive and far-reaching authority. These actions imperil the power of elected lawmakers in the House and Senate to pass legislation, oversee the federal government and exercise spending authority.

    Most U.S. legal scholars regarded these issues as fairly settled. Trump’s recent actions, however, have unsettled this understanding.

    Here are three examples of how the balance of power is being upset by Trump and his administration:

    The explanation of the separation of powers in the U.S. government in “Schoolhouse Rock.”

    Independent agencies

    On Jan. 28, 2025, President Donald Trump fired Gwynne Wilcox, a Democratic member of the National Labor Relations Board, three years before the end of her five-year term.

    The National Labor Relations Board, or NLRB, established in New Deal legislation in 1935, was designed to ensure industrial peace by protecting the rights of workers to organize and bargain collectively. Congress created the board as a bipartisan body to resolve allegations of unfair labor practices brought by workers or management.

    By design, the board operated independently from Cabinet-level departments. Congress sought to preserve this independence by ensuring that board members serve a fixed term and could be removed only for “neglect of duty or malfeasance in office, but for no other cause.”

    This independent structure – shared by other agencies such as the Securities Exchange Commission, the Federal Trade Commission and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission – aims to provide regulatory consistency, slightly removed from the political passions of the day.

    Some legal scholars have been percolating an argument that the Constitution requires the Supreme Court to limit those agencies’ Congressionally endowed independence in favor of more expansive presidential authority, even though the court decided this issue unanimously in 1935.

    Wilcox is suing the administration for its apparent violation of Congress’ statutory language by firing her.

    “Ms. Wilcox is the first Black woman to serve on the Board, the first Black woman to serve as its Chair, and – if the President’s action is allowed to stand – will also be the first member to be removed from office since the Board’s inception in 1935,” the lawsuit states.

    If this case makes it to the Supreme Court, and the court takes the unusual step of reversing itself, its ruling would imperil the independent structure, not just of this agency but of other agencies too.

    Asylum laws

    Congress created a comprehensive system of laws for processing the asylum claims of people who say they are fleeing persecution or torture to seek protection in the U.S.

    These laws allow applicants to show likelihood of harm if they could not stay in the U.S. They were originally adopted in response to humanitarian crises, including when Jews fleeing Nazi Germany were turned away by the U.S., among other countries.

    As part of Trump’s declaration, on his first day in back in office, that immigration is both a “national immigration emergency” and an “invasion” under Article IV, Section 4 of the Constitution, the president essentially shut down the asylum process at U.S. ports of entry. His proclamation canceled the appointments of those who had waited to pursue their claim under existing asylum procedures.

    In doing so, Trump ignored critical portions of laws passed by Congress. This move places asylum seekers already in the U.S. in danger of being deported to the countries where they say they face life-threatening persecution or torture.

    Congressional spending authority

    Protesters near the White House oppose President Donald Trump’s freeze on federal grants and loans on Jan. 28, 2025.
    Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images

    Under the Constitution, Congress has the power to set spending amounts and priorities for the federal government. By law, the executive branch cannot spend what has not been appropriated – meaning approved by Congress – nor can it stop that spending.

    Shortly following the inauguration, however, Trump’s Office of Management and Budget ordered a pause of federal grants and loans to organizations and programs ranging from Head Start to farm subsidies.

    Almost immediately, several states, concerned about the loss of essential federal services, filed a lawsuit to halt the freeze. A federal court in Rhode Island sided with the plaintiffs and temporarily stayed the freeze.

    The judge rejected the Trump administration’s argument that it must “align Federal spending and action with the will of the American people as expressed through Presidential priorities,” calling it “constitutionally flawed.” And he concluded that the president could not act unilaterally under the Constitution.

    “Congress has not given the Executive limitless power to broadly and indefinitely pause all funds that it has expressly directed to specific recipients and purposes,” wrote the judge, John J. McConnell, Jr. “The Executive’s actions violate the separation of powers.”

    “Schoolhouse Rock” taught that one ring must respect the other coequal rings. What has happened under Trump is one ring expanding in size to swallow up much of another ring – that of Congress.

    ‘Kinglike’ powers?

    Several of the Trump administration’s recent actions appear designed to test the legal viability of an expansive, more “kinglike” view of presidential powers.

    Yet for the most part, Congress as an institution has mostly remained silent as the executive branch invades its sphere of authority.

    Instead, the courts have served as a check on his power by stalling, temporarily, more than a dozen of Trump’s presidential actions that surpass the executive powers permitted under various laws and the Constitution.

    Most of these stays are only temporary. They were issued based on the recognition that the immediate harm of unlawful presidential overreach would be difficult to roll back.

    In the end, the Supreme Court will likely decide the scope of presidential powers in the various contexts. If they rule in Trump’s favor, the U.S. government will become a one-ring circus run by a kinglike president – precisely what it was never meant to be.

    Gwynne Wilcox is a Rutgers Law grad and has spoken to our class.

    – ref. 3 ways Trump is acting like a king and bypassing the Constitution’s checks and balances on presidential authority – https://theconversation.com/3-ways-trump-is-acting-like-a-king-and-bypassing-the-constitutions-checks-and-balances-on-presidential-authority-249347

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Sustainability ideals are often crushed by corporate demands. Here’s how businesses can let them flourish

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sanne Frandsen, Associate Professor in Organization, Lund University

    Urbanscape/Shutterstock

    A “calling” in the context of work might be characterised by a strong sense of purpose and a motivation beyond just being paid at the end of the month. It’s mostly associated with occupations like healthcare workers, teachers or nonprofit staff, for example. We might not immediately think of sustainability managers – employed by companies to reduce their environmental impact – as following a calling in the same sense.

    As researchers, however, we have found that sustainability and corporate social responsibility (CSR) managers are also drawn to their work by a calling to serve as agents for social change – even though their roles are corporate ones.

    The social aspirations of sustainability managers are key to the success of corporations’ CSR and sustainability work. However, these aspirations often clash with the corporate reality within the organisation.

    Our research is based on 57 sustainability managers in international companies in Sweden across various industries and career levels. We found that sustainability managers chose their careers in order to live out their strong socio-environmental ambitions.

    Yet keeping that motivation is far from easy. According to sustainability managers themselves, their employers fail to live up to their social aspirations. They are pushed to prioritise corporate goals over social good, and their visions are reduced to compliance only. Their innovative ideas can fade in the struggle to be heard and gain support within the organisation.

    We found that as sustainability managers gain more seniority within the corporation, they lose their socio-environmental purpose and instead start to focus on the bottom-line results of sustainability initiatives. This means they become less ambitious with regard to sustainability initiatives – and more concerned with the profit-driven benefits of sustainability.

    For example, a senior sustainability manager among our cohort who was employed at a company facing accusations of human rights violations focused more on improving the sustainability report and how she could communicate the idea that “CSR makes sense for business”.

    Though sustainability managers in the early stages of their careers are committed to radical change, their voices are seldom heard by the management or their colleagues. They struggle with feelings of social exclusion and meaninglessness, as their aspirations crumble.

    This can be emotionally draining and challenging to their identity, ultimately leading them to adopt more commercial aspirations instead. The sustainability managers find they can do little to mobilise the organisation to support their case for doing good.

    Shifting to the corporate mindset

    During their mid-careers, sustainability managers seemed more able to sell their social aspirations within the corporation. But their calling for social and environmental change becomes “corporatised” and a scaled-back version of their original vision. The shift to a business mindset seems important to get others in the organisation to take them seriously. It’s also important for the sustainability managers themselves, as it increases their sense of belonging within the organisation.

    But the initial drive towards societal change begins to dissipate. One sustainability manager explained that they had been “moulded” to think with more of a business mindset. “The first thing is that everything has to have business value,” they said.

    As sustainability managers in the later stages of their careers gain more power within their organisation, they also express more pride when they talk about their achievements. These are often linked to increased ranking or branding value – for example featuring on sustainability indices or securing media coverage of the company’s sustainability credentials.

    The social motivation for sustainability work, however, is sidelined. Sustainability managers say their work is meaningful and in line with their purpose. But the purpose is now almost exclusively driven more by corporate benefits.

    Businesses should take care not to crush the ambitions of early-career sustainability staff in the corporate machine.
    Iryna Inshyna/Shutterstock

    Are sustainability managers useless, then? Far from it. But our research shows how the very system that hires them to drive change often stifles their social and environmental aspirations.

    As such, companies should value and respond to sustainability managers’ social aspirations to ensure that they maintain the spirit, motivation, and passion for change. This, after all, is what lies at the heart of sustainability and CSR work.

    Our research underscores a critical point. If corporations want sustainability managers to drive meaningful and lasting change, they must support their calling for social impact. This includes giving them a voice and authority, for example, by including them in the executive team.

    Sustainability managers should not be relegated to work only on compliance tasks, but actively encouraged to contribute to the corporate strategy. A culture of openness that welcomes critical perspectives should embrace sustainability managers challenging the status quo. Without this, the drive for greener and more equitable corporate practices risks fading away.

    Sanne Frandsen receives funding from Handelsbankens Forskningstiftelser and the Swedish Research Council.

    Enrico Fontana and Mette Morsing do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Sustainability ideals are often crushed by corporate demands. Here’s how businesses can let them flourish – https://theconversation.com/sustainability-ideals-are-often-crushed-by-corporate-demands-heres-how-businesses-can-let-them-flourish-249556

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI USA: Solar, battery storage to lead new U.S. generating capacity additions in 2025

    Source: US Energy Information Administration

    In-brief analysis

    February 24, 2025

    We expect 63 gigawatts (GW) of new utility-scale electric-generating capacity to be added to the U.S. power grid in 2025 in our latest Preliminary Monthly Electric Generator Inventory report. This amount represents an almost 30% increase from 2024 when 48.6 GW of capacity was installed, the largest capacity installation in a single year since 2002. Together, solar and battery storage account for 81% of the expected total capacity additions, with solar making up over 50% of the increase.

    Solar. In 2024, generators added a record 30 GW of utility-scale solar to the U.S. grid, accounting for 61% of capacity additions last year. We expect this trend will continue in 2025, with 32.5 GW of new utility-scale solar capacity to be added. Texas (11.6 GW) and California (2.9 GW) will account for almost half of the new utility-scale solar capacity addition in 2025. We expect five other states (Indiana, Arizona, Michigan, Florida, and New York) each to account for more than 1 GW of added solar capacity in 2025 and collectively account for 7.8 GW of planned solar capacity additions.

    Battery storage. In 2025, capacity growth from battery storage could set a record as we expect 18.2 GW of utility-scale battery storage to be added to the grid. U.S. battery storage already achieved record growth in 2024 when power providers added 10.3 GW of new battery storage capacity. This growth highlights the importance of battery storage when used with renewable energy, helping to balance supply and demand and improve grid stability. Energy storage systems are not primary electricity sources, meaning the technology does not create electricity from a fuel or natural resource. Instead, they store electricity that has already been created from an electricity generator or the electric power grid, which makes energy storage systems secondary sources of electricity.

    Wind. In 2025, we expect 7.7 GW of wind capacity to be added to the U.S. grid. Last year, only 5.1 GW was added, the smallest wind capacity addition since 2014. Texas, Wyoming, and Massachusetts will account for almost half of 2025 wind capacity additions. Two large offshore wind plants are expected to come online this year: the 800-megawatt (MW) Vineyard Wind 1 in Massachusetts and the 715-MW Revolution Wind in Rhode Island.

    Natural gas. Developers plan to build 4.4 GW of new natural gas-fired capacity in the United States during 2025: 50% from simple-cycle combustion turbines and 36% from combined-cycle power blocks. Utah, Louisiana, Nebraska, North Dakota, and Tennessee account for more than 70% of these planned natural gas additions. The two largest natural gas plants expected to come online in 2025 are the 840-MW Intermountain Power Project in Utah and the 678.7-MW Magnolia Power in Louisiana. The natural gas capacity additions at the Intermountain Power Project will replace 1,800 MW of coal-fired capacity at the plant, which is scheduled to be retired in July.

    Principal contributor: Office of Energy Statistics staff

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Asteroid has a very small chance of hitting Earth in 2032, but a collision could devastate a city

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Maggie Lieu, Research Fellow, School of Physics and Astronomy, University of Nottingham

    In December 2024, astronomers in Chile spotted a new asteroid streaking through the sky, which they named 2024 YR4. What’s significant about this 100m-wide space rock is that it has a small chance of hitting Earth in 2032.

    Since its discovery, the asteroid’s probability of an impact with our planet has gone all over the place. At one point, the risk rose as high as 3.1%. This may not sound like a lot, until you realise that that is a 1 in 32 chance of collision.

    As of February 21 2024, the European Space Agency’s (Esa) Near Earth Object Centre predicts the collision probability to be just 0.16%, which is a 1 in 625 chance – a huge difference. So why is there such a huge variability in these predictions? And is there really a need to be concerned?

    Asteroids are left over remnants from the formation of the solar system, mostly rock, but also metallic, or icy bodies that tend to live in the asteroid belt between Mars and Jupiter.

    Space agencies like Nasa and Esa independently monitor and track over 37,000 near Earth asteroids (NEAs). These NEAs are those that come within 1.3 astronomical units distance of Earth, where 1 astronomical unit is the average distance between the Earth and Sun. Around 1,700 objects are considered to have an elevated risk because they make a relatively close approach to Earth at some point in the future. They are said to have a non-zero probability of colliding with our planet.

    Now it’s estimated that 44,000 kg of space rock hits our planet every year, but most of it is dust or sand grain sized particles that will burn up in the atmosphere, creating the beautiful streaks in the sky that we know as shooting stars.

    Rarely do these objects make it to the Earth intact as a meteorite and it’s even rarer to have a cataclysmic impact, like the 10km wide object that wiped out the dinosaurs 66 million years ago. The last major asteroid event in recent history was the 18m wide meteorite that hit Chelyabinsk in Russia in 2013.

    The fireball turned night into day and released an estimated 500 kilotons of energy (equivalent to 500,000 tonnes of TNT) as it explosively broke apart in our atmosphere. Around 1,500 people were injured – many through the sonic waves shattering windows.

    Current estimates for 2024 YR4 suggest it to be up to 100m in size. It is capable of releasing about 7.8 Megatons of energy (equivalent to 7.8 million tonnes of TNT explosive), which is much more than Chelyabinsk. If such an asteroid were to hit the centre of London you could expect over 2 million fatalities. But the effects would be felt over a larger area.

    The impact would have a “thermal radiation radius” of 26 km. Within this radius, the heat from the impact would be so intense it would cause third degree burns. So despite the small probabilities, there’s no question that this asteroid should be monitored and tracked closely.

    Nasa has also reported a very small chance that 2024 YR4 could collide with the Moon instead. This would pose no threat to people on Earth, but would generate a sizeable impact crater on our planet’s only natural satellite.

    No simple answers

    Tracking an asteroid turns out to be more complex than you might think. Unlike stars and galaxies, asteroids don’t emit light so are notoriously difficult to spot. This faintness likely contributed to why 2024 YR4 4 eluded detection up until so recently.

    In addition, the shape of the asteroid, and its albedo – which measures how reflective the asteroid is – is still highly uncertain, further complicating the prediction of its future path. The albedo of the asteroid not only tells us about the composition of the asteroid, but can inform us of interactions with the Sun.

    A 10 metre-wide asteroid broke up over Chelyabinsk, Russia, in 2013.

    A darker asteroid will absorb more light, heating up any gases within the asteroid. When released, these gases can act like jet thrusters, altering the trajectory of the asteroid. A more reflective asteroid, might incur more radiation pressure from the Sun. This pressure can actually push it in another direction to the one it was previously going in.

    The current estimates of YR4’s albedo are between 0.05 – 0.25, with 0 being completely matte, and 1 being completely reflective, so the margin of uncertainty is wide. As you might expect, the shape of the asteroid will also affect the direction in which these forces act and the resulting trajectory of the object.

    Current trajectory estimates assume a spherical asteroid, with a typical density for an S-type asteroid (a common type of rocky asteroid). The asteroid 2024 YR 4 has very little chance of being spherical (that shape tends to be seen in bigger objects with stronger gravity) and we don’t know what exactly it’s made from. Future observations, potentially including those from the James Webb Space Telescope (JWST), aim to refine our understanding of the asteroid’s shape.

    Comet 67P up close, in an image taken by the Rosetta spacecraft.
    ESA/Rosetta/NavCam – CC BY-SA IGO 3.0, CC BY-SA

    However, past discrepancies between predictions of the comet 67P, as seen by the Hubble telescope from far away, versus its actual shape captured by the Rosetta spacecraft, which explored it up close, demonstrate the limitations of our predictions.

    Spectral imaging (which measures different colours of light to give an indication of composition) will hopefully allow us to better understand what type of material is on the surface of the asteroid and whether there could be volatile gases hiding beneath it that could affect its future path.

    Given that the projected Earth impact is a mere seven years away, the window for sending a spacecraft to try and divert it away from our planet, as successfully demonstrated by Nasa’s Dart mission in 2022, is rapidly closing. While other options such as detonating a nuclear weapon near the asteroid to deflect its path remain theoretically possible, they come with significant risks and ethical considerations. For instance, instead of diverting the asteroid, a nuclear explosion could break it into two or more pieces, which could then collide with Earth in distinct locations.

    There is a possibility that the asteroid could be nudged off course by collisions with other space rocks. It’s also likely that, if it does collide with Earth, it won’t hit a populated region, since the majority of our planet is uninhabited. However, it should be possible to evacuate people should it threaten a populated area.

    For now, the best thing we can do is track the asteroid with more observations, refining its trajectory, properties and impact probability estimates as more data becomes available. As we have already seen over the past few days, the predictions are likely to continue changing.

    Maggie Lieu has received funding from STFC.

    – ref. Asteroid has a very small chance of hitting Earth in 2032, but a collision could devastate a city – https://theconversation.com/asteroid-has-a-very-small-chance-of-hitting-earth-in-2032-but-a-collision-could-devastate-a-city-250598

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Smooth sailing ahead as Mount Edgcumbe Slipway reopens

    Source: City of Plymouth

    The Mount Edgcumbe slipway has officially reopened following extensive repairs, ensuring safe and reliable access for Cremyll Ferry passengers. 

    The repair works, which began in late October, have been successfully completed, and the slipway is now fully operational. 

    During a routine review, Plymouth City Council surveyors identified significant cracks and deterioration beneath the slipway, exacerbated by recent storms. The main concrete walkway had come loose and collapsed in places, necessitating urgent repairs. The Council swiftly closed the slipway and commenced works. 

    The comprehensive repair project included: 

    • Removing and replacing loose stonework. 
    • Reinforcing the propping of the concrete slab. 
    • Filling in voids and gaps. 
    • Installing Odex pile casings filled with reinforced concrete to stabilize the northwest side. 
    • Constructing new reinforced concrete outer walls and levelling the deck slab. 

    In addition to repairing the slipway, the Council is also making repairs to the general area with left over materials. Contractors are fixing a large hole between the slip and the ticket office and filling in holes in the wall outside the slipway.  

    The maintenance work has significantly enhanced the slipway’s durability, extending its useful life to 25 years and beyond. 

    Councillor Chris Penberthy, Plymouth City Council Cabinet Member with responsibility for Facilities Management, said: “We are thrilled to announce the reopening of the Mount Edgcumbe slipway! It supports not only the ferry service but also the economic vitality of the area by facilitating tourism and local business.  

    “The repairs have not only restored the slipway but have also improved its resilience for the future, showcasing our commitment to maintaining vital infrastructure for the community. I want to extend my thanks to the ferry operator and the public for their patience and support during this time.” 

    Cornwall Councillor Kate Ewert, Joint chair of the Mount Edgcumbe Joint Committee, said ” The reopening of the slipway is fantastic news for the community and visitors. The slipway is a crucial access point to a beloved destination for both locals and tourists. Mount Edgcumbe and the brilliant businesses we have in the park, have had a really tough time over the past few months, so we are thrilled to see the ferry service back at the slipway and would use it as a reminder to everyone that Mount Edgcumbe is very much open for businesses.” 

    Ben Squire, owner of Plymouth Boat Trips, which operates the Cremyll Ferry, added: “We are delighted to resume regular operations from the Cremyll slipway. “The safety and convenience of our passengers are our top priorities, and we’re grateful for the swift and effective repairs carried out by Plymouth City Council, in time for the return of our increased seasonal timetable from 1 April. We look forward to welcoming everyone on board.” 

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Throw Down pieces celebrating Stoke-on-Trent to go on display at Gladstone Pottery Museum

    Source: City of Stoke-on-Trent

    Published: Monday, 24th February 2025

    Eye-catching ceramics crafted by the potters in episode seven of The Great Pottery Throw Down (Sunday, 16 February) are to go on display at the historic Gladstone Pottery Museum.

    The museum – which threw open its doors early this year as part of Stoke-on-Trent’s Centenary celebrations – will host the special exhibition from Wednesday, 5 March.

    To mark the city’s 100th anniversary, The Great Pottery Throw Down challenged the potters to design and create bird baths that honour the six towns of Stoke-on-Trent. Each piece reflects the area’s rich industrial heritage, vibrant green spaces and historic waterways.

    The six bird baths will be showcased as part of Gladstone Pottery Museum’s standard entry offer, giving visitors a unique opportunity to see these creative tributes up close.

    Alongside the Throw Down display, visitors can explore the only complete Victorian pottery factory from the era when coal-fired ovens produced the world’s finest bone china.

    The museum offers a fascinating insight into the city’s renowned ceramics industry, which earned Stoke-on-Trent its title as The Potteries.

    Visitors can also enjoy live demonstrations and observe traditional pottery skills in action. And they can try their hand at throwing a pot, crafting a delicate bone china flower, or decorating their own ceramic piece for a unique souvenir (available for a small extra charge).

    Councillor Jane Ashworth, leader of Stoke-on-Trent City Council, said: “Gladstone Pottery Museum is a real gem in our city’s cultural heritage. It’s fantastic that, alongside our extended opening, we’ve been able to secure this special display from The Great Pottery Throw Down.

    “The show is a wonderful celebration of Stoke-on-Trent’s proud ceramics history – the craft and industry that made us famous worldwide and earned us city status in 1925.

    “If you’ve never visited before, 2025 is the perfect time to support our local attractions and discover the incredible heritage we have on our doorstep.”

    For information on opening times and admission to the museum go to https://www.stokemuseums.org.uk/gpm 

    Please call the museum on 01782 237777 ahead of your visit to check which demonstrations will be taking place on the day you plan to visit.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Manchester gets ready to celebrate International Women’s Day 2025 

    Source: City of Manchester

    International Women’s Day (IWD) is returning to Manchester as a celebration of women’s empowerment, equality and contributions to the city at Manchester Central Library on Saturday 8 March.

    Led and inspired by an already significant history of pioneering women, IWD 2025 is a chance for women across all generations and dedicated allies to come together in advancing women’s rights in Manchester and around the world.  

    The theme for this year’s celebration is ‘Accelerate Action’, which calls on supporters of gender equality to act against systemic barriers women from all backgrounds face in their personal and professional environments.   

    In recent years, Manchester City Council has marked IWD with a dedicated ‘Walk for Women’ event. This year, however, the Council has joined forces with a diverse range of women-led community organisations to co-design a different approach.  

    Funding was made available for community organisations to host IWD events across the city through the annual IWD grants programme. A celebratory community-led programme of workshops, performances and discussions has also been planned for the day itself at Manchester Central Library based around the acronym HER: Heal Encourage, Revive. 

    The events for IWD 2025 are:  

    Heal – Performance Space  

    ·  Flourish Together; Mindfulness Activity for relaxation and meditation, 11am-1pm  

    ·  Equal Education Chances; letter writing and positive affirmations session, 11:20am-12:15pm  

    Encouraged – Performance Space 2 and 3  

    ·    Community Thriving Together; sharing personal stories and overcoming challenges, 11am-11:50am  

    ·   Trailblazers;  Creating bookmarks and stitching  

    ·   Young Identity with Shirley May; poetry performance by Young Identity members, 11:55am-12:15pm  

    ·   Flourish Together; a 30-minute fireside chat chaired by Nickala Torkington about women changemakers, 12:20pm-12:50pm.  

    Revived – Performance Space 2 and 3  

    ·     Bollyfit; an exercise class inspired by multicultural dance, 1pm-1:30pm  

    ·     Councillor Ermina Bell will give a closing speech about the event, 1:35pm-1:45pm  

    ·      DJ set to inspire and uplift 

    Glass Room/Sensory Space  

    ·     Flourish Together; Bookable pop-up spa for treatments for 20 mins including Indian Head Massage in a clothed and seated setting, 11am-2pm  

    The events on the day will be accompanied by partner stalls of specialist community organisations including Manchester Action on Street Health (MASH), Manchester Rape Crisis, Fikawele African and Caribbean Mental Health, Walksafe  and Ahmed Iqbal Ullah (AIU) RACE Centre who will be on hand to raise awareness and promote their services.  

    Councillor Erinma Bell, Lead Member for Women, said: “Manchester has long been a city that has championed and supported women in the fight for gender equality.   

    “It’s fantastic to see the range of creativity and innovation in the events this year for International Women’s Day with the aim of accelerating further action for women to thrive personally and professionally.   

    “I would encourage women from all backgrounds and generations to get involved, because there is something for everyone and to advocate for more allies join in on the celebrations and inform our priorities for advancing women’s equality this year.”  

    For more information or to book your place visit Women’s Community Festival. 

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI: Gran Tierra Energy Inc. Announces 2024 Fourth Quarter & Year-End Results

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    • Record Fourth Quarter Production of 41,009 BOEPD
    • Realized 2024 Net Income of $3 Million ($0.10 per Share, Basic) and 2024 Adjusted EBITDA1of $367 Million
    • Delivered Net Cash Provided by Operating Activities of $239.3 million, up 5% from 2023
    • Generated 2024 Funds Flow from Operations1of $225 Million and Achieved 2024 Average Working Interest Production of 34,710 BOEPD, up 6% from 2023
    • Sixth Consecutive Year of 1P Total Company Reserves Growth
    • Highest Year-End Total Company Reserves in Company History – 167 MMBOE 1P, 293 MMBOE 2P and 385 MMBOE 3P and Achieved 702% 1P, 1,249% 2P and 1,500% 3P Reserves Replacement
    • Net Asset Value per Share3of $35.22 Before Tax and $19.51 After Tax (1P), and $71.14 Before Tax and $41.03 After Tax (2P)
    • Achieved Company’s Best Safety Performance on Record in 2024

    CALGARY, Alberta, Feb. 24, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Gran Tierra Energy Inc. (“Gran Tierra” or the “Company”) (NYSE American:GTE) (TSX:GTE) (LSE:GTE) today announced the Company’s financial and operating results for the fourth quarter (“the Quarter”) and year ended December 31, 2024.3 All dollar amounts are in United States (“U.S.”) dollars and all reserves and production volumes are on an average working interest before royalties (“WI”) basis unless otherwise indicated. Production is expressed in barrels of oil equivalent (“boe”) per day (“boepd”), and reserves are expressed in boe or million boe (“MMBOE”), unless otherwise indicated. Gran Tierra’s 2024 year-end reserves were evaluated by the Company’s independent qualified reserves evaluator McDaniel & Associates Consultants Ltd. (“McDaniel”) in a report with an effective date of December 31, 2024 (the “GTE McDaniel Reserves Report”). All reserves values, future net revenue and ancillary information contained in this press release have been prepared by McDaniel and calculated in compliance with Canadian National Instrument 51-101 – Standards of Disclosure for Oil and Gas Activities (“NI 51-101”) and the Canadian Oil and Gas Evaluation Handbook (“COGEH”) and derived from the GTE McDaniel Reserves Report, unless otherwise expressly stated. The following reserves categories are discussed in this press release: Proved Developed Producing (“PDP”), Proved (“1P”), 1P plus Probable (“2P”) and 2P plus Possible (“3P”).

    FOURTH QUARTER AND FULL-YEAR 2024 OPERATIONAL AND FINANCIAL HIGHLIGHTS

    Message to Shareholders

    Gary Guidry, President and Chief Executive Officer of Gran Tierra, commented: “2025 is set to be a transformational year for Gran Tierra as we advance exploration drilling in Ecuador, fulfilling all our commitments in the country while integrating our new entry into Canada. We ended 2024 at record highs across all reserve categories and production, setting a solid foundation for the future. While 2024 was dedicated to investing in resource capture, 2025 and beyond will be focused on execution—unlocking the full potential of our extensive, oil-weighted portfolio, which holds over 293 million BOE of 2P reserves. We are also pleased to confirm that Gran Tierra successfully met its average production guidance target for 2024. Furthermore, in 2024, Gran Tierra demonstrated its confidence in the Company’s future prospects by repurchasing 6.7% of our outstanding shares4 of common stock through our normal course issuer bid (“NCIB”) program, showing our dedication to long-term shareholder value creation. With a current before tax 1P net asset value of $35.23 per share, repurchases remain a strategic and efficient way to return capital to our shareholders, while reinforcing our commitment to long-term value creation.

    We are excited about the prospects of our 2025 exploration initiatives in Ecuador and Colombia, where we are set to drill between 6 to 8 high-impact exploration wells in our base case. These prospects have the potential to be significant catalysts in our commitment to unlock new reserves and drive sustainable growth. On the development front, we look forward to further appraising our Ecuador discoveries, commencing development of the large Cohembi field, drilling wells in the Montney and appraisal wells in the Clearwater and Central Alberta. With a robust and diverse portfolio of assets, Gran Tierra is poised to capitalize on emerging opportunities and deliver value to all our stakeholders. As we continue to profitably advance our operational and financial goals, we remain deeply committed to the well-being of our employees and the communities where we operate, recognizing their essential role in our success.”  

    Operational:

    • Production:
      • Gran Tierra achieved 2024 average WI production of 34,710 boepd, representing a 6% increase from 2023, as a result of positive exploration results in Ecuador and two months of production from Canadian operations acquired on October 31, 2024, partially offset by lower production in the Acordionero field caused by downtime related to workovers and deferred production from blockades in Suroriente during the Quarter.
      • Building on the Company’s successful development drilling in 2024 and integrating its recently acquired Canadian assets, Gran Tierra expects 2025 production of 47,000-53,000 boepd, as previously forecast. This projected 2025 production increase is expected to result from the Company’s previously forecast 2025 development drilling program of 5-7 gross wells in Suroriente, 2-3 appraisal wells in Ecuador, as well as 6 development wells in Canada. Gran Tierra also plans to drill 6-8 exploration wells in South America in 2025.
    • 2024 Year-End Reserves and Values3,6:
    Before Tax (as of December 31, 2024) Units 1P 2P 3P
    Reserves MMBOE 167 293 385
    Net Present Value at 10% Discount (“NPV10”) $ million 1,950 3,242 4,517
    Net Debt1 $ million (683) (683) (683)
    Net Asset Value (NPV10 less Net Debt) (“NAV”) $ million 1,267 2,559 3,834
    Outstanding Shares million 35.97 35.97 35.97
    NAV per Share $/share 35.23 71.14 106.62
    After Tax (as of December 31, 2024) Units 1P 2P 3P
    Reserves MMBOE 167 293 385
    NPV10 $ million 1,385 2,159 2,930
    Net Debt1 $ million (683) (683) (683)
    NAV $ million 702 1,476 2,247
    Outstanding Shares million 35.97 35.97 35.97
    NAV per Share $/share 19.51 41.03 62.46
             
    • As of December 31, 2024, Gran Tierra achieved6:
      • Before Tax NAV of $1.3 billion (1P), $2.6 billion (2P), and $3.8 billion (3P)
      • After Tax NAV of $0.7 billion (1P), $1.5 billion (2P), and $2.2 billion (3P)
      • Strong reserves replacement ratios of:
        • 702% 1P, with 1P reserves additions of 89 MMBOE.
        • 1,249% 2P, with 2P reserves additions of 159 MMBOE.
        • 1,500% 3P, with 3P reserves additions of 191 MMBOE.
      • NAV per share of $35.23 Before Tax and $19.51 After Tax (1P), and $71.14 Before Tax and $41.03 After Tax (2P). Gran Tierra’s current share price trades at significant discounts across all of the Company’s NAV per share categories.
      • Finding, development and acquisition costs (“FD&A”), including change in future development costs (“FDC”), on a per boe basis of $9.74 (1P), $8.11 (2P) and $6.92 (3P).
      • FD&A costs excluding change in FDC, on a per boe basis of $4.49 (1P), $2.52 (2P) and $2.10 (3P).
      • Canada now represents 46% of 1P and 51% of 2P reserves compared to Gran Tierra’s total reserves.

    Financial:

    • 2024 Net Income: Gran Tierra realized a net income of $3.2 million or $0.10 per share (basic and diluted), compared to net loss of $6.3 million, or $(0.19) per share (basic and diluted) in 2023.
    • 2024 Adjusted EBITDA1: The Company realized Adjusted EBITDA1 of $366.8 million, a decrease of 8% from $399.4 million in 2023, commensurate with the decrease in the Brent oil price.
    • 2024 Net Cash Provided by Operating Activities: The Company generated net cash provided by operating activities of $239.3 million, an increase of 5% from $228.0 million in 2023.
    • 2024 Funds Flow from Operations1: Gran Tierra realized funds flow from operations1 of $224.9 million, compared to $276.8 million in 2023.
    • 2024 Capital Expenditures: Capital expenditures increased by $7.7 million or 3% to $234.2 million compared to 2023 due to a higher number of wells drilled in 2024, which was predominately funded by the Company’s 2024 net cash provided by operating activities of $239.3 million.
    • Key Metrics During the Quarter: The Company realized net income of $34.2 million, Adjusted EBITDA1 of $76.2 million, and funds flow from operations1 of $44.1 million, compared with $1.1 million, $92.8 million, and $60.3 million, respectively, in third quarter 2024 (“the Prior Quarter”). The Company recognized record high quarterly production of 41,009 BOEPD.
    • Cash Balance: The Company had $103.4 million in cash and cash equivalents as at December 31, 2024 an increase compared to a cash balance of $62.1 million as at December 31, 2023.
    • Share Buybacks: Since January 1, 2022, through its NCIB programs, the Company has re-purchased 6.8 million shares of Common Stock representing about 19% of shares outstanding as of December 31, 2024.
    • 2024 Operating Costs: Total operating expenses were $202.3 million, compared to $186.9 million in 2023, representing an 8% increase while operating expenses per boe were $16.14, 2% higher when compared to 2023. This increase in 2024 was primarily as a result of higher workovers, and removal of diesel subsidies and higher gas and electricity costs in Colombia, partially offset by lower operating costs in Ecuador as a result of production ramp-up in 2024.
    • 2024 Cash General and Administrative Costs: The Company’s gross cash general and administrative (“G&A”) costs decreased to $3.18 per boe from $3.38 per boe in 2023. Total cash G&A costs were $39.9 million, a decrease of 1% from $40.1 million in 2023, due to lower business development, legal and consulting costs compared to 2023, offset by the addition of two months of G&A from the newly acquired Canadian operation.
    • Oil, Natural Gas and Natural Gas Liquids (“NGL”) Sales:
      • 2024: Gran Tierra’s oil, natural gas and NGL sales decreased 2% to $621.8 million, compared to $637.0 million in 2023. This decrease was primarily driven by a 3% decrease in Brent price and a 6% decrease in sales volumes in Colombia, offset by an increase in sales volumes in Ecuador and two months of production in Canada and lower differentials.
      • The Quarter: Gran Tierra generated oil, natural gas and NGL sales of $147.3 million, a decrease of 3% or $4.1 million from the Prior Quarter, primarily driven by a 6% decrease in the Brent oil price, offsetting a 31% increase in production. Oil, natural gas and NGL sales were $39.73 per boe, a 22% decrease from the Prior Quarter primarily as a result of low natural gas prices in Canada.
    • Operating Netback1:
      • 2024: Gran Tierra’s operating netback1 of $31.99 per boe was down 13% from $36.72 in 2023.
      • The Quarter: The Company’s operating netback1 of $22.19 per boe was lower by 38% from the fourth quarter 2023 and a decrease of 35% from the Prior Quarter due to increased weighting to natural gas in Canada and lower oil price.

    Operational Update

    • Colombia:
      • Suroriente Block: The first well on the Cohembi North pad spud on February 10, 2025, with production expected by the end of the first quarter of 2025.
    • Ecuador:
      • Iguana Block: Gran Tierra is currently drilling the first exploration well in its 6-8 well program with the Iguana SUR-B1 exploration well which was spud on February 4, 2025.
    • Canada:
      • Simonette: The development plan with our new joint venture partner, Logan Energy Corp., has commenced with the first two horizontal wells being drilled. Both wells are planned to be stimulated by the end of February and onstream by the end of the first quarter 2025.
      • Central: Gran Tierra has drilled and completed a well in the Nisku with a horizontal lateral length of over 3,000 meters; testing has commenced.
      • Clearwater: Gran Tierra has drilled 5 new wells in the Clearwater at East Dawson and Walrus. The program has confirmed the quality of our acreage in the Clearwater play. These wells are expected to come on-stream in the first quarter 2025. A pilot waterflood at Marten Hills will commence with the drilling of a multilateral injector in the first quarter 2025.

    Gran Tierra’s Commitment to Go “Beyond Compliance” with Safe and Sustainable Operations

    • 2024 was the Company’s safest year on record. GTE has accumulated a total of 27.8 million person-hours without a Lost Time Injury (LTI), and in 2024, the Company’s Total Recordable Incident Frequency (TRIF) was 0.03, placing Gran Tierra in the top quartile for safety performance across its operating regions.
    • 2024 was another exciting year for the NaturAmazonas project, a partnership founded by Conservation International and Gran Tierra Energy in 2017. The high-quality cocoa produced through this program garnered international attention resulting in a signed commercial agreement with KAOKA, one of the largest buyers of organic cocoa worldwide, to export 12.5 tons of organic deforestation free cocoa. This outcome means additional markets and incomes for producers in Putumayo.
    • To date, the NaturAmazonas program has seen over 3,500 hectares of the Amazonian rainforest restored including over 1.6 million trees planted. The meliponiculturists (stingless beekeepers) from our Sustainable Productive Landscapes program, own Colombia’s largest number of hives, which is estimated to be 6,000 hives. Their bees contribute to pollination across approximately 24,000 hectares of native forests and cultivated plantations.
    • The NaturAmazonas project has also benefited more than 4,200 families from the departments of Putumayo, Caquetá and Cauca, who have been trained in conservation techniques and supported the implementation of sustainable economic opportunities such as the production of organic cocoa, honey and açaí.
    • Gran Tierra has been accepted by the Voluntary Principles Initiative (VPI) as an official member of the Voluntary Principles for Security and Human Rights world-wide initiative.

    Corporate Presentation:

    • Gran Tierra’s Corporate Presentation has been updated and is available at www.grantierra.com.

    Financial and Operational Highlights5(all amounts in $000s, except per share and boe amounts)

      Year Ended   Three Months Ended
      December 31, December 31,   December 31, December 31, September 30,
        2024     2023       2024     2023     2024  
    Net Income (Loss) $ 3,216   $ (6,287 )   $ (34,210 ) $ 7,711   $ 1,133  
    Net Income (Loss) Per Share – Basic $ 0.10   $ (0.19 )   $ (1.04 ) $ 0.24   $ 0.04  
    Net Income (Loss) Per Share – Diluted $ 0.10   $ (0.19 )   $ (1.04 ) $ 0.23   $ 0.04  
                 
    Oil, Natural Gas and NGL Sales $ 621,849   $ 636,957     $ 147,290   $ 154,944   $ 151,373  
    Operating Expenses   (202,331 )   (186,864 )     (60,770 )   (47,637 )   (46,060 )
    Transportation Expenses   (18,464 )   (14,546 )     (4,279 )   (3,947 )   (3,911 )
    Operating Netback1 $ 401,054   $ 435,547     $ 82,241   $ 103,360   $ 101,402  
                 
    G&A Expenses Before Stock-based Compensation $ 39,912   $ 40,124     $ 8,672   $ 11,072   $ 9,491  
    G&A Expenses (Recovery) Stock-Based Compensation   9,707     5,722       3,331     1,974     (3,145 )
    G&A Expenses, Including Stock-Based Compensation $ 49,619   $ 45,846     $ 12,003   $ 13,046   $ 6,346  
                 
    EBITDA1 $ 355,690   $ 377,550     $ 65,247   $ 83,634   $ 97,365  
                 
    Adjusted EBITDA1 $ 366,758   $ 399,355     $ 76,168   $ 92,964   $ 92,794  
                 
    Net Cash Provided by Operating Activities $ 239,321   $ 227,992     $ 26,607   $ 69,027   $ 78,654  
                 
    Funds Flow from Operations1 $ 224,941   $ 276,785     $ 44,129   $ 84,663   $ 60,338  
                 
    Capital Expenditures $ 234,236   $ 226,584     $ 70,413   $ 35,826   $ 49,779  
                 
    Free Cash Flow1 $ (9,295 ) $ 50,201     $ (26,284 ) $ 48,837   $ 10,559  
                 
    Average Daily Volumes (BOEPD)            
    Working Interest Production Before Royalties   34,710     32,647       41,009     31,309     32,764  
    Royalties   (6,820 )   (6,548 )     (7,327 )   (6,417 )   (6,776 )
    Production NAR   27,890     26,099       33,682     24,892     25,988  
    (Decrease) Increase in Inventory   (454 )   (152 )     (712 )   57     (523 )
    Sales   27,436     25,947       32,970     24,949     25,465  
    Royalties, % of WI Production Before Royalties   20 %   20 %     18 %   20 %   21 %
                 
    Per boe5            
    Brent $ 79.86   $ 82.16     $ 74.01   $ 82.85   $ 78.71  
    Quality and Transportation Discount   (17.93 )   (14.91 )     (25.45 )   (15.34 )   (14.10 )
    Royalties   (12.33 )   (13.55 )     (8.83 )   (13.47 )   (13.58 )
    Average Realized Price $ 49.60   $ 53.70     $ 39.73   $ 54.04   $ 51.03  
    Transportation Expenses   (1.47 )   (1.23 )     (1.15 )   (1.38 )   (1.32 )
    Average Realized Price Net of Transportation Expenses $ 48.13   $ 52.47     $ 38.58   $ 52.66   $ 49.71  
    Operating Expenses   (16.14 )   (15.75 )     (16.39 )   (16.61 )   (15.53 )
    Operating Netback1 $ 31.99   $ 36.72     $ 22.19   $ 36.05   $ 34.18  
    Cash G&A Expenses   (3.18 )   (3.38 )     (2.34 )   (3.86 )   (3.20 )
    Severance Expenses   (0.12 )   —       (0.41 )   —     —  
    Transaction Costs   (0.47 )   —       (1.20 )   —     (0.49 )
    Realized Foreign Exchange Gain (Loss)   0.07     (1.43 )     0.07     (0.34 )   0.34  
    Cash Settlement on Derivative Instruments   0.09     —       0.30     —     —  
    Interest Expense, Excluding Amortization of Debt Issuance Costs   (5.38 )   (4.21 )     (5.40 )   (5.35 )   (5.65 )
    Interest Income   0.29     0.17       0.34     0.10     0.23  
    Other Cash Gain   0.12     —       0.40     —     —  
    Net Lease Payments   0.07     0.16       0.07     0.13     0.07  
    Current Income Tax (Expense) Recovery   (5.53 )   (4.70 )     (2.12 )   2.80     (5.13 )
    Cash Netback1 $ 17.95   $ 23.33     $ 11.90   $ 29.53   $ 20.35  
                 
    Share Information (000s)            
    Common Stock Outstanding, End of Period   35,972     32,247       35,972     32,247     33,288  
    Weighted Average Number of Common – Basic   32,043     33,470       34,333     32,861     33,287  
    Weighted Average Number of Common – Diluted   32,043     33,470       34,333     32,921     33,350  
      As at December 31
     ($000s)   2024   2023 % Change
    Cash and cash equivalents $ 103,379 $ 62,146 66  
           
    Credit facility $ — $ 36,364 (100 )
           
    Senior Notes $ 786,619 $ 536,619 47  
                 

    Additional information on 2024 expenses:

    • Quality and Transportation Discount: increased in 2024 to $17.93 per boe compared to $14.91 per boe in 2023.
    • Transportation Expenses: increased by 20% to $1.47 per boe in 2024 from $1.23 per boe in 2023 primarily due to higher sales volumes transported in Ecuador, two months transportation of sales volumes in Canada through pipelines, and an increase in trucking tariffs for Acordionero volumes in 2024.
    • Royalties: decreased to $12.33 per boe in 2024, from $13.55 per boe in 2023. This decrease was driven by the 3% decrease in the Brent oil price in 2024 relative to 2023.

    1 Operating netback, EBITDA, Adjusted EBITDA, funds flow from operations, net debt, free cash flow, and cash netback, are non-GAAP measures and do not have a standardized meaning under GAAP. Cash flow refers to the GAAP line item “net cash provided by operating activities”. Refer to “Non-GAAP Measures” in this press release for descriptions of these non-GAAP measures and reconciliations to the most directly comparable measures calculated and presented in accordance with GAAP.
    2 NAV per share is calculated as NPV10 (before or after tax, as applicable) of the applicable reserves category minus net debt, divided by the number of shares of Gran Tierra’s common stock issued and outstanding.
    3 All dollar amounts are in United States dollars and production and reserves volumes are on an average WI before royalties basis, unless otherwise indicated. Per boe amounts are based on WI sales before royalties. Production is expressed in boepd and reserves are expressed in boe or MMBOE, unless otherwise indicated. For per boe amounts based on net after royalty (“NAR”) production, see Gran Tierra’s Annual Report on Form 10-K filed February 24, 2025
    4 Outstanding shares based on December 31, 2023 balance of 32,246,501 shares
    5 Per boe amounts are based on WI sales before royalties. For per boe amounts based on NAR production, see Gran Tierra’s Annual Report on Form 10-K filed on February 24, 2025.
    6 The after-tax net present value of the Company’s oil and gas properties reflects the tax burden on the properties on a stand-alone basis. It does not consider the corporate tax situation, or tax planning. It does not provide an estimate of the value at the Company level which may be significantly different. The Company’s financial statements should be consulted for information at the Company level.

    Conference Call Information

    Gran Tierra will host its fourth quarter and full year 2024 results conference call on Monday, February 24, 2025, at 9:00 a.m. Mountain Time, 11:00 a.m. Eastern Time, and 4:00 p.m. Greenwich Mean Time. Interested parties may register for the conference call by going to the following link: https://register.vevent.com/register/BI73eac887f1ea473fb403e3c298d6860c. Please note that there is no longer a general dial-in number to participate and each individual party must register through the provided link. Once parties have registered, they will be provided a unique PIN and call-in details. There is also a feature that allows parties to elect to be called back through the “Call Me” function on the platform. Interested parties can also continue to access the live webcast from their mobile or desktop devices by going to the following link: https://edge.media-server.com/mmc/p/6sr4wvg8, which is also available on Gran Tierra’s website at https://www.grantierra.com/investor-relations/presentations-events/.

    About Gran Tierra Energy Inc.

    Gran Tierra Energy Inc., together with its subsidiaries, is an independent international energy company currently focused on oil and natural gas exploration and production in Canada, Colombia and Ecuador. The Company is currently developing its existing portfolio of assets in Canada, Colombia and Ecuador and will continue to pursue additional new growth opportunities that would further strengthen the Company’s portfolio. The Company’s common stock trades on the NYSE American, the Toronto Stock Exchange and the London Stock Exchange under the ticker symbol GTE. Additional information concerning Gran Tierra is available at www.grantierra.com. Except to the extent expressly stated otherwise, information on the Company’s website or accessible from our website or any other website is not incorporated by reference into and should not be considered part of this press release. Investor inquiries may be directed to info@grantierra.com or (403) 265-3221.

    Gran Tierra’s Securities and Exchange Commission (the “SEC”) filings are available on the SEC website at http://www.sec.gov. The Company’s Canadian securities regulatory filings are available on SEDAR+ at http://www.sedarplus.ca and UK regulatory filings are available on the National Storage Mechanism website at https://data.fca.org.uk/#/nsm/nationalstoragemechanism.

    Contact Information

    For investor and media inquiries please contact:

    Gary Guidry, President & Chief Executive Officer

    Ryan Ellson, Executive Vice President & Chief Financial Officer

    Tel: +1.403.265.3221

    For more information on Gran Tierra please go to: www.grantierra.com.

    Forward Looking Statements and Legal Advisories:

    This press release contains opinions, forecasts, projections, and other statements about future events or results that constitute forward-looking statements within the meaning of the United States Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995, Section 27A of the Securities Act of 1933, as amended, and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, and financial outlook and forward looking information within the meaning of applicable Canadian securities laws (collectively, “forward- looking statements”), which can be identified by such terms as “believe,” “expect,” “anticipate,” “forecast,” “budget,” “will,” “estimate,” “target,” “project,” “plan,” “should,” “guidance,” “outlook,” “strives” or similar expressions are forward-looking statements. Such forward-looking statements include, but are not limited to, the Company’s strategies and expectations, capital program, drilling plans, cost saving initiatives, future sources of funding for capital expenditures and other activities, future planned operations and production estimates, forecast prices, and the Company’s plans to benefit the environment or communities in which it operates. Statements relating to “reserves” are also deemed to be forward-looking statements, as they involve the implied assessment, based on certain estimates and assumptions, including that the reserves described can be profitably produced in the future.

    The forward-looking statements contained in this press release reflect several material factors and expectations and assumptions of Gran Tierra including, without limitation, that Gran Tierra will continue to conduct its operations in a manner consistent with its current expectations, the ability of Gran Tierra to successfully integrate the assets and operations of i3 Energy or realize the anticipated benefits and operating synergies expected from the acquisition of i3 Energy, the accuracy of testing and production results and seismic data, pricing and cost estimates (including with respect to commodity pricing and exchange rates), rig availability, the risk profile of planned exploration activities, the effects of drilling down-dip, the 5-year weighted-average Brent forecast, the effects of waterflood and multi-stage fracture stimulation operations, the extent and effect of delivery disruptions, and the general continuance of current or, where applicable, assumed operational, regulatory and industry conditions in Canada, Colombia and Ecuador and areas of potential expansion, and the ability of Gran Tierra to execute its business and operational plans in the manner currently planned. Gran Tierra believes the material factors, expectations and assumptions reflected in the forward-looking statements are reasonable at this time but no assurance can be given that these factors, expectations and assumptions will prove to be correct.

    Among the important factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those indicated by the forward-looking statements in this press release are: our operations are located in South America and unexpected problems can arise due to guerilla activity, strikes, local blockades or protests; technical difficulties and operational difficulties may arise which impact the production, transport or sale of our products; other disruptions to local operations; global health events; global and regional changes in the demand, supply, prices, differentials or other market conditions affecting oil and gas, including inflation and changes resulting from a global health crisis, geopolitical events, including the ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and the Gaza region, or from the imposition or lifting of crude oil production quotas or other actions that might be imposed by OPEC and other producing countries and resulting company or third-party actions in response to such changes; changes in commodity prices, including volatility or a prolonged decline in these prices relative to historical or future expected levels; the risk that current global economic and credit conditions may impact oil and natural gas prices and oil and natural gas consumption more than we currently predict, which could cause further modification of our strategy and capital spending program; prices and markets for oil and natural gas are unpredictable and volatile; the effect of hedges; the accuracy of productive capacity of any particular field; geographic, political and weather conditions can impact the production, transport or sale of our products; our ability to execute our business plan, which may include acquisitions, and realize expected benefits from current or future initiatives; the risk that unexpected delays and difficulties in developing currently owned properties may occur; the ability to replace reserves and production and develop and manage reserves on an economically viable basis; the accuracy of testing and production results and seismic data, pricing and cost estimates (including with respect to commodity pricing and exchange rates); the risk profile of planned exploration activities; the effects of drilling down-dip; the effects of waterflood and multi-stage fracture stimulation operations; the extent and effect of delivery disruptions, equipment performance and costs; actions by third parties; the timely receipt of regulatory or other required approvals for our operating activities; the failure of exploratory drilling to result in commercial wells; unexpected delays due to the limited availability of drilling equipment and personnel; volatility or declines in the trading price of our common stock or bonds; the risk that we do not receive the anticipated benefits of government programs, including government tax refunds; our ability to comply with financial covenants in its credit agreement and indentures and make borrowings under any credit agreement; and the risk factors detailed from time to time in Gran Tierra’s periodic reports filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission, including, without limitation, under the caption “Risk Factors” in Gran Tierra’s Annual Report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2024 filed February 24, 2025 and its other filings with the SEC. These filings are available on the SEC website at http://www.sec.gov and on SEDAR+ at www.sedarplus.ca. Although the current guidance, capital spending program and long term strategy of Gran Tierra are based upon the current expectations of the management of Gran Tierra, should any one of a number of issues arise, Gran Tierra may find it necessary to alter its business strategy and/or capital spending program and there can be no assurance as at the date of this press release as to how those funds may be reallocated or strategy changed and how that would impact Gran Tierra’s results of operations and financial position. Forecasts and expectations that cover multi-year time horizons or are associated with 2P reserves inherently involve increased risks and actual results may differ materially.

    All forward-looking statements are made as of the date of this press release and the fact that this press release remains available does not constitute a representation by Gran Tierra that Gran Tierra believes these forward-looking statements continue to be true as of any subsequent date. Actual results may vary materially from the expected results expressed in forward-looking statements. Gran Tierra disclaims any intention or obligation to update or revise any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise, except as expressly required by applicable law. In addition, historical, current and forward-looking sustainability-related statements may be based on standards for measuring progress that are still developing, internal controls and processes that continue to evolve, and assumptions that are subject to change in the future.

    The estimates of future production, future net revenue and certain expenses or costs set forth in this press release may be considered to be future-oriented financial information or a financial outlook for the purposes of applicable Canadian securities laws. Financial outlook and future-oriented financial information contained in this press release about prospective operational and financial performance, financial position or cash flows are provided to give the reader a better understanding of the potential future performance of the Company in certain areas and are based on assumptions about future events, including economic conditions and proposed courses of action, based on management’s assessment of the relevant information currently available, and to become available in the future. In particular, this press release contains projected operational and financial information for 2025. These projections contain forward-looking statements and are based on a number of material assumptions and factors set out above. Actual results may differ significantly from the projections presented herein. The actual results of Gran Tierra’s operations for any period could vary from the amounts set forth in these projections, and such variations may be material. See above for a discussion of the risks that could cause actual results to vary. The future-oriented financial information and financial outlooks contained in this press release have been approved by management as of the date of this press release. Readers are cautioned that any such financial outlook and future-oriented financial information contained herein should not be used for purposes other than those for which it is disclosed herein. The Company and its management believe that the prospective operational and financial information has been prepared on a reasonable basis, reflecting management’s best estimates and judgments, and represent, to the best of management’s knowledge and opinion, the Company’s expected course of action. However, because this information is highly subjective, it should not be relied on as necessarily indicative of future results.

    Non-GAAP Measures

    This press release includes non-GAAP financial measures as further described herein. These non-GAAP measures do not have a standardized meaning under GAAP. Investors are cautioned that these measures should not be construed as alternatives to net income or loss, cash flow from operating activities or other measures of financial performance as determined in accordance with GAAP. Gran Tierra’s method of calculating these measures may differ from other companies and, accordingly, they may not be comparable to similar measures used by other companies. Each non-GAAP financial measure is presented along with the corresponding GAAP measure so as not to imply that more emphasis should be placed on the non-GAAP measure.

    Net Debt, as presented as at December 31, 2024 is comprised of $787 million (gross) of senior notes outstanding less cash and cash equivalents of $103 million, prepared in accordance with GAAP. Management believes that net debt is a useful supplemental measure for management and investors in order to evaluate the financial sustainability of the Company’s business and leverage. The most directly comparable GAAP measure is total debt.

    Operating netback, as presented is defined as oil, natural gas and NGL sales less operating and transportation expenses. Operating netback per boe, as presented is defined as average realized price per boe less operating and transportation expenses per boe. Cash netback, as presented, is defined as net income or loss adjusted for depletion, depreciation and accretion (“DD&A”) expenses, deferred tax expense or recovery, stock-based compensation expense or recovery, amortization of debt issuance costs, non-cash lease expense, lease payments, unrealized foreign exchange gains or losses, other non-cash gains or losses and other financial instruments gains or losses. Cash netback per boe, as presented, is defined as cash netback over WI sales volumes. Management believes that operating netback and cash netback are useful supplemental measures for investors to analyze financial performance and provide an indication of the results generated by Gran Tierra’s principal business activities prior to the consideration of other income and expenses. See the table entitled Financial and Operational Highlights above for the components of operating netback and operating netback per boe. A reconciliation from net income or loss to cash netback is as follows:

        Year Ended   Three Months Ended
        December 31,   December 31,   September 30,
    Cash Netback – Non-GAAP Measure ($000s)     2024       2023       2024       2023       2024  
    Net (loss) income   $ 3,216     $ (6,287 )   $ (34,210 )   $ 7,711     $ 1,133  
    Adjustments to reconcile net (loss) income to cash netback                    
    DD&A expenses     230,619       215,584       63,406       52,635       55,573  
    Deferred tax (recovery) expense     (27,888 )     56,759       4,444       13,517       5,550  
    Stock-based compensation expense (recovery)     9,707       5,722       3,331       1,974       (3,145 )
    Amortization of debt issuance costs     12,918       5,831       3,743       2,437       3,109  
    Non-cash lease expense     5,923       4,967       1,759       1,479       1,370  
    Lease payments     (5,035 )     (3,018 )     (1,495 )     (1,100 )     (1,171 )
    Unrealized foreign exchange (gain) loss     (7,893 )     (5,085 )     (223 )     2,729       (2,081 )
    Other non-cash loss     —       2,312       —       3,281       —  
    Unrealized derivative instruments loss     3,374       —       3,374       —       —  
    Cash netback (non-GAAP)   $ 224,941     $ 276,785     $ 44,129     $ 84,663     $ 60,338  

    EBITDA, as presented, is defined as net income or loss adjusted for DD&A expenses, interest expense, and income tax expense. Adjusted EBITDA, as presented, is defined as EBITDA adjusted for non-cash lease expense, lease payments, foreign exchange gains or losses, transaction costs, other financial instruments gains or losses, other non-cash gain or loss and stock-based compensation expense. Management uses this supplemental measure to analyze performance and income generated by our principal business activities prior to the consideration of how non-cash items affect that income, and believes that this financial measure is a useful supplemental information for investors to analyze our performance and our financial results. A reconciliation from net income or loss or loss to EBITDA and adjusted EBITDA is as follows:

        Year Ended   Three Months Ended
        December 31,   December 31,   September 30,
    EBITDA – Non-GAAP Measure ($000s)     2024       2023       2024       2023       2024  
    Net (loss) income   $ 3,216     $ (6,287 )   $ (34,210 )   $ 7,711     $ 1,133  
    Adjustments to reconcile net (loss) income to EBITDA and Adjusted EBITDA                    
    DD&A expenses     230,619       215,584       63,406       52,635       55,573  
    Interest expense     80,466       55,806       23,752       17,789       19,892  
    Income tax expense     41,389       112,447       12,299       5,499       20,767  
    EBITDA (non-GAAP)   $ 355,690     $ 377,550     $ 65,247     $ 83,634     $ 97,365  
    Non-cash lease expense     5,923       4,967       1,759       1,479       1,370  
    Lease payments     (5,035 )     (3,018 )     (1,495 )     (1,100 )     (1,171 )
    Foreign exchange loss     (8,808 )     11,822       (496 )     3,696       (3,084 )
    Unrealized derivative instruments loss     3,374       —       3,374       —       —  
    Transaction costs     5,907       —       4,448       —       1,459  
    Other non-cash gain     —       2,312       —       3,281       —  
    Stock-based compensation expense (recovery)     9,707       5,722       3,331       1,974       (3,145 )
    Adjusted EBITDA (non-GAAP)   $ 366,758     $ 399,355     $ 76,168     $ 92,964     $ 92,794  

    Funds flow from operations, as presented, is defined as net income or loss adjusted for DD&A expenses, deferred tax expense or recovery, stock-based compensation expense or recovery, amortization of debt issuance costs, non-cash lease expense, lease payments, unrealized foreign exchange gains or losses, other non-cash gains or losses, and other financial instruments gains or losses. Management uses this financial measure to analyze performance and income or loss generated by our principal business activities prior to the consideration of how non-cash items affect that income or loss, and believes that this financial measure is also useful supplemental information for investors to analyze performance and our financial results. Free cash flow, as presented, is defined as funds flow from operations adjusted for capital expenditures. Management uses this financial measure to analyze cash flow generated by our principal business activities after capital requirements and believes that this financial measure is also useful supplemental information for investors to analyze performance and our financial results. A reconciliation from net income or loss or loss to funds flow from operations and free cash flow is as follows:

        Year Ended Three Months Ended
        December 31,   December 31,   September 30,
    Funds Flow From Operations – Non-GAAP Measure ($000s)     2024       2023       2024       2023       2024  
    Net (loss) income   $ 3,216     $ (6,287 )   $ (34,210 )   $ 7,711     $ 1,133  
    Adjustments to reconcile net (loss) income to funds flow from operations                    
    DD&A expenses     230,619       215,584       63,406       52,635       55,573  
    Deferred tax (recovery) expense     (27,888 )     56,759       4,444       13,517       5,550  
    Stock-based compensation expense (recovery)     9,707       5,722       3,331       1,974       (3,145 )
    Amortization of debt issuance costs     12,918       5,831       3,743       2,437       3,109  
    Non-cash lease expense     5,923       4,967       1,759       1,479       1,370  
    Lease payments     (5,035 )     (3,018 )     (1,495 )     (1,100 )     (1,171 )
    Unrealized foreign exchange (gain) loss     (7,893 )     (5,085 )     (223 )     2,729       (2,081 )
    Other non-cash loss     —       2,312       —       3,281       —  
    Unrealized derivative instruments loss     3,374       —       3,374       —       —  
    Funds flow from operations (non-GAAP)   $ 224,941     $ 276,785     $ 44,129     $ 84,663     $ 60,338  
    Capital expenditures   $ 234,236     $ 226,584     $ 70,413     $ 35,826     $ 49,779  
    Free cash flow (non-GAAP)   $ (9,295 )   $ 50,201     $ (26,284 )   $ 48,837     $ 10,559  


    DISCLOSURE OF OIL AND GAS INFORMATION

    Gran Tierra’s Statement of Reserves Data and Other Oil and Gas Information on Form 51-101F1 dated effective as at December 31, 2024, which includes disclosure of its oil and gas reserves and other oil and gas information in accordance with NI 51-101 and COGEH forming the basis of this press release, is available on SEDAR+ at www.sedarplus.ca. All reserves values, future net revenue and ancillary information contained in this press release as of December 31, 2024 are derived from the GTE McDaniel Reserves Report.

    Estimates of net present value and future net revenue contained herein do not necessarily represent fair market value of reserves. Estimates of reserves and future net revenue for individual properties may not reflect the same level of confidence as estimates of reserves and future net revenue for all properties, due to the effect of aggregation. There is no assurance that the forecast price and cost assumptions applied by McDaniel in evaluating Gran Tierra’s reserves and future net revenue will be attained and variances could be material. See Gran Tierra’s press release dated January 23, 2025 for a summary of the price forecasts employed by McDaniel in the GTE McDaniel Reserves Report and other information regarding the disclosed future net revenue.

    All evaluations of future net revenue contained in the GTE McDaniel Reserves Report are after the deduction of royalties, operating costs, development costs, production costs and abandonment and reclamation costs but before consideration of indirect costs such as administrative, overhead and other miscellaneous expenses. It should not be assumed that the estimates of future net revenue presented in this press release represent the fair market value of the reserves. There are numerous uncertainties inherent in estimating quantities of crude oil and natural gas reserves and the future cash flows attributed to such reserves. The reserve and associated cash flow information set forth in the GTE McDaniel Reserves Report are estimates only and there is no guarantee that the estimated reserves will be recovered. Actual reserves may be greater than or less than the estimates provided therein.

    BOEs have been converted on the basis of six thousand cubic feet (“Mcf”) natural gas to 1 boe of oil. BOEs may be misleading, particularly if used in isolation. A BOE conversion ratio of 6 Mcf: 1 boe is based on an energy equivalency conversion method primarily applicable at the burner tip and does not represent a value equivalency at the wellhead. In addition, given that the value ratio based on the current price of oil as compared with natural gas is significantly different from the energy equivalent of six to one, utilizing a BOE conversion ratio of 6 Mcf: 1 boe would be misleading as an indication of value.

    References to a formation where evidence of hydrocarbons has been encountered is not necessarily an indicator that hydrocarbons will be recoverable in commercial quantities or in any estimated volume. Gran Tierra’s reported production is a mix of light crude oil and medium, heavy crude oil, tight oil, conventional natural gas, shale gas and natural gas liquids for which there is no precise breakdown since the Company’s sales volumes typically represent blends of more than one product type. Well test results should be considered as preliminary and not necessarily indicative of long-term performance or of ultimate recovery. Well log interpretations indicating oil and gas accumulations are not necessarily indicative of future production or ultimate recovery. If it is indicated that a pressure transient analysis or well-test interpretation has not been carried out, any data disclosed in that respect should be considered preliminary until such analysis has been completed. References to thickness of “oil pay” or of a formation where evidence of hydrocarbons has been encountered is not necessarily an indicator that hydrocarbons will be recoverable in commercial quantities or in any estimated volume.

    Future Net Revenue

    Future net revenue reflects McDaniel’s forecast of revenue estimated using forecast prices and costs, arising from the anticipated development and production of reserves, after the deduction of royalties, operating costs, development costs and abandonment and reclamation costs and taxes but before consideration of indirect costs such as administrative, overhead and other miscellaneous expenses. The estimate of future net revenue below does not necessarily represent fair market value.

    Consolidated Properties at December 31, 2024
    Proved (1P) Total Future Net Revenue ($ million)
    Forecast Prices and Costs
    Years Sales
    Revenue    		 Total
    Royalties    		 Operating
    Costs    		 Future
    Development
    Capital    		 Abandonment
    and Reclamation
    Costs    		 Future Net
    Revenue Before
    Future Taxes    		 Future
    Taxes    		 Future Net
    Revenue After
    Future Taxes*
    2025-2029
    (5 Years)    		 5,139 (981 ) (1,385 ) (1,025 ) (27 ) 1,721 (491 ) 1,230
    Remainder 3,617 (578 ) (1,549 ) (4 ) (377 ) 1,109 (370 ) 739
    Total (Undiscounted) 8,756 (1,559 ) (2,934 ) (1,029 ) (404 ) 2,830 (861 ) 1,969
    Total (Discounted @ 10%)           1,950 (565 ) 1,385
    Consolidated Properties at December 31, 2024
    Proved Plus Probable (2P) Total Future Net Revenue ($ million)
    Forecast Prices and Costs
    Years Sales
    Revenue    		 Total
    Royalties    		 Operating
    Costs    		 Future
    Development
    Capital    		 Abandonment
    and Reclamation
    Costs    		 Future Net
    Revenue Before
    Future Taxes    		 Future
    Taxes    		 Future Net
    Revenue After
    Future Taxes*
    2025-2029
    (5 Years)    		 6,620 (1,297 ) (1,583 ) (1,438 ) (25 ) 2,277 (791 ) 1,486
    Remainder 8,685 (1,529 ) (2,967 ) (371 ) (420 ) 3,398 (1,082 ) 2,316
    Total (Undiscounted) 15,305 (2,826 ) (4,550 ) (1,809 ) (445 ) 5,675 (1,873 ) 3,802
    Total (Discounted @ 10%)           3,242 (1,083 ) 2,159
    Consolidated Properties at December 31, 2024
    Proved Plus Probable Plus Possible (3P) Total Future Net Revenue ($ million)
    Forecast Prices and Costs
    Years Sales
    Revenue    		 Total
    Royalties    		 Operating
    Costs    		 Future
    Development
    Capital    		 Abandonment
    and Reclamation
    Costs    		 Future Net
    Revenue Before
    Future Taxes    		 Future
    Taxes    		 Future Net
    Revenue After
    Future Taxes*
    2025-2029
    (5 Years)    		 7,490 (1,467 ) (1,672 ) (1,563 ) (25 ) 2,763 (1,015 ) 1,748
    Remainder 13,422 (2,598 ) (4,106 ) (519 ) (439 ) 5,760 (1,907 ) 3,853
    Total (Undiscounted) 20,912 (4,065 ) (5,778 ) (2,082 ) (464 ) 8,523 (2,922 ) 5,601
    Total (Discounted @ 10%)           4,517 (1,587 ) 2,930


    Definitions

    Proved reserves are those reserves that can be estimated with a high degree of certainty to be recoverable. It is likely that the actual remaining quantities recovered will exceed the estimated proved reserves.

    Probable reserves are those additional reserves that are less certain to be recovered than proved reserves. It is equally likely that the actual remaining quantities recovered will be greater or less than the sum of the estimated proved plus probable reserves.

    Possible reserves are those additional reserves that are less certain to be recovered than Probable reserves. It is unlikely that the actual remaining quantities recovered will be greater or less than the sum of the estimated proved plus probable plus possible reserves. There is a 10% probability that the quantities actually recovered will equal or exceed the sum of Proved plus Probable plus Possible reserves.

    Certain terms used in this press release but not defined are defined in NI 51-101, CSA Staff Notice 51-324 – Revised Glossary to NI 51-101 Standards of Disclosure for Oil and Gas Activities (“CSA Staff Notice 51-324”) and/or the COGEH and, unless the context otherwise requires, shall have the same meanings herein as in NI 51-101, CSA Staff Notice 51-324 and the COGEH, as the case may be.

    Oil and Gas Metrics

    This press release contains a number of oil and gas metrics, including NAV per share, FD&A costs, operating netback, cash netback, and reserves replacement which do not have standardized meanings or standard methods of calculation and therefore such measures may not be comparable to similar measures used by other companies and should not be used to make comparisons. Such metrics have been included herein to provide readers with additional measures to evaluate the Company’s performance; however, such measures are not reliable indicators of the future performance of the Company and future performance may not compare to the performance in previous periods.

    • NAV per share is calculated as the applicable NPV10 (before or after-tax, as applicable) of the applicable reserves category minus estimated net debt, divided by the number of shares of Gran Tierra’s common stock issued and outstanding. Management uses NAV per share as a measure of the relative change of Gran Tierra’s net asset value over its outstanding common stock over a period of time.
    • FD&A costs are calculated as estimated exploration and development capital expenditures, including acquisitions and dispositions, divided by the applicable reserves additions both before and after changes in FDC costs. The calculation of FD&A costs incorporates the change in FDC required to bring proved undeveloped and developed reserves into production. The aggregate of the exploration and development costs incurred in the financial year and the changes during that year in estimated FDC may not reflect the total FD&A costs related to reserves additions for that year. Management uses FD&A costs per boe as a measure of its ability to execute its capital program and of its asset quality
    • Operating netback and cash netback are calculated as described in this press release. Management believes that operating netback and cash netback are useful supplemental measures for the reasons described in this press release.
    • Reserves replacement is calculated as reserves in the referenced category divided by estimated referenced production. Management uses this measure to determine the relative change of its reserves base over a period of time.

    Disclosure of Reserve Information and Cautionary Note to U.S. Investors

    Unless expressly stated otherwise, all estimates of proved developed producing, proved, probable and possible reserves and related future net revenue disclosed in this press release have been prepared in accordance with NI 51-101. Estimates of reserves and future net revenue made in accordance with NI 51-101 will differ from corresponding GAAP standardized measures prepared in accordance with applicable SEC rules and disclosure requirements of the U.S. Financial Accounting Standards Board (“FASB”), and those differences may be material. NI 51-101, for example, requires disclosure of reserves and related future net revenue estimates based on forecast prices and costs, whereas SEC and FASB standards require that reserves and related future net revenue be estimated using average prices for the previous 12 months and that the standardized measure reflect discounted future net income taxes related to the Company’s operations. In addition, NI 51-101 permits the presentation of reserves estimates on a “company gross” basis, representing Gran Tierra’s working interest share before deduction of royalties, whereas SEC and FASB standards require the presentation of net reserve estimates after the deduction of royalties and similar payments. There are also differences in the technical reserves estimation standards applicable under NI 51-101 and, pursuant thereto, the COGEH, and those applicable under SEC and FASB requirements.

    In addition to being a reporting issuer in certain Canadian jurisdictions, Gran Tierra is a registrant with the SEC and subject to domestic issuer reporting requirements under U.S. federal securities law, including with respect to the disclosure of reserves and other oil and gas information in accordance with U.S. federal securities law and applicable SEC rules and regulations (collectively, “SEC requirements”). Disclosure of such information in accordance with SEC requirements is included in the Company’s Annual Report on Form 10-K and in other reports and materials filed with or furnished to the SEC and, as applicable, Canadian securities regulatory authorities. The SEC permits oil and gas companies that are subject to domestic issuer reporting requirements under U.S. federal securities law, in their filings with the SEC, to disclose only estimated proved, probable and possible reserves that meet the SEC’s definitions of such terms. Gran Tierra has disclosed estimated proved, probable and possible reserves in its filings with the SEC. In addition, Gran Tierra prepares its financial statements in accordance with United States generally accepted accounting principles, which require that the notes to its annual financial statements include supplementary disclosure in respect of the Company’s oil and gas activities, including estimates of its proved oil and gas reserves and a standardized measure of discounted future net cash flows relating to proved oil and gas reserve quantities. This supplementary financial statement disclosure is presented in accordance with FASB requirements, which align with corresponding SEC requirements concerning reserves estimation and reporting.

    The Company believes that the presentation of NPV10 is useful to investors because it presents (i) relative monetary significance of its oil and natural gas properties regardless of tax structure and (ii) relative size and value of its reserves to other companies. The Company also uses this measure when assessing the potential return on investment related to its oil and natural gas properties. NPV10 and the standardized measure of discounted future net cash flows do not purport to present the fair value of the Company’s oil and gas reserves. The Company has not provided a reconciliation of NPV10 to the standardized measure of discounted future net cash flows because it is impracticable to do so.

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ukraine war: Trump is not trying to appease Putin – he has a vision of a new US-China-Russia order

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stefan Wolff, Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham

    There has been much and justified focus on the implications of a likely deal between US president Donald Trump and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin and the overwhelmingly negative consequences this will have for Ukraine and Europe. But if Trump and Putin make a deal, there is much more at stake than Ukraine’s future borders and Europe’s relationship with the US.

    As we are nearing the third anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukraine’s future is more in doubt than it has ever been since February 2022. For once, analogies to Munich in 1938 are sadly appropriate. This is not because of a mistaken belief that Putin can be appeased, but rather because great powers, once again, make decisions on the fate of weaker states and without them in the room.

    Similar to the pressure that Czechoslovakia experienced from both Germany and its supposed allies France and Britain in 1938, Ukraine is now under pressure from Russia on the battlefield and the US both diplomatically and economically. Trump and his team are pushing hard for Ukraine to make territorial concessions to Russia and accept that some 20% of Ukrainian lands under Russia’s illegal occupation are lost. In addition, Trump demands that Ukraine compensate the United States for past military support by handing over half of its mineral and rare earth resources.

    The American refusal to provide tangible security guarantees not only for Ukraine but also for allied Nato troops if they were deployed to Ukraine as part of a ceasefire or peace agreement smacks of the Munich analogy. Not only did France and Britain at the time push Czechoslovakia to cede the ethnic German-majority Sudetenland to Nazi Germany. They also did nothing when Poland and Hungary also seized parts of the country. And they failed to respond when Hitler – a mere six months after the Munich agreement – broke up what was left of Czechoslovakia by creating a Slovak puppet state and occupying the remaining Czech lands.

    There is every indication that Putin is unlikely to stop in or with Ukraine. And it is worth remembering that the second world war started 11 months after Neville Chamberlain thought he had secured “peace in our time”.

    The Munich analogy may not carry that far, however. Trump is not trying to appease Putin because he thinks, as Chamberlain and Daladier did in 1938, that he has weaker cards than Putin. What seems to drive Trump is a more simplistic view of the world in which great powers carve out spheres of influence in which they do not interfere.

    The state of the conflict in Ukraine, February 20 2025.
    Institute for the Study of War

    The problem for Ukraine and Europe in such a world order is that Ukraine is certainly not considered by anyone in Trump’s team as part of an American zone of influence, and Europe is at best a peripheral part of it.

    Trump-eye lens on the world

    For Trump, this isn’t really about Ukraine or Europe but about re-ordering the international system in a way that fits his 19th-century view of the world in which the US lives in splendid isolation and virtually unchallenged in the western hemisphere. In this world view, Ukraine is the symbol of what was wrong with the old order. Echoing the isolationism of Henry Cabot, Trump’s view is that the US has involved itself into too many different foreign adventures where none of its vital interests were at stake.

    Echoing Putin’s talking points, the war against Ukraine no longer is an unjustified aggression but was, as Trump has now declared, Kyiv’s fault. Ukraine has become the ultimate test that the liberal international order failed to pass.

    The war against Ukraine clearly is a symbol of the failure of the liberal international order, but hardly its sole cause. In the hands of Trump and Putin it has become the tool to deal it a final blow. But while the US and Russia, in their current political configurations, may have found it easy to bury the existing order, they will find it much harder to create a new one.

    The push-back from Ukraine and key European countries may seem inconsequential for now, but even without the US, the EU and Nato have strong institutional roots and deep pockets. For all the justified criticism of the mostly aspirational responses from Europe so far, the continent is built on politically and economically far stronger foundations than Russia and the overwhelming majority of its people have no desire to emulate the living conditions in Putin’s want-to-be empire.

    Nor will Trump and Putin be able to rule the world without China. A deal between them may be Trump’s idea of driving a wedge between Moscow and Beijing, but this is unlikely to work given Russia’s dependence on China and China’s rivalry with the US.

    If Trump makes a deal with Xi as well, for example over Chinese territorial claims in the South China Sea, let alone over Taiwan, all he would achieve is further retrenchment of the US to the western hemisphere. This would leave Putin and Xi to pursue their own, existing deal of a no-limits partnership unimpeded by an American-led counter-weight.

    From the perspective of what remains of the liberal international order and its proponents, a Putin-Xi deal, too, has an eerie parallel in history – the short-lived Hitler-Stalin pact of 1939. Only this time, there is little to suggest that the Putin-Xi alliance will break down as quickly.

    Stefan Wolff is a past recipient of grant funding from the Natural Environment Research Council of the UK, the United States Institute of Peace, the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK, the British Academy, the NATO Science for Peace Programme, the EU Framework Programmes 6 and 7 and Horizon 2020, as well as the EU’s Jean Monnet Programme. He is a Trustee and Honorary Treasurer of the Political Studies Association of the UK and a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Centre in London.

    – ref. Ukraine war: Trump is not trying to appease Putin – he has a vision of a new US-China-Russia order – https://theconversation.com/ukraine-war-trump-is-not-trying-to-appease-putin-he-has-a-vision-of-a-new-us-china-russia-order-249979

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI USA: NASA University Research Program Makes First Award to a Community College Project

    Source: NASA

    Great ideas, and the talent and passion that bring them to life, can be found anywhere.
    In that spirit, NASA’s University Student Research Challenge (USRC) in 2024 selected its first group of community college students to contribute original research to the agency’s transformative vision for 21st century aviation.
    The student-led group, from Cerritos Community College in California, is researching a new method of safely extinguishing wildfires using eco-friendly pellets dropped from uncrewed drones they call Project F.I.R.E. (Fire Intervention Retardant Expeller).
    “Wildfires are a major problem we’re facing today,” said Angel Ortega, project technical director and lead research engineer for Project F.I.R.E. at Cerritos Community College. “The goal of our research is to demonstrate that our prototype drone with biodegradable fire retardant can successfully put out a controlled fire.”
    A Community College First
    Until now, USRC has only selected participants from traditional four-year institutions, compared to a two-year community college. This award exemplifies the activity’s goal of giving all of tomorrow’s aeronautical innovators a shot at NASA support for their research ideas.
    “The University Innovation (UI) project provides a number of different avenues for students to contribute to aeronautics,” said Steven Holz, who manages the USRC award process. “All of the opportunities are different and help build knowledge and skills that would be advantageous to those wanting to continue working on UI opportunities or within NASA.”
    This award is one of two from NASA’s USRC selected in 2024. The team received the USRC award prior to the devastating Los Angeles fires of January 2025.
    “Our thoughts are with everyone affected by this tragedy,” members of the team said in a statement. “As a team, we are deeply committed to advancing innovative solutions to enhance safety and resilience, working toward a future where communities are better protected against such disasters.”
    Innovating a Solution
    The six team members of Project F.I.R.E. are driven by an ethic of public service. As fires continue to affect communities in their native southern California, they are applying their skills to finding a way to help.
    “We want to get the public inspired that there are possible solutions at hand,” Ortega said. “And the work we’re doing now can hopefully build towards that bigger goal of a widespread solution.”
    The research they are pursuing involves dropping biodegradable pellets into fires from uncrewed, autonomous drones. The pellets, upon reaching the ground, combine chemical ingredients which create a foamlike solution of fire retardant that will not contaminate the environment after the fire is extinguished.

    The team is keen to support firefighters and wildland fire managers and keep them safe while managing these natural disasters. The group has met with firefighters, discussed the idea with them, and received useful feedback on how to make the technology work best in the field.
    Though the group is only at the outset of the research, their idea has existed for longer.
    Blue Skies Forever
    Prior to applying for a USRC, Project F.I.R.E. also presented at NASA’s 2024 Gateway to Blue Skies competition, in which they won the “Future Game-Changer” award.
    Through Gateway to Blue Skies, NASA challenges college students to research climate-friendly technologies and applications related to the future of aviation and present them at an annual forum.
    Following Project F.I.R.E.’s participation in the forum, they applied for a USRC grant to begin turning their vision into reality.
    “Our experience with NASA has been incredibly supportive and inspiring,” said Logan Stahl, the project’s operations director. “We thought competing against some of the other schools would be intimidating, but the experience we’ve had is the complete opposite. Everyone was very welcoming, and the NASA representatives communicated with us and asked questions.”
    The USRC support will allow the team to build on their earlier foundations, they said.
    “Because Gateway to Blue Skies is more conceptual, it let us bring our idea to the table. Now through USRC, we can start building hands-on and make our idea come to life,” said Larisa Mayoral, chemical engineer and laboratory operations manager.

    The team expressed gratitude, speaking as community college students, for their ability to participate in and contribute research at a level that competes with top-brass universities.
    “We’re very appreciative of our college and NASA providing us this opportunity,” said Paola Mayoral Jimenez, laboratory coordinator and safety manager. “By doing this project, we hope to shine a light on community colleges, their students, and what they have to offer.”
    Complete details on USRC awardees and solicitations, such as what to include in a proposal and how to submit it, are available on the NASA Aeronautics Research Mission Directorate solicitation page.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Our food security, climate resilience and digital empowerment moves are not –just policies, it’s the way to future: Minister of State for Rural Development and Communications Dr. Chandra Sekhar Pemmasani

    Source: Government of India

    Our food security, climate resilience and digital empowerment moves are not –just policies, it’s the way to future: Minister of State for Rural Development and Communications Dr. Chandra Sekhar Pemmasani

    AARDO reaffirms: development is strongest when it rooted in community, driven by local knowledge, technology and south-south cooperation

    Posted On: 24 FEB 2025 3:25PM by PIB Delhi

    The collective vision that derived in last few days from the brainstorming session of the 21st AARDO would definitely strengthen the deep bonds between Asia and Africa-region and it would go a long way in fulfilling the aspirations of the people of this region, this was stated by the Minister of State for Rural Development and Communications Dr. Chandra Sekhar Pemmasani. Addressing the concluding session of AARDO he said that the collective vision that emerged from the rice field of Asia to the landscapes of Africa, in our folk traditions and close-knit communities, our people seek the same future-dignity, opportunity and progress.

    Dr. Chandra Sekhar Pemmasani informed that assuming the presidency of AARDO is a privilege and a responsibility also, our activities and discussion on food security, climate resilience and digital empowerment are not just policies, it’s the way to future. He said that this conference has reaffirmed that development is strongest when it rooted in community, driven by local knowledge, technology and south-south cooperation.

    Expressing India’s stand in AARDO Dr. Chandra Sekhar Pemmasani said that our journey is shared and our progress must be collective. Each of us should be committed to learning from each other and ensuring that development reaches even the most remote villages across Asia-Africa. Thanking each of the participants and for their insight, friendship and unity the Dr. Pemmasani said that this forum would provide a renewed commitment and provide vision for stronger in purpose with united mission.

     

    ******

    MG/RN/KSR

    (Release ID: 2105737) Visitor Counter : 73

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Investigators secure jail for plumbing fraudster

    Source: City of York

    A man from Bolton who targeted victims across the North West has been sentenced to 4 years in prison at Bradford Crown Court today, after defrauding vulnerable customers out of a total of £250,000.

    Suhaib Sirajudin, 39, of Fifth Avenue, Bolton, operated as an ‘emergency plumber’ and pleaded guilty to 2 counts of fraudulent trading on Wednesday 9 October 2024. The court heard how he took advantage of homeowners’ urgent need for a plumber by charging grossly inflated emergency callout and repair fees, frequently targeting victims who were older, vulnerable or lived alone. As well as seriously overcharging for initial works he often deliberately damaged victims’ properties in order to charge more for repairs.

    Between June 2021 and December 2022, trading as Plumbing Emergency 24/7 Limited and Expert Plumbing Limited 24/7, Mr Sirajudin advertised his services online and responded to emergency callouts from householders seeking urgent help with leaks. Mr Sirajudin would then exploit his victims, pressurising them into paying ‘extortionate’ sums for works that he completed to such a poor standard that the problem was either unresolved, or got worse.

    One older victim watched her kitchen ceiling fall in after Mr Sirajudin said a hole needed to be made in it to repair a bathroom leak. In total she and her husband, who was bedbound, paid almost £10,000 which was almost all their savings. Another victim paid over £3,000 for the repair of a toilet leak that should have cost around £300. An expert said even that minor repair was not done properly.

    Another elderly couple were quoted £39,000 to repair their gas fire and boiler, which Mr Sirajudin was not qualified to do. They said Sirajudin made them feel belittled and as though they could not question the bill. They eventually paid £21,000.

    Many victims describe how Mr Sirajudin became aggressive when challenged, shouting and refusing to leave or threatening to take away new parts if payment was not made immediately. When victims or their relatives later contacted the companies to complain, their refund requests were often refused and they were cut off on the phone.

    As well as the financial losses, the emotional, mental and physical toll taken on victims has been significant, with a loss of confidence, depression and problems sleeping being among the lasting impacts of Mr Sirajudin’s crimes.

    The defendant was sentenced following an investigation by the National Trading Standards Yorkshire and Humber Regional Investigations Team, hosted by City of York Council, and the National Trading Standards eCrime Team, hosted by North Yorkshire Council.

    As well as the custodial sentence, Mr Sirajudin is also subject to a £250,000 confiscation order for victim compensation and £30,000 in prosecution costs. He will be disqualified from being a company director for 8 years.

    Cllr Jenny Kent, Executive Member with portfolio for Trading Standards at City of York Council, said:

    Mr Sirajudin intimidated and exploited people at a time when they needed emergency plumbing help, often late at night, in their own homes.

    “Many victims were elderly or vulnerable and were charged extortionate amounts for often minor repairs which were badly done; in some cases made considerably worse. I hope they gain some small comfort from the sentencing today, and I’m very grateful for the persistence and dedication of our investigating teams here in York and North Yorkshire who worked hard to bring this case to trial.”

    Lord Michael Bichard, Chair, National Trading Standards, said:

    With householders in desperate need of a plumber, often in the middle of the night, Mr Sirajudin was already in a position of power by the time he arrived at a caller’s home.

    “If he saw that a customer was older, vulnerable or lived alone he took the opportunity to exploit them, leaving many feeling frightened in their own homes as well as thousands of pounds out of pocket.

    “I hope today’s sentencing provides some comfort for those involved and serves as a stark reminder that this type of callous intimidation and deceit will be investigated, and perpetrators brought to justice.

    “If you or someone you know has fallen victim to a fraud like this you should report it to the Citizens Advice consumer service helpline by calling 0808 223 1133.”

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI NGOs: Sudan: MSF forced to halt our activities as violence engulfs Zamzam camp in North Darfur

    Source: Médecins Sans Frontières –

    • MSF has taken the difficult decision to suspend all activities in Zamzam camp, Sudan, which hosts around 500,000 people seeking safety from the conflict in Sudan.
    • This comes after an escalation of attacks in and around Zamzam camp.
    • We will continue to look for every opportunity to help people in Zamzam camp without exposing our staff to unacceptable levels of risk, and urges all armed actors in the area to protect civilians.

    Port Sudan – The current escalation of attacks and fighting in and around Zamzam camp for displaced people near El Fasher in North Darfur, Sudan, is making it impossible for Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) to continue providing medical assistance in such dangerous conditions. Despite widespread starvation and immense humanitarian needs, we have no choice but to take the decision to suspend all our activities in the camp, including the MSF field hospital.

    In the first three weeks of February, our teams in Zamzam received 139 wounded patients in our field hospital, mostly suffering from gunshot and shrapnel injuries. Designed to help tackle the massive malnutrition crisis unfolding in the camp, which was declared as undergoing famine conditions by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification last year, the MSF facility cannot provide trauma surgery for people in critical conditions.

    “Eleven patients died while in the MSF hospital, five of them children, because we could neither treat them properly nor refer them to Saudi hospital, the only facility with surgical capacity in nearby El Fasher,” says Yahya Kalilah, MSF’s head of mission in Sudan. “In January and December, two of our ambulances carrying patients from the camp to El Fasher were shot at. Now it’s even more dangerous and as a result, many people, including patients requiring trauma surgery or emergency caesarean sections, are trapped in Zamzam.” 

    The area has seen heavy fighting between the Rapid Support Forces and the Joint Forces, a coalition of armed groups allied with Sudanese Armed Forces, with dreadful consequences on civilians. Besieging and shelling the town of El Fasher for the last 10 months, the Rapid Support Forces have stepped up their offensive in recent weeks and launched attacks against Zamzam camp, in particular on 11 and 12 February. People who were already struggling to survive now find their access to water and food even more compromised, as the central market has been looted and burnt down.

    “Halting our project in the midst of a worsening disaster in Zamzam is a heartbreaking decision. During more than two years, our teams did their utmost to provide care against all odds, despite the siege, supply shortages, and multiple other challenges, calling and waiting for a scaled-up humanitarian response which never materialised,” says Kalilah. “However, as the battle for El Fasher rages on and now directly reaches Zamzam camp, the most minimal security conditions are currently not met for us to stay.” 

    “The sheer proximity of the violence, great difficulties in sending supplies, the impossibility to send experienced staff for adequate support, and uncertainty regarding routes out of the camp for our colleagues and civilians leave us with little choice,” says Kalilah.

    Hosting about 500,000 people, Zamzam camp saw new arrivals fleeing from Abu Zerega, Shagra and Saluma who are now staying in schools, community buildings, or under the trees in the open. They have told our teams of dwellings set on fire, looting, sexual violence, killings, beatings and other abuses in villages and on the roads of El Fasher locality. Some hundred families also reached Tawila, sometimes barefoot after leaving everything behind and escaping horrific violence on their way. 

    We are deeply concerned about the safety of our staff and the hundreds of thousands of people in Zamzam camp and urges the Rapid Support Forces, the Joint Forces and all armed actors in the area to protect civilians and ensure that those willing to flee are able to do so unharmed.

    In North Darfur, we continue to run emergency activities in Tawila while looking for every possible way to help people in Zamzam and El Fasher without exposing our staff to unacceptable risk levels. In West, Central and South Darfur and in other parts of the country, our teams keep responding to the catastrophic malnutrition and health crisis driven by a relentless conflict, continued obstructions of the warring parties, which are exacerbated by a failing humanitarian response.

    MSF reiterates our call to drastically scale-up the provision of assistance in the many places where it remains possible. Warring parties must grant unhindered access for aid delivery, and their allies and influential states must use their leverage to ease the obstacles that are causing deaths and starvation.

    MIL OSI NGO –

  • MIL-OSI Global: South Africa’s ‘working for water’ programme is meant to lead to skills and jobs: why it’s failing

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Sinazo Ntsonge, PhD Graduate, Department of Economics and Economic History, Rhodes University, Rhodes University

    South Africa’s Expanded Public Works Programme is part of its social safety net. It complements the country’s social grants system, which has over 28 million recipients.

    The public works programme helps fill a gap for people who fall outside the grant system, especially those who need work experience and skills training if they’re to get a job. These include unemployed young people, women and people with disabilities.

    One of the programmes under its umbrella is the Working for Water programme, which was launched in 1995. It was intended to control invasive alien plants so as to conserve water resources, and provide short-term employment and training for people not covered by the grants safety net.

    Since its inception, the programme, alongside other interventions targeted at the environment, has created over 200,000 person years of employment – the total number of days people were afforded work. More than half of these employment opportunities have been held by women, and more than 60% by young people under the age of 35 years.

    In my PhD research, I examined one of its flagship projects to assess its impact on the long-term livelihoods of beneficiaries. My aim was to determine whether the programme was achieving its intended role as a social protection mechanism.

    I found that the way the project was designed limited its potential to foster long-term livelihoods for participants. Long-term livelihoods are defined as the ability to achieve lasting economic stability and growth beyond the scope of the project itself.

    One key issue was the inconsistency in the number of workdays participants were assigned, as well as the quality and availability of the skills training they received. Specifically, the training lacked regularity and did not always align with market demands. It left participants without the practical, job-ready skills needed for sustained employment.

    This problem was compounded by budget cuts.

    Based on my findings, I propose key changes to improve the programme’s effectiveness: the provision of consistent funding and training that’s aligned to labour market needs.

    The project

    The project I looked at tackles the clearing of invasive Prosopis mesquite trees in the Northern Cape. This has involved clearing nearly 314,580 hectares of invaded land in that province.

    Spanning from 2004 to 2018, the project supported over 9,000 beneficiaries across three phases. In phase I (2004–2008), 2,411 people participated; in phase II (2009–2013), 2,861; and in phase III (2014–2018), 3,756.

    The project targeted youth, women and people with disabilities. Beneficiaries were spread across various age groups: 36–64 years in phase I, 22–35 and 36–64 years in phase II, and 18–35 years in phase III.

    Participants were paid monthly stipends which ranged from R2,900 to R5,000, which is equivalent to approximately US$157 to US$271 – higher than most South African social grants. For comparison, the disability social grant is R2,180 (US$118), the older person’s grant is R2,200 (US$119), the foster child grant is R1,180 (US$64), and the child support grant is R530 (US$28).

    I developed an evaluation framework to assess the programme’s impact on the long-term livelihoods of beneficiaries.

    The study was carried out over 14 days in 2020, coinciding with the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. With health restrictions in place, the research had to pivot from planned in-person interviews and focus groups to virtual interviews with key stakeholders and an online survey of beneficiaries. The survey gathered data from 33 beneficiaries, while interviews provided valuable insights from project managers overseeing the clearing initiative.

    The gaps

    I found that the project faced a number of challenges.

    Firstly, there was inconsistency in the number of workdays participants were assigned. Given that public works projects aim to alleviate poverty – primarily through stipends – budget cuts forced managers to focus on retaining beneficiaries to ensure they could at least feed themselves. This often meant reducing the number of workdays (from the required 230 days to just 100 days) and scaling back skills training.

    Secondly, there were shortcomings in the quality and availability of the skills training they received. Many of the courses offered were short-term or specific to invasive plant clearing, including herbicide application, brush cutter operation and firefighting. This meant it wasn’t relevant to the labour market.

    In the Northern Cape, the economy hinges on industries like mining, agriculture, manufacturing and construction. In mining, for example, knowledge of machinery operation, safety protocols and mine supervision is vital. Agriculture needs workers skilled in sustainable farming, irrigation techniques and equipment operation. Manufacturing needs expertise in production line management, welding and machinery operation. Construction projects require workers proficient in project management, site safety and heavy machinery operation.

    Given the region’s tourism potential, customer service and tour guiding are valuable. Finally, fostering entrepreneurship through business management and financial literacy can empower individuals to create small businesses. In addition, soft skills such as communication, leadership and teamwork are essential across all sectors for long-term employability.

    Many beneficiaries reported cycling through the Prosopis mesquite clearing project repeatedly, without gaining the work experience or skills needed to move into more sustainable jobs in the wider labour market.

    Thirdly, budget cuts restricted the availability of resources for both training and work opportunities.

    As a result, the initiative fell short of providing participants with the tools necessary for long-term economic success. Their prospects were limited after the project’s conclusion.

    Given the findings of my research study, the programme requires a shift in focus and changes need to be made.

    What needs to be done

    Firstly, funding for projects needs to be consistent. Secondly, training needs to be aligned with labour market needs. And thirdly, there needs to be a structured system for tracking long-term outcomes on the beneficiaries’ livelihoods following their participation.

    Without a system to track outcomes, it’s difficult to assess whether the project is equipping participants with skills for employment in the sectors that are driving the local economy.

    With these changes the programme can transition from a short-term employment solution to a sustainable intervention that equips beneficiaries with useful, transferable skills that are applicable to a range of sectors. This would ultimately improve their prospects for stable employment and long-term economic security, provided those jobs are available.

    Sinazo Ntsonge received funding from the NRM WfW programme, which was administered by the Centre of Excellence for Invasion Biology (CIB) at Stellenbosch University.

    – ref. South Africa’s ‘working for water’ programme is meant to lead to skills and jobs: why it’s failing – https://theconversation.com/south-africas-working-for-water-programme-is-meant-to-lead-to-skills-and-jobs-why-its-failing-248694

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Secretary-General’s Remarks to the Human Rights Council [as delivered]

    Source: United Nations – English

    Scroll down for all-English and all-French versions]

    Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of the Human Rights Council, High Commissioner,
    Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

    We begin this session under the weight of a grim milestone — the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the UN charter.

    More than 12,600 civilians killed, with many more injured.

    Entire communities reduced to rubble.

    Hospitals and schools destroyed.

    We must spare no effort to bring an end to this conflict, and to achieve a just and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter, international law and General Assembly resolutions.

    Conflicts like the war in Ukraine exact a heavy toll.

    A toll on people. 

    A toll on fundamental principles like territorial integrity, sovereignty and the rule of law.

    And a toll on the vital business of this Council.

    Without respect for human rights — civil, cultural, economic, political and social — sustainable peace is a pipedream.

    And like this Council, human rights shine a light in the darkest places.

    Through your work, and the work of the High Commissioner’s Office around the world, you’re supporting brave human rights defenders risking persecution, detention and even death.

    You’re working with governments, civil society and others to strengthen action on human rights.

    And you’re supporting investigations and accountability.

    Five years ago, we launched our Call to Action for Human Rights, embedding human rights across the work of the United Nations around the world in close cooperation with our partners.

    I will continue supporting this important work, and the High Commissioner’s Office, as we fight for human rights everywhere.
    Excellencies,

    We have our work cut out for us. 

    Human rights are the oxygen of humanity.

    But one by one, human rights are being suffocated.  

    By autocrats, crushing opposition because they fear what a truly empowered people would do. 

    By a patriarchy that keeps girls out of school, and women at arm’s length from basic rights.

    By wars and violence that strip populations of their right to food, water and education.

    By warmongers who thumb their nose at international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter.  

    Human rights are being suffocated by the climate crisis.

    And by a morally bankrupt global financial system that too often obstructs the path to greater equality and sustainable development.

    By runaway technologies like Artificial Intelligence that hold great promise, but also the ability to violate human rights at the touch of a button.

    By growing intolerance against entire groups — from Indigenous peoples, to migrants and refugees, to the LGBTQI+ community, to persons with disabilities.  
    And by voices of division and anger who view human rights not as a boon to humanity, but as a barrier to the power, profit and control they seek.

    In short — human rights are on the ropes and being pummeled hard.

    This represents a direct threat to all of the hard-won mechanisms and systems established over the last 80 years to protect and advance human rights. 

    But as the recently adopted Pact for the Future reminds us, human rights are, in fact, a source of solutions.

    The Pact provides a playbook on how we can win the fight for human rights on several fronts.   

    First — human rights through peace and peace through human rights.

    Conflicts inflict human rights violations on a massive scale.

    In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, violations of human rights have skyrocketed since the horrific Hamas attacks of October 7 and the intolerable levels of death and destruction in Gaza.

    And I am gravely concerned by the rising violence in the occupied West Bank by Israeli settlers and other violations, as well as calls for annexation. We are witnessing a precarious ceasefire. We must avoid at all costs a resumption of hostilities. The people in Gaza have already suffered too much.

    It’s time for a permanent ceasefire, the dignified release of all remaining hostages, irreversible progress towards a two-State solution, an end to the occupation, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with Gaza as an integral part.

    In Sudan, bloodshed, displacement and famine are engulfing the country.  

    The warring parties must take immediate action to protect civilians, uphold human rights, cease hostilities and forge peace.

    And domestic and international human rights monitoring and investigation mechanisms should be permitted to document what is happening on the ground.

    In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we see a deadly whirlwind of violence and horrifying human rights abuses, amplified by the recent M23 offensive, supported by the Rwandan Defense Forces.  
    As more cities fall, the risk of a regional war rises. 
     
    It’s time to silence the guns. 
     
    It’s time for diplomacy and dialogue. 
     
    The recent joint summit in Tanzania offered a way forward with a renewed call for an immediate ceasefire.

    The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC must be respected.

    The Congolese people deserve peace.

    In the Sahel, I call for a renewed regional dialogue to protect citizens from terrorism and systemic violations of human rights, and to create the conditions for sustainable development. 

    In Myanmar, the situation has grown far worse in the four years since the military seized power and arbitrarily detained members of the democratically elected government.

    We need greater cooperation to bring an end to the hostilities and forge a path towards an inclusive democratic transition and a return to civilian rule, allowing for the safe return of the Rohingya refugees.

    And in Haiti, we are seeing massive human rights violations — including more than a million people displaced, and children facing a horrific increase in sexual violence and recruitment into gangs.

    In the coming days, I will put forward proposals to the United Nations Security Council for greater stability and security for the people of Haiti — namely through an effective UN assistance mechanism to support the Multilateral Security Support mission, the national police and Haitian authorities.

    A durable solution requires a political process — led and owned by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

    The Pact for the Future calls for peace processes and approaches rooted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international law and the UN Charter.

    It proposes specific actions to prioritize conflict prevention, mediation, resolution and peacebuilding.

    And it includes a commitment to tackle the root causes of conflict, which are so often enmeshed in denials of basic human needs and rights.  

    Second — the Pact for the Future advances human rights through development.

    The Sustainable Development Goals and human rights are fundamentally intertwined.

    They represent real human needs — health, food, water, education, decent work and social protection.

    With less than one-fifth of the Goals on track, the Pact calls for a massive acceleration through an SDG Stimulus, reforming the global financial architecture, and taking meaningful action for countries drowning in debt.

    This must include focused action to conquer the most widespread human rights abuse in history — inequality for women and girls.

    The Pact calls for investing in battling all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls, and ensuring their meaningful participation and leadership across all walks of life.
    And along with the Declaration on Future Generations, the Pact calls for supporting the rights and futures of young people through decent work, removing barriers for youth participation, and enhancing training.

    And the Global Digital Compact calls on nations to champion young innovators, nurture entrepreneurial spirit, and equip the next generation with digital literacy and skills.
    Third — the Pact for the Future recognizes that the rule of law and human rights go hand-in-hand.

    The rule of law, when founded on human rights, is an essential pillar of protection.

    It shields the most vulnerable.

    It’s the first line of defense against crime and corruption.

    It supports fair, just and inclusive economies and societies.

    It holds perpetrators of human rights atrocities to account.

    It enables civic space for people to make their voices heard — and for journalists to carry out their essential work, free from interference or threats.

    And it reaffirms the world’s commitment to equal access to justice, good governance, and transparent and accountable institutions.   

    Quatrièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à l’action climatique.

    L’année dernière a été la plus chaude jamais enregistrée, et vient couronner la décennie la plus chaude jamais enregistrée.

    La hausse des températures, la fonte des glaciers et le réchauffement des océans ne peuvent mener qu’au désastre.

    Inondations, sécheresses, tempêtes meurtrières, famine, déplacements massifs : notre guerre contre la nature est aussi une guerre contre les droits humains.

    Nous devons prendre un autre chemin.

    Je salue les nombreux États Membres qui reconnaissent légalement le droit à un environnement sain, et j’appelle tous les pays à faire de même.

    Les gouvernements doivent tenir leur promesse d’élaborer cette année de nouveaux plans d’action nationaux pour le climat couvrant l’ensemble de l’économie, et ce bien avant la COP 30 qui se tiendra au Brésil.

    Ces plans doivent limiter la hausse de la température mondiale à 1,5 degré, notamment en accélérant la transition énergétique mondiale.

    Nous avons également besoin d’une augmentation massive des financements pour l’action climatique dans les pays en développement, afin de s’adapter au réchauffement de la planète, de réduire les émissions et d’accélérer la révolution des énergies renouvelables, qui offre d’énormes possibilités économiques.

    Nous devons nous opposer aux campagnes mensongères menées par de nombreux acteurs de l’industrie des combustibles fossiles et à ceux qui la font vivre et s’en rendent complices…

    Tout comme nous devons protéger et défendre les personnes qui sont en première ligne de la lutte pour une justice climatique.

    Et cinquièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à une gouvernance renforcée et améliorée des technologies.

    À l’heure où des technologies en rapide mutation s’immiscent dans tous les aspects de notre vie, je m’inquiète des risques qu’elles représentent pour les droits humains.

    Dans le meilleur des cas, les médias sociaux sont un lieu de rencontre où l’on peut échanger des idées et débattre avec respect.

    Mais ils peuvent aussi devenir un théâtre de confrontations enflammées et d’une ignorance flagrante.

    Un lieu où les poisons que sont la mésinformation, la désinformation, le racisme, la misogynie et les discours de haine sont non seulement tolérés, mais, bien souvent, encouragés.

    La violence verbale en ligne peut facilement se transformer en violence physique dans le monde réel.

    Les reculs récents en matière de vérification des faits et de modération de contenu sur les réseaux sociaux rouvrent grand la porte à plus de haine, plus de menaces et plus de violence.

    Que l’on ne s’y trompe pas.

    Ces reculs entraîneront une diminution de la liberté d’expression, et non une amplification – car les gens craignent de plus en plus de s’exprimer sur ces plateformes.

    Dans le même temps, la grande promesse de l’intelligence artificielle s’accompagne d’un risque insondable qui met en péril l’autonomie, l’identité et le contrôle humains – jusqu’aux droits humains.

    Face à ces menaces, le Pacte numérique mondial rassemble le monde entier pour veiller à ce que les droits humains ne soient pas sacrifiés sur l’autel de la technologie.

    Il s’agit notamment de collaborer avec les entreprises numériques et les décideurs politiques pour étendre le respect des droits humains à tous les recoins du cyberespace, en mettant notamment l’accent sur l’intégrité de l’information sur toutes les plateformes numériques.

    Les Principes mondiaux pour l’intégrité de l’information que j’ai lancés l’année dernière viendront étayer et orienter les efforts que nous déploierons en vue de créer un écosystème de l’information plus humain.

    Le Pacte numérique mondial comprend également le premier accord universel sur la gouvernance de l’intelligence artificielle qui donne voix au chapitre à tous les pays, ainsi que des engagements en matière de renforcement des capacités, visant à ce que tous les pays et toutes les personnes bénéficient du potentiel de l’intelligence artificielle.

    Pour cela, il faut investir dans l’accès à l’Internet à un prix abordable, dans les formations au numérique et dans les infrastructures ;

    Aider les pays en développement à utiliser l’intelligence artificielle pour développer les petites entreprises, améliorer les services publics et connecter les communautés à de nouveaux marchés.

    Et mettre les droits humains au centre des systèmes fondés sur l’intelligence artificielle.

    Les décisions du Pacte – d’établir un Groupe scientifique international indépendant et un Dialogue mondial régulier garantissant la participation de tous les pays dans l’élaboration de l’avenir de l’intelligence artificielle – constituent des avancées importantes. Il faut les concrétiser.

    Excellences,

    Mesdames et Messieurs,

    Nous pouvons mettre fin à l’asphyxie des droits humains en donnant vie au Pacte pour l’avenir et aux travaux de ce Conseil.

    Attelons-nous à cette tâche – ensemble. Nous n’avons pas un instant à perdre.

    Et je vous remercie.

    [all-English version]

    Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of the Human Rights Council, High Commissioner,
    Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

    We begin this session under the weight of a grim milestone — the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the UN charter.

    More than 12,600 civilians killed, with many more injured.

    Entire communities reduced to rubble.

    Hospitals and schools destroyed.

    We must spare no effort to bring an end to this conflict, and to achieve a just and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter, international law and General Assembly resolutions.

    Conflicts like the war in Ukraine exact a heavy toll.

    A toll on people. 

    A toll on fundamental principles like territorial integrity, sovereignty and the rule of law.

    And a toll on the vital business of this Council.

    Without respect for human rights — civil, cultural, economic, political and social — sustainable peace is a pipedream.

    And like this Council, human rights shine a light in the darkest places.

    Through your work, and the work of the High Commissioner’s Office around the world, you’re supporting brave human rights defenders risking persecution, detention and even death.

    You’re working with governments, civil society and others to strengthen action on human rights.

    And you’re supporting investigations and accountability.

    Five years ago, we launched our Call to Action for Human Rights, embedding human rights across the work of the United Nations around the world in close cooperation with our partners.

    I will continue supporting this important work, and the High Commissioner’s Office, as we fight for human rights everywhere.
    Excellencies,

    We have our work cut out for us. 

    Human rights are the oxygen of humanity.

    But one by one, human rights are being suffocated.  

    By autocrats, crushing opposition because they fear what a truly empowered people would do. 

    By a patriarchy that keeps girls out of school, and women at arm’s length from basic rights.

    By wars and violence that strip populations of their right to food, water and education.

    By warmongers who thumb their nose at international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter.  

    Human rights are being suffocated by the climate crisis.

    And by a morally bankrupt global financial system that too often obstructs the path to greater equality and sustainable development.

    By runaway technologies like Artificial Intelligence that hold great promise, but also the ability to violate human rights at the touch of a button.

    By growing intolerance against entire groups — from Indigenous peoples, to migrants and refugees, to the LGBTQI+ community, to persons with disabilities.  
    And by voices of division and anger who view human rights not as a boon to humanity, but as a barrier to the power, profit and control they seek.

    In short — human rights are on the ropes and being pummeled hard.

    This represents a direct threat to all of the hard-won mechanisms and systems established over the last 80 years to protect and advance human rights. 

    But as the recently adopted Pact for the Future reminds us, human rights are, in fact, a source of solutions.

    The Pact provides a playbook on how we can win the fight for human rights on several fronts.   

    First — human rights through peace and peace through human rights.

    Conflicts inflict human rights violations on a massive scale.

    In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, violations of human rights have skyrocketed since the horrific Hamas attacks of October 7 and the intolerable levels of death and destruction in Gaza.

    And I am gravely concerned by the rising violence in the occupied West Bank by Israeli settlers and other violations, as well as calls for annexation. We are witnessing a precarious ceasefire. We must avoid at all costs a resumption of hostilities. The people in Gaza have already suffered too much.

    It’s time for a permanent ceasefire, the dignified release of all remaining hostages, irreversible progress towards a two-State solution, an end to the occupation, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with Gaza as an integral part.

    In Sudan, bloodshed, displacement and famine are engulfing the country.  

    The warring parties must take immediate action to protect civilians, uphold human rights, cease hostilities and forge peace.

    And domestic and international human rights monitoring and investigation mechanisms should be permitted to document what is happening on the ground.

    In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we see a deadly whirlwind of violence and horrifying human rights abuses, amplified by the recent M23 offensive, supported by the Rwandan Defense Forces.  
    As more cities fall, the risk of a regional war rises. 
     
    It’s time to silence the guns. 
     
    It’s time for diplomacy and dialogue. 
     
    The recent joint summit in Tanzania offered a way forward with a renewed call for an immediate ceasefire.

    The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC must be respected.

    The Congolese people deserve peace.

    In the Sahel, I call for a renewed regional dialogue to protect citizens from terrorism and systemic violations of human rights, and to create the conditions for sustainable development. 

    In Myanmar, the situation has grown far worse in the four years since the military seized power and arbitrarily detained members of the democratically elected government.

    We need greater cooperation to bring an end to the hostilities and forge a path towards an inclusive democratic transition and a return to civilian rule, allowing for the safe return of the Rohingya refugees.

    And in Haiti, we are seeing massive human rights violations — including more than a million people displaced, and children facing a horrific increase in sexual violence and recruitment into gangs.

    In the coming days, I will put forward proposals to the United Nations Security Council for greater stability and security for the people of Haiti — namely through an effective UN assistance mechanism to support the Multilateral Security Support mission, the national police and Haitian authorities.

    A durable solution requires a political process — led and owned by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

    The Pact for the Future calls for peace processes and approaches rooted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international law and the UN Charter.

    It proposes specific actions to prioritize conflict prevention, mediation, resolution and peacebuilding.

    And it includes a commitment to tackle the root causes of conflict, which are so often enmeshed in denials of basic human needs and rights.  

    Second — the Pact for the Future advances human rights through development.

    The Sustainable Development Goals and human rights are fundamentally intertwined.

    They represent real human needs — health, food, water, education, decent work and social protection.

    With less than one-fifth of the Goals on track, the Pact calls for a massive acceleration through an SDG Stimulus, reforming the global financial architecture, and taking meaningful action for countries drowning in debt.

    This must include focused action to conquer the most widespread human rights abuse in history — inequality for women and girls.

    The Pact calls for investing in battling all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls, and ensuring their meaningful participation and leadership across all walks of life.
    And along with the Declaration on Future Generations, the Pact calls for supporting the rights and futures of young people through decent work, removing barriers for youth participation, and enhancing training.

    And the Global Digital Compact calls on nations to champion young innovators, nurture entrepreneurial spirit, and equip the next generation with digital literacy and skills.
    Third — the Pact for the Future recognizes that the rule of law and human rights go hand-in-hand.

    The rule of law, when founded on human rights, is an essential pillar of protection.

    It shields the most vulnerable.

    It’s the first line of defense against crime and corruption.

    It supports fair, just and inclusive economies and societies.

    It holds perpetrators of human rights atrocities to account.

    It enables civic space for people to make their voices heard — and for journalists to carry out their essential work, free from interference or threats.

    And it reaffirms the world’s commitment to equal access to justice, good governance, and transparent and accountable institutions.

    Fourth — human rights through climate action.   

    Last year was the hottest on record — capping the hottest decade on record.

    Rising heat, melting glaciers and hotter oceans are a recipe for disaster.  

    Floods, droughts, deadly storms, hunger, mass displacement — our war on nature is also a war on human rights.

    We must choose a different path.

    I salute the many Member States who legally recognize the right to a healthy environment — and I call on all countries to do the same.

    Governments must keep their promise to produce new, economy-wide national climate action plans this year, well ahead of COP30 in Brazil.

    Those plans must limit the rise in global temperature to 1.5 degrees — including by accelerating the global energy transition.   

    We also need a surge in finance for climate action in developing countries, to adapt to global heating, slash emissions and accelerate the renewables revolution, which represents a massive economic opportunity.  

    We must stand up to the misleading campaign of many in the fossil fuel industry and its enablers who are aiding and abetting this madness, while also protecting and defending those on the front lines of climate justice.

    And fifth — human rights through stronger, better governance of technology.

    As fast-moving technologies expand into every aspect of our lives, I am deeply concerned about human rights being undermined.

    At its best, social media is a meeting ground for people to exchange ideas and spark respectful debate.

    But it can also be an arena of fiery combat and blatant ignorance.

    A place where the poisons of misinformation, disinformation, racism, misogyny and hate speech are not only tolerated — but often encouraged.

    Verbal violence online can easily spill into physical violence in real life. 

    Recent rollbacks on social media fact-checking and content moderation are re-opening the floodgates to more hate, more threats, and more violence.

    Make no mistake.

    These rollbacks will lead to less free speech, not more, as people become increasingly fearful to engage on these platforms.

    Meanwhile, the great promise of Artificial Intelligence is matched by limitless peril to undermine human autonomy, human identity, human control — and yes, human rights.

    In the face of these threats, the Global Digital Compact brings the world together to ensure that human rights are not sacrificed on the altar of technology.

    This includes working with digital companies and policymakers to extend human rights to every corner of cyberspace — including a new focus on information integrity across digital platforms.

    The Global Principles for Information Integrity I launched last year will support and inform this work as we push for a more humane information ecosystem.

    The Global Digital Compact also includes the first universal agreement on the governance of AI that brings every country to the table and commitments on capacity-building, so all countries and people benefit from AI’s potential.

    By investing in affordable internet, digital literacy, and infrastructure.

    By helping developing countries use AI to grow small businesses, improve public services, and connect communities to new markets.

    And by placing human rights at the centre of AI-driven systems.

    The Pact’s decisions to create an Independent International Scientific Panel on AI and an ongoing Global Dialogue that ensure all countries have a voice in shaping its future are important steps forward. We must implement them.

    Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

    We can help end the suffocation of human rights by breathing life into the Pact for the Future and the work of this Council. 

    Let’s do that together. We don’t have a moment to lose.

    And I thank you.

    [all-French translation]

    L’ouverture de la présente session coïncide avec un sinistre jalon : le troisième anniversaire de l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie, en violation de la Charte des Nations Unies.

    Plus de 12 600 civils ont été tués et bien plus encore ont été blessés.

    Des communautés entières ont été anéanties.

    Des hôpitaux et des écoles ne sont plus que décombres.

    Nous ne devons ménager aucun effort pour mettre un terme à ce conflit et parvenir à une paix juste et durable, conformément à la Charte des Nations Unies, au droit international et aux résolutions de l’Assemblée générale.

    Les conflits comme la guerre en Ukraine prélèvent un lourd tribut.

    Ils déciment les populations.

    Ils érodent les principes fondamentaux que sont l’intégrité territoriale, la souveraineté et l’état de droit.

    Ils sapent les activités vitales de ce Conseil.

    Sans le respect des droits humains – qu’ils soient civils, culturels, économiques, politiques ou sociaux – la paix durable n’est qu’une chimère.

    Et comme ce Conseil, les droits humains sont une source de lumière dans l’obscurité la plus profonde.

    Grâce à vos travaux et à ceux que le Haut-Commissariat mène dans le monde entier, vous soutenez les défenseurs et défenseuses des droits humains qui, avec courage, risquent la persécution, la détention et même la mort.

    Vous travaillez avec les gouvernements, la société civile et d’autres acteurs pour renforcer l’action en faveur des droits humains.

    Et vous apportez votre soutien aux mécanismes d’enquête et d’établissement des responsabilités.

    Il y a cinq ans, nous avons lancé notre appel à l’action en faveur des droits humains, l’objectif étant d’intégrer les droits humains dans toutes les activités des Nations Unies menées à travers le monde, en étroite collaboration avec nos partenaires.

    Je continuerai d’apporter mon appui à ces travaux importants, ainsi qu’au Haut-Commissariat, dans notre lutte pour les droits humains partout dans le monde.

    Excellences,

    Nous avons du pain sur la planche.

    Les droits humains sont l’oxygène de l’humanité.

    Mais ils sont asphyxiés, les uns après les autres.

    Par les autocrates, qui écrasent l’opposition parce qu’ils craignent ce dont serait capable un peuple ayant pleinement les moyens d’agir.

    Par le patriarcat, qui empêche les filles d’aller à l’école et les femmes de jouir de leurs droits fondamentaux.

    Par les guerres et la violence, qui privent les populations de leur droit à l’alimentation, à l’eau, et à l’éducation.

    Par les bellicistes, qui se rient du droit international, du droit international humanitaire et de la Charte des Nations Unies.

    Les droits humains sont asphyxiés par la crise climatique.

    Par un système financier mondial en faillite morale, qui fait trop souvent obstacle à une plus grande égalité et au développement durable.

    Par des technologies incontrôlables comme l’intelligence artificielle, qui suscitent de grands espoirs mais recèlent aussi la capacité de violer les droits humains en un seul clic.

    Par une intolérance croissante à l’égard de groupes entiers, qu’il s’agisse des peuples autochtones, des migrants et réfugiés, de la communauté LGBTQI+, ou encore des personnes handicapées.

    Et par les discours de ceux qui, prêchant la division et la colère, considèrent les droits humains non pas comme un bienfait pour l’humanité, mais comme un obstacle au pouvoir, au profit et au contrôle qu’ils convoitent.

    En bref, les droits humains, sous le coup d’attaques vicieuses, sont dans leurs derniers retranchements.

    Cette situation représente une menace directe pour tous les mécanismes et systèmes établis de haute lutte au cours des 80 dernières années pour protéger et faire progresser les droits humains.

    Or, comme le rappelle le Pacte pour l’avenir adopté récemment, les droits humains sont, en fait, une source de solutions.

    Le Pacte définit les mesures que nous pouvons prendre pour gagner le combat pour les droits humains sur plusieurs fronts.

    Premièrement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à la paix et instaurer la paix grâce aux droits humains.

    Les conflits infligent des violations massives des droits humains.

    Dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, les violations des droits humains ont connu une hausse vertigineuse depuis les horribles attaques perpétrées par le Hamas le 7 octobre, et les niveaux intolérables de mort et de destruction à Gaza.

    Je suis gravement préoccupé par la montée des violences et des autres violations commises en Cisjordanie occupée par les colons israéliens, ainsi que par les appels à l’annexion. Nous assistons à un cessez-le-feu précaire. Nous devons éviter à tout prix une reprise des hostilités. La population de Gaza a déjà trop souffert.

    Il est temps d’instaurer un cessez-le-feu permanent, de libérer tous les otages restants, de réaliser des progrès irréversibles vers la solution des deux États, la fin l’occupation, et la création d’un État palestinien indépendant, dont Gaza ferait partie intégrante.

    Au Soudan, les bains de sang, les déplacements de population et la famine ravagent le pays.

    Les parties en conflit doivent prendre immédiatement des mesures pour protéger les civils, défendre les droits humains, cesser les hostilités et instaurer la paix.

    Les mécanismes nationaux et internationaux de surveillance et d’enquête en matière de droits humains devraient être autorisés à documenter ce qui se déroule sur le terrain.

    En République démocratique du Congo, nous sommes témoins d’un tourbillon mortel de violences et d’atroces violations des droits humains, amplifié par la récente offensive du M23, soutenue par les forces de défense rwandaises.

    Plus les villes tombent, plus le risque d’une guerre régionale augmente. 

    Il est temps de faire taire les armes.

    L’heure est à la diplomatie et au dialogue.

    Le récent sommet conjoint qui s’est tenu en Tanzanie a ouvert la voie en renouvelant l’appel à un cessez-le-feu immédiat.

    La souveraineté et l’intégrité territoriale de la RDC doivent être respectées.

    Le peuple congolais mérite la paix.

    Au Sahel, j’appelle à la reprise du dialogue régional afin de protéger les citoyens du terrorisme et des violations systémiques des droits humains et de créer les conditions du développement durable.

    Au Myanmar, la situation s’est considérablement aggravée au cours des quatre années qui se sont écoulées depuis que les militaires ont pris le pouvoir et détenu arbitrairement des membres du gouvernement démocratiquement élu.

    Il nous faut resserrer la coopération pour mettre fin aux hostilités et ouvrir la voie à une transition démocratique inclusive et au retour à un régime civil, permettant le retour en toute sécurité des réfugiés rohingyas.

    En Haïti, nous constatons des violations massives des droits humains : plus d’un million de personnes ont été déplacées et les enfants sont en proie à une augmentation effroyable des violences sexuelles et de l’enrôlement dans les gangs.

    Dans les jours à venir, je présenterai au Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies des propositions pour renforcer la stabilité et la sécurité du peuple haïtien, notamment par le biais d’un mécanisme d’assistance efficace des Nations unies destiné à soutenir la Mission multilatérale de soutien à la sécurité, à la police nationale et aux autorités haïtiennes.

    Une solution durable nécessite un processus politique – mené et pris en charge par le peuple haïtien – qui rétablisse les institutions démocratiques à travers des élections.

    Le Pacte pour l’avenir demande la mise en place de processus et de démarches pour la paix ancrés dans la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’Homme, le droit international et la Charte des Nations Unies.

    Le Pacte pour l’avenir appelle à des processus et des approches de paix fondés sur la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme, le droit international et la Charte des Nations unies.

    Il propose des mesures précises visant à privilégier la prévention des conflits, la médiation, le règlement des conflits et la consolidation de la paix.

    Il énonce également l’engagement pris de s’attaquer aux causes profondes des conflits, qui sont bien souvent liées au déni des besoins et des droits humains fondamentaux.

    Deuxièmement, le Pacte pour l’avenir fait progresser les droits humains grâce au développement.

    Les objectifs de développement durable et les droits humains sont intrinsèquement liés.

    Ils représentent des besoins humains réels : la santé, l’alimentation, l’eau, l’éducation, le travail décent et la protection sociale.

    Alors que moins d’un cinquième des objectifs sont en passe d’être réalisés, le Pacte appelle à une accélération massive des progrès grâce au plan de relance des objectifs de développement durable, à la réforme de
    l’architecture financière mondiale et à la prise de mesures réfléchies pour les pays qui croulent sous la dette.

    Il s’agit donc, notamment, de mener une action ciblée pour vaincre la violation des droits humains la plus répandue dans l’histoire : l’inégalité pour les femmes et les filles.

    Le Pacte appelle à investir pour lutter contre toutes les formes de discrimination et de violence à l’égard des femmes et des filles et pour permettre à celles-ci de participer véritablement à tous les domaines de la vie et d’y jouer un rôle moteur.

    Avec la Déclaration sur les générations futures, le Pacte appelle à défendre les droits et l’avenir des jeunes en promouvant le travail décent, en éliminant les obstacles à la participation des jeunes et en améliorant la formation.

    Le Pacte numérique mondial appelle tous les pays à soutenir les jeunes innovateurs, à cultiver l’esprit entrepreneurial et à doter la prochaine génération des connaissances et compétences numériques nécessaires.

    Troisièmement, le Pacte pour l’avenir établit que l’état de droit et les droits humains vont de pair.

    L’état de droit, lorsqu’il est fondé sur les droits humains, est un pilier essentiel de la protection.

    Il protège les plus vulnérables.

    C’est la première ligne de défense contre la criminalité et la corruption.

    Il favorise des économies et des sociétés équitables, justes et inclusives.

    Il oblige les auteurs d’atrocités commises en violation des droits humains à rendre compte de leurs actes.

    Il offre aux individus un espace civique où faire entendre leur voix et permet aux journalistes d’accomplir leur travail essentiel, à l’abri des ingérences et des menaces.

    Et il réaffirme l’engagement du monde en faveur de l’égalité d’accès à la justice, de la bonne gouvernance et d’institutions transparentes et responsables.

    Quatrièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à l’action climatique.

    L’année dernière a été la plus chaude jamais enregistrée, et vient couronner la décennie la plus chaude jamais enregistrée.

    La hausse des températures, la fonte des glaciers et le réchauffement des océans ne peuvent mener qu’au désastre.

    Inondations, sécheresses, tempêtes meurtrières, famine, déplacements massifs : notre guerre contre la nature est aussi une guerre contre les droits humains.

    Nous devons prendre un autre chemin.

    Je salue les nombreux États Membres qui reconnaissent légalement le droit à un environnement sain, et j’appelle tous les pays à faire de même.

    Les gouvernements doivent tenir leur promesse d’élaborer cette année de nouveaux plans d’action nationaux pour le climat couvrant l’ensemble de l’économie, et ce bien avant la COP 30 qui se tiendra au Brésil.

    Ces plans doivent limiter la hausse de la température mondiale à 1,5 degré, notamment en accélérant la transition énergétique mondiale.

    Nous avons également besoin d’une augmentation massive des financements pour l’action climatique dans les pays en développement, afin de s’adapter au réchauffement de la planète, de réduire les émissions et d’accélérer la révolution des énergies renouvelables, qui offre d’énormes possibilités économiques.

    Nous devons nous opposer aux campagnes mensongères menées par de nombreux acteurs de l’industrie des combustibles fossiles et à ceux qui la font vivre et s’en rendent complices…

    Tout comme nous devons protéger et défendre les personnes qui sont en première ligne de la lutte pour une justice climatique.

    Et cinquièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à une gouvernance renforcée et améliorée des technologies.

    À l’heure où des technologies en rapide mutation s’immiscent dans tous les aspects de notre vie, je m’inquiète des risques qu’elles représentent pour les droits humains.

    Dans le meilleur des cas, les médias sociaux sont un lieu de rencontre où l’on peut échanger des idées et débattre avec respect.

    Mais ils peuvent aussi devenir un théâtre de confrontations enflammées et d’une ignorance flagrante.

    Un lieu où les poisons que sont la mésinformation, la désinformation, le racisme, la misogynie et les discours de haine sont non seulement tolérés, mais, bien souvent, encouragés.

    La violence verbale en ligne peut facilement se transformer en violence physique dans le monde réel.

    Les reculs récents en matière de vérification des faits et de modération de contenu sur les réseaux sociaux rouvrent grand la porte à plus de haine, plus de menaces et plus de violence.

    Que l’on ne s’y trompe pas.

    Ces reculs entraîneront une diminution de la liberté d’expression, et non une amplification – car les gens craignent de plus en plus de s’exprimer sur ces plateformes.

    Dans le même temps, la grande promesse de l’intelligence artificielle s’accompagne d’un risque insondable qui met en péril l’autonomie, l’identité et le contrôle humains – jusqu’aux droits humains.

    Face à ces menaces, le Pacte numérique mondial rassemble le monde entier pour veiller à ce que les droits humains ne soient pas sacrifiés sur l’autel de la technologie.

    Il s’agit notamment de collaborer avec les entreprises numériques et les décideurs politiques pour étendre le respect des droits humains à tous les recoins du cyberespace, en mettant notamment l’accent sur l’intégrité de l’information sur toutes les plateformes numériques.

    Les Principes mondiaux pour l’intégrité de l’information que j’ai lancés l’année dernière viendront étayer et orienter les efforts que nous déploierons en vue de créer un écosystème de l’information plus humain.

    Le Pacte numérique mondial comprend également le premier accord universel sur la gouvernance de l’intelligence artificielle qui donne voix au chapitre à tous les pays, ainsi que des engagements en matière de renforcement des capacités, visant à ce que tous les pays et toutes les personnes bénéficient du potentiel de l’intelligence artificielle.

    Pour cela, il faut investir dans l’accès à Internet à un prix abordable, dans les formations au numérique et dans les infrastructures ;

    Aider les pays en développement à utiliser l’intelligence artificielle pour développer les petites entreprises, améliorer les services publics et connecter les communautés à de nouveaux marchés.

    Et mettre les droits humains au centre des systèmes fondés sur l’intelligence artificielle.

    Les décisions du Pacte – d’établir un Groupe scientifique international indépendant et un Dialogue mondial régulier garantissant la participation de tous les pays dans l’élaboration de l’avenir de l’intelligence artificielle – constituent des avancées importantes. Il faut les concrétiser.

    Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs,

    Nous pouvons mettre fin à l’asphyxie des droits humains en donnant vie au Pacte pour l’avenir et aux travaux de ce Conseil.

    Attelons-nous à cette tâche – ensemble. Nous n’avons pas un instant à perdre.

    Et je vous remercie.

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Secretary-General’s Remarks to the Human Rights Council [as delivered]

    Source: United Nations secretary general

    [Scroll down for all-English and all-French versions]

    Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of the Human Rights Council, High Commissioner,
    Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

    We begin this session under the weight of a grim milestone — the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the UN charter.

    More than 12,600 civilians killed, with many more injured.

    Entire communities reduced to rubble.

    Hospitals and schools destroyed.

    We must spare no effort to bring an end to this conflict, and to achieve a just and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter, international law and General Assembly resolutions.

    Conflicts like the war in Ukraine exact a heavy toll.

    A toll on people. 

    A toll on fundamental principles like territorial integrity, sovereignty and the rule of law.

    And a toll on the vital business of this Council.

    Without respect for human rights — civil, cultural, economic, political and social — sustainable peace is a pipedream.

    And like this Council, human rights shine a light in the darkest places.

    Through your work, and the work of the High Commissioner’s Office around the world, you’re supporting brave human rights defenders risking persecution, detention and even death.

    You’re working with governments, civil society and others to strengthen action on human rights.

    And you’re supporting investigations and accountability.

    Five years ago, we launched our Call to Action for Human Rights, embedding human rights across the work of the United Nations around the world in close cooperation with our partners.

    I will continue supporting this important work, and the High Commissioner’s Office, as we fight for human rights everywhere.
    Excellencies,

    We have our work cut out for us. 

    Human rights are the oxygen of humanity.

    But one by one, human rights are being suffocated.  

    By autocrats, crushing opposition because they fear what a truly empowered people would do. 

    By a patriarchy that keeps girls out of school, and women at arm’s length from basic rights.

    By wars and violence that strip populations of their right to food, water and education.

    By warmongers who thumb their nose at international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter.  

    Human rights are being suffocated by the climate crisis.

    And by a morally bankrupt global financial system that too often obstructs the path to greater equality and sustainable development.

    By runaway technologies like Artificial Intelligence that hold great promise, but also the ability to violate human rights at the touch of a button.

    By growing intolerance against entire groups — from Indigenous peoples, to migrants and refugees, to the LGBTQI+ community, to persons with disabilities.  
    And by voices of division and anger who view human rights not as a boon to humanity, but as a barrier to the power, profit and control they seek.

    In short — human rights are on the ropes and being pummeled hard.

    This represents a direct threat to all of the hard-won mechanisms and systems established over the last 80 years to protect and advance human rights. 

    But as the recently adopted Pact for the Future reminds us, human rights are, in fact, a source of solutions.

    The Pact provides a playbook on how we can win the fight for human rights on several fronts.   

    First — human rights through peace and peace through human rights.

    Conflicts inflict human rights violations on a massive scale.

    In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, violations of human rights have skyrocketed since the horrific Hamas attacks of October 7 and the intolerable levels of death and destruction in Gaza.

    And I am gravely concerned by the rising violence in the occupied West Bank by Israeli settlers and other violations, as well as calls for annexation. We are witnessing a precarious ceasefire. We must avoid at all costs a resumption of hostilities. The people in Gaza have already suffered too much.

    It’s time for a permanent ceasefire, the dignified release of all remaining hostages, irreversible progress towards a two-State solution, an end to the occupation, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with Gaza as an integral part.

    In Sudan, bloodshed, displacement and famine are engulfing the country.  

    The warring parties must take immediate action to protect civilians, uphold human rights, cease hostilities and forge peace.

    And domestic and international human rights monitoring and investigation mechanisms should be permitted to document what is happening on the ground.

    In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we see a deadly whirlwind of violence and horrifying human rights abuses, amplified by the recent M23 offensive, supported by the Rwandan Defense Forces.  
    As more cities fall, the risk of a regional war rises. 
     
    It’s time to silence the guns. 
     
    It’s time for diplomacy and dialogue. 
     
    The recent joint summit in Tanzania offered a way forward with a renewed call for an immediate ceasefire.

    The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC must be respected.

    The Congolese people deserve peace.

    In the Sahel, I call for a renewed regional dialogue to protect citizens from terrorism and systemic violations of human rights, and to create the conditions for sustainable development. 

    In Myanmar, the situation has grown far worse in the four years since the military seized power and arbitrarily detained members of the democratically elected government.

    We need greater cooperation to bring an end to the hostilities and forge a path towards an inclusive democratic transition and a return to civilian rule, allowing for the safe return of the Rohingya refugees.

    And in Haiti, we are seeing massive human rights violations — including more than a million people displaced, and children facing a horrific increase in sexual violence and recruitment into gangs.

    In the coming days, I will put forward proposals to the United Nations Security Council for greater stability and security for the people of Haiti — namely through an effective UN assistance mechanism to support the Multilateral Security Support mission, the national police and Haitian authorities.

    A durable solution requires a political process — led and owned by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

    The Pact for the Future calls for peace processes and approaches rooted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international law and the UN Charter.

    It proposes specific actions to prioritize conflict prevention, mediation, resolution and peacebuilding.

    And it includes a commitment to tackle the root causes of conflict, which are so often enmeshed in denials of basic human needs and rights.  

    Second — the Pact for the Future advances human rights through development.

    The Sustainable Development Goals and human rights are fundamentally intertwined.

    They represent real human needs — health, food, water, education, decent work and social protection.

    With less than one-fifth of the Goals on track, the Pact calls for a massive acceleration through an SDG Stimulus, reforming the global financial architecture, and taking meaningful action for countries drowning in debt.

    This must include focused action to conquer the most widespread human rights abuse in history — inequality for women and girls.

    The Pact calls for investing in battling all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls, and ensuring their meaningful participation and leadership across all walks of life.
    And along with the Declaration on Future Generations, the Pact calls for supporting the rights and futures of young people through decent work, removing barriers for youth participation, and enhancing training.

    And the Global Digital Compact calls on nations to champion young innovators, nurture entrepreneurial spirit, and equip the next generation with digital literacy and skills.
    Third — the Pact for the Future recognizes that the rule of law and human rights go hand-in-hand.

    The rule of law, when founded on human rights, is an essential pillar of protection.

    It shields the most vulnerable.

    It’s the first line of defense against crime and corruption.

    It supports fair, just and inclusive economies and societies.

    It holds perpetrators of human rights atrocities to account.

    It enables civic space for people to make their voices heard — and for journalists to carry out their essential work, free from interference or threats.

    And it reaffirms the world’s commitment to equal access to justice, good governance, and transparent and accountable institutions.   

    Quatrièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à l’action climatique.

    L’année dernière a été la plus chaude jamais enregistrée, et vient couronner la décennie la plus chaude jamais enregistrée.

    La hausse des températures, la fonte des glaciers et le réchauffement des océans ne peuvent mener qu’au désastre.

    Inondations, sécheresses, tempêtes meurtrières, famine, déplacements massifs : notre guerre contre la nature est aussi une guerre contre les droits humains.

    Nous devons prendre un autre chemin.

    Je salue les nombreux États Membres qui reconnaissent légalement le droit à un environnement sain, et j’appelle tous les pays à faire de même.

    Les gouvernements doivent tenir leur promesse d’élaborer cette année de nouveaux plans d’action nationaux pour le climat couvrant l’ensemble de l’économie, et ce bien avant la COP 30 qui se tiendra au Brésil.

    Ces plans doivent limiter la hausse de la température mondiale à 1,5 degré, notamment en accélérant la transition énergétique mondiale.

    Nous avons également besoin d’une augmentation massive des financements pour l’action climatique dans les pays en développement, afin de s’adapter au réchauffement de la planète, de réduire les émissions et d’accélérer la révolution des énergies renouvelables, qui offre d’énormes possibilités économiques.

    Nous devons nous opposer aux campagnes mensongères menées par de nombreux acteurs de l’industrie des combustibles fossiles et à ceux qui la font vivre et s’en rendent complices…

    Tout comme nous devons protéger et défendre les personnes qui sont en première ligne de la lutte pour une justice climatique.

    Et cinquièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à une gouvernance renforcée et améliorée des technologies.

    À l’heure où des technologies en rapide mutation s’immiscent dans tous les aspects de notre vie, je m’inquiète des risques qu’elles représentent pour les droits humains.

    Dans le meilleur des cas, les médias sociaux sont un lieu de rencontre où l’on peut échanger des idées et débattre avec respect.

    Mais ils peuvent aussi devenir un théâtre de confrontations enflammées et d’une ignorance flagrante.

    Un lieu où les poisons que sont la mésinformation, la désinformation, le racisme, la misogynie et les discours de haine sont non seulement tolérés, mais, bien souvent, encouragés.

    La violence verbale en ligne peut facilement se transformer en violence physique dans le monde réel.

    Les reculs récents en matière de vérification des faits et de modération de contenu sur les réseaux sociaux rouvrent grand la porte à plus de haine, plus de menaces et plus de violence.

    Que l’on ne s’y trompe pas.

    Ces reculs entraîneront une diminution de la liberté d’expression, et non une amplification – car les gens craignent de plus en plus de s’exprimer sur ces plateformes.

    Dans le même temps, la grande promesse de l’intelligence artificielle s’accompagne d’un risque insondable qui met en péril l’autonomie, l’identité et le contrôle humains – jusqu’aux droits humains.

    Face à ces menaces, le Pacte numérique mondial rassemble le monde entier pour veiller à ce que les droits humains ne soient pas sacrifiés sur l’autel de la technologie.

    Il s’agit notamment de collaborer avec les entreprises numériques et les décideurs politiques pour étendre le respect des droits humains à tous les recoins du cyberespace, en mettant notamment l’accent sur l’intégrité de l’information sur toutes les plateformes numériques.

    Les Principes mondiaux pour l’intégrité de l’information que j’ai lancés l’année dernière viendront étayer et orienter les efforts que nous déploierons en vue de créer un écosystème de l’information plus humain.

    Le Pacte numérique mondial comprend également le premier accord universel sur la gouvernance de l’intelligence artificielle qui donne voix au chapitre à tous les pays, ainsi que des engagements en matière de renforcement des capacités, visant à ce que tous les pays et toutes les personnes bénéficient du potentiel de l’intelligence artificielle.

    Pour cela, il faut investir dans l’accès à l’Internet à un prix abordable, dans les formations au numérique et dans les infrastructures ;

    Aider les pays en développement à utiliser l’intelligence artificielle pour développer les petites entreprises, améliorer les services publics et connecter les communautés à de nouveaux marchés.

    Et mettre les droits humains au centre des systèmes fondés sur l’intelligence artificielle.

    Les décisions du Pacte – d’établir un Groupe scientifique international indépendant et un Dialogue mondial régulier garantissant la participation de tous les pays dans l’élaboration de l’avenir de l’intelligence artificielle – constituent des avancées importantes. Il faut les concrétiser.

    Excellences,

    Mesdames et Messieurs,

    Nous pouvons mettre fin à l’asphyxie des droits humains en donnant vie au Pacte pour l’avenir et aux travaux de ce Conseil.

    Attelons-nous à cette tâche – ensemble. Nous n’avons pas un instant à perdre.

    Et je vous remercie.

    [all-English version]

    Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of the Human Rights Council, High Commissioner,
    Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

    We begin this session under the weight of a grim milestone — the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the UN charter.

    More than 12,600 civilians killed, with many more injured.

    Entire communities reduced to rubble.

    Hospitals and schools destroyed.

    We must spare no effort to bring an end to this conflict, and to achieve a just and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter, international law and General Assembly resolutions.

    Conflicts like the war in Ukraine exact a heavy toll.

    A toll on people. 

    A toll on fundamental principles like territorial integrity, sovereignty and the rule of law.

    And a toll on the vital business of this Council.

    Without respect for human rights — civil, cultural, economic, political and social — sustainable peace is a pipedream.

    And like this Council, human rights shine a light in the darkest places.

    Through your work, and the work of the High Commissioner’s Office around the world, you’re supporting brave human rights defenders risking persecution, detention and even death.

    You’re working with governments, civil society and others to strengthen action on human rights.

    And you’re supporting investigations and accountability.

    Five years ago, we launched our Call to Action for Human Rights, embedding human rights across the work of the United Nations around the world in close cooperation with our partners.

    I will continue supporting this important work, and the High Commissioner’s Office, as we fight for human rights everywhere.
    Excellencies,

    We have our work cut out for us. 

    Human rights are the oxygen of humanity.

    But one by one, human rights are being suffocated.  

    By autocrats, crushing opposition because they fear what a truly empowered people would do. 

    By a patriarchy that keeps girls out of school, and women at arm’s length from basic rights.

    By wars and violence that strip populations of their right to food, water and education.

    By warmongers who thumb their nose at international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter.  

    Human rights are being suffocated by the climate crisis.

    And by a morally bankrupt global financial system that too often obstructs the path to greater equality and sustainable development.

    By runaway technologies like Artificial Intelligence that hold great promise, but also the ability to violate human rights at the touch of a button.

    By growing intolerance against entire groups — from Indigenous peoples, to migrants and refugees, to the LGBTQI+ community, to persons with disabilities.  
    And by voices of division and anger who view human rights not as a boon to humanity, but as a barrier to the power, profit and control they seek.

    In short — human rights are on the ropes and being pummeled hard.

    This represents a direct threat to all of the hard-won mechanisms and systems established over the last 80 years to protect and advance human rights. 

    But as the recently adopted Pact for the Future reminds us, human rights are, in fact, a source of solutions.

    The Pact provides a playbook on how we can win the fight for human rights on several fronts.   

    First — human rights through peace and peace through human rights.

    Conflicts inflict human rights violations on a massive scale.

    In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, violations of human rights have skyrocketed since the horrific Hamas attacks of October 7 and the intolerable levels of death and destruction in Gaza.

    And I am gravely concerned by the rising violence in the occupied West Bank by Israeli settlers and other violations, as well as calls for annexation. We are witnessing a precarious ceasefire. We must avoid at all costs a resumption of hostilities. The people in Gaza have already suffered too much.

    It’s time for a permanent ceasefire, the dignified release of all remaining hostages, irreversible progress towards a two-State solution, an end to the occupation, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with Gaza as an integral part.

    In Sudan, bloodshed, displacement and famine are engulfing the country.  

    The warring parties must take immediate action to protect civilians, uphold human rights, cease hostilities and forge peace.

    And domestic and international human rights monitoring and investigation mechanisms should be permitted to document what is happening on the ground.

    In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we see a deadly whirlwind of violence and horrifying human rights abuses, amplified by the recent M23 offensive, supported by the Rwandan Defense Forces.  
    As more cities fall, the risk of a regional war rises. 
     
    It’s time to silence the guns. 
     
    It’s time for diplomacy and dialogue. 
     
    The recent joint summit in Tanzania offered a way forward with a renewed call for an immediate ceasefire.

    The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC must be respected.

    The Congolese people deserve peace.

    In the Sahel, I call for a renewed regional dialogue to protect citizens from terrorism and systemic violations of human rights, and to create the conditions for sustainable development. 

    In Myanmar, the situation has grown far worse in the four years since the military seized power and arbitrarily detained members of the democratically elected government.

    We need greater cooperation to bring an end to the hostilities and forge a path towards an inclusive democratic transition and a return to civilian rule, allowing for the safe return of the Rohingya refugees.

    And in Haiti, we are seeing massive human rights violations — including more than a million people displaced, and children facing a horrific increase in sexual violence and recruitment into gangs.

    In the coming days, I will put forward proposals to the United Nations Security Council for greater stability and security for the people of Haiti — namely through an effective UN assistance mechanism to support the Multilateral Security Support mission, the national police and Haitian authorities.

    A durable solution requires a political process — led and owned by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

    The Pact for the Future calls for peace processes and approaches rooted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international law and the UN Charter.

    It proposes specific actions to prioritize conflict prevention, mediation, resolution and peacebuilding.

    And it includes a commitment to tackle the root causes of conflict, which are so often enmeshed in denials of basic human needs and rights.  

    Second — the Pact for the Future advances human rights through development.

    The Sustainable Development Goals and human rights are fundamentally intertwined.

    They represent real human needs — health, food, water, education, decent work and social protection.

    With less than one-fifth of the Goals on track, the Pact calls for a massive acceleration through an SDG Stimulus, reforming the global financial architecture, and taking meaningful action for countries drowning in debt.

    This must include focused action to conquer the most widespread human rights abuse in history — inequality for women and girls.

    The Pact calls for investing in battling all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls, and ensuring their meaningful participation and leadership across all walks of life.
    And along with the Declaration on Future Generations, the Pact calls for supporting the rights and futures of young people through decent work, removing barriers for youth participation, and enhancing training.

    And the Global Digital Compact calls on nations to champion young innovators, nurture entrepreneurial spirit, and equip the next generation with digital literacy and skills.
    Third — the Pact for the Future recognizes that the rule of law and human rights go hand-in-hand.

    The rule of law, when founded on human rights, is an essential pillar of protection.

    It shields the most vulnerable.

    It’s the first line of defense against crime and corruption.

    It supports fair, just and inclusive economies and societies.

    It holds perpetrators of human rights atrocities to account.

    It enables civic space for people to make their voices heard — and for journalists to carry out their essential work, free from interference or threats.

    And it reaffirms the world’s commitment to equal access to justice, good governance, and transparent and accountable institutions.

    Fourth — human rights through climate action.   

    Last year was the hottest on record — capping the hottest decade on record.

    Rising heat, melting glaciers and hotter oceans are a recipe for disaster.  

    Floods, droughts, deadly storms, hunger, mass displacement — our war on nature is also a war on human rights.

    We must choose a different path.

    I salute the many Member States who legally recognize the right to a healthy environment — and I call on all countries to do the same.

    Governments must keep their promise to produce new, economy-wide national climate action plans this year, well ahead of COP30 in Brazil.

    Those plans must limit the rise in global temperature to 1.5 degrees — including by accelerating the global energy transition.   

    We also need a surge in finance for climate action in developing countries, to adapt to global heating, slash emissions and accelerate the renewables revolution, which represents a massive economic opportunity.  

    We must stand up to the misleading campaign of many in the fossil fuel industry and its enablers who are aiding and abetting this madness, while also protecting and defending those on the front lines of climate justice.

    And fifth — human rights through stronger, better governance of technology.

    As fast-moving technologies expand into every aspect of our lives, I am deeply concerned about human rights being undermined.

    At its best, social media is a meeting ground for people to exchange ideas and spark respectful debate.

    But it can also be an arena of fiery combat and blatant ignorance.

    A place where the poisons of misinformation, disinformation, racism, misogyny and hate speech are not only tolerated — but often encouraged.

    Verbal violence online can easily spill into physical violence in real life. 

    Recent rollbacks on social media fact-checking and content moderation are re-opening the floodgates to more hate, more threats, and more violence.

    Make no mistake.

    These rollbacks will lead to less free speech, not more, as people become increasingly fearful to engage on these platforms.

    Meanwhile, the great promise of Artificial Intelligence is matched by limitless peril to undermine human autonomy, human identity, human control — and yes, human rights.

    In the face of these threats, the Global Digital Compact brings the world together to ensure that human rights are not sacrificed on the altar of technology.

    This includes working with digital companies and policymakers to extend human rights to every corner of cyberspace — including a new focus on information integrity across digital platforms.

    The Global Principles for Information Integrity I launched last year will support and inform this work as we push for a more humane information ecosystem.

    The Global Digital Compact also includes the first universal agreement on the governance of AI that brings every country to the table and commitments on capacity-building, so all countries and people benefit from AI’s potential.

    By investing in affordable internet, digital literacy, and infrastructure.

    By helping developing countries use AI to grow small businesses, improve public services, and connect communities to new markets.

    And by placing human rights at the centre of AI-driven systems.

    The Pact’s decisions to create an Independent International Scientific Panel on AI and an ongoing Global Dialogue that ensure all countries have a voice in shaping its future are important steps forward. We must implement them.

    Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

    We can help end the suffocation of human rights by breathing life into the Pact for the Future and the work of this Council. 

    Let’s do that together. We don’t have a moment to lose.

    And I thank you.

    [all-French translation]

    L’ouverture de la présente session coïncide avec un sinistre jalon : le troisième anniversaire de l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie, en violation de la Charte des Nations Unies.

    Plus de 12 600 civils ont été tués et bien plus encore ont été blessés.

    Des communautés entières ont été anéanties.

    Des hôpitaux et des écoles ne sont plus que décombres.

    Nous ne devons ménager aucun effort pour mettre un terme à ce conflit et parvenir à une paix juste et durable, conformément à la Charte des Nations Unies, au droit international et aux résolutions de l’Assemblée générale.

    Les conflits comme la guerre en Ukraine prélèvent un lourd tribut.

    Ils déciment les populations.

    Ils érodent les principes fondamentaux que sont l’intégrité territoriale, la souveraineté et l’état de droit.

    Ils sapent les activités vitales de ce Conseil.

    Sans le respect des droits humains – qu’ils soient civils, culturels, économiques, politiques ou sociaux – la paix durable n’est qu’une chimère.

    Et comme ce Conseil, les droits humains sont une source de lumière dans l’obscurité la plus profonde.

    Grâce à vos travaux et à ceux que le Haut-Commissariat mène dans le monde entier, vous soutenez les défenseurs et défenseuses des droits humains qui, avec courage, risquent la persécution, la détention et même la mort.

    Vous travaillez avec les gouvernements, la société civile et d’autres acteurs pour renforcer l’action en faveur des droits humains.

    Et vous apportez votre soutien aux mécanismes d’enquête et d’établissement des responsabilités.

    Il y a cinq ans, nous avons lancé notre appel à l’action en faveur des droits humains, l’objectif étant d’intégrer les droits humains dans toutes les activités des Nations Unies menées à travers le monde, en étroite collaboration avec nos partenaires.

    Je continuerai d’apporter mon appui à ces travaux importants, ainsi qu’au Haut-Commissariat, dans notre lutte pour les droits humains partout dans le monde.

    Excellences,

    Nous avons du pain sur la planche.

    Les droits humains sont l’oxygène de l’humanité.

    Mais ils sont asphyxiés, les uns après les autres.

    Par les autocrates, qui écrasent l’opposition parce qu’ils craignent ce dont serait capable un peuple ayant pleinement les moyens d’agir.

    Par le patriarcat, qui empêche les filles d’aller à l’école et les femmes de jouir de leurs droits fondamentaux.

    Par les guerres et la violence, qui privent les populations de leur droit à l’alimentation, à l’eau, et à l’éducation.

    Par les bellicistes, qui se rient du droit international, du droit international humanitaire et de la Charte des Nations Unies.

    Les droits humains sont asphyxiés par la crise climatique.

    Par un système financier mondial en faillite morale, qui fait trop souvent obstacle à une plus grande égalité et au développement durable.

    Par des technologies incontrôlables comme l’intelligence artificielle, qui suscitent de grands espoirs mais recèlent aussi la capacité de violer les droits humains en un seul clic.

    Par une intolérance croissante à l’égard de groupes entiers, qu’il s’agisse des peuples autochtones, des migrants et réfugiés, de la communauté LGBTQI+, ou encore des personnes handicapées.

    Et par les discours de ceux qui, prêchant la division et la colère, considèrent les droits humains non pas comme un bienfait pour l’humanité, mais comme un obstacle au pouvoir, au profit et au contrôle qu’ils convoitent.

    En bref, les droits humains, sous le coup d’attaques vicieuses, sont dans leurs derniers retranchements.

    Cette situation représente une menace directe pour tous les mécanismes et systèmes établis de haute lutte au cours des 80 dernières années pour protéger et faire progresser les droits humains.

    Or, comme le rappelle le Pacte pour l’avenir adopté récemment, les droits humains sont, en fait, une source de solutions.

    Le Pacte définit les mesures que nous pouvons prendre pour gagner le combat pour les droits humains sur plusieurs fronts.

    Premièrement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à la paix et instaurer la paix grâce aux droits humains.

    Les conflits infligent des violations massives des droits humains.

    Dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, les violations des droits humains ont connu une hausse vertigineuse depuis les horribles attaques perpétrées par le Hamas le 7 octobre, et les niveaux intolérables de mort et de destruction à Gaza.

    Je suis gravement préoccupé par la montée des violences et des autres violations commises en Cisjordanie occupée par les colons israéliens, ainsi que par les appels à l’annexion. Nous assistons à un cessez-le-feu précaire. Nous devons éviter à tout prix une reprise des hostilités. La population de Gaza a déjà trop souffert.

    Il est temps d’instaurer un cessez-le-feu permanent, de libérer tous les otages restants, de réaliser des progrès irréversibles vers la solution des deux États, la fin l’occupation, et la création d’un État palestinien indépendant, dont Gaza ferait partie intégrante.

    Au Soudan, les bains de sang, les déplacements de population et la famine ravagent le pays.

    Les parties en conflit doivent prendre immédiatement des mesures pour protéger les civils, défendre les droits humains, cesser les hostilités et instaurer la paix.

    Les mécanismes nationaux et internationaux de surveillance et d’enquête en matière de droits humains devraient être autorisés à documenter ce qui se déroule sur le terrain.

    En République démocratique du Congo, nous sommes témoins d’un tourbillon mortel de violences et d’atroces violations des droits humains, amplifié par la récente offensive du M23, soutenue par les forces de défense rwandaises.

    Plus les villes tombent, plus le risque d’une guerre régionale augmente. 

    Il est temps de faire taire les armes.

    L’heure est à la diplomatie et au dialogue.

    Le récent sommet conjoint qui s’est tenu en Tanzanie a ouvert la voie en renouvelant l’appel à un cessez-le-feu immédiat.

    La souveraineté et l’intégrité territoriale de la RDC doivent être respectées.

    Le peuple congolais mérite la paix.

    Au Sahel, j’appelle à la reprise du dialogue régional afin de protéger les citoyens du terrorisme et des violations systémiques des droits humains et de créer les conditions du développement durable.

    Au Myanmar, la situation s’est considérablement aggravée au cours des quatre années qui se sont écoulées depuis que les militaires ont pris le pouvoir et détenu arbitrairement des membres du gouvernement démocratiquement élu.

    Il nous faut resserrer la coopération pour mettre fin aux hostilités et ouvrir la voie à une transition démocratique inclusive et au retour à un régime civil, permettant le retour en toute sécurité des réfugiés rohingyas.

    En Haïti, nous constatons des violations massives des droits humains : plus d’un million de personnes ont été déplacées et les enfants sont en proie à une augmentation effroyable des violences sexuelles et de l’enrôlement dans les gangs.

    Dans les jours à venir, je présenterai au Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies des propositions pour renforcer la stabilité et la sécurité du peuple haïtien, notamment par le biais d’un mécanisme d’assistance efficace des Nations unies destiné à soutenir la Mission multilatérale de soutien à la sécurité, à la police nationale et aux autorités haïtiennes.

    Une solution durable nécessite un processus politique – mené et pris en charge par le peuple haïtien – qui rétablisse les institutions démocratiques à travers des élections.

    Le Pacte pour l’avenir demande la mise en place de processus et de démarches pour la paix ancrés dans la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’Homme, le droit international et la Charte des Nations Unies.

    Le Pacte pour l’avenir appelle à des processus et des approches de paix fondés sur la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme, le droit international et la Charte des Nations unies.

    Il propose des mesures précises visant à privilégier la prévention des conflits, la médiation, le règlement des conflits et la consolidation de la paix.

    Il énonce également l’engagement pris de s’attaquer aux causes profondes des conflits, qui sont bien souvent liées au déni des besoins et des droits humains fondamentaux.

    Deuxièmement, le Pacte pour l’avenir fait progresser les droits humains grâce au développement.

    Les objectifs de développement durable et les droits humains sont intrinsèquement liés.

    Ils représentent des besoins humains réels : la santé, l’alimentation, l’eau, l’éducation, le travail décent et la protection sociale.

    Alors que moins d’un cinquième des objectifs sont en passe d’être réalisés, le Pacte appelle à une accélération massive des progrès grâce au plan de relance des objectifs de développement durable, à la réforme de
    l’architecture financière mondiale et à la prise de mesures réfléchies pour les pays qui croulent sous la dette.

    Il s’agit donc, notamment, de mener une action ciblée pour vaincre la violation des droits humains la plus répandue dans l’histoire : l’inégalité pour les femmes et les filles.

    Le Pacte appelle à investir pour lutter contre toutes les formes de discrimination et de violence à l’égard des femmes et des filles et pour permettre à celles-ci de participer véritablement à tous les domaines de la vie et d’y jouer un rôle moteur.

    Avec la Déclaration sur les générations futures, le Pacte appelle à défendre les droits et l’avenir des jeunes en promouvant le travail décent, en éliminant les obstacles à la participation des jeunes et en améliorant la formation.

    Le Pacte numérique mondial appelle tous les pays à soutenir les jeunes innovateurs, à cultiver l’esprit entrepreneurial et à doter la prochaine génération des connaissances et compétences numériques nécessaires.

    Troisièmement, le Pacte pour l’avenir établit que l’état de droit et les droits humains vont de pair.

    L’état de droit, lorsqu’il est fondé sur les droits humains, est un pilier essentiel de la protection.

    Il protège les plus vulnérables.

    C’est la première ligne de défense contre la criminalité et la corruption.

    Il favorise des économies et des sociétés équitables, justes et inclusives.

    Il oblige les auteurs d’atrocités commises en violation des droits humains à rendre compte de leurs actes.

    Il offre aux individus un espace civique où faire entendre leur voix et permet aux journalistes d’accomplir leur travail essentiel, à l’abri des ingérences et des menaces.

    Et il réaffirme l’engagement du monde en faveur de l’égalité d’accès à la justice, de la bonne gouvernance et d’institutions transparentes et responsables.

    Quatrièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à l’action climatique.

    L’année dernière a été la plus chaude jamais enregistrée, et vient couronner la décennie la plus chaude jamais enregistrée.

    La hausse des températures, la fonte des glaciers et le réchauffement des océans ne peuvent mener qu’au désastre.

    Inondations, sécheresses, tempêtes meurtrières, famine, déplacements massifs : notre guerre contre la nature est aussi une guerre contre les droits humains.

    Nous devons prendre un autre chemin.

    Je salue les nombreux États Membres qui reconnaissent légalement le droit à un environnement sain, et j’appelle tous les pays à faire de même.

    Les gouvernements doivent tenir leur promesse d’élaborer cette année de nouveaux plans d’action nationaux pour le climat couvrant l’ensemble de l’économie, et ce bien avant la COP 30 qui se tiendra au Brésil.

    Ces plans doivent limiter la hausse de la température mondiale à 1,5 degré, notamment en accélérant la transition énergétique mondiale.

    Nous avons également besoin d’une augmentation massive des financements pour l’action climatique dans les pays en développement, afin de s’adapter au réchauffement de la planète, de réduire les émissions et d’accélérer la révolution des énergies renouvelables, qui offre d’énormes possibilités économiques.

    Nous devons nous opposer aux campagnes mensongères menées par de nombreux acteurs de l’industrie des combustibles fossiles et à ceux qui la font vivre et s’en rendent complices…

    Tout comme nous devons protéger et défendre les personnes qui sont en première ligne de la lutte pour une justice climatique.

    Et cinquièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à une gouvernance renforcée et améliorée des technologies.

    À l’heure où des technologies en rapide mutation s’immiscent dans tous les aspects de notre vie, je m’inquiète des risques qu’elles représentent pour les droits humains.

    Dans le meilleur des cas, les médias sociaux sont un lieu de rencontre où l’on peut échanger des idées et débattre avec respect.

    Mais ils peuvent aussi devenir un théâtre de confrontations enflammées et d’une ignorance flagrante.

    Un lieu où les poisons que sont la mésinformation, la désinformation, le racisme, la misogynie et les discours de haine sont non seulement tolérés, mais, bien souvent, encouragés.

    La violence verbale en ligne peut facilement se transformer en violence physique dans le monde réel.

    Les reculs récents en matière de vérification des faits et de modération de contenu sur les réseaux sociaux rouvrent grand la porte à plus de haine, plus de menaces et plus de violence.

    Que l’on ne s’y trompe pas.

    Ces reculs entraîneront une diminution de la liberté d’expression, et non une amplification – car les gens craignent de plus en plus de s’exprimer sur ces plateformes.

    Dans le même temps, la grande promesse de l’intelligence artificielle s’accompagne d’un risque insondable qui met en péril l’autonomie, l’identité et le contrôle humains – jusqu’aux droits humains.

    Face à ces menaces, le Pacte numérique mondial rassemble le monde entier pour veiller à ce que les droits humains ne soient pas sacrifiés sur l’autel de la technologie.

    Il s’agit notamment de collaborer avec les entreprises numériques et les décideurs politiques pour étendre le respect des droits humains à tous les recoins du cyberespace, en mettant notamment l’accent sur l’intégrité de l’information sur toutes les plateformes numériques.

    Les Principes mondiaux pour l’intégrité de l’information que j’ai lancés l’année dernière viendront étayer et orienter les efforts que nous déploierons en vue de créer un écosystème de l’information plus humain.

    Le Pacte numérique mondial comprend également le premier accord universel sur la gouvernance de l’intelligence artificielle qui donne voix au chapitre à tous les pays, ainsi que des engagements en matière de renforcement des capacités, visant à ce que tous les pays et toutes les personnes bénéficient du potentiel de l’intelligence artificielle.

    Pour cela, il faut investir dans l’accès à Internet à un prix abordable, dans les formations au numérique et dans les infrastructures ;

    Aider les pays en développement à utiliser l’intelligence artificielle pour développer les petites entreprises, améliorer les services publics et connecter les communautés à de nouveaux marchés.

    Et mettre les droits humains au centre des systèmes fondés sur l’intelligence artificielle.

    Les décisions du Pacte – d’établir un Groupe scientifique international indépendant et un Dialogue mondial régulier garantissant la participation de tous les pays dans l’élaboration de l’avenir de l’intelligence artificielle – constituent des avancées importantes. Il faut les concrétiser.

    Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs,

    Nous pouvons mettre fin à l’asphyxie des droits humains en donnant vie au Pacte pour l’avenir et aux travaux de ce Conseil.

    Attelons-nous à cette tâche – ensemble. Nous n’avons pas un instant à perdre.

    Et je vous remercie.

    MIL OSI United Nations News –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: South Africa’s ‘working for water’ programme is meant to lead to skills and jobs: why it’s failing

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Sinazo Ntsonge, PhD Graduate, Department of Economics and Economic History, Rhodes University, Rhodes University

    South Africa’s Expanded Public Works Programme is part of its social safety net. It complements the country’s social grants system, which has over 28 million recipients.

    The public works programme helps fill a gap for people who fall outside the grant system, especially those who need work experience and skills training if they’re to get a job. These include unemployed young people, women and people with disabilities.

    One of the programmes under its umbrella is the Working for Water programme, which was launched in 1995. It was intended to control invasive alien plants so as to conserve water resources, and provide short-term employment and training for people not covered by the grants safety net.

    Since its inception, the programme, alongside other interventions targeted at the environment, has created over 200,000 person years of employment – the total number of days people were afforded work. More than half of these employment opportunities have been held by women, and more than 60% by young people under the age of 35 years.

    In my PhD research, I examined one of its flagship projects to assess its impact on the long-term livelihoods of beneficiaries. My aim was to determine whether the programme was achieving its intended role as a social protection mechanism.

    I found that the way the project was designed limited its potential to foster long-term livelihoods for participants. Long-term livelihoods are defined as the ability to achieve lasting economic stability and growth beyond the scope of the project itself.

    One key issue was the inconsistency in the number of workdays participants were assigned, as well as the quality and availability of the skills training they received. Specifically, the training lacked regularity and did not always align with market demands. It left participants without the practical, job-ready skills needed for sustained employment.

    This problem was compounded by budget cuts.

    Based on my findings, I propose key changes to improve the programme’s effectiveness: the provision of consistent funding and training that’s aligned to labour market needs.

    The project

    The project I looked at tackles the clearing of invasive Prosopis mesquite trees in the Northern Cape. This has involved clearing nearly 314,580 hectares of invaded land in that province.

    Spanning from 2004 to 2018, the project supported over 9,000 beneficiaries across three phases. In phase I (2004–2008), 2,411 people participated; in phase II (2009–2013), 2,861; and in phase III (2014–2018), 3,756.

    The project targeted youth, women and people with disabilities. Beneficiaries were spread across various age groups: 36–64 years in phase I, 22–35 and 36–64 years in phase II, and 18–35 years in phase III.

    Participants were paid monthly stipends which ranged from R2,900 to R5,000, which is equivalent to approximately US$157 to US$271 – higher than most South African social grants. For comparison, the disability social grant is R2,180 (US$118), the older person’s grant is R2,200 (US$119), the foster child grant is R1,180 (US$64), and the child support grant is R530 (US$28).

    I developed an evaluation framework to assess the programme’s impact on the long-term livelihoods of beneficiaries.

    The study was carried out over 14 days in 2020, coinciding with the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. With health restrictions in place, the research had to pivot from planned in-person interviews and focus groups to virtual interviews with key stakeholders and an online survey of beneficiaries. The survey gathered data from 33 beneficiaries, while interviews provided valuable insights from project managers overseeing the clearing initiative.

    The gaps

    I found that the project faced a number of challenges.

    Firstly, there was inconsistency in the number of workdays participants were assigned. Given that public works projects aim to alleviate poverty – primarily through stipends – budget cuts forced managers to focus on retaining beneficiaries to ensure they could at least feed themselves. This often meant reducing the number of workdays (from the required 230 days to just 100 days) and scaling back skills training.

    Secondly, there were shortcomings in the quality and availability of the skills training they received. Many of the courses offered were short-term or specific to invasive plant clearing, including herbicide application, brush cutter operation and firefighting. This meant it wasn’t relevant to the labour market.

    In the Northern Cape, the economy hinges on industries like mining, agriculture, manufacturing and construction. In mining, for example, knowledge of machinery operation, safety protocols and mine supervision is vital. Agriculture needs workers skilled in sustainable farming, irrigation techniques and equipment operation. Manufacturing needs expertise in production line management, welding and machinery operation. Construction projects require workers proficient in project management, site safety and heavy machinery operation.

    Given the region’s tourism potential, customer service and tour guiding are valuable. Finally, fostering entrepreneurship through business management and financial literacy can empower individuals to create small businesses. In addition, soft skills such as communication, leadership and teamwork are essential across all sectors for long-term employability.

    Many beneficiaries reported cycling through the Prosopis mesquite clearing project repeatedly, without gaining the work experience or skills needed to move into more sustainable jobs in the wider labour market.

    Thirdly, budget cuts restricted the availability of resources for both training and work opportunities.

    As a result, the initiative fell short of providing participants with the tools necessary for long-term economic success. Their prospects were limited after the project’s conclusion.

    Given the findings of my research study, the programme requires a shift in focus and changes need to be made.

    What needs to be done

    Firstly, funding for projects needs to be consistent. Secondly, training needs to be aligned with labour market needs. And thirdly, there needs to be a structured system for tracking long-term outcomes on the beneficiaries’ livelihoods following their participation.

    Without a system to track outcomes, it’s difficult to assess whether the project is equipping participants with skills for employment in the sectors that are driving the local economy.

    With these changes the programme can transition from a short-term employment solution to a sustainable intervention that equips beneficiaries with useful, transferable skills that are applicable to a range of sectors. This would ultimately improve their prospects for stable employment and long-term economic security, provided those jobs are available.

    – South Africa’s ‘working for water’ programme is meant to lead to skills and jobs: why it’s failing
    – https://theconversation.com/south-africas-working-for-water-programme-is-meant-to-lead-to-skills-and-jobs-why-its-failing-248694

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Interview – ABC Afternoon Briefing with Tom Lowrey

    Source: Australian Ministers for Education

    TOM LOWREY, HOST: Now, while the government wants to run on its support for Medicare, some in the Opposition have criticised the way the government is selling its pledge as a rerun of Medi-scare. To discuss this and more, let’s bring in the Youth Minister, Anne Aly. Minister, thanks for joining Afternoon Briefing and thanks for bearing through some technical difficulties too.

    MINISTER ANNE ALY: That’s ok. It’s just another day.

    LOWREY: And we’re already hearing GPs saying this is welcome, this Medicare pledge, but it doesn’t mean they’re about to start bulk billing. Their costs are simply too high. What would you say to them?

    ALY: Look, I think that the overwhelming evidence that we’ve seen, and I know that the Health Minister, Mark Butler, has done extensive consultations on this, is that this is good policy, it’s welcome policy, and first and foremost it’s about ensuring that all Australians have access to the healthcare they need and they don’t put off seeing a doctor because of the cost of seeing a doctor. And secondly, it’s about getting Medicare back on track to what its original purpose is, is that you should have access to the services you need, the health services you need, not based on your credit card. So, all the information that we’ve got is that this is good policy and that we’re confident that it will be taken up by the majority of bulk billing clinics or of practitioners, sorry, practitioner clinics by 2030.

    LOWREY: Yeah, we’ve been told to expect 90 per cent bulk billing by 2030. Is that figure a commitment from Labor or is it a hope?

    ALY: I think it’s based on projections of and – projections of what the uptake would be. These are really good incentives for practitioners and practices to bulk bill beyond what they already bulk bill, which is people on a concession card, for children and for pensioners and low-income families. This is to ensure that every Australian, regardless of what their bank balance is, has access to the medical services that they need. So, those projections are based on a level of confidence that this is the kind of incentive that will make a difference to practitioners and practices.

    LOWREY: Anne Aly, your home state of WA is in the midst of a state election campaign. We saw both campaigns launch their campaigns over the weekend. Are you worried that voters in WA might be happy to back Roger Cook, who seems like a reasonably popular Premier, but willing to back Peter Dutton when the federal election rolls around?

    ALY: Well, there’s always this kind of talk, and there’s two schools of thought. One is that the state election impacts on the federal election, and the other one is that, you know, Australians are discerning enough voters to make a difference between the two. And, you know, both are true to some extent and in their own ways. Look, I think that West Australians know that Labor, both federally and state, is good for them. We’ve got a strong economy here in WA, we’ve got low unemployment, we’ve got a state government that has really managed the budget well. We’ve got really strong infrastructure. And you know, we’ve got a Federal Government in Labor that has worked closely with the WA Government in the interests of Western Australia and a Prime Minister in Anthony Albanese who has made WA a focus. He’s been to Australia more times than I can, to Western Australia more times than I can count. I think it’s about 30 times or getting up to 30 times now, and has demonstrated to West Australians that he’s not just eastern states focused.

    LOWREY: Labor in WA at a state level. Is it something of a high watermark? Of course, the Former Premier Mark McGowan knocked the Liberals down. So, I think, is it six lower house seats in that state? Are you concerned the Liberals might take some momentum federally, even out of a close defeat in WA? They don’t necessarily need to win this election; they just need to come somewhat close.

    ALY: Well, the Liberals have a long way to go to, to take, take government here in Western Australia. I think they have to win something like 20 seats. So, it’s impossible to see them doing that, to be quite frank. You know, I think the extent to which they will claw back some of the seats that they lost at the last election will be seen over as the WA election continues. But I think also the West Australian Liberals have shown that they’re just really not ready to govern to be honest. They’ve had a whole lot of different scandals with one of the, with some of the, the people that they’ve pre-selected. They’ve had a challenge from Basil Zempilas against Libby Mettam, and I don’t think they’ve demonstrated to the West Australian people that they are in a position to govern and that they’re ready to govern.

    LOWREY: I just want to touch on your portfolio area of child care quickly and early childhood education. Is there more to come from Labor on child care ahead of the election or the Activity Test changes we saw past Parliament in the past few weeks it for Labor ahead of that poll?

    ALY: Well, I’ll just say it wasn’t just the Activity Test. The Activity Test, yes, did pass Parliament and for your viewers, the Activity Test was introduced by the Liberal Government in 2018. And the purpose of it, the stated purpose of it, was to incentivise women, in particular, to return to work. We know that that didn’t happen, and rather, what the Activity Test did was lock out children, and particularly children who would benefit the most from early childhood education and care, lock them out of the system. The Liberal and Coalition voted against our changes to the Activity Test, which demonstrates where they sit in terms of those transformational benefits of early childhood education and care, but also in terms of cost-of-living relief, because removing the Activity Test would benefit around 70,000 families with real cost-of-living relief. But that’s not the only thing that we’re doing. We’ve also got a building education fund, Building Early Education Fund. That’s a billion dollars that we’re putting towards building the services that families and children need, particularly in areas where there are no services. So, outer suburban, rural and regional and in vulnerable communities. This is all part of the big package, of course, starting with bringing down the cost of early childhood education, raising the wages of early childhood educators and getting more early childhood educators in to ensure kind of a stable workforce as a foundation and all working towards our vision of an early childhood education and care sector that is universal, and that recognises that this is an essential service that families and parents rely on.

    LOWREY: And before I let you go, I just want to touch on some of what we’ve seen in the Middle East over the past few days. Israel has been heavily critical of a ceremony Hamas put on as it returned the bodies of four Israeli hostages late last week. What did you make of those images, and how concerned are you about the ceasefire holding?

    ALY: I’m really concerned. I think what this demonstrates, what we know, is that it is particularly fragile. The ceasefire is particularly fragile. Peace is over there is particularly fragile. What we want to see is this first phase of the ceasefire to run smoothly and continue and then transition into the second phase of the ceasefire with a goal towards everlasting peace through a two-state solution. That’s Australia’s position. We’ve always supported a ceasefire, so of course, we are keen to see that the conditions of the ceasefire continue to be met and that that ceasefire can transition to the second phase. So, it is concerning. It is concerning that there are, I guess, challenges to the ceasefire continuing, but again, underscoring the fragility of it.

    LOWREY: Anne Aly, thanks so much for joining the Afternoon Briefing.

    ALY: Thank you.
     

    MIL OSI News –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Who is Friedrich Merz, the man now most likely to lead Germany? Eight things to know

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ed Turner, Reader in Politics, Co-Director, Aston Centre for Europe, Aston University

    With the social democrat Olaf Scholz conceding defeat to the centre right in Germany’s election, the man most likely to be named the next chancellor will be Christian Democratic Union (CDU) leader Friedrich Merz.

    The CDU has emerged as the largest party with the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) second – its best-ever result in a federal election.

    Merz will have to assemble a coalition government, which will involve some tough negotiations, but Europe’s leaders can be expected to treat him as a “chancellor in waiting”. Here are eight things to know about the man about to take one of the most important political positions in Europe.

    1. He’s taking his party further to the right

    The first thing you need to know about Merz is that he and former chancellor Angela Merkel were longstanding rivals and sparring partners. Back in the early 2000s, after Merkel became leader of the CDU, she ousted Merz from his role as the party’s parliamentary leader, taking on the role herself.

    Merkel never made Merz a minister, and indeed he decided not to run for parliament again in 2009, having already begun to focus on his various private sector interests (as a lawyer but also a company board member). Merz was critical of Merkel’s decision to shift the CDU to the centre ground and was concerned it would open up space for the AfD to move into.



    Read more:
    What is the AfD? Germany’s far-right party, explained

    When Merz did become party leader in 2022, he began rewriting of the party’s programme in a much more conservative direction.

    2. He’s an economic liberal

    Merz takes a very different economic view to Merkel, at least in the latter years of her chancellorship. In 2003, he argued for a radical simplification of Germany’s tax rules such that a tax return could be calculated on the back of a beer mat.

    His party’s 2025 manifesto argued for deregulation and tax cuts to boost Germany’s sluggish growth. Part of this, Merz argued, should be funded by more conditionality being applied to welfare recipients, with a complete stop on benefits for recipients who refused to take any form of work on. In 2024, he also said he’d do “everything” to stop the EU taking on common debt.

    3. He’s a social conservative

    In his younger years, Merz was in the Catholic youth movement. He has a record of voting against abortion and has made a few awkward comments about homosexuality (saying of Klaus Wowereit, a gay mayor of Berlin, “I don’t mind as long as he doesn’t come near me”). In a strange comment, he once referred to his wife and daughters as evidence he didn’t have a problem with women. In a TV debate with Scholz, Merz was asked about Donald Trump’s recognition of only two genders, and reacted: “You can understand his position.”

    In 2000, Merz spoke of a German Leitkultur (loosely, “leading culture”, as contrasted with “multiculturalism”) – a term now in common parlance in Merz’s CDU.

    4. He’s a transatlantacist

    From 2009 to 2019, Merz chaired the Atlantic Bridge, a prominent German organisation devoted to strengthening relations between Germany and the US. He is a transatlanticist by instinct and recently sent a hand-written note to Donald Trump congratulating him on his election, noting his “strong mandate for leadership”. However, in a statement on election night, Merz pledged to “achieve independence” from the US and recognised that Trump is “largely indifferent” to Europe’s fate.

    5. He’s pro-European

    With some caveats (for instance around common debt and cooperation over refugees) Merz is a pro-European. He was a member of the European parliament between 1989 and 1994, and has been clear that closer European cooperation is an essential part of Europe’s answer to Trump.

    He has also patched up relations with European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen (with whom, as a Merkel ally and CDU liberal he had little instinctive attraction), and sees potential in cooperation with her and with Manfred Weber, a CSU politician and leader of the European parliament’s centre-right MEPs.

    Merz has also pledged to visit Warsaw and Paris to rebuild relations after a difficult period under Scholz.

    6. His dealings with the far right have been controversial

    Merz has been consistently inconsistent when it comes to relations with the AfD. He mused in 2023 about the possibility of cooperation at a local level, noting that “we are obliged to recognise democratic elections”, before rowing back.

    In November 2024, Merz said he and his party would not attempt to pass legislation in the national parliament if it meant relying on AfD votes to do it. But he shocked the nation in January 2025 when he did precisely that – pushing forward a hardline immigration plan with the AfD’s support.



    Read more:
    What happened in the German parliament and why is the far right hailing it as a ‘historic’ moment?

    The volte face earned him criticism from his nemesis, Merkel – although that’s not something likely to have concerned him unduly.

    7. He’ll be hemmed in by coalition politics

    Merz will need to strike a deal with multiple other parties in order to govern. That will make his flagship programme of tax cuts hard to achieve, since cuts to welfare or climate spending would be anathema to all potential coalition partners.

    Germany’s other parties instead want Merz to reconsider Germany’s “debt brake” – the constitutional rules that restrict government borrowing. He’ll be under even more pressure to do so given a broad consensus over the need to raise defence spending.

    Perhaps it will take a conservative fiscal hawk to assemble the necessary two-thirds majorities in both chambers of parliament for change.

    8. He’d like to visit… Tibet?

    Finally, among rather thin pickings in popular reporting on Merz’s hobbies, a softball interview last summer told us he likes modern classical music and Beethoven, and one day hopes to visit Tibet.

    But holidays will be some way from his priorities at the moment. There is a strong desire in Europe for Germany to play a more active leadership role once again. At a time when Trump is noisily backing away from underscoring European security and supporting Ukraine, Merz is keenly aware of the void being opened up, and is determined that Germany, with its European allies (including even the UK) will step up.

    Ed Turner does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Who is Friedrich Merz, the man now most likely to lead Germany? Eight things to know – https://theconversation.com/who-is-friedrich-merz-the-man-now-most-likely-to-lead-germany-eight-things-to-know-247643

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Guns and cash stolen in Yorketown break-in

    Source: South Australia Police

    Police are investigating after firearms and cash was stolen from a home at Yorketown overnight.

    About 1am on Monday 24 February, police were called to a home on St Vincent Highway after three men broke into the property and assaulted the occupant. The men stole a large amount of cash along with a number of firearms.

    The suspects also stole the victim’s Toyota sedan which has since been located at Minlaton.

    The victim, a 74-year-old man, sustained injuries to his head and was treated at the local hospital.

    Yorke Mid North police are investigating the incident and are seeking anyone with information to call Crime Stoppers at www.crimestopperssa.com.au or on 1800 333 000.

    MIL OSI News –

  • MIL-Evening Report: There’s an outbreak of melioidosis in north Queensland. Here’s what to know about this deadly ‘mud bug’

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Thomas Jeffries, Senior Lecturer in Microbiology, Western Sydney University

    moomin201/Shutterstock

    Seven people have now died from melioidosis in flood-ravaged north Queensland this year.

    Dozens of cases have been reported in the state in recent weeks, which experts have described as unprecedented.

    So what is melioidosis, and why are we seeing a spike in cases now?

    How do people get infected?

    Melioidosis is caused by the bacterium Burkholderia pseudomallei, a bug which normally lives harmlessly in soil and freshwater. But it can be dangerous when it infects humans or animals.

    B. pseudomallei – sometimes called the “mud bug” – enters the body through cuts or scratches. It can also be breathed in and enter the lungs via small airborne water droplets, or by drinking affected water.

    Symptoms usually develop within one to four weeks after a person has been infected. The disease can cause either local infections, such as chronic skin ulcers, or, more commonly, a lung infection which can lead to pneumonia.

    Melioidosis is caused by the bacteria B. pseudomallei.
    Reddress/Shutterstock

    Symptoms of the infection include fever, headache, trouble breathing, chest and muscle pain, confusion and seizures. In rare cases the disease can enter the bloodstream and cause septicaemia.

    Treatment involves receiving intravenous antibiotics in hospital for several weeks followed by up to six months of oral antibiotics.

    How common is it?

    Diagnosis is usually conducted using a specialist bacterial culture. This is where a sample isolated from the patient is grown in a petri dish to identify the bacteria, which can take several days.

    Globally, around 165,000 cases of melioidosis are reported annually, and 89,000 deaths. The majority of cases occur in southeast Asia, particularly Thailand.

    Because similar symptoms can be caused by so many other diseases, melioidosis is commonly misidentified, meaning reported case numbers are probably far lower than the actual number of infections.

    Also, cases often occur in remote communities and resource-poor settings, which can mean they’re less likely to be diagnosed.

    The disease is thought to be endemic to northern Australia. It usually infects about 0.6 per 100,000 people annually in Queensland, which would be equivalent to around 30 people.

    In the Northern Territory, around 17 people per 100,000 are infected annually, which would be equivalent to about 42 cases. However, this data is several years old.

    In Australia, melioidosis is often treated before fatalities occur. The mortality rate has been estimated at less than 10%.

    More people die from the disease in lower-resource countries with poorer diagnostic capabilities and hospital facilities. In Thailand the mortality rate is estimated to be around 40%.

    Who is at risk?

    Anyone can get melioidosis, but certain people are at higher risk. This includes people with diabetes, liver and kidney disease, cancer, or other conditions which might compromise the patient’s immune system.

    In Australia, the disease is also significantly more common in First Nations people than among non-Indigenous Australians.

    Once infected, people who are Indigenous, older or have chronic health conditions are at higher risk of poorer outcomes.

    In the current outbreak in Queensland, at least three of the victims so far have been elderly.

    What’s causing the current outbreak?

    Recent cases in north Queensland have been identified mainly around Townsville and Cairns.

    Cairns and Hinterland Hospital and Health Service has recorded at least 41 cases since January 1, while more than 20 cases have been reported in Townsville in February.

    This is most likely related to increased rainfall and flooding in and around these areas.

    B. pseudomallei lives in soil and mud, and comes to the surface during periods of high rainfall. So recent heavy rain and flooding in north Queensland has likely increased the risk of melioidosis.

    In the Northern Territory, 28 cases have been reported since the start of the rainy season last October. However this is lower than recent seasons.

    How can you protect yourself?

    If you’re in an affected region, you can protect yourself by limiting exposure to mud and water, and using appropriate personal protective equipment such as gloves and boots if spending time in muddy areas. Cover any open wounds and wear a respirator if you’re working closely with water.

    Monitor for symptoms and see a doctor if you feel unwell.

    Several vaccines are in development for melioidosis, and experts have recently called for it to be recognised as a neglected tropical disease by the World Health Organization.

    Particularly seeing as increasing extreme weather events due to climate change may make melioidosis more common, hopefully we’ll see an increase in research into and awareness of this disease in the years ahead.

    Thomas Jeffries does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. There’s an outbreak of melioidosis in north Queensland. Here’s what to know about this deadly ‘mud bug’ – https://theconversation.com/theres-an-outbreak-of-melioidosis-in-north-queensland-heres-what-to-know-about-this-deadly-mud-bug-250392

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Charges – Drug and firearm offences – Berrimah

    Source: Northern Territory Police and Fire Services

    The Northern Territory Police Force has charged a 33-year-old male for drug and firearm offences in Darwin last Thursday.

    About 3:35pm, Gangs Task Force members executed a targeted traffic apprehension at a business on Stuart Highway in Berrimah after receiving intelligence of offending. The male is believed to be a prospect for the Mongols Outlaw Motor Cycle Gang located in Darwin.

    The man attempted to flee from police before colliding with a police vehicle and another vehicle belonging to a member of the public. He then continued to evade police apprehension resulting in a short pursuit in North Crest. The vehicle stopped due to damage and the man was arrested without further incident.

    Police conducted a lawful search of the vehicle and located 116 grams of methamphetamine, 1.5 grams of cocaine and 20 tablets of unauthorised prescription medication. Along with that, the man was in possession of a firearm, ammunition, cash and drug paraphernalia.

    He has since been charged with:

    • Supply schedule 1 dangerous drug – commercial quantity
    • Possess schedule 1 dangerous drug – commercial quantity
    • Possess schedule 1 dangerous drug – less than traffickable quantity
    • Possess schedule 8 substance
    • Possess tainted property
    • Possess firearm whilst unlicensed
    • Possess prohibited firearm
    • Unlawfully modify firearm
    • Possess ammunition without permit/license
    • Fail to obey direction of Police Officer
    • Not stop/assist after crash
    • Drive a motor vehicle while disqualified
    • Drive with prohibited drug in body
    • Dangerous driving during pursuit
    • Enter roundabout incorrect lane

    He was remanded to appear in Darwin Local Court today.

    MIL OSI News –

  • MIL-Evening Report: How Whyalla can be upgraded to green steel and why we need to keep steel production in Australia

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Rossetto, Adjunct, Institute for Sustainability, Energy and Resources, University of Adelaide

    Financial challenges at the Whyalla steelworks in South Australia have reignited debate about the nation’s steel industry and its future.

    Australians should have access to quality steel at competitive prices. The domestic steel production industry employs tens of thousands of people.

    The state and federal governments have stepped in, however, announcing a A$1.9 billion support package for Whyalla, together with a new $1 billion green iron investment fund. Half of the new fund will be allocated to Whyalla to support its transition to green steel production. That’s a large amount of money for a privately owned business.

    So, are the new packages going to be money well spent? To answer that question, let’s examine the priorities.

    A national priority

    Steel is an industry in which securing sovereign production capability is crucial. Sovereign capability means ensuring an industry can survive external shocks such as interruptions to shipping routes or disputes with other countries in the supply chain.

    Steel is a vital input for defence industries such as ship and submarine building. What could be said of a country’s autonomy – or its sovereign capability – if it relies on others for the steel needed for its defence?

    Whyalla is one of the two largest steelworks in Australia, the other being BlueScope’s Port Kembla plant. At least at first glance, the green iron investment fund seems to deal with the sovereign capability criterion well enough. Whyalla appears an ideal candidate.

    However, the public subsidy is large. The subsidised plant’s ability to operate in an economically competitive manner needs to be examined. Further, while the Whyalla plant began its life as a supplier to an adjacent shipbuilding operation, its share of the current domestic defence industry steel market is unclear.

    Environmentally friendly steel?

    Production of steel using iron ore and coking coal is a greenhouse gas emissions intensive process. It can result in as many as 2.5 tonnes of greenhouse gas per tonne of steel.

    The plan for Whyalla has long been to replace its coal-fired blast furnace with an electric arc furnace. This could, in turn, be supplied with low-emission sources of energy and consume scrap steel. While there is no globally agreed definition, this kind of approach would likely qualify as green steel.

    Sanjeev Gupta’s GFG, the owner of the plant, had originally wanted this furnace to be operating by 2025, potentially using solar among its energy supply. The plan would have cut its emissions dramatically. The timeline later slipped to 2027.

    The longer term plan for Whyalla appears based around production of green hydrogen to replace coking coal. As the world charges toward net zero emissions by 2050, the belief is that Australia can capture a good part of the green metals market.

    The challenge is that green hydrogen is expensive and not widely used around the world. It’s hard to find signs that the global steel market is willing to pay a premium in the absence of sectoral emissions pricing. The strategy could therefore be seen as a bet on the future. If the bet went wrong, who would absorb the losses? It would, most likely, be the taxpayer.

    The United States leads the way in low-emissions steel production. Firms there use electric arc furnaces to recycle scrap steel with energy from low-emission sources. This technology is proven and operates at industrial scale. It has a fraction of the emissions intensity but relies on the availability of scrap steel.

    Can we add value?

    Australia is a major world supplier of two key materials crucial for most steel making. These are iron ore and coking coal.

    The countries to which we sell those raw materials then do the processing and manufacture, capturing profit that is arguably lost to the Australian economy. Whyalla is already an example of domestic value-adding. It uses iron ore from mines in the adjacent area, and domestic coking coal.

    For Australia, however, this is going to be tricky. Australia is effectively signalling to its international customers that, one day, it hopes to compete with them in the global steel markets. In other words, this creates an incentive for the country’s customers to look for alternatives to buy iron ore.

    Whether Australia increases steel production ahead of its customers finding new sources of iron ore elsewhere in the world is a risky race with an uncertain result.

    Focus on government spending

    So, back to the question: is the new funding going to be money well spent? Perhaps the most solid justification among the priorities examined, is sovereign capability.

    The government probably needs to provide more information on how the new fund differs through from Future Made in Australia or the National Reconstruction Fund. Is this old funding with a new name? The nation is entering federal election season. Focus on government spending efficiency is likely to increase.

    Daniel Rossetto is the owner of Climate Mundial Limited, a private company that does consulting work but is currently inactive. He does ad hoc private consulting through various consulting platforms. He is also the owner and host of a new private and independent YouTube channel called Climate Mundial’s Energy and Climate Weekly. He is on the editorial board of the Discover Sustainability journal published by Springer Nature.

    – ref. How Whyalla can be upgraded to green steel and why we need to keep steel production in Australia – https://theconversation.com/how-whyalla-can-be-upgraded-to-green-steel-and-why-we-need-to-keep-steel-production-in-australia-250402

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-Evening Report: China didn’t violate any rules with its live-fire naval exercises. So, why are Australia and NZ so worried?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Donald Rothwell, Professor of International Law, Australian National University

    In recent days, the Chinese Navy conducted two live-fire military exercises in waters near Australia and New Zealand, sparking concern in both countries.

    The Albanese government lodged a diplomatic protest with Beijing. China responded by saying it was “deeply surprised and strongly dissatisfied” by Australia’s response.

    What exactly happened?

    The presence of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (or PLA Navy) ships was well known. Australia’s Department of Defence put out a media release on February 13 indicating it was “aware” of the three ships operating to the northeast of Australia.

    Over the next week, the ships gradually made their way along Australia’s east coast through its exclusive economic zone in the Tasman Sea, which extends 200 nautical miles (370km) from a country’s coastline.

    On February 21, the PLA Navy gave short notice of its intent to conduct a possible live-fire exercise in the high seas between Australia and New Zealand. The next day, the ships conducted a second live-fire exercise. A live fire exercise can take many forms, such as using live rounds against stationary sea targets or the testing of new weapons systems.“

    Once Australia and New Zealand received China’s notification of its exercises, a maritime and air exclusion zone was created in the vicinity of the Chinese ships, and trans-Tasman commercial flights were diverted.

    Both exercises took place in “international waters”, which means no country has sovereignty over them. Neither Canberra nor Wellington contested China’s right to conduct these exercises, as the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea places no constraints on high-seas military operations.

    The United States, for example, has conducted such high-seas weapons tests in the past, causing Qantas flights across the Pacific to be occasionally diverted.

    If they were legal, why were Australia and NZ upset?

    Australian Defence Minister Richard Marles was critical of the short notice China gave both countries of its intention to use live rounds of ammunition.

    Typically, Marles said, standard protocol is to provide between 12 to 24 hours notice of such exercises. This allows enough time to warn other ships in the area and for airlines to divert their flights.

    However, because the exercises took place in the high seas, the protocol is more ambiguous. This became the key point of differentiation with China. Beijing could argue its warships are under no legal obligation to tell anyone what they are doing on the high seas. As Defence Ministry spokesman Wu Qian said,

    China’s actions are in full compliance with international law and international practices, and will not affect aviation flight safety.

    This is also the first instance of China conducting Tasman Sea military exercises. As such, it poses a challenge for how Australia and New Zealand should respond to future Chinese conduct.

    The PLA Navy has been sailing more frequently around the Australian coast and has observed Australian military exercises conducted with defence partners, such as Exercise Talisman Sabre in 2023.

    Why did China conduct the exercises here?

    This is an important question since China could have just as easily conducted these exercises closer to its own shores.

    Part of the answer lies in China having the capacity and capability to project its military force far beyond its own shores.

    These types of activities are also important intelligence gathering exercises. Each Chinese Navy visit will give it more experience in waters where it does not frequently sail, while also gauging how Australia and New Zealand respond.

    Given the increasing cooperation between China and some Pacific Island nations, such as the Cook Islands and Solomon Islands, we should expect the Chinese Navy will become a more frequent visitor to the region.

    What can Australia and NZ do about it?

    As Australia and New Zealand are strong supporters of the rules-based international order on which the law of the sea is based, there is very little they can legally do to obstruct China. Nevertheless, three options are available.

    First, enhanced air and naval surveillance of China’s activities in these waters is legally permissible. Constantly shadowing the PLA Navy in the South Pacific, though, would be a drain on stretched defence resources.

    Both countries would also need to ensure their navies are not in the line of fire to avoid an accident that could spiral into a major conflict.

    Second, Australia and New Zealand could work though bodies such as the International Maritime Organization and International Civil Aviation Organization to settle on agreed practices on how much advance notification is required for high seas live-fire tests.

    Finally, both countries could push for negotiations on a regional “naval code of conduct”. Similar codes have been agreed upon by both China and the US in the past. Incidents like this could prove to be a catalyst for more.

    The South Pacific will increasingly be a strategically contested maritime space. Australia and New Zealand frequently deploy their navies for humanitarian operations in neighbouring Pacific states and engage in exercises with their military partners. The US Navy is also becoming more active in the Pacific Ocean and South China Sea to counter China, as are the navies of other nations, such as the United Kingdom, France and Japan.

    With the potential for these various navies to be operating at the same time in the region, negotiating some basic “rules of the sea” would be a prudent and a helpful confidence-building measure to avoid a potential conflagration.

    Donald Rothwell receives funding from Australian Research Council.

    – ref. China didn’t violate any rules with its live-fire naval exercises. So, why are Australia and NZ so worried? – https://theconversation.com/china-didnt-violate-any-rules-with-its-live-fire-naval-exercises-so-why-are-australia-and-nz-so-worried-250618

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Fire Safety – All of Wellington District to move to restricted fire season

    Source: Fire and Emergency New Zealand

    The remainder of the Wellington District will move into a restricted fire season at 8am on Tuesday, 25 February, until further notice.
    Porirua and the Kāpiti Coast entered a restricted season on 28 January. Now, Wellington’s city suburbs, Hutt Valley and all of the Wairarapa will join those areas in moving to a restricted season.
    A restricted fire season means anyone who wants to light an outdoor fire must go to www.checkitsalright.nz and apply for a fire permit authorised by Fire and Emergency.
    Wellington District Community Risk Manager Phil Soal says a lack of recent rainfall and windy conditions across the District has led to an increase in fire danger.
    “The vegetation has dried out and the fire danger is now high, meaning any escaping fires will be fast moving and difficult to control and extinguish,” he says.
    “People will need a permit to light a fire, and they will need to comply with any conditions set out.
    “This is a very risky time of year for wildfires, so we’re asking everyone to help us keep Wellington District’s people, property and environment safe from fires this summer.”

    MIL OSI New Zealand News –

  • MIL-OSI China: Israel launches new airstrike in Lebanon

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    Israel’s military said on Sunday evening it launched a new wave of airstrikes in southern Lebanon, targeting Hezbollah sites despite a ceasefire agreement.

    In a statement, the military said it struck infrastructure containing weapons, where “Hezbollah activity was identified.”

    It accused Hezbollah of conducting military operations in southern Lebanon in violation of agreements between Israel and Lebanon.

    Lebanon’s state-run National News Agency (NNA) reported that “the Israeli enemy launched two drone strikes on Wadi Zibqin in the western sector of southern Lebanon.”

    The agency added that the Israeli forces also dropped flares over the Al-Dar area, located in the central sector of the southern border region.

    Earlier in the day, according to the NNA, Israeli warplanes carried out several airstrikes in eastern and southern Lebanon.

    A Syrian girl was injured in the strikes and has been sent to the Lebanese-Italian Hospital for treatment, according to the NNA.

    Also on Sunday, Israel released photos and videos of the assassination of Hezbollah’s former leader, Hassan Nasrallah, on Sept. 27, 2024. Aerial strike footage showed multiple bombs hitting an underground bunker in Beirut’s southern suburbs where Nasrallah was staying.

    The videos were released as thousands in Beirut attended Nasrallah’s funeral the same day.

    During the ceremony, Israeli warplanes patrolled the skies over Beirut, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said.

    “The Israeli Air Force jets currently flying over Beirut during Hassan Nasrallah’s funeral are sending a clear message: Whoever threatens to destroy Israel and attacks Israel — this will be their fate,” Katz said.

    MIL OSI China News –

  • MIL-Evening Report: A Chinese own goal? How war games in the Tasman Sea could push NZ closer to AUKUS

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Gillespie, Professor of Law, University of Waikato

    The appearance of three Chinese naval vessels firing live rounds in the Tasman Sea has caused understandable alarm in New Zealand and Australia. But this has more to do with the geopolitical context than the actual event.

    In fact, the Chinese navy is allowed to conduct exercises in the Tasman and has wide freedoms on the high seas in general. So far, China appears to be acting in accordance with both the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the Code for Unplanned Encounters at Sea.

    While New Zealand would have preferred more notice of the Chinese navy’s intentions, there was no obligation to provide this.

    Nor is what is occurring in the Tasman similar to the more aggressive sabre-rattling the Chinese military has displayed around the South China Sea, most recently involving both the Australian and Philippine navies.

    And in September last year, just a few days after Australian and New Zealand vessels sailed through the Taiwan Strait, the Chinese test-fired a nuclear-capable intercontinental missile into the South Pacific.

    For China, of course, Taiwan and parts of the South China Sea are highly disputed territory. The Tasman Sea is not. But what is disputed is China’s role and influence in the Pacific – and this, rather than a minor naval exercise, is what is causing headaches in Canberra and Wellington.

    The Cook Islands factor

    The surprise agreement signed by the Cook Islands and China under a fortnight ago, aimed at “deepening blue economy cooperation”, is the immediate context for that concern.

    The deal avoids controversial areas such as security and policing. But it moves Chinese influence into infrastructure support for wharves, shipbuilding and repair, and ocean transportation.

    What really challenges New Zealand’s foreign policy is how this opens the South Pacific up to even greater Chinese influence and activity. Foreign Minister Winston Peters has signalled it is time to reset the relationship with the Cooks.

    For its part, China has asserted that its relationship with the Cook Islands “is not directed against any third party and should not be subject to or disrupted by any third party”.

    In other words, China has told New Zealand to butt out of a major development in the historically close diplomatic and political relationship with its Pacific neighbour.

    A Chinese own goal?

    All of this is happening within a rapidly shifting geopolitical sphere. US President Donald Trump is unilaterally attempting to upend the old US-led world order, and other major powers such as Russia and China are adapting.

    New Zealand’s relations with China were already difficult. The Security Intelligence Service and Government Communications Security Bureau have both identified state-sponsored Chinese interference in domestic affairs, breaches of the parliamentary network and other malicious cyber activity.

    The question now is whether China has scored an own goal with its recent actions. Because while it might prefer New Zealand to operate a more independent foreign policy – balancing its relations with east and west – the opposite may now be more likely.

    In times of international stress and uncertainty, New Zealand has always tended to move towards deepening relationships with traditional allies.

    Whether it is the fear of Russian invasion in the 19th century, or Japanese invasion in the 20th century – and whether or not those threats are real or imagined – New Zealand reverts to form.

    It has been this way for nearly 150 years and is likely to occur again. New Zealand is already grappling with how to respond to the Trump administration’s redrawn global system and will be looking for ways to deepen the friendship.

    At the same time, the government now seems committed to joining a new arms race and increasing defence spending as a proportion of GDP. And the supposed benefits of joining the second tier of the AUKUS security pact may now become that much easier to sell politically.

    Alexander Gillespie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A Chinese own goal? How war games in the Tasman Sea could push NZ closer to AUKUS – https://theconversation.com/a-chinese-own-goal-how-war-games-in-the-tasman-sea-could-push-nz-closer-to-aukus-250615

    MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

  • MIL-OSI China: Israel bolsters military readiness near Gaza

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    Israel has stepped up military readiness near Gaza, the military said on Sunday, after Hamas accused it of attempting to evade its obligations under a ceasefire agreement.

    The decision was made “following a situational assessment,” an Israeli military spokesperson said, adding that the forces were enhancing “military readiness and operational preparedness” in the Gaza border area.

    There were no changes to home front guidelines.

    Earlier on Sunday, Israel announced a delay in the release of 620 Palestinian detainees who were set to be freed under the truce agreement. Their release was part of the final phase of a hostage-prisoner exchange agreement after Hamas freed six Israeli hostages on Saturday.

    Hamas Political Bureau member Izzat al-Rishq accused Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of “deliberately obstructing the agreement” and violating its terms, saying the move underscored Israel’s “unreliability in fulfilling its commitments.” He called on mediators and the international community to pressure Israel to release the prisoners without delay.

    The fragile three-phase ceasefire agreement took effect on Jan. 19, pausing 15 months of fighting between Hamas and Israel that has devastated Gaza.

    MIL OSI China News –

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Weather News – Final Week of Summer ticks all the Summer Boxes – MetService

    Source: MetService

    Covering period of Monday 24 – Friday 28 February 2025 – Settled weather characterised by light winds, clear skies, warm days, and low amounts of rainfall continues over Aotearoa New Zealand this week due to a persistent area of high pressure lying over the country. The only disturbance in the flow comes in the form of a rainband moving up the western South Island on Tuesday, and MetService has issued a Heavy Rain Watch for northern Fiordland and the ranges of the Westland District.
     
    The incoming rain band moves onto southern Fiordland Monday evening, with the Heavy Rain Watch covering the 13-hour period from 7am Tuesday. It has been an abnormally dry start to the year for the western South Island, with Milford Sound recording only ~20% of its usual rainfall for this time of the year. The rain weakens notably before it reaches the lower North Island early Wednesday morning, and ahead of the rain, warm northwesterly winds will give daytime temperatures a small bump up on Tuesday, but a closely following southerly wind will drop them back down on Wednesday.
     
    MetService Meteorologist Clare O’Connor advises, “The uneventful weather is good news for anyone attending or performing at Te Matatini Festival in New Plymouth this week. Other than the chance of brief rain on Wednesday evening, dry and mostly sunny conditions are forecast so don’t forget to slip, slop, slap, and wrap while enjoying the day”.
     
    Similar conditions are expected over the whole country for the remainder of the week, before the next rainband approaches the south closer to the weekend.

    While settled weather is the story of the week here in Aotearoa, the tropics have had a burst of activity. Two tropical cyclones were named on Sunday evening: Tropical Cyclone Alfred in the Coral Sea, monitored by Australia’s Bureau of Meteorology, and Tropical Cyclone Rae which lies north of Fiji and is monitored by the Fiji Meteorological Service. A third area of interest between Vanuatu and Fiji may also develop into a tropical cyclone over the coming days.
     
    While none of these are expected to impact New Zealand, MetService’s tropical cyclone forecasters are always keeping a close eye on the tropics at this time of the year.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News –