Category: Politics

MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Vehicle theft equipment to be banned under new government law
Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

News story

Vehicle theft equipment to be banned under new government law

Possession or distribution of electronic devices used to commit vehicle theft will be banned, carrying a maximum sentence of 5 years.
Sophisticated electronic devices used by criminals in 40% of vehicle thefts in England and Wales will be banned under new laws, as part of the government’s mission to make the nation’s streets safer.

Having your vehicle stolen is a costly and distressing experience for victims. It disrupts livelihoods, stopping people from working and from seeing their families.

As the government works to prevent crimes from impacting working people’s lives, police officers and the courts will be given new powers to target criminals who steal vehicles using electronic devices, including ‘signal jammers’, along with the organised groups who manufacture and supply these devices.

Previously, prosecution for handling these devices was only possible if it could be proved by police that they had been used to commit a specific crime.

Under these new laws, anyone who is found in possession of one, or to have imported, made, adapted or distributed them, could receive a maximum penalty of 5 years’ imprisonment and an unlimited fine. The burden of proof will instead fall on the owner to prove they were using the device for a legitimate purpose, to avoid being prosecuted.

This new measure acts on a key milestone in our Plan for Change to protect our neighbourhoods and is part of the government’s flagship Crime and Policing Bill, which will be introduced to Parliament on Tuesday.

Minister for Policing, Crime and Fire Prevention, Dame Diana Johnson, said:

These thefts have a devastating effect on victims, who need their vehicles to go about their everyday lives. We are aware of the real concerns people feel with the use of these electronic devices being so prolific.

This is why we are introducing new laws focused on tackling this issue at source, which is what our Safer Streets mission and Plan for Change are all about. These new laws will prevent these devices from getting into the hands of thieves and organised crime groups.

We will also continue to work closely with the National Police Chiefs’ Council, which includes supporting their National Vehicle Crime Reduction Partnership, which brings together the police and manufacturers to clamp down on vehicle crime.

The most common way theft from a vehicle – or the theft of the vehicle itself – occurs is with the use of these electronic devices, with keyless repeaters and signal amplifiers being used to scramble the signal from remote locking devices.

According to the 2022 to 2023 Crime Survey for England and Wales, an offender manipulated a signal from a remote locking device in 40% of thefts of vehicles. There were also 732,000 incidents of vehicle-related theft in the year ending September 2024.

The Metropolitan Police Service estimates that, in London, signal jammers are used in approximately 60% of vehicle theft.

A significant proportion of vehicle theft is driven by organised crime groups, as there is a demand for stolen vehicles, which means this is a highly attractive and lucrative area for criminals to gain profit. Organised criminals are constantly trying to find ways to overcome security measures on vehicles, even in the latest models, by exploiting vulnerabilities in vehicles and new technologies.

In support of the new measures, RAC head of policy Simon Williams said:

With government statistics showing an average of 370 vehicles being stolen every day, outlawing the possession and distribution of signal jammers cannot come soon enough and we welcome the government’s action on this.

Having your car stolen is not only a violation, it causes massive amounts of stress and inconvenience as well as higher insurance costs for the individual concerned and drivers generally.

AA president, Edmund King, said:

This is a positive step, and these tougher sentences should make would-be thieves think again before stealing cars. As fast as vehicle technology has evolved, thieves have always tried to keep pace and beat the security systems.

Relay theft and signal jamming is all too frequent and these measures will give police forces more opportunities to tackle car crime.

ACC Jenny Sims, National Police Chiefs’ Council lead for vehicle crime said:

We welcome the announcement of new offences to criminalise the possession, manufacture, sale and supply of signal jammers which have provided an easily accessible tool for criminals to use in the theft of vehicles for far too long.

These devices have no legitimate purpose, apart from assisting in criminal activity, and reducing their availability will support policing and industry in preventing vehicle theft which is damaging to both individuals and businesses.

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Published 24 February 2025
MIL OSI United Kingdom –
February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Africa: Secretary-General’s Remarks to the Human Rights Council [as delivered]

Source: United Nations – English

Scroll down for all-English and all-French versions]

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of the Human Rights Council, High Commissioner,
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

We begin this session under the weight of a grim milestone — the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the UN charter.

More than 12,600 civilians killed, with many more injured.

Entire communities reduced to rubble.

Hospitals and schools destroyed.

We must spare no effort to bring an end to this conflict, and to achieve a just and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter, international law and General Assembly resolutions.

Conflicts like the war in Ukraine exact a heavy toll.

A toll on people.

A toll on fundamental principles like territorial integrity, sovereignty and the rule of law.

And a toll on the vital business of this Council.

Without respect for human rights — civil, cultural, economic, political and social — sustainable peace is a pipedream.

And like this Council, human rights shine a light in the darkest places.

Through your work, and the work of the High Commissioner’s Office around the world, you’re supporting brave human rights defenders risking persecution, detention and even death.

You’re working with governments, civil society and others to strengthen action on human rights.

And you’re supporting investigations and accountability.

Five years ago, we launched our Call to Action for Human Rights, embedding human rights across the work of the United Nations around the world in close cooperation with our partners.

I will continue supporting this important work, and the High Commissioner’s Office, as we fight for human rights everywhere.
Excellencies,

We have our work cut out for us.

Human rights are the oxygen of humanity.

But one by one, human rights are being suffocated.

By autocrats, crushing opposition because they fear what a truly empowered people would do.

By a patriarchy that keeps girls out of school, and women at arm’s length from basic rights.

By wars and violence that strip populations of their right to food, water and education.

By warmongers who thumb their nose at international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter.

Human rights are being suffocated by the climate crisis.

And by a morally bankrupt global financial system that too often obstructs the path to greater equality and sustainable development.

By runaway technologies like Artificial Intelligence that hold great promise, but also the ability to violate human rights at the touch of a button.

By growing intolerance against entire groups — from Indigenous peoples, to migrants and refugees, to the LGBTQI+ community, to persons with disabilities.
And by voices of division and anger who view human rights not as a boon to humanity, but as a barrier to the power, profit and control they seek.

In short — human rights are on the ropes and being pummeled hard.

This represents a direct threat to all of the hard-won mechanisms and systems established over the last 80 years to protect and advance human rights.

But as the recently adopted Pact for the Future reminds us, human rights are, in fact, a source of solutions.

The Pact provides a playbook on how we can win the fight for human rights on several fronts.

First — human rights through peace and peace through human rights.

Conflicts inflict human rights violations on a massive scale.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, violations of human rights have skyrocketed since the horrific Hamas attacks of October 7 and the intolerable levels of death and destruction in Gaza.

And I am gravely concerned by the rising violence in the occupied West Bank by Israeli settlers and other violations, as well as calls for annexation. We are witnessing a precarious ceasefire. We must avoid at all costs a resumption of hostilities. The people in Gaza have already suffered too much.

It’s time for a permanent ceasefire, the dignified release of all remaining hostages, irreversible progress towards a two-State solution, an end to the occupation, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with Gaza as an integral part.

In Sudan, bloodshed, displacement and famine are engulfing the country.

The warring parties must take immediate action to protect civilians, uphold human rights, cease hostilities and forge peace.

And domestic and international human rights monitoring and investigation mechanisms should be permitted to document what is happening on the ground.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we see a deadly whirlwind of violence and horrifying human rights abuses, amplified by the recent M23 offensive, supported by the Rwandan Defense Forces.
As more cities fall, the risk of a regional war rises.

It’s time to silence the guns.

It’s time for diplomacy and dialogue.

The recent joint summit in Tanzania offered a way forward with a renewed call for an immediate ceasefire.

The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC must be respected.

The Congolese people deserve peace.

In the Sahel, I call for a renewed regional dialogue to protect citizens from terrorism and systemic violations of human rights, and to create the conditions for sustainable development.

In Myanmar, the situation has grown far worse in the four years since the military seized power and arbitrarily detained members of the democratically elected government.

We need greater cooperation to bring an end to the hostilities and forge a path towards an inclusive democratic transition and a return to civilian rule, allowing for the safe return of the Rohingya refugees.

And in Haiti, we are seeing massive human rights violations — including more than a million people displaced, and children facing a horrific increase in sexual violence and recruitment into gangs.

In the coming days, I will put forward proposals to the United Nations Security Council for greater stability and security for the people of Haiti — namely through an effective UN assistance mechanism to support the Multilateral Security Support mission, the national police and Haitian authorities.

A durable solution requires a political process — led and owned by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

The Pact for the Future calls for peace processes and approaches rooted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international law and the UN Charter.

It proposes specific actions to prioritize conflict prevention, mediation, resolution and peacebuilding.

And it includes a commitment to tackle the root causes of conflict, which are so often enmeshed in denials of basic human needs and rights.

Second — the Pact for the Future advances human rights through development.

The Sustainable Development Goals and human rights are fundamentally intertwined.

They represent real human needs — health, food, water, education, decent work and social protection.

With less than one-fifth of the Goals on track, the Pact calls for a massive acceleration through an SDG Stimulus, reforming the global financial architecture, and taking meaningful action for countries drowning in debt.

This must include focused action to conquer the most widespread human rights abuse in history — inequality for women and girls.

The Pact calls for investing in battling all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls, and ensuring their meaningful participation and leadership across all walks of life.
And along with the Declaration on Future Generations, the Pact calls for supporting the rights and futures of young people through decent work, removing barriers for youth participation, and enhancing training.

And the Global Digital Compact calls on nations to champion young innovators, nurture entrepreneurial spirit, and equip the next generation with digital literacy and skills.
Third — the Pact for the Future recognizes that the rule of law and human rights go hand-in-hand.

The rule of law, when founded on human rights, is an essential pillar of protection.

It shields the most vulnerable.

It’s the first line of defense against crime and corruption.

It supports fair, just and inclusive economies and societies.

It holds perpetrators of human rights atrocities to account.

It enables civic space for people to make their voices heard — and for journalists to carry out their essential work, free from interference or threats.

And it reaffirms the world’s commitment to equal access to justice, good governance, and transparent and accountable institutions.

Quatrièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à l’action climatique.

L’année dernière a été la plus chaude jamais enregistrée, et vient couronner la décennie la plus chaude jamais enregistrée.

La hausse des températures, la fonte des glaciers et le réchauffement des océans ne peuvent mener qu’au désastre.

Inondations, sécheresses, tempêtes meurtrières, famine, déplacements massifs : notre guerre contre la nature est aussi une guerre contre les droits humains.

Nous devons prendre un autre chemin.

Je salue les nombreux États Membres qui reconnaissent légalement le droit à un environnement sain, et j’appelle tous les pays à faire de même.

Les gouvernements doivent tenir leur promesse d’élaborer cette année de nouveaux plans d’action nationaux pour le climat couvrant l’ensemble de l’économie, et ce bien avant la COP 30 qui se tiendra au Brésil.

Ces plans doivent limiter la hausse de la température mondiale à 1,5 degré, notamment en accélérant la transition énergétique mondiale.

Nous avons également besoin d’une augmentation massive des financements pour l’action climatique dans les pays en développement, afin de s’adapter au réchauffement de la planète, de réduire les émissions et d’accélérer la révolution des énergies renouvelables, qui offre d’énormes possibilités économiques.

Nous devons nous opposer aux campagnes mensongères menées par de nombreux acteurs de l’industrie des combustibles fossiles et à ceux qui la font vivre et s’en rendent complices…

Tout comme nous devons protéger et défendre les personnes qui sont en première ligne de la lutte pour une justice climatique.

Et cinquièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à une gouvernance renforcée et améliorée des technologies.

À l’heure où des technologies en rapide mutation s’immiscent dans tous les aspects de notre vie, je m’inquiète des risques qu’elles représentent pour les droits humains.

Dans le meilleur des cas, les médias sociaux sont un lieu de rencontre où l’on peut échanger des idées et débattre avec respect.

Mais ils peuvent aussi devenir un théâtre de confrontations enflammées et d’une ignorance flagrante.

Un lieu où les poisons que sont la mésinformation, la désinformation, le racisme, la misogynie et les discours de haine sont non seulement tolérés, mais, bien souvent, encouragés.

La violence verbale en ligne peut facilement se transformer en violence physique dans le monde réel.

Les reculs récents en matière de vérification des faits et de modération de contenu sur les réseaux sociaux rouvrent grand la porte à plus de haine, plus de menaces et plus de violence.

Que l’on ne s’y trompe pas.

Ces reculs entraîneront une diminution de la liberté d’expression, et non une amplification – car les gens craignent de plus en plus de s’exprimer sur ces plateformes.

Dans le même temps, la grande promesse de l’intelligence artificielle s’accompagne d’un risque insondable qui met en péril l’autonomie, l’identité et le contrôle humains – jusqu’aux droits humains.

Face à ces menaces, le Pacte numérique mondial rassemble le monde entier pour veiller à ce que les droits humains ne soient pas sacrifiés sur l’autel de la technologie.

Il s’agit notamment de collaborer avec les entreprises numériques et les décideurs politiques pour étendre le respect des droits humains à tous les recoins du cyberespace, en mettant notamment l’accent sur l’intégrité de l’information sur toutes les plateformes numériques.

Les Principes mondiaux pour l’intégrité de l’information que j’ai lancés l’année dernière viendront étayer et orienter les efforts que nous déploierons en vue de créer un écosystème de l’information plus humain.

Le Pacte numérique mondial comprend également le premier accord universel sur la gouvernance de l’intelligence artificielle qui donne voix au chapitre à tous les pays, ainsi que des engagements en matière de renforcement des capacités, visant à ce que tous les pays et toutes les personnes bénéficient du potentiel de l’intelligence artificielle.

Pour cela, il faut investir dans l’accès à l’Internet à un prix abordable, dans les formations au numérique et dans les infrastructures ;

Aider les pays en développement à utiliser l’intelligence artificielle pour développer les petites entreprises, améliorer les services publics et connecter les communautés à de nouveaux marchés.

Et mettre les droits humains au centre des systèmes fondés sur l’intelligence artificielle.

Les décisions du Pacte – d’établir un Groupe scientifique international indépendant et un Dialogue mondial régulier garantissant la participation de tous les pays dans l’élaboration de l’avenir de l’intelligence artificielle – constituent des avancées importantes. Il faut les concrétiser.

Excellences,

Mesdames et Messieurs,

Nous pouvons mettre fin à l’asphyxie des droits humains en donnant vie au Pacte pour l’avenir et aux travaux de ce Conseil.

Attelons-nous à cette tâche – ensemble. Nous n’avons pas un instant à perdre.

Et je vous remercie.

[all-English version]

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of the Human Rights Council, High Commissioner,
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

We begin this session under the weight of a grim milestone — the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the UN charter.

More than 12,600 civilians killed, with many more injured.

Entire communities reduced to rubble.

Hospitals and schools destroyed.

We must spare no effort to bring an end to this conflict, and to achieve a just and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter, international law and General Assembly resolutions.

Conflicts like the war in Ukraine exact a heavy toll.

A toll on people.

A toll on fundamental principles like territorial integrity, sovereignty and the rule of law.

And a toll on the vital business of this Council.

Without respect for human rights — civil, cultural, economic, political and social — sustainable peace is a pipedream.

And like this Council, human rights shine a light in the darkest places.

Through your work, and the work of the High Commissioner’s Office around the world, you’re supporting brave human rights defenders risking persecution, detention and even death.

You’re working with governments, civil society and others to strengthen action on human rights.

And you’re supporting investigations and accountability.

Five years ago, we launched our Call to Action for Human Rights, embedding human rights across the work of the United Nations around the world in close cooperation with our partners.

I will continue supporting this important work, and the High Commissioner’s Office, as we fight for human rights everywhere.
Excellencies,

We have our work cut out for us.

Human rights are the oxygen of humanity.

But one by one, human rights are being suffocated.

By autocrats, crushing opposition because they fear what a truly empowered people would do.

By a patriarchy that keeps girls out of school, and women at arm’s length from basic rights.

By wars and violence that strip populations of their right to food, water and education.

By warmongers who thumb their nose at international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter.

Human rights are being suffocated by the climate crisis.

And by a morally bankrupt global financial system that too often obstructs the path to greater equality and sustainable development.

By runaway technologies like Artificial Intelligence that hold great promise, but also the ability to violate human rights at the touch of a button.

By growing intolerance against entire groups — from Indigenous peoples, to migrants and refugees, to the LGBTQI+ community, to persons with disabilities.
And by voices of division and anger who view human rights not as a boon to humanity, but as a barrier to the power, profit and control they seek.

In short — human rights are on the ropes and being pummeled hard.

This represents a direct threat to all of the hard-won mechanisms and systems established over the last 80 years to protect and advance human rights.

But as the recently adopted Pact for the Future reminds us, human rights are, in fact, a source of solutions.

The Pact provides a playbook on how we can win the fight for human rights on several fronts.

First — human rights through peace and peace through human rights.

Conflicts inflict human rights violations on a massive scale.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, violations of human rights have skyrocketed since the horrific Hamas attacks of October 7 and the intolerable levels of death and destruction in Gaza.

And I am gravely concerned by the rising violence in the occupied West Bank by Israeli settlers and other violations, as well as calls for annexation. We are witnessing a precarious ceasefire. We must avoid at all costs a resumption of hostilities. The people in Gaza have already suffered too much.

It’s time for a permanent ceasefire, the dignified release of all remaining hostages, irreversible progress towards a two-State solution, an end to the occupation, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with Gaza as an integral part.

In Sudan, bloodshed, displacement and famine are engulfing the country.

The warring parties must take immediate action to protect civilians, uphold human rights, cease hostilities and forge peace.

And domestic and international human rights monitoring and investigation mechanisms should be permitted to document what is happening on the ground.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we see a deadly whirlwind of violence and horrifying human rights abuses, amplified by the recent M23 offensive, supported by the Rwandan Defense Forces.
As more cities fall, the risk of a regional war rises.

It’s time to silence the guns.

It’s time for diplomacy and dialogue.

The recent joint summit in Tanzania offered a way forward with a renewed call for an immediate ceasefire.

The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC must be respected.

The Congolese people deserve peace.

In the Sahel, I call for a renewed regional dialogue to protect citizens from terrorism and systemic violations of human rights, and to create the conditions for sustainable development.

In Myanmar, the situation has grown far worse in the four years since the military seized power and arbitrarily detained members of the democratically elected government.

We need greater cooperation to bring an end to the hostilities and forge a path towards an inclusive democratic transition and a return to civilian rule, allowing for the safe return of the Rohingya refugees.

And in Haiti, we are seeing massive human rights violations — including more than a million people displaced, and children facing a horrific increase in sexual violence and recruitment into gangs.

In the coming days, I will put forward proposals to the United Nations Security Council for greater stability and security for the people of Haiti — namely through an effective UN assistance mechanism to support the Multilateral Security Support mission, the national police and Haitian authorities.

A durable solution requires a political process — led and owned by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

The Pact for the Future calls for peace processes and approaches rooted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international law and the UN Charter.

It proposes specific actions to prioritize conflict prevention, mediation, resolution and peacebuilding.

And it includes a commitment to tackle the root causes of conflict, which are so often enmeshed in denials of basic human needs and rights.

Second — the Pact for the Future advances human rights through development.

The Sustainable Development Goals and human rights are fundamentally intertwined.

They represent real human needs — health, food, water, education, decent work and social protection.

With less than one-fifth of the Goals on track, the Pact calls for a massive acceleration through an SDG Stimulus, reforming the global financial architecture, and taking meaningful action for countries drowning in debt.

This must include focused action to conquer the most widespread human rights abuse in history — inequality for women and girls.

The Pact calls for investing in battling all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls, and ensuring their meaningful participation and leadership across all walks of life.
And along with the Declaration on Future Generations, the Pact calls for supporting the rights and futures of young people through decent work, removing barriers for youth participation, and enhancing training.

And the Global Digital Compact calls on nations to champion young innovators, nurture entrepreneurial spirit, and equip the next generation with digital literacy and skills.
Third — the Pact for the Future recognizes that the rule of law and human rights go hand-in-hand.

The rule of law, when founded on human rights, is an essential pillar of protection.

It shields the most vulnerable.

It’s the first line of defense against crime and corruption.

It supports fair, just and inclusive economies and societies.

It holds perpetrators of human rights atrocities to account.

It enables civic space for people to make their voices heard — and for journalists to carry out their essential work, free from interference or threats.

And it reaffirms the world’s commitment to equal access to justice, good governance, and transparent and accountable institutions.

Fourth — human rights through climate action.

Last year was the hottest on record — capping the hottest decade on record.

Rising heat, melting glaciers and hotter oceans are a recipe for disaster.

Floods, droughts, deadly storms, hunger, mass displacement — our war on nature is also a war on human rights.

We must choose a different path.

I salute the many Member States who legally recognize the right to a healthy environment — and I call on all countries to do the same.

Governments must keep their promise to produce new, economy-wide national climate action plans this year, well ahead of COP30 in Brazil.

Those plans must limit the rise in global temperature to 1.5 degrees — including by accelerating the global energy transition.

We also need a surge in finance for climate action in developing countries, to adapt to global heating, slash emissions and accelerate the renewables revolution, which represents a massive economic opportunity.

We must stand up to the misleading campaign of many in the fossil fuel industry and its enablers who are aiding and abetting this madness, while also protecting and defending those on the front lines of climate justice.

And fifth — human rights through stronger, better governance of technology.

As fast-moving technologies expand into every aspect of our lives, I am deeply concerned about human rights being undermined.

At its best, social media is a meeting ground for people to exchange ideas and spark respectful debate.

But it can also be an arena of fiery combat and blatant ignorance.

A place where the poisons of misinformation, disinformation, racism, misogyny and hate speech are not only tolerated — but often encouraged.

Verbal violence online can easily spill into physical violence in real life.

Recent rollbacks on social media fact-checking and content moderation are re-opening the floodgates to more hate, more threats, and more violence.

Make no mistake.

These rollbacks will lead to less free speech, not more, as people become increasingly fearful to engage on these platforms.

Meanwhile, the great promise of Artificial Intelligence is matched by limitless peril to undermine human autonomy, human identity, human control — and yes, human rights.

In the face of these threats, the Global Digital Compact brings the world together to ensure that human rights are not sacrificed on the altar of technology.

This includes working with digital companies and policymakers to extend human rights to every corner of cyberspace — including a new focus on information integrity across digital platforms.

The Global Principles for Information Integrity I launched last year will support and inform this work as we push for a more humane information ecosystem.

The Global Digital Compact also includes the first universal agreement on the governance of AI that brings every country to the table and commitments on capacity-building, so all countries and people benefit from AI’s potential.

By investing in affordable internet, digital literacy, and infrastructure.

By helping developing countries use AI to grow small businesses, improve public services, and connect communities to new markets.

And by placing human rights at the centre of AI-driven systems.

The Pact’s decisions to create an Independent International Scientific Panel on AI and an ongoing Global Dialogue that ensure all countries have a voice in shaping its future are important steps forward. We must implement them.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

We can help end the suffocation of human rights by breathing life into the Pact for the Future and the work of this Council.

Let’s do that together. We don’t have a moment to lose.

And I thank you.

[all-French translation]

L’ouverture de la présente session coïncide avec un sinistre jalon : le troisième anniversaire de l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie, en violation de la Charte des Nations Unies.

Plus de 12 600 civils ont été tués et bien plus encore ont été blessés.

Des communautés entières ont été anéanties.

Des hôpitaux et des écoles ne sont plus que décombres.

Nous ne devons ménager aucun effort pour mettre un terme à ce conflit et parvenir à une paix juste et durable, conformément à la Charte des Nations Unies, au droit international et aux résolutions de l’Assemblée générale.

Les conflits comme la guerre en Ukraine prélèvent un lourd tribut.

Ils déciment les populations.

Ils érodent les principes fondamentaux que sont l’intégrité territoriale, la souveraineté et l’état de droit.

Ils sapent les activités vitales de ce Conseil.

Sans le respect des droits humains – qu’ils soient civils, culturels, économiques, politiques ou sociaux – la paix durable n’est qu’une chimère.

Et comme ce Conseil, les droits humains sont une source de lumière dans l’obscurité la plus profonde.

Grâce à vos travaux et à ceux que le Haut-Commissariat mène dans le monde entier, vous soutenez les défenseurs et défenseuses des droits humains qui, avec courage, risquent la persécution, la détention et même la mort.

Vous travaillez avec les gouvernements, la société civile et d’autres acteurs pour renforcer l’action en faveur des droits humains.

Et vous apportez votre soutien aux mécanismes d’enquête et d’établissement des responsabilités.

Il y a cinq ans, nous avons lancé notre appel à l’action en faveur des droits humains, l’objectif étant d’intégrer les droits humains dans toutes les activités des Nations Unies menées à travers le monde, en étroite collaboration avec nos partenaires.

Je continuerai d’apporter mon appui à ces travaux importants, ainsi qu’au Haut-Commissariat, dans notre lutte pour les droits humains partout dans le monde.

Excellences,

Nous avons du pain sur la planche.

Les droits humains sont l’oxygène de l’humanité.

Mais ils sont asphyxiés, les uns après les autres.

Par les autocrates, qui écrasent l’opposition parce qu’ils craignent ce dont serait capable un peuple ayant pleinement les moyens d’agir.

Par le patriarcat, qui empêche les filles d’aller à l’école et les femmes de jouir de leurs droits fondamentaux.

Par les guerres et la violence, qui privent les populations de leur droit à l’alimentation, à l’eau, et à l’éducation.

Par les bellicistes, qui se rient du droit international, du droit international humanitaire et de la Charte des Nations Unies.

Les droits humains sont asphyxiés par la crise climatique.

Par un système financier mondial en faillite morale, qui fait trop souvent obstacle à une plus grande égalité et au développement durable.

Par des technologies incontrôlables comme l’intelligence artificielle, qui suscitent de grands espoirs mais recèlent aussi la capacité de violer les droits humains en un seul clic.

Par une intolérance croissante à l’égard de groupes entiers, qu’il s’agisse des peuples autochtones, des migrants et réfugiés, de la communauté LGBTQI+, ou encore des personnes handicapées.

Et par les discours de ceux qui, prêchant la division et la colère, considèrent les droits humains non pas comme un bienfait pour l’humanité, mais comme un obstacle au pouvoir, au profit et au contrôle qu’ils convoitent.

En bref, les droits humains, sous le coup d’attaques vicieuses, sont dans leurs derniers retranchements.

Cette situation représente une menace directe pour tous les mécanismes et systèmes établis de haute lutte au cours des 80 dernières années pour protéger et faire progresser les droits humains.

Or, comme le rappelle le Pacte pour l’avenir adopté récemment, les droits humains sont, en fait, une source de solutions.

Le Pacte définit les mesures que nous pouvons prendre pour gagner le combat pour les droits humains sur plusieurs fronts.

Premièrement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à la paix et instaurer la paix grâce aux droits humains.

Les conflits infligent des violations massives des droits humains.

Dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, les violations des droits humains ont connu une hausse vertigineuse depuis les horribles attaques perpétrées par le Hamas le 7 octobre, et les niveaux intolérables de mort et de destruction à Gaza.

Je suis gravement préoccupé par la montée des violences et des autres violations commises en Cisjordanie occupée par les colons israéliens, ainsi que par les appels à l’annexion. Nous assistons à un cessez-le-feu précaire. Nous devons éviter à tout prix une reprise des hostilités. La population de Gaza a déjà trop souffert.

Il est temps d’instaurer un cessez-le-feu permanent, de libérer tous les otages restants, de réaliser des progrès irréversibles vers la solution des deux États, la fin l’occupation, et la création d’un État palestinien indépendant, dont Gaza ferait partie intégrante.

Au Soudan, les bains de sang, les déplacements de population et la famine ravagent le pays.

Les parties en conflit doivent prendre immédiatement des mesures pour protéger les civils, défendre les droits humains, cesser les hostilités et instaurer la paix.

Les mécanismes nationaux et internationaux de surveillance et d’enquête en matière de droits humains devraient être autorisés à documenter ce qui se déroule sur le terrain.

En République démocratique du Congo, nous sommes témoins d’un tourbillon mortel de violences et d’atroces violations des droits humains, amplifié par la récente offensive du M23, soutenue par les forces de défense rwandaises.

Plus les villes tombent, plus le risque d’une guerre régionale augmente.

Il est temps de faire taire les armes.

L’heure est à la diplomatie et au dialogue.

Le récent sommet conjoint qui s’est tenu en Tanzanie a ouvert la voie en renouvelant l’appel à un cessez-le-feu immédiat.

La souveraineté et l’intégrité territoriale de la RDC doivent être respectées.

Le peuple congolais mérite la paix.

Au Sahel, j’appelle à la reprise du dialogue régional afin de protéger les citoyens du terrorisme et des violations systémiques des droits humains et de créer les conditions du développement durable.

Au Myanmar, la situation s’est considérablement aggravée au cours des quatre années qui se sont écoulées depuis que les militaires ont pris le pouvoir et détenu arbitrairement des membres du gouvernement démocratiquement élu.

Il nous faut resserrer la coopération pour mettre fin aux hostilités et ouvrir la voie à une transition démocratique inclusive et au retour à un régime civil, permettant le retour en toute sécurité des réfugiés rohingyas.

En Haïti, nous constatons des violations massives des droits humains : plus d’un million de personnes ont été déplacées et les enfants sont en proie à une augmentation effroyable des violences sexuelles et de l’enrôlement dans les gangs.

Dans les jours à venir, je présenterai au Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies des propositions pour renforcer la stabilité et la sécurité du peuple haïtien, notamment par le biais d’un mécanisme d’assistance efficace des Nations unies destiné à soutenir la Mission multilatérale de soutien à la sécurité, à la police nationale et aux autorités haïtiennes.

Une solution durable nécessite un processus politique – mené et pris en charge par le peuple haïtien – qui rétablisse les institutions démocratiques à travers des élections.

Le Pacte pour l’avenir demande la mise en place de processus et de démarches pour la paix ancrés dans la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’Homme, le droit international et la Charte des Nations Unies.

Le Pacte pour l’avenir appelle à des processus et des approches de paix fondés sur la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme, le droit international et la Charte des Nations unies.

Il propose des mesures précises visant à privilégier la prévention des conflits, la médiation, le règlement des conflits et la consolidation de la paix.

Il énonce également l’engagement pris de s’attaquer aux causes profondes des conflits, qui sont bien souvent liées au déni des besoins et des droits humains fondamentaux.

Deuxièmement, le Pacte pour l’avenir fait progresser les droits humains grâce au développement.

Les objectifs de développement durable et les droits humains sont intrinsèquement liés.

Ils représentent des besoins humains réels : la santé, l’alimentation, l’eau, l’éducation, le travail décent et la protection sociale.

Alors que moins d’un cinquième des objectifs sont en passe d’être réalisés, le Pacte appelle à une accélération massive des progrès grâce au plan de relance des objectifs de développement durable, à la réforme de
l’architecture financière mondiale et à la prise de mesures réfléchies pour les pays qui croulent sous la dette.

Il s’agit donc, notamment, de mener une action ciblée pour vaincre la violation des droits humains la plus répandue dans l’histoire : l’inégalité pour les femmes et les filles.

Le Pacte appelle à investir pour lutter contre toutes les formes de discrimination et de violence à l’égard des femmes et des filles et pour permettre à celles-ci de participer véritablement à tous les domaines de la vie et d’y jouer un rôle moteur.

Avec la Déclaration sur les générations futures, le Pacte appelle à défendre les droits et l’avenir des jeunes en promouvant le travail décent, en éliminant les obstacles à la participation des jeunes et en améliorant la formation.

Le Pacte numérique mondial appelle tous les pays à soutenir les jeunes innovateurs, à cultiver l’esprit entrepreneurial et à doter la prochaine génération des connaissances et compétences numériques nécessaires.

Troisièmement, le Pacte pour l’avenir établit que l’état de droit et les droits humains vont de pair.

L’état de droit, lorsqu’il est fondé sur les droits humains, est un pilier essentiel de la protection.

Il protège les plus vulnérables.

C’est la première ligne de défense contre la criminalité et la corruption.

Il favorise des économies et des sociétés équitables, justes et inclusives.

Il oblige les auteurs d’atrocités commises en violation des droits humains à rendre compte de leurs actes.

Il offre aux individus un espace civique où faire entendre leur voix et permet aux journalistes d’accomplir leur travail essentiel, à l’abri des ingérences et des menaces.

Et il réaffirme l’engagement du monde en faveur de l’égalité d’accès à la justice, de la bonne gouvernance et d’institutions transparentes et responsables.

Quatrièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à l’action climatique.

L’année dernière a été la plus chaude jamais enregistrée, et vient couronner la décennie la plus chaude jamais enregistrée.

La hausse des températures, la fonte des glaciers et le réchauffement des océans ne peuvent mener qu’au désastre.

Inondations, sécheresses, tempêtes meurtrières, famine, déplacements massifs : notre guerre contre la nature est aussi une guerre contre les droits humains.

Nous devons prendre un autre chemin.

Je salue les nombreux États Membres qui reconnaissent légalement le droit à un environnement sain, et j’appelle tous les pays à faire de même.

Les gouvernements doivent tenir leur promesse d’élaborer cette année de nouveaux plans d’action nationaux pour le climat couvrant l’ensemble de l’économie, et ce bien avant la COP 30 qui se tiendra au Brésil.

Ces plans doivent limiter la hausse de la température mondiale à 1,5 degré, notamment en accélérant la transition énergétique mondiale.

Nous avons également besoin d’une augmentation massive des financements pour l’action climatique dans les pays en développement, afin de s’adapter au réchauffement de la planète, de réduire les émissions et d’accélérer la révolution des énergies renouvelables, qui offre d’énormes possibilités économiques.

Nous devons nous opposer aux campagnes mensongères menées par de nombreux acteurs de l’industrie des combustibles fossiles et à ceux qui la font vivre et s’en rendent complices…

Tout comme nous devons protéger et défendre les personnes qui sont en première ligne de la lutte pour une justice climatique.

Et cinquièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à une gouvernance renforcée et améliorée des technologies.

À l’heure où des technologies en rapide mutation s’immiscent dans tous les aspects de notre vie, je m’inquiète des risques qu’elles représentent pour les droits humains.

Dans le meilleur des cas, les médias sociaux sont un lieu de rencontre où l’on peut échanger des idées et débattre avec respect.

Mais ils peuvent aussi devenir un théâtre de confrontations enflammées et d’une ignorance flagrante.

Un lieu où les poisons que sont la mésinformation, la désinformation, le racisme, la misogynie et les discours de haine sont non seulement tolérés, mais, bien souvent, encouragés.

La violence verbale en ligne peut facilement se transformer en violence physique dans le monde réel.

Les reculs récents en matière de vérification des faits et de modération de contenu sur les réseaux sociaux rouvrent grand la porte à plus de haine, plus de menaces et plus de violence.

Que l’on ne s’y trompe pas.

Ces reculs entraîneront une diminution de la liberté d’expression, et non une amplification – car les gens craignent de plus en plus de s’exprimer sur ces plateformes.

Dans le même temps, la grande promesse de l’intelligence artificielle s’accompagne d’un risque insondable qui met en péril l’autonomie, l’identité et le contrôle humains – jusqu’aux droits humains.

Face à ces menaces, le Pacte numérique mondial rassemble le monde entier pour veiller à ce que les droits humains ne soient pas sacrifiés sur l’autel de la technologie.

Il s’agit notamment de collaborer avec les entreprises numériques et les décideurs politiques pour étendre le respect des droits humains à tous les recoins du cyberespace, en mettant notamment l’accent sur l’intégrité de l’information sur toutes les plateformes numériques.

Les Principes mondiaux pour l’intégrité de l’information que j’ai lancés l’année dernière viendront étayer et orienter les efforts que nous déploierons en vue de créer un écosystème de l’information plus humain.

Le Pacte numérique mondial comprend également le premier accord universel sur la gouvernance de l’intelligence artificielle qui donne voix au chapitre à tous les pays, ainsi que des engagements en matière de renforcement des capacités, visant à ce que tous les pays et toutes les personnes bénéficient du potentiel de l’intelligence artificielle.

Pour cela, il faut investir dans l’accès à Internet à un prix abordable, dans les formations au numérique et dans les infrastructures ;

Aider les pays en développement à utiliser l’intelligence artificielle pour développer les petites entreprises, améliorer les services publics et connecter les communautés à de nouveaux marchés.

Et mettre les droits humains au centre des systèmes fondés sur l’intelligence artificielle.

Les décisions du Pacte – d’établir un Groupe scientifique international indépendant et un Dialogue mondial régulier garantissant la participation de tous les pays dans l’élaboration de l’avenir de l’intelligence artificielle – constituent des avancées importantes. Il faut les concrétiser.

Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs,

Nous pouvons mettre fin à l’asphyxie des droits humains en donnant vie au Pacte pour l’avenir et aux travaux de ce Conseil.

Attelons-nous à cette tâche – ensemble. Nous n’avons pas un instant à perdre.

Et je vous remercie.

MIL OSI Africa –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI United Nations: Secretary-General’s Remarks to the Human Rights Council [as delivered]

Source: United Nations secretary general

[Scroll down for all-English and all-French versions]

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of the Human Rights Council, High Commissioner,
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

We begin this session under the weight of a grim milestone — the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the UN charter.

More than 12,600 civilians killed, with many more injured.

Entire communities reduced to rubble.

Hospitals and schools destroyed.

We must spare no effort to bring an end to this conflict, and to achieve a just and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter, international law and General Assembly resolutions.

Conflicts like the war in Ukraine exact a heavy toll.

A toll on people.

A toll on fundamental principles like territorial integrity, sovereignty and the rule of law.

And a toll on the vital business of this Council.

Without respect for human rights — civil, cultural, economic, political and social — sustainable peace is a pipedream.

And like this Council, human rights shine a light in the darkest places.

Through your work, and the work of the High Commissioner’s Office around the world, you’re supporting brave human rights defenders risking persecution, detention and even death.

You’re working with governments, civil society and others to strengthen action on human rights.

And you’re supporting investigations and accountability.

Five years ago, we launched our Call to Action for Human Rights, embedding human rights across the work of the United Nations around the world in close cooperation with our partners.

I will continue supporting this important work, and the High Commissioner’s Office, as we fight for human rights everywhere.
Excellencies,

We have our work cut out for us.

Human rights are the oxygen of humanity.

But one by one, human rights are being suffocated.

By autocrats, crushing opposition because they fear what a truly empowered people would do.

By a patriarchy that keeps girls out of school, and women at arm’s length from basic rights.

By wars and violence that strip populations of their right to food, water and education.

By warmongers who thumb their nose at international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter.

Human rights are being suffocated by the climate crisis.

And by a morally bankrupt global financial system that too often obstructs the path to greater equality and sustainable development.

By runaway technologies like Artificial Intelligence that hold great promise, but also the ability to violate human rights at the touch of a button.

By growing intolerance against entire groups — from Indigenous peoples, to migrants and refugees, to the LGBTQI+ community, to persons with disabilities.
And by voices of division and anger who view human rights not as a boon to humanity, but as a barrier to the power, profit and control they seek.

In short — human rights are on the ropes and being pummeled hard.

This represents a direct threat to all of the hard-won mechanisms and systems established over the last 80 years to protect and advance human rights.

But as the recently adopted Pact for the Future reminds us, human rights are, in fact, a source of solutions.

The Pact provides a playbook on how we can win the fight for human rights on several fronts.

First — human rights through peace and peace through human rights.

Conflicts inflict human rights violations on a massive scale.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, violations of human rights have skyrocketed since the horrific Hamas attacks of October 7 and the intolerable levels of death and destruction in Gaza.

And I am gravely concerned by the rising violence in the occupied West Bank by Israeli settlers and other violations, as well as calls for annexation. We are witnessing a precarious ceasefire. We must avoid at all costs a resumption of hostilities. The people in Gaza have already suffered too much.

It’s time for a permanent ceasefire, the dignified release of all remaining hostages, irreversible progress towards a two-State solution, an end to the occupation, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with Gaza as an integral part.

In Sudan, bloodshed, displacement and famine are engulfing the country.

The warring parties must take immediate action to protect civilians, uphold human rights, cease hostilities and forge peace.

And domestic and international human rights monitoring and investigation mechanisms should be permitted to document what is happening on the ground.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we see a deadly whirlwind of violence and horrifying human rights abuses, amplified by the recent M23 offensive, supported by the Rwandan Defense Forces.
As more cities fall, the risk of a regional war rises.

It’s time to silence the guns.

It’s time for diplomacy and dialogue.

The recent joint summit in Tanzania offered a way forward with a renewed call for an immediate ceasefire.

The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC must be respected.

The Congolese people deserve peace.

In the Sahel, I call for a renewed regional dialogue to protect citizens from terrorism and systemic violations of human rights, and to create the conditions for sustainable development.

In Myanmar, the situation has grown far worse in the four years since the military seized power and arbitrarily detained members of the democratically elected government.

We need greater cooperation to bring an end to the hostilities and forge a path towards an inclusive democratic transition and a return to civilian rule, allowing for the safe return of the Rohingya refugees.

And in Haiti, we are seeing massive human rights violations — including more than a million people displaced, and children facing a horrific increase in sexual violence and recruitment into gangs.

In the coming days, I will put forward proposals to the United Nations Security Council for greater stability and security for the people of Haiti — namely through an effective UN assistance mechanism to support the Multilateral Security Support mission, the national police and Haitian authorities.

A durable solution requires a political process — led and owned by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

The Pact for the Future calls for peace processes and approaches rooted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international law and the UN Charter.

It proposes specific actions to prioritize conflict prevention, mediation, resolution and peacebuilding.

And it includes a commitment to tackle the root causes of conflict, which are so often enmeshed in denials of basic human needs and rights.

Second — the Pact for the Future advances human rights through development.

The Sustainable Development Goals and human rights are fundamentally intertwined.

They represent real human needs — health, food, water, education, decent work and social protection.

With less than one-fifth of the Goals on track, the Pact calls for a massive acceleration through an SDG Stimulus, reforming the global financial architecture, and taking meaningful action for countries drowning in debt.

This must include focused action to conquer the most widespread human rights abuse in history — inequality for women and girls.

The Pact calls for investing in battling all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls, and ensuring their meaningful participation and leadership across all walks of life.
And along with the Declaration on Future Generations, the Pact calls for supporting the rights and futures of young people through decent work, removing barriers for youth participation, and enhancing training.

And the Global Digital Compact calls on nations to champion young innovators, nurture entrepreneurial spirit, and equip the next generation with digital literacy and skills.
Third — the Pact for the Future recognizes that the rule of law and human rights go hand-in-hand.

The rule of law, when founded on human rights, is an essential pillar of protection.

It shields the most vulnerable.

It’s the first line of defense against crime and corruption.

It supports fair, just and inclusive economies and societies.

It holds perpetrators of human rights atrocities to account.

It enables civic space for people to make their voices heard — and for journalists to carry out their essential work, free from interference or threats.

And it reaffirms the world’s commitment to equal access to justice, good governance, and transparent and accountable institutions.

Quatrièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à l’action climatique.

L’année dernière a été la plus chaude jamais enregistrée, et vient couronner la décennie la plus chaude jamais enregistrée.

La hausse des températures, la fonte des glaciers et le réchauffement des océans ne peuvent mener qu’au désastre.

Inondations, sécheresses, tempêtes meurtrières, famine, déplacements massifs : notre guerre contre la nature est aussi une guerre contre les droits humains.

Nous devons prendre un autre chemin.

Je salue les nombreux États Membres qui reconnaissent légalement le droit à un environnement sain, et j’appelle tous les pays à faire de même.

Les gouvernements doivent tenir leur promesse d’élaborer cette année de nouveaux plans d’action nationaux pour le climat couvrant l’ensemble de l’économie, et ce bien avant la COP 30 qui se tiendra au Brésil.

Ces plans doivent limiter la hausse de la température mondiale à 1,5 degré, notamment en accélérant la transition énergétique mondiale.

Nous avons également besoin d’une augmentation massive des financements pour l’action climatique dans les pays en développement, afin de s’adapter au réchauffement de la planète, de réduire les émissions et d’accélérer la révolution des énergies renouvelables, qui offre d’énormes possibilités économiques.

Nous devons nous opposer aux campagnes mensongères menées par de nombreux acteurs de l’industrie des combustibles fossiles et à ceux qui la font vivre et s’en rendent complices…

Tout comme nous devons protéger et défendre les personnes qui sont en première ligne de la lutte pour une justice climatique.

Et cinquièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à une gouvernance renforcée et améliorée des technologies.

À l’heure où des technologies en rapide mutation s’immiscent dans tous les aspects de notre vie, je m’inquiète des risques qu’elles représentent pour les droits humains.

Dans le meilleur des cas, les médias sociaux sont un lieu de rencontre où l’on peut échanger des idées et débattre avec respect.

Mais ils peuvent aussi devenir un théâtre de confrontations enflammées et d’une ignorance flagrante.

Un lieu où les poisons que sont la mésinformation, la désinformation, le racisme, la misogynie et les discours de haine sont non seulement tolérés, mais, bien souvent, encouragés.

La violence verbale en ligne peut facilement se transformer en violence physique dans le monde réel.

Les reculs récents en matière de vérification des faits et de modération de contenu sur les réseaux sociaux rouvrent grand la porte à plus de haine, plus de menaces et plus de violence.

Que l’on ne s’y trompe pas.

Ces reculs entraîneront une diminution de la liberté d’expression, et non une amplification – car les gens craignent de plus en plus de s’exprimer sur ces plateformes.

Dans le même temps, la grande promesse de l’intelligence artificielle s’accompagne d’un risque insondable qui met en péril l’autonomie, l’identité et le contrôle humains – jusqu’aux droits humains.

Face à ces menaces, le Pacte numérique mondial rassemble le monde entier pour veiller à ce que les droits humains ne soient pas sacrifiés sur l’autel de la technologie.

Il s’agit notamment de collaborer avec les entreprises numériques et les décideurs politiques pour étendre le respect des droits humains à tous les recoins du cyberespace, en mettant notamment l’accent sur l’intégrité de l’information sur toutes les plateformes numériques.

Les Principes mondiaux pour l’intégrité de l’information que j’ai lancés l’année dernière viendront étayer et orienter les efforts que nous déploierons en vue de créer un écosystème de l’information plus humain.

Le Pacte numérique mondial comprend également le premier accord universel sur la gouvernance de l’intelligence artificielle qui donne voix au chapitre à tous les pays, ainsi que des engagements en matière de renforcement des capacités, visant à ce que tous les pays et toutes les personnes bénéficient du potentiel de l’intelligence artificielle.

Pour cela, il faut investir dans l’accès à l’Internet à un prix abordable, dans les formations au numérique et dans les infrastructures ;

Aider les pays en développement à utiliser l’intelligence artificielle pour développer les petites entreprises, améliorer les services publics et connecter les communautés à de nouveaux marchés.

Et mettre les droits humains au centre des systèmes fondés sur l’intelligence artificielle.

Les décisions du Pacte – d’établir un Groupe scientifique international indépendant et un Dialogue mondial régulier garantissant la participation de tous les pays dans l’élaboration de l’avenir de l’intelligence artificielle – constituent des avancées importantes. Il faut les concrétiser.

Excellences,

Mesdames et Messieurs,

Nous pouvons mettre fin à l’asphyxie des droits humains en donnant vie au Pacte pour l’avenir et aux travaux de ce Conseil.

Attelons-nous à cette tâche – ensemble. Nous n’avons pas un instant à perdre.

Et je vous remercie.

[all-English version]

Mr. President of the General Assembly, Mr. President of the Human Rights Council, High Commissioner,
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

We begin this session under the weight of a grim milestone — the third anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in violation of the UN charter.

More than 12,600 civilians killed, with many more injured.

Entire communities reduced to rubble.

Hospitals and schools destroyed.

We must spare no effort to bring an end to this conflict, and to achieve a just and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter, international law and General Assembly resolutions.

Conflicts like the war in Ukraine exact a heavy toll.

A toll on people.

A toll on fundamental principles like territorial integrity, sovereignty and the rule of law.

And a toll on the vital business of this Council.

Without respect for human rights — civil, cultural, economic, political and social — sustainable peace is a pipedream.

And like this Council, human rights shine a light in the darkest places.

Through your work, and the work of the High Commissioner’s Office around the world, you’re supporting brave human rights defenders risking persecution, detention and even death.

You’re working with governments, civil society and others to strengthen action on human rights.

And you’re supporting investigations and accountability.

Five years ago, we launched our Call to Action for Human Rights, embedding human rights across the work of the United Nations around the world in close cooperation with our partners.

I will continue supporting this important work, and the High Commissioner’s Office, as we fight for human rights everywhere.
Excellencies,

We have our work cut out for us.

Human rights are the oxygen of humanity.

But one by one, human rights are being suffocated.

By autocrats, crushing opposition because they fear what a truly empowered people would do.

By a patriarchy that keeps girls out of school, and women at arm’s length from basic rights.

By wars and violence that strip populations of their right to food, water and education.

By warmongers who thumb their nose at international law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter.

Human rights are being suffocated by the climate crisis.

And by a morally bankrupt global financial system that too often obstructs the path to greater equality and sustainable development.

By runaway technologies like Artificial Intelligence that hold great promise, but also the ability to violate human rights at the touch of a button.

By growing intolerance against entire groups — from Indigenous peoples, to migrants and refugees, to the LGBTQI+ community, to persons with disabilities.
And by voices of division and anger who view human rights not as a boon to humanity, but as a barrier to the power, profit and control they seek.

In short — human rights are on the ropes and being pummeled hard.

This represents a direct threat to all of the hard-won mechanisms and systems established over the last 80 years to protect and advance human rights.

But as the recently adopted Pact for the Future reminds us, human rights are, in fact, a source of solutions.

The Pact provides a playbook on how we can win the fight for human rights on several fronts.

First — human rights through peace and peace through human rights.

Conflicts inflict human rights violations on a massive scale.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, violations of human rights have skyrocketed since the horrific Hamas attacks of October 7 and the intolerable levels of death and destruction in Gaza.

And I am gravely concerned by the rising violence in the occupied West Bank by Israeli settlers and other violations, as well as calls for annexation. We are witnessing a precarious ceasefire. We must avoid at all costs a resumption of hostilities. The people in Gaza have already suffered too much.

It’s time for a permanent ceasefire, the dignified release of all remaining hostages, irreversible progress towards a two-State solution, an end to the occupation, and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with Gaza as an integral part.

In Sudan, bloodshed, displacement and famine are engulfing the country.

The warring parties must take immediate action to protect civilians, uphold human rights, cease hostilities and forge peace.

And domestic and international human rights monitoring and investigation mechanisms should be permitted to document what is happening on the ground.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we see a deadly whirlwind of violence and horrifying human rights abuses, amplified by the recent M23 offensive, supported by the Rwandan Defense Forces.
As more cities fall, the risk of a regional war rises.

It’s time to silence the guns.

It’s time for diplomacy and dialogue.

The recent joint summit in Tanzania offered a way forward with a renewed call for an immediate ceasefire.

The sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC must be respected.

The Congolese people deserve peace.

In the Sahel, I call for a renewed regional dialogue to protect citizens from terrorism and systemic violations of human rights, and to create the conditions for sustainable development.

In Myanmar, the situation has grown far worse in the four years since the military seized power and arbitrarily detained members of the democratically elected government.

We need greater cooperation to bring an end to the hostilities and forge a path towards an inclusive democratic transition and a return to civilian rule, allowing for the safe return of the Rohingya refugees.

And in Haiti, we are seeing massive human rights violations — including more than a million people displaced, and children facing a horrific increase in sexual violence and recruitment into gangs.

In the coming days, I will put forward proposals to the United Nations Security Council for greater stability and security for the people of Haiti — namely through an effective UN assistance mechanism to support the Multilateral Security Support mission, the national police and Haitian authorities.

A durable solution requires a political process — led and owned by the Haitian people — that restores democratic institutions through elections.

The Pact for the Future calls for peace processes and approaches rooted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international law and the UN Charter.

It proposes specific actions to prioritize conflict prevention, mediation, resolution and peacebuilding.

And it includes a commitment to tackle the root causes of conflict, which are so often enmeshed in denials of basic human needs and rights.

Second — the Pact for the Future advances human rights through development.

The Sustainable Development Goals and human rights are fundamentally intertwined.

They represent real human needs — health, food, water, education, decent work and social protection.

With less than one-fifth of the Goals on track, the Pact calls for a massive acceleration through an SDG Stimulus, reforming the global financial architecture, and taking meaningful action for countries drowning in debt.

This must include focused action to conquer the most widespread human rights abuse in history — inequality for women and girls.

The Pact calls for investing in battling all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls, and ensuring their meaningful participation and leadership across all walks of life.
And along with the Declaration on Future Generations, the Pact calls for supporting the rights and futures of young people through decent work, removing barriers for youth participation, and enhancing training.

And the Global Digital Compact calls on nations to champion young innovators, nurture entrepreneurial spirit, and equip the next generation with digital literacy and skills.
Third — the Pact for the Future recognizes that the rule of law and human rights go hand-in-hand.

The rule of law, when founded on human rights, is an essential pillar of protection.

It shields the most vulnerable.

It’s the first line of defense against crime and corruption.

It supports fair, just and inclusive economies and societies.

It holds perpetrators of human rights atrocities to account.

It enables civic space for people to make their voices heard — and for journalists to carry out their essential work, free from interference or threats.

And it reaffirms the world’s commitment to equal access to justice, good governance, and transparent and accountable institutions.

Fourth — human rights through climate action.

Last year was the hottest on record — capping the hottest decade on record.

Rising heat, melting glaciers and hotter oceans are a recipe for disaster.

Floods, droughts, deadly storms, hunger, mass displacement — our war on nature is also a war on human rights.

We must choose a different path.

I salute the many Member States who legally recognize the right to a healthy environment — and I call on all countries to do the same.

Governments must keep their promise to produce new, economy-wide national climate action plans this year, well ahead of COP30 in Brazil.

Those plans must limit the rise in global temperature to 1.5 degrees — including by accelerating the global energy transition.

We also need a surge in finance for climate action in developing countries, to adapt to global heating, slash emissions and accelerate the renewables revolution, which represents a massive economic opportunity.

We must stand up to the misleading campaign of many in the fossil fuel industry and its enablers who are aiding and abetting this madness, while also protecting and defending those on the front lines of climate justice.

And fifth — human rights through stronger, better governance of technology.

As fast-moving technologies expand into every aspect of our lives, I am deeply concerned about human rights being undermined.

At its best, social media is a meeting ground for people to exchange ideas and spark respectful debate.

But it can also be an arena of fiery combat and blatant ignorance.

A place where the poisons of misinformation, disinformation, racism, misogyny and hate speech are not only tolerated — but often encouraged.

Verbal violence online can easily spill into physical violence in real life.

Recent rollbacks on social media fact-checking and content moderation are re-opening the floodgates to more hate, more threats, and more violence.

Make no mistake.

These rollbacks will lead to less free speech, not more, as people become increasingly fearful to engage on these platforms.

Meanwhile, the great promise of Artificial Intelligence is matched by limitless peril to undermine human autonomy, human identity, human control — and yes, human rights.

In the face of these threats, the Global Digital Compact brings the world together to ensure that human rights are not sacrificed on the altar of technology.

This includes working with digital companies and policymakers to extend human rights to every corner of cyberspace — including a new focus on information integrity across digital platforms.

The Global Principles for Information Integrity I launched last year will support and inform this work as we push for a more humane information ecosystem.

The Global Digital Compact also includes the first universal agreement on the governance of AI that brings every country to the table and commitments on capacity-building, so all countries and people benefit from AI’s potential.

By investing in affordable internet, digital literacy, and infrastructure.

By helping developing countries use AI to grow small businesses, improve public services, and connect communities to new markets.

And by placing human rights at the centre of AI-driven systems.

The Pact’s decisions to create an Independent International Scientific Panel on AI and an ongoing Global Dialogue that ensure all countries have a voice in shaping its future are important steps forward. We must implement them.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

We can help end the suffocation of human rights by breathing life into the Pact for the Future and the work of this Council.

Let’s do that together. We don’t have a moment to lose.

And I thank you.

[all-French translation]

L’ouverture de la présente session coïncide avec un sinistre jalon : le troisième anniversaire de l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie, en violation de la Charte des Nations Unies.

Plus de 12 600 civils ont été tués et bien plus encore ont été blessés.

Des communautés entières ont été anéanties.

Des hôpitaux et des écoles ne sont plus que décombres.

Nous ne devons ménager aucun effort pour mettre un terme à ce conflit et parvenir à une paix juste et durable, conformément à la Charte des Nations Unies, au droit international et aux résolutions de l’Assemblée générale.

Les conflits comme la guerre en Ukraine prélèvent un lourd tribut.

Ils déciment les populations.

Ils érodent les principes fondamentaux que sont l’intégrité territoriale, la souveraineté et l’état de droit.

Ils sapent les activités vitales de ce Conseil.

Sans le respect des droits humains – qu’ils soient civils, culturels, économiques, politiques ou sociaux – la paix durable n’est qu’une chimère.

Et comme ce Conseil, les droits humains sont une source de lumière dans l’obscurité la plus profonde.

Grâce à vos travaux et à ceux que le Haut-Commissariat mène dans le monde entier, vous soutenez les défenseurs et défenseuses des droits humains qui, avec courage, risquent la persécution, la détention et même la mort.

Vous travaillez avec les gouvernements, la société civile et d’autres acteurs pour renforcer l’action en faveur des droits humains.

Et vous apportez votre soutien aux mécanismes d’enquête et d’établissement des responsabilités.

Il y a cinq ans, nous avons lancé notre appel à l’action en faveur des droits humains, l’objectif étant d’intégrer les droits humains dans toutes les activités des Nations Unies menées à travers le monde, en étroite collaboration avec nos partenaires.

Je continuerai d’apporter mon appui à ces travaux importants, ainsi qu’au Haut-Commissariat, dans notre lutte pour les droits humains partout dans le monde.

Excellences,

Nous avons du pain sur la planche.

Les droits humains sont l’oxygène de l’humanité.

Mais ils sont asphyxiés, les uns après les autres.

Par les autocrates, qui écrasent l’opposition parce qu’ils craignent ce dont serait capable un peuple ayant pleinement les moyens d’agir.

Par le patriarcat, qui empêche les filles d’aller à l’école et les femmes de jouir de leurs droits fondamentaux.

Par les guerres et la violence, qui privent les populations de leur droit à l’alimentation, à l’eau, et à l’éducation.

Par les bellicistes, qui se rient du droit international, du droit international humanitaire et de la Charte des Nations Unies.

Les droits humains sont asphyxiés par la crise climatique.

Par un système financier mondial en faillite morale, qui fait trop souvent obstacle à une plus grande égalité et au développement durable.

Par des technologies incontrôlables comme l’intelligence artificielle, qui suscitent de grands espoirs mais recèlent aussi la capacité de violer les droits humains en un seul clic.

Par une intolérance croissante à l’égard de groupes entiers, qu’il s’agisse des peuples autochtones, des migrants et réfugiés, de la communauté LGBTQI+, ou encore des personnes handicapées.

Et par les discours de ceux qui, prêchant la division et la colère, considèrent les droits humains non pas comme un bienfait pour l’humanité, mais comme un obstacle au pouvoir, au profit et au contrôle qu’ils convoitent.

En bref, les droits humains, sous le coup d’attaques vicieuses, sont dans leurs derniers retranchements.

Cette situation représente une menace directe pour tous les mécanismes et systèmes établis de haute lutte au cours des 80 dernières années pour protéger et faire progresser les droits humains.

Or, comme le rappelle le Pacte pour l’avenir adopté récemment, les droits humains sont, en fait, une source de solutions.

Le Pacte définit les mesures que nous pouvons prendre pour gagner le combat pour les droits humains sur plusieurs fronts.

Premièrement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à la paix et instaurer la paix grâce aux droits humains.

Les conflits infligent des violations massives des droits humains.

Dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, les violations des droits humains ont connu une hausse vertigineuse depuis les horribles attaques perpétrées par le Hamas le 7 octobre, et les niveaux intolérables de mort et de destruction à Gaza.

Je suis gravement préoccupé par la montée des violences et des autres violations commises en Cisjordanie occupée par les colons israéliens, ainsi que par les appels à l’annexion. Nous assistons à un cessez-le-feu précaire. Nous devons éviter à tout prix une reprise des hostilités. La population de Gaza a déjà trop souffert.

Il est temps d’instaurer un cessez-le-feu permanent, de libérer tous les otages restants, de réaliser des progrès irréversibles vers la solution des deux États, la fin l’occupation, et la création d’un État palestinien indépendant, dont Gaza ferait partie intégrante.

Au Soudan, les bains de sang, les déplacements de population et la famine ravagent le pays.

Les parties en conflit doivent prendre immédiatement des mesures pour protéger les civils, défendre les droits humains, cesser les hostilités et instaurer la paix.

Les mécanismes nationaux et internationaux de surveillance et d’enquête en matière de droits humains devraient être autorisés à documenter ce qui se déroule sur le terrain.

En République démocratique du Congo, nous sommes témoins d’un tourbillon mortel de violences et d’atroces violations des droits humains, amplifié par la récente offensive du M23, soutenue par les forces de défense rwandaises.

Plus les villes tombent, plus le risque d’une guerre régionale augmente.

Il est temps de faire taire les armes.

L’heure est à la diplomatie et au dialogue.

Le récent sommet conjoint qui s’est tenu en Tanzanie a ouvert la voie en renouvelant l’appel à un cessez-le-feu immédiat.

La souveraineté et l’intégrité territoriale de la RDC doivent être respectées.

Le peuple congolais mérite la paix.

Au Sahel, j’appelle à la reprise du dialogue régional afin de protéger les citoyens du terrorisme et des violations systémiques des droits humains et de créer les conditions du développement durable.

Au Myanmar, la situation s’est considérablement aggravée au cours des quatre années qui se sont écoulées depuis que les militaires ont pris le pouvoir et détenu arbitrairement des membres du gouvernement démocratiquement élu.

Il nous faut resserrer la coopération pour mettre fin aux hostilités et ouvrir la voie à une transition démocratique inclusive et au retour à un régime civil, permettant le retour en toute sécurité des réfugiés rohingyas.

En Haïti, nous constatons des violations massives des droits humains : plus d’un million de personnes ont été déplacées et les enfants sont en proie à une augmentation effroyable des violences sexuelles et de l’enrôlement dans les gangs.

Dans les jours à venir, je présenterai au Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies des propositions pour renforcer la stabilité et la sécurité du peuple haïtien, notamment par le biais d’un mécanisme d’assistance efficace des Nations unies destiné à soutenir la Mission multilatérale de soutien à la sécurité, à la police nationale et aux autorités haïtiennes.

Une solution durable nécessite un processus politique – mené et pris en charge par le peuple haïtien – qui rétablisse les institutions démocratiques à travers des élections.

Le Pacte pour l’avenir demande la mise en place de processus et de démarches pour la paix ancrés dans la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’Homme, le droit international et la Charte des Nations Unies.

Le Pacte pour l’avenir appelle à des processus et des approches de paix fondés sur la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme, le droit international et la Charte des Nations unies.

Il propose des mesures précises visant à privilégier la prévention des conflits, la médiation, le règlement des conflits et la consolidation de la paix.

Il énonce également l’engagement pris de s’attaquer aux causes profondes des conflits, qui sont bien souvent liées au déni des besoins et des droits humains fondamentaux.

Deuxièmement, le Pacte pour l’avenir fait progresser les droits humains grâce au développement.

Les objectifs de développement durable et les droits humains sont intrinsèquement liés.

Ils représentent des besoins humains réels : la santé, l’alimentation, l’eau, l’éducation, le travail décent et la protection sociale.

Alors que moins d’un cinquième des objectifs sont en passe d’être réalisés, le Pacte appelle à une accélération massive des progrès grâce au plan de relance des objectifs de développement durable, à la réforme de
l’architecture financière mondiale et à la prise de mesures réfléchies pour les pays qui croulent sous la dette.

Il s’agit donc, notamment, de mener une action ciblée pour vaincre la violation des droits humains la plus répandue dans l’histoire : l’inégalité pour les femmes et les filles.

Le Pacte appelle à investir pour lutter contre toutes les formes de discrimination et de violence à l’égard des femmes et des filles et pour permettre à celles-ci de participer véritablement à tous les domaines de la vie et d’y jouer un rôle moteur.

Avec la Déclaration sur les générations futures, le Pacte appelle à défendre les droits et l’avenir des jeunes en promouvant le travail décent, en éliminant les obstacles à la participation des jeunes et en améliorant la formation.

Le Pacte numérique mondial appelle tous les pays à soutenir les jeunes innovateurs, à cultiver l’esprit entrepreneurial et à doter la prochaine génération des connaissances et compétences numériques nécessaires.

Troisièmement, le Pacte pour l’avenir établit que l’état de droit et les droits humains vont de pair.

L’état de droit, lorsqu’il est fondé sur les droits humains, est un pilier essentiel de la protection.

Il protège les plus vulnérables.

C’est la première ligne de défense contre la criminalité et la corruption.

Il favorise des économies et des sociétés équitables, justes et inclusives.

Il oblige les auteurs d’atrocités commises en violation des droits humains à rendre compte de leurs actes.

Il offre aux individus un espace civique où faire entendre leur voix et permet aux journalistes d’accomplir leur travail essentiel, à l’abri des ingérences et des menaces.

Et il réaffirme l’engagement du monde en faveur de l’égalité d’accès à la justice, de la bonne gouvernance et d’institutions transparentes et responsables.

Quatrièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à l’action climatique.

L’année dernière a été la plus chaude jamais enregistrée, et vient couronner la décennie la plus chaude jamais enregistrée.

La hausse des températures, la fonte des glaciers et le réchauffement des océans ne peuvent mener qu’au désastre.

Inondations, sécheresses, tempêtes meurtrières, famine, déplacements massifs : notre guerre contre la nature est aussi une guerre contre les droits humains.

Nous devons prendre un autre chemin.

Je salue les nombreux États Membres qui reconnaissent légalement le droit à un environnement sain, et j’appelle tous les pays à faire de même.

Les gouvernements doivent tenir leur promesse d’élaborer cette année de nouveaux plans d’action nationaux pour le climat couvrant l’ensemble de l’économie, et ce bien avant la COP 30 qui se tiendra au Brésil.

Ces plans doivent limiter la hausse de la température mondiale à 1,5 degré, notamment en accélérant la transition énergétique mondiale.

Nous avons également besoin d’une augmentation massive des financements pour l’action climatique dans les pays en développement, afin de s’adapter au réchauffement de la planète, de réduire les émissions et d’accélérer la révolution des énergies renouvelables, qui offre d’énormes possibilités économiques.

Nous devons nous opposer aux campagnes mensongères menées par de nombreux acteurs de l’industrie des combustibles fossiles et à ceux qui la font vivre et s’en rendent complices…

Tout comme nous devons protéger et défendre les personnes qui sont en première ligne de la lutte pour une justice climatique.

Et cinquièmement, réaliser les droits humains grâce à une gouvernance renforcée et améliorée des technologies.

À l’heure où des technologies en rapide mutation s’immiscent dans tous les aspects de notre vie, je m’inquiète des risques qu’elles représentent pour les droits humains.

Dans le meilleur des cas, les médias sociaux sont un lieu de rencontre où l’on peut échanger des idées et débattre avec respect.

Mais ils peuvent aussi devenir un théâtre de confrontations enflammées et d’une ignorance flagrante.

Un lieu où les poisons que sont la mésinformation, la désinformation, le racisme, la misogynie et les discours de haine sont non seulement tolérés, mais, bien souvent, encouragés.

La violence verbale en ligne peut facilement se transformer en violence physique dans le monde réel.

Les reculs récents en matière de vérification des faits et de modération de contenu sur les réseaux sociaux rouvrent grand la porte à plus de haine, plus de menaces et plus de violence.

Que l’on ne s’y trompe pas.

Ces reculs entraîneront une diminution de la liberté d’expression, et non une amplification – car les gens craignent de plus en plus de s’exprimer sur ces plateformes.

Dans le même temps, la grande promesse de l’intelligence artificielle s’accompagne d’un risque insondable qui met en péril l’autonomie, l’identité et le contrôle humains – jusqu’aux droits humains.

Face à ces menaces, le Pacte numérique mondial rassemble le monde entier pour veiller à ce que les droits humains ne soient pas sacrifiés sur l’autel de la technologie.

Il s’agit notamment de collaborer avec les entreprises numériques et les décideurs politiques pour étendre le respect des droits humains à tous les recoins du cyberespace, en mettant notamment l’accent sur l’intégrité de l’information sur toutes les plateformes numériques.

Les Principes mondiaux pour l’intégrité de l’information que j’ai lancés l’année dernière viendront étayer et orienter les efforts que nous déploierons en vue de créer un écosystème de l’information plus humain.

Le Pacte numérique mondial comprend également le premier accord universel sur la gouvernance de l’intelligence artificielle qui donne voix au chapitre à tous les pays, ainsi que des engagements en matière de renforcement des capacités, visant à ce que tous les pays et toutes les personnes bénéficient du potentiel de l’intelligence artificielle.

Pour cela, il faut investir dans l’accès à Internet à un prix abordable, dans les formations au numérique et dans les infrastructures ;

Aider les pays en développement à utiliser l’intelligence artificielle pour développer les petites entreprises, améliorer les services publics et connecter les communautés à de nouveaux marchés.

Et mettre les droits humains au centre des systèmes fondés sur l’intelligence artificielle.

Les décisions du Pacte – d’établir un Groupe scientifique international indépendant et un Dialogue mondial régulier garantissant la participation de tous les pays dans l’élaboration de l’avenir de l’intelligence artificielle – constituent des avancées importantes. Il faut les concrétiser.

Excellences, Mesdames et Messieurs,

Nous pouvons mettre fin à l’asphyxie des droits humains en donnant vie au Pacte pour l’avenir et aux travaux de ce Conseil.

Attelons-nous à cette tâche – ensemble. Nous n’avons pas un instant à perdre.

Et je vous remercie.

MIL OSI United Nations News –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Australia: Interview – ABC Afternoon Briefing with Tom Lowrey

Source: Australian Ministers for Education

TOM LOWREY, HOST: Now, while the government wants to run on its support for Medicare, some in the Opposition have criticised the way the government is selling its pledge as a rerun of Medi-scare. To discuss this and more, let’s bring in the Youth Minister, Anne Aly. Minister, thanks for joining Afternoon Briefing and thanks for bearing through some technical difficulties too.

MINISTER ANNE ALY: That’s ok. It’s just another day.

LOWREY: And we’re already hearing GPs saying this is welcome, this Medicare pledge, but it doesn’t mean they’re about to start bulk billing. Their costs are simply too high. What would you say to them?

ALY: Look, I think that the overwhelming evidence that we’ve seen, and I know that the Health Minister, Mark Butler, has done extensive consultations on this, is that this is good policy, it’s welcome policy, and first and foremost it’s about ensuring that all Australians have access to the healthcare they need and they don’t put off seeing a doctor because of the cost of seeing a doctor. And secondly, it’s about getting Medicare back on track to what its original purpose is, is that you should have access to the services you need, the health services you need, not based on your credit card. So, all the information that we’ve got is that this is good policy and that we’re confident that it will be taken up by the majority of bulk billing clinics or of practitioners, sorry, practitioner clinics by 2030.

LOWREY: Yeah, we’ve been told to expect 90 per cent bulk billing by 2030. Is that figure a commitment from Labor or is it a hope?

ALY: I think it’s based on projections of and – projections of what the uptake would be. These are really good incentives for practitioners and practices to bulk bill beyond what they already bulk bill, which is people on a concession card, for children and for pensioners and low-income families. This is to ensure that every Australian, regardless of what their bank balance is, has access to the medical services that they need. So, those projections are based on a level of confidence that this is the kind of incentive that will make a difference to practitioners and practices.

LOWREY: Anne Aly, your home state of WA is in the midst of a state election campaign. We saw both campaigns launch their campaigns over the weekend. Are you worried that voters in WA might be happy to back Roger Cook, who seems like a reasonably popular Premier, but willing to back Peter Dutton when the federal election rolls around?

ALY: Well, there’s always this kind of talk, and there’s two schools of thought. One is that the state election impacts on the federal election, and the other one is that, you know, Australians are discerning enough voters to make a difference between the two. And, you know, both are true to some extent and in their own ways. Look, I think that West Australians know that Labor, both federally and state, is good for them. We’ve got a strong economy here in WA, we’ve got low unemployment, we’ve got a state government that has really managed the budget well. We’ve got really strong infrastructure. And you know, we’ve got a Federal Government in Labor that has worked closely with the WA Government in the interests of Western Australia and a Prime Minister in Anthony Albanese who has made WA a focus. He’s been to Australia more times than I can, to Western Australia more times than I can count. I think it’s about 30 times or getting up to 30 times now, and has demonstrated to West Australians that he’s not just eastern states focused.

LOWREY: Labor in WA at a state level. Is it something of a high watermark? Of course, the Former Premier Mark McGowan knocked the Liberals down. So, I think, is it six lower house seats in that state? Are you concerned the Liberals might take some momentum federally, even out of a close defeat in WA? They don’t necessarily need to win this election; they just need to come somewhat close.

ALY: Well, the Liberals have a long way to go to, to take, take government here in Western Australia. I think they have to win something like 20 seats. So, it’s impossible to see them doing that, to be quite frank. You know, I think the extent to which they will claw back some of the seats that they lost at the last election will be seen over as the WA election continues. But I think also the West Australian Liberals have shown that they’re just really not ready to govern to be honest. They’ve had a whole lot of different scandals with one of the, with some of the, the people that they’ve pre-selected. They’ve had a challenge from Basil Zempilas against Libby Mettam, and I don’t think they’ve demonstrated to the West Australian people that they are in a position to govern and that they’re ready to govern.

LOWREY: I just want to touch on your portfolio area of child care quickly and early childhood education. Is there more to come from Labor on child care ahead of the election or the Activity Test changes we saw past Parliament in the past few weeks it for Labor ahead of that poll?

ALY: Well, I’ll just say it wasn’t just the Activity Test. The Activity Test, yes, did pass Parliament and for your viewers, the Activity Test was introduced by the Liberal Government in 2018. And the purpose of it, the stated purpose of it, was to incentivise women, in particular, to return to work. We know that that didn’t happen, and rather, what the Activity Test did was lock out children, and particularly children who would benefit the most from early childhood education and care, lock them out of the system. The Liberal and Coalition voted against our changes to the Activity Test, which demonstrates where they sit in terms of those transformational benefits of early childhood education and care, but also in terms of cost-of-living relief, because removing the Activity Test would benefit around 70,000 families with real cost-of-living relief. But that’s not the only thing that we’re doing. We’ve also got a building education fund, Building Early Education Fund. That’s a billion dollars that we’re putting towards building the services that families and children need, particularly in areas where there are no services. So, outer suburban, rural and regional and in vulnerable communities. This is all part of the big package, of course, starting with bringing down the cost of early childhood education, raising the wages of early childhood educators and getting more early childhood educators in to ensure kind of a stable workforce as a foundation and all working towards our vision of an early childhood education and care sector that is universal, and that recognises that this is an essential service that families and parents rely on.

LOWREY: And before I let you go, I just want to touch on some of what we’ve seen in the Middle East over the past few days. Israel has been heavily critical of a ceremony Hamas put on as it returned the bodies of four Israeli hostages late last week. What did you make of those images, and how concerned are you about the ceasefire holding?

ALY: I’m really concerned. I think what this demonstrates, what we know, is that it is particularly fragile. The ceasefire is particularly fragile. Peace is over there is particularly fragile. What we want to see is this first phase of the ceasefire to run smoothly and continue and then transition into the second phase of the ceasefire with a goal towards everlasting peace through a two-state solution. That’s Australia’s position. We’ve always supported a ceasefire, so of course, we are keen to see that the conditions of the ceasefire continue to be met and that that ceasefire can transition to the second phase. So, it is concerning. It is concerning that there are, I guess, challenges to the ceasefire continuing, but again, underscoring the fragility of it.

LOWREY: Anne Aly, thanks so much for joining the Afternoon Briefing.

ALY: Thank you.

MIL OSI News –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Security: Trzy lata od pełnoskalowej inwazji na Ukrainę: konkretne działania wspierane przez Eurojust na drodze ku rozliczeniu

Source: Eurojust

Członkowie zespołu JIT pracują nad wspólną strategią organów prokuratorskich, w której priorytetowo traktuje się postępowania przygotowawcze w sprawie zbrodni agresji, przestępstw związanych ze stosowaniem tortur, złego traktowania i filtracji w odniesieniu do nielegalnych miejsc zatrzymań, a także zbrodni ludobójstwa.

Od marca 2022 r. Agencja zorganizowała 26 spotkań koordynacyjnych z udziałem członków zespołu JIT i innych organów krajowych prowadzących postępowania przygotowawcze w sprawie najpoważniejszych zbrodni wagi międzynarodowej, które według doniesień popełniono w Ukrainie. Umożliwiło to zaangażowanym krajom wymianę danych dotyczących krajowych postępowań przygotowawczych, omówienie strategii i priorytetów oraz koordynację czynności w ramach postępowań przygotowawczych.

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Eurojust zobowiązuje się do dalszego wspierania tej ważnej pracy zespołu JIT, w związku z czym przeznaczył około pół miliona euro na finansowanie jego działalności.

Wsparciem dla zespołu JIT są prace Międzynarodowego Centrum Ścigania Zbrodni Agresji przeciwko Ukrainie (ICPA) i baza dowodów najpoważniejszych zbrodni wagi międzynarodowej (CICED), które prowadzi i którymi zarządza Eurojust.

ICPA: postępy w pracach nad solidnym pakietem dowodowym dotyczącym zbrodni agresji

W ciągu ostatnich sześciu miesięcy ICPA poczyniło znaczne postępy w opracowywaniu solidnego pakietu dowodowego. Pakiet ten opiera się na wspólnej, uzgodnionej przez uczestników ICPA strategii organów prokuratorskich w ramach postępowań przygotowawczych dotyczącej zbrodni agresji.

Pakiet dowodowy ma zostać przekazany do przyszłego biura prokuratora ewentualnego specjalnego trybunału lub innych jurysdykcji.

ICPA zapewniało i nadal zapewnia gromadzenie i wstępną analizę potencjalnych dowodów, które mogą dotyczyć osób na najwyższych szczeblach kierownictwa wojskowego i politycznego. Prace w ramach postępowań przygotowawczych nie są ograniczone zakresem oficjalnych stanowisk, które mogą zajmować dane osoby.

W miarę trwania agresji w Ukrainie pojawia się coraz więcej dowodów, które ICPA aktywnie bada.

ICPA otrzymało dodatkowe finansowanie, a w styczniu 2025 r. jego działalność przedłużono o sześć miesięcy. W tym celu Eurojust i Służba Komisji Europejskiej ds. Instrumentów Polityki Zagranicznej podpisały zmianę do umowy o przyznanie wkładu.

CICED: ponad 3700 materiałów dowodowych

CICED to unikalna, dostosowana do potrzeb sądowa baza danych utworzona przez Eurojust w celu ochrony, analizowania i przechowywania dowodów najpoważniejszych zbrodni wagi międzynarodowej. CICED umożliwia Agencji wspieranie krajowych organów wymiaru sprawiedliwości w identyfikacji dowodów znajdujących się w innym kraju, które mogą mieć znaczenie dla ich własnych postępowań przygotowawczych. Do tej pory 16 państw przedłożyło do CICED ponad 3700 materiałów dowodowych.

W styczniu 2025 r. nowe narzędzie tłumaczeniowe umożliwiło przetłumaczenie złożonych przez organy krajowe materiałów dowodowych z 19 języków na język angielski. Był to przełom, który znacznie przyspieszył prace analityczne Agencji. W rezultacie funkcja wyszukiwania w bazie danych zapewnia bardziej precyzyjne wyniki, a na wnioski o udzielenie informacji składane przez organy krajowe można odpowiadać szybciej.

Eurojust dokłada wszelkich starań, aby odpowiedzieć na wnioski organów krajowych o wsparcie prowadzonych przez nie postępowań przygotowawczych w sprawie najpoważniejszych zbrodni wagi międzynarodowej. Agencja wykazuje się również proaktywnością w identyfikowaniu materiałów, które uznaje za przydatne w prowadzonych krajowych postępowaniach przygotowawczych.

Kontekst:

Od wybuchu wojny Eurojust odgrywa wiodącą rolę w dążeniu do zapewnienia odpowiedzialności za rosyjskie zbrodnie. Zaledwie trzy tygodnie po pełnoskalowej inwazji dokonanej przez Rosję w 2022 r. Eurojust wsparł utworzenie zespołu JIT, który obecnie składa się z Ukrainy i sześciu państw członkowskich UE, z udziałem MTK i Europolu, a także obejmuje protokół ustaleń ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi.

W rozdrobnionym i złożonym kontekście operacyjnym, podczas gdy wojna cały czas trwa, a dowody są rozproszone w krajach o różnych systemach prawnych, udział w zespole JIT umożliwia partnerom bezpośrednią wymianę informacji w czasie rzeczywistym. Pomaga też członkom zespołu JIT usprawnić swoje postępowania przygotowawcze, ponieważ zaangażowane organy krajowe mogą teraz skupić się na aktywnej pracy nad własnymi sprawami.

Eurojust zapewnia zespołowi JIT specjalistyczną wiedzę prawną i analityczną, a także wsparcie logistyczne i finansowe.

W lutym 2023 r. Eurojust uruchomił bazę dowodów najpoważniejszych zbrodni wagi międzynarodowej (CICED), opierając się na pilnej zmianie mandatu Eurojustu w następstwie inwazji na Ukrainę.

Eurojust prowadzi również Międzynarodowe Centrum Ścigania Zbrodni Agresji przeciwko Ukrainie (ICPA), które zostało ustanowione w lipcu 2023 r. i wraz z CICED wspiera prace zespołu JIT.

Od marca 2022 r. Eurojust aktywnie uczestniczy w pracach unijnej grupy zadaniowej „Freeze and Seize” utworzonej przez Komisję Europejską, aby zapewnić skuteczne wdrożenie sankcji UE wobec wymienionych w wykazie oligarchów rosyjskich i białoruskich w całej Unii Europejskiej. Eurojust zapewnia grupie zadaniowej wsparcie operacyjne, koordynując egzekwowanie przez państwa członkowskie sankcji unijnych za pośrednictwem prawa karnego.

Wraz z ukraińską Prokuraturą Generalną Eurojust współprzewodniczy zespołowi roboczemu ds. krajowych postępowań przygotowawczych w ramach Dialogue Group on Accountability for Ukraine (Grupy Dialogu na rzecz Odpowiedzialności wobec Ukrainy). Zadaniem tego zespołu jest zidentyfikowanie kluczowych wyzwań w sprawach dotyczących najpoważniejszych zbrodni wagi międzynarodowej i wspólne zaproponowanie rozwiązań na poziomie politycznym, na przykład w zakresie wykorzystania zebranych ze źródeł jawnych dowodów w postępowaniach przygotowawczych w sprawie zbrodni wagi międzynarodowej w kontekście Ukrainy i w ściganiu tych zbrodni.

Więcej informacji:

Więcej informacji na temat różnych działań podjętych przez Eurojust od wybuchu wojny w Ukrainie można znaleźć na naszej specjalnej stronie internetowej.

MIL Security OSI –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Security: Kolm aastat pärast täiemahulist sissetungi Ukrainasse: Eurojusti toetatavad konkreetsed sammud vastutusele võtmise suunas

Source: Eurojust

Ühise uurimisrühma liikmed on tegelenud ühise õigusemõistmise strateegia väljatöötamisega, mis seab prioriteediks agressioonikuriteo ning piinamise, väärkohtlemise ja filtratsiooni kuritegude uurimise seoses ebaseaduslike kinnipidamiskohtadega, samuti genotsiidikuriteo uurimise.

Alates märtsist 2022 on amet korraldanud 22 koordineerimisnõupidamist ühise uurimisrühma liikmete ja muude riiklike ametiasutuste vahel, kes uurivad Ukrainas väidetavalt toimepandud raskeid rahvusvahelisi kuritegusid. See on võimaldanud asjaomastel riikidel vahetada andmeid oma vastavate siseriiklike uurimiste kohta, arutada strateegiaid ja prioriteete ning koordineerida uurimismeetmeid.

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Eurojust on täielikult pühendunud ühise uurimisrühma olulise töö jätkuvale toetamisele ning on eraldanud oma tegevuse rahastamiseks ligikaudu pool miljonit eurot.

Ühise uurimisrühma tööd toetavad Eurojusti hallatavad rahvusvaheline keskus Ukraina-vastaste agressioonikuritegude eest vastutusele võtmiseks ja raskete rahvusvaheliste kuritegude tõendite andmebaas (CICED).

Rahvusvaheline keskus Ukraina-vastaste agressioonikuritegude eest vastutusele võtmiseks: edusammud agressioonikuritegusid käsitleva tugeva juhtumite menetlemise paketi osas

Rahvusvaheline keskus Ukraina-vastaste agressioonikuritegude eest vastutusele võtmiseks on viimase kuue kuu jooksul teinud märkimisväärseid edusamme tugeva juhtumite menetlemise paketi koostamisel. See pakett tugineb ühisele agressioonikuritegude uurimis- ja õigusemõistmise strateegiale, milles Ukraina-vastaste agressioonikuritegude eest vastutusele võtmiseks loodud rahvusvahelise keskuse osalejad on kokku leppinud.

Juhtumite menetlemise pakett on mõeldud edastamiseks võimalikule tulevasele erikohtu prokuratuurile või muudele jurisdiktsioonidele.

Rahvusvaheline keskus Ukraina-vastaste agressioonikuritegude eest vastutusele võtmiseks on taganud ja tagab jätkuvalt selliste võimalike tõendite kogumise ja esialgse analüüsi, mis võivad olla seotud sõjaväe ja poliitilise juhtkonna kõrgeima tasandi isikutega. Uurimistegevust ei piira isikute ametikohad.

Kuna agressioon Ukrainas jätkub, on üha rohkem tõendeid, mida Ukraina-vastaste agressioonikuritegude eest vastutusele võtmiseks loodud rahvusvahelise keskus aktiivselt uurib.

Rahvusvaheline keskus Ukraina-vastaste agressioonikuritegude eest vastutusele võtmiseks on saanud täiendavat rahastamist ja 2025. aasta jaanuaris pikendati selle tegevust kuue kuu võrra. Selleks allkirjastati Eurojusti ja Euroopa Komisjoni välispoliitika vahendite talituse vahel rahalist toetust käsitleva lepingu muudatus.

CICED: üle 3700 tõendusmaterjalide toimiku

CICED on ainulaadne ja kohandatud kohtuandmebaas, mille Eurojust on loonud, et säilitada, analüüsida ja talletada raskete rahvusvaheliste kuritegude tõendeid. CICED võimaldab ametil toetada liikmesriikide õigusasutusi teises riigis asuvate tõendite tuvastamisel, mis võivad olla olulised nende enda juurdluste jaoks. Praeguseks on 16 riiki esitanud CICEDile üle 3700 tõendusmaterjalide toimiku.

Jaanuaris 2025 võimaldas uus tõlkevahend liikmesriikide ametiasutuste esitatud tõendusmaterjale 19 keelest inglise keelde tõlkida. See pöördeline muutus on oluliselt kiirendanud ameti analüütilist tööd. Selle tulemusena on andmebaasi otsingufunktsioon täpsem ja liikmesriikide ametiasutuste teabepäringutele saab kiiremini vastata.

Eurojust on teinud suuri jõupingutusi, et vastata liikmesriikide ametiasutuste taotlustele toetada raskete rahvusvaheliste kuritegude uurimist. Lisaks sellele on amet ennetavalt tuvastanud toimikuid, mida peetakse kasulikuks käimasolevate riiklike uurimiste jaoks.

Taust:

Alates sõja puhkemisest on Eurojust olnud Venemaa kuritegude eest vastutusele võtmise toetamisel esirinnas. Vaid kolm nädalat pärast Venemaa täiemahulist sissetungi 2022. aastal toetas Eurojust ühise uurimisrühma loomist, mis koosneb nüüd Ukrainast, kuuest ELi liikmesriigist, Rahvusvahelise Kriminaalkohtu ja Europoli osalemisest ning vastastikuse mõistmise memorandumist Ameerika Ühendriikidega.

Ühine uurimisrühm võimaldab partneritel killustunud ja keerulisel operatiivmaastikul, kus käib sõda ja tõendid on laiali erinevate õigussüsteemidega riikides, vahetada teavet otse ja reaalajas. Samuti aitab see ühise uurimisrühma liikmetel oma uurimisi ühtlustada, kuna asjaomased riiklikud asutused saavad nüüd keskenduda oma juhtumite aktiivsele menetlemisele.

Eurojust pakub ühisele uurimisrühmale õiguslikku ja analüütilist oskusteavet ning logistilist ja rahalist tuge.

2023. aasta veebruaris käivitas Eurojust raskete rahvusvaheliste kuritegude tõendite andmebaasi (CICED), mis põhineb Eurojusti volituste kiireloomulisel muutmisel pärast sissetungi Ukrainasse.

2023. aasta juulis loodud Ukraina-vastaste agressioonikuritegude eest vastutusele võtmiseks loodud rahvusvahelist keskust haldab samuti Eurojust ning see toetab koos CICEDiga ühise uurimisrühma tööd.

Alates 2022. aasta märtsist on Eurojust aktiivselt osalenud Euroopa Komisjoni loodud ELi varade külmutamise ja arestimise töökonnas, mille eesmärk on tagada nimekirja kantud Venemaa ja Valgevene oligarhide suhtes kehtestatud ELi sanktsioonide tõhus rakendamine kogu liidus. Eurojust pakub töökonnale operatiivtuge, koordineerides liidu sanktsioonide jõustamist liikmesriikides kriminaalõiguse kaudu.

Eurojust juhib koos Ukraina peaprokuratuuriga Ukrainas toime pandud rahvusvaheliste kuritegude eest vastutust käsitleva dialoogirühma riiklike uurimiste töösuunda. Selle töösuuna eesmärk on tuvastada raskete rahvusvaheliste kuritegude juhtumite põhiprobleemid ja pakkuda ühiselt lahendusi poliitilisel tasandil, näiteks seoses avatud allikatest pärinevate tõendite kasutamisega rahvusvaheliste kuritegude uurimisel ja nende eest vastutusele võtmisel Ukraina kontekstis.

Lisateave:

Lisateavet mitmesuguste meetmete kohta, mida Eurojust on võtnud pärast sõja puhkemist Ukrainas, leiate meie asjakohaselt veebilehelt.

MIL Security OSI –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Security: Praėjo treji metai nuo plataus masto invazijos į Ukrainą: Eurojusto remiami konkretūs veiksmai siekiant atskaitomybės

Source: Eurojust

JTG nariai intensyviai dirbo rengdami bendrą baudžiamojo persekiojimo strategiją, pagal kurią pirmenybė teikiama agresijos nusikaltimų, kankinimų, netinkamo elgesio ir filtravimo neteisėtose sulaikymo vietose bei genocido nusikaltimų tyrimams.

Nuo 2022 m. kovo mėn. Agentūra surengė 26 koordinacinius pasitarimus, kuriuose dalyvavo JTG nariai ir kitos nacionalinės institucijos, tiriančios įtariamus sunkiausius tarptautinius nusikaltimus Ukrainoje. Dalyvaujančioms šalims buvo suteikta galimybė keistis duomenimis apie atitinkamus savo vidaus tyrimus, aptarti strategijas ir prioritetus bei koordinuoti tyrimo priemones.

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Eurojustas yra visiškai įsipareigojęs toliau remti svarbią JTG veiklą ir skyrė apie pusę milijono eurų jos veiklai finansuoti.

JTG veiklą remia Tarptautinis baudžiamojo persekiojimo už agresijos nusikaltimą prieš Ukrainą centras (ICPA), taip pat sukurta Sunkiausių tarptautinių nusikaltimų įrodymų duomenų bazė (CICED), o Eurojustas organizuoja jų veiklą ir juos valdo.

ICPA. Padaryta pažanga ruošiant patikimą agresijos nusikaltimo bylų rengimo rinkinį

Per pastaruosius šešis mėnesius ICPA padarė didelę pažangą ruošdamas patikimą bylų rengimo rinkinį. Šis rinkinys grindžiamas bendra agresijos nusikaltimų tyrimo ir baudžiamojo persekiojimo strategija, dėl kurios susitarė ICPA dalyviai.

Bylų rengimo rinkinį ketinama perduoti būsimai galimo specialiojo tribunolo ar kitų jurisdikcijų prokuratūrai.

ICPA užtikrino ir toliau užtikrina galimų įrodymų, kurie gali būti susiję su aukščiausio lygio karinės ir politinės vadovybės asmenimis, rinkimą ir preliminarią analizę. Tyrimai vykdomi nepaisant asmenų užimamų oficialių pareigų.

Tęsiantis agresijai Ukrainoje, daugėja įrodymų, kuriuos aktyviai tiria ICPA.

ICPA gavo papildomą finansavimą, o 2025 m. sausio mėn. jo veikla buvo pratęsta šešiems mėnesiams. Šiuo tikslu Eurojustas ir Europos Komisijos Užsienio politikos priemonių tarnyba pasirašė susitarimo dėl įnašo pakeitimą.

CICED. Daugiau kaip 3 700 įrodymų rinkmenų

CICED yra Eurojusto sukurta unikali, specialiems poreikiams skirta teismų duomenų bazė, kurioje saugomi, kaupiami ir analizuojami sunkiausių tarptautinių nusikaltimų įrodymai. CICED suteikia Agentūrai galimybę padėti nacionalinėms teisminėms institucijoms nustatyti kitoje šalyje esančius įrodymus, kurie gali būti svarbūs jų atliekamiems tyrimams. Iki šiol 16 šalių CICED pateikė daugiau kaip 3 700 įrodymų rinkmenų.

2025 m. sausio mėn. nauja vertimo priemonė nacionalinių institucijų pateiktas įrodymų rinkmenas leido išversti iš 19 kalbų į anglų kalbą. Ši naujovė labai paspartino Agentūros analitinį darbą. Dėl to duomenų bazės paieškos funkcija yra tikslesnė, o į nacionalinių institucijų prašymus pateikti informaciją galima atsakyti greičiau.

Eurojustas deda daug pastangų, kad reaguotų į nacionalinių institucijų prašymus padėti joms tirti sunkiausius tarptautinius nusikaltimus. Be to, Agentūra pati nustatė rinkmenas, kurios laikomos naudingomis vykdant nacionalinius tyrimus.

Pagrindiniai faktai

Nuo pat karo pradžios Eurojustas aktyviai pasisakė už Rusijos atsakomybę už jos įvykdytus nusikaltimus. Praėjus vos trims savaitėms po plataus masto Rusijos invazijos 2022 m., Eurojustas pritarė JTG, kurią dabar sudaro Ukraina ir šešios ES valstybės narės, sudarymui, TBT ir Europolo dalyvavimui, taip pat susitarimo memorandumo su Jungtinėmis Valstijomis pasirašymui.

Susiskaldžiusioje ir sudėtingoje operatyvinėje aplinkoje, vykstant karui ir įrodymams pasklidus po skirtingas teisines sistemas turinčias šalis, JTG suteikia galimybę partneriams tiesiogiai ir realiuoju laiku keistis informacija. Tai taip pat padeda JTG nariams supaprastinti savo tyrimų eigą, nes dalyvaujančios nacionalinės institucijos dabar gali sutelkti dėmesį į aktyvų savo bylų rengimą.

Eurojustas JTG teikia teisines ir analitines ekspertines žinias, taip pat logistinę ir finansinę paramą.

2023 m. vasario mėn. Eurojustas, remdamasis po invazijos į Ukrainą skubiai pakeistais Eurojusto įgaliojimais, sukūrė Sunkiausių tarptautinių nusikaltimų įrodymų duomenų bazę(CICED).

Eurojuste 2023 m. liepos mėn. įsteigtas Tarptautinis baudžiamojo persekiojimo dėl agresijos prieš Ukrainą centras (ICPA) kartu su CICED remia JGT darbą.

Nuo 2022 m. kovo mėn. Eurojustas aktyviai dalyvauja Europos Komisijos įsteigtos ES turto įšaldymo ir areštavimo darbo grupės veikloje, kad užtikrintų veiksmingą ES sankcijų, taikomų į sąrašą įtrauktiems Rusijos ir Baltarusijos oligarchams, įgyvendinimą visoje Europos Sąjungoje. Eurojustas darbo grupei teikia operatyvinę paramą, koordinuodamas valstybių narių vykdomą Sąjungos sankcijų taikymą pagal baudžiamąją teisę.

Eurojustas kartu su Ukrainos generaline prokuratūra pirmininkauja dialogo grupės dėl atskaitomybės Ukrainai nacionalinių tyrimų darbo krypčiai. Šia darbo kryptimi siekiama nustatyti pagrindinius iššūkius sunkiausių tarptautinių nusikaltimų bylose ir kartu siūlyti sprendimus politiniu lygmeniu, pavyzdžiui, dėl atvirųjų šaltinių įrodymų naudojimo tiriant tarptautinius nusikaltimus Ukrainoje ir vykdant baudžiamąjį persekiojimą už juos.

Papildoma informacija

Daugiau informacijos apie įvairius veiksmus, kurių Eurojustas ėmėsi prasidėjus karui Ukrainoje, rasite mūsų specialiame tinklalapyje.

MIL Security OSI –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Security: Three years since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine: Concrete steps supported by Eurojust on the road to accountability

Source: Eurojust

JIT members have been busy working on a common prosecutorial strategy, which prioritises investigations into the crime of aggression, crimes of torture, ill-treatment and filtration in relation to illegal detention sites, as well as the crime of genocide.

Since March 2022, the Agency has organised 26 coordination meetings between the JIT and other national authorities investigating alleged core international crimes committed in Ukraine. This has allowed involved countries to exchange data on their respective domestic investigations, discuss strategies and priorities, and coordinate investigative measures.

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Eurojust is fully committed to continuing to support the important work of the JIT, and has allocated roughly half a million euros to finance its activities.

The JIT is supported by the work of the International Centre for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine (ICPA) and the Core International Crimes Evidence Database (CICED), both of which are hosted and managed by Eurojust.

ICPA: progress made on a solid case-building package for the crime of aggression

In the last six months, the ICPA has made significant progress in compiling a solid case-building package. This package relies on a common investigative and prosecutorial strategy on the crime of aggression, agreed on by ICPA participants.

The case-building package is intended for transmission to the future office of the prosecutor of a possible special tribunal or other jurisdictions.

The ICPA has and continues to ensure the collection and preliminary analysis of potential evidence that may relate to individuals at the highest levels of military and political leadership. Investigative efforts are not limited by the official positions that individuals may hold.

As the aggression in Ukraine continues, there is a growing body of evidence that the ICPA is actively investigating.

The ICPA has received additional funding, and in January 2025, its operations were extended for six months. To this end, an amendment to the Contribution Agreement was signed between Eurojust and the European Commission’s Service for Foreign Policy Instruments.

CICED: over 3 700 evidence files

CICED is a unique, tailor-made judicial database set up by Eurojust to preserve, analyse and store evidence of core international crimes. CICED enables the Agency to support national judicial authorities in identifying evidence located in another country that may be relevant to their own investigations. To date, over 3 700 evidence files have been submitted to CICED by 16 countries.

In January 2025, a new translation tool enabled evidence files submitted by national authorities to be translated from 19 languages into English. This game-changer has greatly accelerated the Agency’s analytical work. As a result, the database’s search function is more precise, and requests for information from national authorities can be answered more swiftly.

Eurojust has been working hard to respond to national authorities’ requests to support their investigations into core international crimes. In addition, the Agency has proactively identified files deemed useful for ongoing national investigations.

Background:

Since the outbreak of the war, Eurojust has been at the forefront of supporting accountability for Russian crimes. Just three weeks following the full-scale invasion by Russia in 2022, Eurojust supported the setting up of a JIT that now consists of Ukraine, six EU Member States, the participation of the ICC and Europol, as well as a Memorandum of Understanding with the United States.

In a fragmented and complex operational landscape, with the ongoing war and evidence spread across countries with different legal systems, the JIT allows partners to exchange information directly and in real time. It also helps JIT members to streamline their investigations, as the national authorities involved can now focus on actively building their cases.

Eurojust provides legal and analytical expertise as well as logistical and financial support to the JIT.

In February 2023, Eurojust launched the Core International Crimes Evidence Database (CICED), based on an urgent amendment of Eurojust’s mandate, following the invasion of Ukraine.

The International Centre for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression Against Ukraine (ICPA), established in July 2023, is also hosted by Eurojust and, together with CICED, supports the work of the JIT.

Since March 2022, Eurojust has actively participated in the EU Freeze and Seize Task Force set up by the European Commission to ensure the efficient implementation of EU sanctions against listed Russian and Belarusian oligarchs across the European Union. Eurojust provides operational support to the Task Force by coordinating Member States’ enforcement of Union sanctions through criminal law.

Together with the Ukrainian Prosecutor General’s Office, Eurojust co-chairs the workstream on national investigations of the Dialogue Group on Accountability for Ukraine. This workstream aims to identify key challenges in core international crime cases and jointly propose solutions at the policy level, for example on the use of open-source evidence in the investigation and prosecution of international crimes in the context of Ukraine.

More information:

For more information on the various actions taken by Eurojust since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, please consult our dedicated webpage.

MIL Security OSI –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Security: Tri roky od komplexnej invázie na Ukrajinu: konkrétne kroky podporované agentúrou Eurojust na ceste k vyvodeniu zodpovednosti

Source: Eurojust

Členovia spoločného vyšetrovacieho tímu vypracovali spoločnú stratégiu trestného stíhania, ktorej prioritou sú vyšetrovania zločinu agresie, trestných činov mučenia, zlého zaobchádzania a filtrácie v súvislosti s miestami, kde sa obmedzuje osobná sloboda, ako aj zločinu genocídy.

Od marca 2022 agentúra organizovala 26 koordinačných stretnutí medzi spoločným vyšetrovacím tímom a ďalšími vnútroštátnymi orgánmi, ktoré vyšetrujú údajné najzávažnejšie medzinárodné trestné činy spáchané na Ukrajine. To umožnilo zúčastneným krajinám vymieňať si údaje o svojich príslušných domácich vyšetrovaniach, diskutovať o stratégiách a prioritách a koordinovať vyšetrovacie opatrenia.

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Eurojust je plne odhodlaný naďalej podporovať dôležitú prácu spoločného vyšetrovacieho tímu a na financovanie jeho činností agentúra vyčlenila približne pol milióna eur.

Činnosť spoločného vyšetrovacieho tímu je podporovaná prácou Medzinárodného centra pre stíhanie zločinu agresie voči Ukrajine (ICPA) a databázou dôkazov najzávažnejších medzinárodných trestných činov (CICED), ktoré prevádzkuje a spravuje Eurojust.

Centrum ICPA: pokrok v súvislosti so solídnym balíkom na rozpracovanie prípadov týkajúcich sa zločinu agresie

Centrum ICPA v uplynulých šiestich mesiacoch dosiahlo významný pokrok pri zostavovaní solídneho balíka na rozpracovanie prípadov. Tento balík vychádza zo spoločnej stratégie vyšetrovania a trestného stíhania zločinov agresie, na ktorej sa dohodli účastníci centra ICPA.

Balík na rozpracovanie prípadov je určený na odovzdanie budúcemu úradu prokurátora prípadného osobitného tribunálu alebo iným jurisdikciám.

Centrum ICPA zabezpečilo a naďalej zabezpečuje zhromažďovanie a predbežnú analýzu potenciálnych dôkazov, ktoré sa môžu týkať jednotlivcov na najvyšších úrovniach vojenského a politického vedenia. Úsilie vynaložené na vyšetrovanie nie je obmedzené oficiálnymi pozíciami, ktoré môžu jednotlivci zastávať.

Keďže útočná vojna na Ukrajine pokračuje, hromadí sa čoraz viac dôkazov, ktoré centrum ICPA aktívne vyšetruje.

ICPA získalo dodatočné finančné prostriedky a v januári 2025 boli jeho operácie predĺžené o šesť mesiacov. Na tento účel bol podpísaný dodatok k dohode o príspevku medzi agentúrou Eurojust a Útvarom Európskej komisie pre nástroje zahraničnej politiky.

Databáza CICED: viac ako 3 700 dôkazných spisov

Databáza CICED je jedinečná, prispôsobená justičná databáza, ktorú zriadila agentúra na zabezpečenie, analýzu a uchovávanie dôkazov najzávažnejších medzinárodných trestných činov. Vďaka databáze môže agentúra podporovať vnútroštátne justičné orgány pri identifikácii dôkazov nachádzajúcich sa v inej krajine, ktoré môžu byť relevantné pre ich vlastné vyšetrovania. Do databázy 16 krajín do dnešného dňa odoslalo viac ako 3 700 dôkazných spisov.

Nový prekladateľský nástroj v januári 2025 umožnil preklad dôkazných spisov, ktoré predložili vnútroštátne orgány, z 19 jazykov do angličtiny. Tento prelom analytickú prácu agentúry výrazne urýchlil . V dôsledku toho je funkcia vyhľadávania v databáze presnejšia a na žiadosti o informácie od vnútroštátnych orgánov možno odpovedať rýchlejšie.

Eurojust vyvíja veľké úsilie v záujme toho, aby na žiadosti vnútroštátnych orgánov odpovedal a podporil tým ich vyšetrovania najzávažnejších medzinárodných trestných činov. Okrem toho agentúra proaktívne identifikovala súbory, ktoré považuje za užitočné pre prebiehajúce vnútroštátne vyšetrovania.

Kontext:

Od obdobia vypuknutia vojny stojí agentúra Eurojust v čele podporovania vyvodenia zodpovednosti za ruské zločiny. Len tri týždne po komplexnej invázii Ruska v roku 2022 Eurojust podporil vytvorenie spoločného vyšetrovacieho tímu, ktorý v súčasnosti zahŕňa zástupcov Ukrajiny, šiestich členských štátov EÚ, účasť Medzinárodného trestného súdu (ICC) a Europolu, ako aj memorandum o porozumení so Spojenými štátmi.

V roztrieštenom a zložitom operačnom prostredí, v ktorom prebieha vojna, a s dôkazmi rozptýlenými v krajinách s rôznymi právnymi systémami, umožňuje spoločný vyšetrovací tím partnerom výmenu informácií priamo a v reálnom čase. Členom SVT pomáha tiež zefektívniť ich vyšetrovania, keďže zapojené vnútroštátne orgány sa teraz môžu zamerať na aktívne rozpracovanie svojich prípadov.

Eurojust poskytuje spoločnému vyšetrovaciemu tímu právne a analytické odborné znalosti, ako aj logistickú a finančnú podporu.

Agentúra vo februári 2023 sprístupnila databázu dôkazov najzávažnejších medzinárodných trestných činov (CICED) po tom, ako po invázii na Ukrajinu došlo k naliehavej zmene mandátu Eurojust.

Medzinárodné centrum pre stíhanie zločinu agresie voči Ukrajine (ICPA), ktoré bolo zriadené v júli 2023, takisto prevádzkuje agentúra Eurojust a spolu s databázou CICED prispieva k práci spoločného vyšetrovacieho tímu.

Agentúra Eurojust sa od marca 2022 aktívne zúčastňuje na osobitnej skupine EÚ pod názvom Freeze and Seize (Zmraziť a zaistiť), ktorú zriadila Európska komisia s cieľom zabezpečiť účinné vykonávanie sankcií EÚ voči ruským a bieloruským oligarchom uvedeným na zozname v celej Európskej únii. Eurojust poskytuje osobitnej skupine operačnú podporu tým, že koordinuje trestnoprávne presadzovanie sankcií Únie členskými štátmi.

Spolu s ukrajinskou generálnou prokuratúrou Eurojust spolupredsedá pracovnému okruhu v oblasti vnútroštátnych vyšetrovaní v rámci skupiny pre dialóg o vyvodení zodpovednosti za Ukrajinu. Cieľom tohto pracovného okruhu je identifikovať kľúčové výzvy v prípadoch najzávažnejších medzinárodných trestných činov a spoločne navrhnúť riešenia na politickej úrovni, napríklad pokiaľ ide o využívanie dôkazov z otvorených zdrojov pri vyšetrovaní a stíhaní medzinárodných trestných činov v súvislosti s Ukrajinou.

Viac informácií:

Viac informácií o rôznych opatreniach, ktoré Eurojust prijal od vypuknutia vojny na Ukrajine, sa nachádza na našej osobitnej webovej stránke.

MIL Security OSI –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Security: Trei ani de la invazia pe scară largă în Ucraina: Măsuri concrete sprijinite de Eurojust în direcția asumării răspunderii

Source: Eurojust

Membrii ECA s-au ocupat asiduu de elaborarea unei strategii comune de urmărire penală, care acordă prioritate anchetelor privind crima de agresiune, infracțiunile de tortură, relele tratamente și filtrarea în legătură cu centrele de lipsire de libertate în mod ilegal, precum și privind crima de genocid.

Din martie 2022, agenția a organizat 26 de întâlniri de coordonare între ECA și alte autorități naționale care anchetează cele mai grave presupuse crime internaționale comise în Ucraina. Acest demers a permis țărilor implicate să facă schimb de date cu privire la anchetele lor naționale respective, să discute despre strategii și priorități și să coordoneze măsurile de investigare.

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Eurojust este angajată pe deplin să sprijine în continuare activitatea importantă a ECA și a alocat aproximativ o jumătate de milion de euro pentru a finanța activitățile acesteia.

ECA este sprijinită de activitatea Centrului internațional pentru urmărirea în justiție a crimei de agresiune împotriva Ucrainei (ICPA) și de baza de date cu probe privind cele mai grave crime internaționale (CICED), ambele fiind găzduite și gestionate de Eurojust.

ICPA: progresele înregistrate cu privire la un pachet solid de constituire de dosare pentru crima de agresiune

În ultimele șase luni, ICPA a înregistrat progrese semnificative în compilarea unui pachet solid de constituire de dosare. Acest pachet se bazează pe o strategie comună de anchetă și urmărire penală cu privire la crima de agresiune, convenită de participanții la ICPA.

Pachetul de constituire de dosare este menit să fie transmis viitorului parchet de pe lângă un posibil tribunal special sau altor jurisdicții.

ICPA a asigurat și asigură în continuare colectarea și analizarea preliminară a potențialelor probe care pot avea legătură cu persoane de la cele mai înalte niveluri din conducerea militară și politică. Eforturile de anchetă nu sunt limitate de funcțiile oficiale pe care le pot deține persoanele respective.

Pe măsură ce agresiunea din Ucraina continuă, există din ce în ce mai multe probe pe care ICPA le investighează în mod activ.

ICPA a primit finanțare suplimentară, iar în ianuarie 2025 operațiunile sale au fost prelungite cu șase luni. În acest scop, Eurojust și Serviciul Instrumente de Politică Externă al Comisiei Europene au semnat un amendament la acordul de contribuție.

CICED: peste 3 700 de dosare cu probe

CICED este o bază de date judiciară unică personalizată, creată de Eurojust pentru conservarea, analizarea și stocarea probelor referitoare la cele mai grave crime internaționale. CICED permite agenției să sprijine autoritățile judiciare naționale la identificarea probelor care se află în altă țară și care pot fi relevante pentru propriile lor anchete. Până în prezent, peste 3 700 de dosare cu probe au fost depuse la CICED de către 16 țări.

În ianuarie 2025, un nou instrument de traducere a permis traducerea dosarelor cu probe depuse de autoritățile naționale din 19 limbi în limba engleză. Acest instrument revoluționar a accelerat foarte mult activitatea analitică a agenției. În consecință, funcția de căutare a bazei de date este mai precisă, iar solicitările de informații ale autorităților naționale pot primi răspuns mai rapid.

Eurojust a depus eforturi pentru a răspunde cererilor autorităților naționale de a le fi sprijinite anchetele privind cele mai grave crime internaționale. În plus, agenția a identificat în mod proactiv dosarele considerate utile pentru anchetele naționale în curs.

Context:

De la izbucnirea războiului, Eurojust a susținut din prima linie asumarea răspunderii pentru crimele ruse. La doar trei săptămâni de la invazia pe scară largă a Rusiei în Ucraina din 2022, Eurojust a sprijinit crearea unei echipe comune de anchetă care este formată în prezent din Ucraina și șase state membre ale UE, cu participarea CPI și a Europol, existând și un memorandum de înțelegere cu Statele Unite.

Într-un peisaj operațional fragmentat și complex, cu războiul în desfășurare și cu probe răspândite în țări cu sisteme juridice diferite, ECA permite partenerilor să facă schimb de informații în mod direct și în timp real. De asemenea, acest lucru îi ajută pe membrii ECA să-și raționalizeze anchetele, deoarece autoritățile naționale implicate se pot concentra în prezent asupra elaborării active a cauzelor lor.

Eurojust oferă expertiză juridică și analitică pentru ECA, precum și sprijin logistic și financiar.

În februarie 2023, Eurojust a lansat baza de date cu probe privind cele mai grave crime internaționale (CICED), pe baza unei modificări urgente a mandatului Eurojust, în urma invadării Ucrainei.

Centrul internațional pentru urmărirea în justiție a crimei de agresiune împotriva Ucrainei (ICPA), instituit în iulie 2023, este găzduit tot de Eurojust și, împreună cu CICED, sprijină activitatea ECA.

Începând din martie 2022, Eurojust a participat activ la Grupul operativ „Înghețare și punere sub sechestru” al UE, înființat de Comisia Europeană pentru a asigura punerea eficientă în aplicare a sancțiunilor UE împotriva oligarhilor ruși și belaruși aflați pe listă la nivelul Uniunii Europene. Eurojust oferă sprijin operațional grupului operativ prin coordonarea aplicării de către statele membre a sancțiunilor Uniunii pe calea dreptului penal.

Împreună cu parchetul general din Ucraina, Eurojust coprezidează direcția de lucru privind anchetele naționale ale Grupului de dialog privind asumarea răspunderii pentru Ucraina. Această direcție de lucru urmărește să identifice provocările-cheie din cazurile privind cele mai grave crime internaționale și să propună în comun soluții la nivel de politici, de exemplu cu privire la utilizarea probelor din surse deschise în anchetarea și urmărirea penală a crimelor internaționale în contextul Ucrainei.

Informații suplimentare:

Pentru mai multe informații despre diferitele acțiuni întreprinse de Eurojust de la izbucnirea războiului din Ucraina, consultați pagina noastră web dedicată.

MIL Security OSI –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Security: Ir pagājuši trīs gadi kopš pilna mēroga iebrukuma Ukrainā: Konkrēti Eurojust atbalstītie pasākumi ceļā uz pārskatatbildību

Source: Eurojust

KIG dalībnieki ir strādājuši pie kopējas kriminālvajāšanas stratēģijas, kurā prioritāte tiek piešķirta agresijas nozieguma, spīdzināšanas, nepieņemamas izturēšanās un filtrēšanas noziegumu saistībā ar nelikumīgām ieslodzījuma vietām izmeklēšanai, kā arī genocīda noziegumam.

Kopš 2022. gada marta Aģentūra ir rīkojusi 26 koordinācijas sanāksmes, kurās piedalījās gan KIG dalībvalstis, gan citu valstu iestādes, kas izmeklē iespējamos smagos starptautiskos noziegumus, kas izdarīti Ukrainā. Tas ir ļāvis iesaistītajām valstīm apmainīties ar datiem par attiecīgajām iekšzemes izmeklēšanām, apspriest stratēģijas un prioritātes un koordinēt izmeklēšanas pasākumus.

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Eurojust ir pilnībā apņēmusies turpināt atbalstīt KIG svarīgo darbu un ir piešķīrusi aptuveni pusmiljonu eiro izmeklēšanas grupas darbības finansēšanai.

KIG darbu atbalsta Starptautiskais centrs saukšanai pie atbildības par agresijas noziegumu pret Ukrainu (ICPA) un Galvenā starptautisko noziegumu pierādījumu datubāze (CICED), kuras abas uztur un pārvalda Eurojust.

ICPA: panākts progress attiecībā uz pārliecinošas apsūdzības materiālu paketes sagatavošanu par agresijas noziegumiem

Pēdējo sešu mēnešu laikā ICPA ir panākusi ievērojamu progresu pārliecinošas apsūdzības materiālu paketes sagatavošanā. Šī pakete balstās uz kopīgu izmeklēšanas un kriminālvajāšanas stratēģiju par agresijas noziegumiem, par kuriem ir vienojušies ICPA dalībnieki.

Apsūdzības materiālu pakete ir paredzēta nosūtīšanai iespējamā īpašā tribunāla prokuratūrai vai citām jurisdikcijām.

ICPA ir nodrošinājusi un turpina nodrošināt to iespējamo pierādījumu vākšanu un sākotnējo analīzi, kas var attiekties uz personām augstākajā militārās un politiskās vadības līmenī. Izmeklēšanas centienus neierobežo personas ieņemamie oficiālie amati.

Turpinoties agresijai Ukrainā, pieaug ICPA aktīvi izmeklēto pierādījumu skaits.

ICPA ir saņēmis papildu finansējumu, bet 2025. gada janvārī tās darbība tika pagarināta par sešiem mēnešiem. Šajā nolūkā tika parakstīts iemaksu nolīguma grozījums starp Eurojust un Eiropas Komisijas Ārpolitikas instrumentu dienestu.

CICED: vairāk nekā 3700 pierādījumu lietu

CICED ir unikāla, īpaši pielāgota tiesu datubāze, ko izveidojusi Eurojust, lai saglabātu, analizētu un glabātu pierādījumus par galvenajiem starptautiskajiem noziegumiem. CICED ļauj Aģentūrai palīdzēt valstu tiesu iestādēm identificēt pierādījumus, kas atrodas kādā citā valstī un kas var būt būtiski to pašu veiktajās izmeklēšanās. Līdz šim 16 valstis CICED ir iesniegušas vairāk nekā 3700 pierādījumu lietas.

2025. gada janvārī jauns tulkošanas rīks ļāva valstu iestāžu iesniegtās pierādījumu lietas tulkot no 19 valodām angļu valodā. Šis revolucionārais rīks ir ievērojami paātrinājis aģentūras analītisko darbu. Tā rezultātā datubāzes meklēšanas funkcija ir precīzāka, bet uz informācijas pieprasījumiem no valstu iestādēm var atbildēt ātrāk.

Eurojust ir daudz strādājis, lai reaģētu uz valstu iestāžu pieprasījumiem atbalstīt to veikto izmeklēšanu par galvenajiem starptautiskajiem noziegumiem. Turklāt aģentūra ir proaktīvi identificējusi lietas, kas uzskatāmas par noderīgām valstu veiktajās izmeklēšanās.

Vispārīga informācija:

Kopš kara sākuma Eurojust ir bijusi priekšgalā, atbalstot saukšanu pie atbildības par Krievijas noziegumiem. Tikai trīs nedēļas pēc pilna mēroga iebrukuma Krievijā 2022. gadā Eurojust atbalstīja KIG izveidi, ko tagad veido Ukraina, sešas ES dalībvalstis, Starptautiskās Krimināltiesas un Eiropola dalība, kā arī saprašanās memorands ar Amerikas Savienotajām Valstīm.

Sadrumstalotajā un sarežģītajā operatīvajā vidē, kad karš turpinās un pierādījumi ir izplatīti dažādās valstīs ar atšķirīgām tiesību sistēmām, KIG ļauj partneriem apmainīties ar informāciju tieši un reāllaikā. Tas arī palīdz KIG dalībniekiem vienkāršot viņu izmeklēšanas, jo iesaistītās valstu iestādes tagad var koncentrēties uz aktīvu savu lietu veidošanu.

Eurojust KIG nodrošina ar juridisko un analītisko kompetenci, kā arī loģistikas un finansiālu atbalstu.

Eurojust 2023. gada februārī izveidoja galveno starptautisko noziegumu pierādījumu datubāzi (CICED), pamatojoties uz steidzamu Eurojust pilnvaru grozīšanu pēc iebrukuma Ukrainā.

Eurojust paspārnē atrodas arī Starptautiskais centrs saukšanai pie atbildības par agresijas noziegumu pret Ukrainu (ICPA), kas izveidots 2023. gada jūlijā un kopā ar CICED atbalsta KIG darbu.

Kopš 2022. gada marta Eurojust ir aktīvi piedalījusies Eiropas Komisijas izveidotajā ES darba grupā “Freeze and Seize” (iesaldēt un konfiscēt), lai nodrošinātu ES sankciju efektīvu īstenošanu pret sarakstos iekļautiem Krievijas un Baltkrievijas oligarhiem visā Eiropas Savienībā. Eurojust sniedz operatīvo atbalstu darba grupai, koordinējot to, kā dalībvalsts izpilda Eiropas Savienības sankcijas, izmantojot krimināltiesības.

Kopā ar Ukrainas ģenerālprokuratūru Eurojust kopīgi vada darba plūsmu, kas veltīta valstīs notiekošajām izmeklēšanām dialoga grupā par pārskatatbildību Ukrainai. Šīs darba plūsmas mērķis ir apzināt galvenās problēmas starptautiskās noziedzības pamatlietās un kopīgi ierosināt risinājumus politikas līmenī, piemēram, par atvērto avotu pierādījumu izmantošanu starptautisko noziegumu izmeklēšanā un kriminālvajāšanā Ukrainas kontekstā.

Plašāka informācija:

Lai iegūtu plašāku informāciju par dažādām darbībām, ko Eurojust ir veikusi kopš kara sākuma Ukrainā, skatiet mūsu šiem jautājumiem paredzēto tīmekļa vietni.

MIL Security OSI –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Security: Три роки від початку повномасштабного вторгнення в Україну: Конкретні кроки, підтримані Євроюстом на шляху до відповідальності

Source: Eurojust

Члени групи JIT активно працюють над спільною прокурорською стратегією, яка надає пріоритет розслідуванню злочину агресії, злочинів катувань, жорстокого поводження та фільтрації щодо місць незаконного утримання, а також злочину геноциду.

З березня 2022 року Агентство провело 22 координаційні зустрічі між JIT та іншими національними органами влади, які розслідують ймовірні основні міжнародні злочини, скоєні в Україні. Це дозволило залученим країнам обмінюватися даними про свої внутрішні розслідування, обговорювати стратегії та пріоритети, а також координувати слідчі заходи.

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Євроюст повністю зобов’язується надалі підтримувати важливу роботу групи JIT, і виділив близько півмільйона євро на фінансування своєї діяльності.

Робота групи JIT підтримується роботою Міжнародного центру переслідування злочину агресії проти України (ICPA) та Бази даних доказів основних міжнародних злочинів (CICED), які розміщуються та керуються Євроюстом.

ICPA: досягнутий прогрес у розробці солідного пакету матеріалів справ щодо злочину агресії

За останні шість місяців ICPA досяг значного прогресу у створенні солідного пакету матеріалів для укладення справ. Цей пакет базується на спільній слідчій та прокурорській стратегії щодо злочину агресії, узгоджену учасниками ICPA.

Пакет матеріалів для укладення справ призначений для передачі майбутньому офісу прокурора можливого спеціального трибуналу або іншим юрисдикціям.

Центр ICPA забезпечив і продовжує забезпечувати збір і попередній аналіз потенційних доказів, які можуть стосуватися осіб на найвищому рівні військового і політичного керівництва. Слідчі дії не обмежуються офіційними посадами, які можуть обіймати окремі особи.

Оскільки агресія в Україні триває, зростає кількість доказів, які активно досліджуються ICPA.

ICPA отримав додаткове фінансування, а в січні 2025 року його діяльність була продовжена ще на шість місяців. З цією метою була підписана поправка до Угоди про внески між Євроюстом та Службою інструментів зовнішньої політики Європейської комісії.

CICED: понад 3 700 файлів доказів

CICED – це унікальна спеціалізована судова база даних, створена Євроюстом для збереження, аналізу та зберігання доказів основних міжнародних злочинів. CICED дозволяє Агентству підтримувати національні судові органи у виявленні доказів, розташованих в іншій країні, які можуть бути важливими для їхніх власних розслідувань. На сьогоднішній день до CICED було подано понад 3 700 файлів доказів з 16 країн.

У січні 2025 року завдяки новому інструменту перекладу було перекладено файли доказів, поданих національними органами, з 19 мов на англійську. Це радикально нове рішення значно прискорило аналітичну роботу Агентства. Завдяки цьому функція пошуку в базі даних стала більш точною, а відповіді на запити на інформацію від національних органів влади можуть надаватися швидше.

Євроюст активно працює над тим, щоб відповідати на запити національних органів влади для підтримки їхніх розслідувань основних міжнародних злочинів. Крім того, Агентство проактивно визначає файли, які вважаються корисними для поточних національних розслідувань.

Довідкова інформація:

З початку війни Євроюст був на передньому краї у підтримці відповідальності за російські злочини. Всього через три тижні після повномасштабного вторгнення Росії у 2022 році Євроюст підтримав створення спільної слідчої групи JIT, якa зараз складається з України, шести країн-членів ЄС, за участю МКС та Європолу, а також Меморандуму про взаєморозуміння зі Сполученими Штатами.

В умовах фрагментованої і складної оперативної обстановки, коли війна триває, а докази розташовані в країнах з різними правовими системами, група JIT дозволяє партнерам обмінюватися інформацією безпосередньо і в режимі реального часу. Це також допомагає членам групи JIT оптимізувати свої розслідування, оскільки залучені до неї національні органи тепер можуть зосередитися на активному укладенню справ.

Євроюст надає групі JIT юридичну та аналітичну експертну підтримку, а також матеріально-технічне й фінансове забезпечення.

У лютому 2023 року Євроюст запустив Базу даних доказів основних міжнародних злочинів (CICED) на основі термінового внесення змін до мандату Євроюсту після вторгнення в Україну.

Міжнародний центр переслідування злочину агресії проти України (ICPA), створений у липні 2023 року, також розміщений у Євроюсті і разом з CICED підтримує роботу групи JIT.

З березня 2022 року Євроюст бере активну участь у роботі Робочої групи ЄС з заморожування та конфіскації, створеної Європейською Комісією для забезпечення ефективного застосування санкцій ЄС проти російських та білоруських олігархів, включених до переліку, на всій території Європейського Союзу. Євроюст надає операційну підтримку Робочій групі шляхом координації виконання країнами-членами санкцій Європейського Союзу через кримінальне право.

Разом з Офісом Генерального прокурора України Євроюст є співголовою робочого напрямку національних розслідувань Діалогової групи з питань притягнення до відповідальності за міжнародні злочини, вчинені в Україні. Метою цього робочого напрямку є визначення ключових викликів в справах основних міжнародних злочинів та спільні пропозиції щодо рішень на політичному рівні, наприклад, щодо використання доказів з відкритих джерел у розслідуванні та судовому переслідуванні міжнародних злочинів в контексті України.

Додаткова інформація:

Для отримання додаткової інформації про різні заходи, вжиті Євроюстом з початку війни в Україні, відвідайте нашу спеціальну веб-сторінкуe.

MIL Security OSI –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI: Exosens strengthens its position as a key supplier to Senop for night vision image intensifier tubes highlighting increasing demand for night vision goggles
Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

EXOSENS STRENGTHENS ITS POSITION AS A KEY SUPPLIER TO SENOP FOR NIGHT VISION IMAGE INTENSIFIER TUBES HIGHLIGHTING INCREASING DEMAND FOR NIGHT VISION GOGGLES

PRESS RELEASE
MÉRIGNAC, FRANCE – FEBRUARY, 24^th 2025
- Exosens announces that Senop, a Finnish provider of high-tech optronic solutions including night vision goggles, has placed several significant orders for its Photonis white phosphor 4G intensifier tubes, to be delivered over 2025.
- Third contracts signed with Senop since 2021 confirming Exosens position as the strategic supplier of image intensifier tubes for Baltic and Nordic countries underscoring the potential for material new sales in this area.
- Rising demand for Night Vision goggles driven by increased military budgets and demonstrated criticality of night vision.
- Exosens continue to fully benefit from this increasing demand as the strategic supplier of image intensifier tubes to NATO member states and their allies.
Exosens strengthens its position as a key supplier to Senop for night vision image intensifier tubes

Exosens, announces the signature of new contract with Senop, a Finnish provider of high-tech optronic solutions including night vision goggles (NVGs). Several major orders for Photonis (Exosens’ brand) white phosphor 4G intensifier tubes, have been placed and will be delivered throughout 2025.

This is the third contract with Senop since 2021, after Exosens supplied a first batch of Photonis 4G image intensifiers with white phosphor screens for Senop’s EVA NVGs. A large order followed in 2022, and now, a third contract for the new EVA M development for an undisclosed customer.

The new Senop EVA M is a compact night vision device for dismounted soldiers that enables mobile low-light combat including last features and usability improvements based on findings from user experiences in recent conflicts.

Rising night vision market driven by increased military budgets and demonstrated criticality of night vision in high-intensity warfare

The increase of night vision capabilities has become a strategic priority for many nations due to recent geopolitical challenges, such as the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, which emphasized night vision criticality on the battlefield. The night vision market is fully benefitting from increased defense budgets since 2022, with the European Union seeing an average 6% rise in military spending, and countries like Sweden boosting their budgets by over 30%.

Baltic and Nordic regions are even more exposed to military spending increase given geopolitical context in the region. Many countries are modernizing their defense capabilities, with a specific focus on improving low-light operational capabilities.

Senop as well as other night vision goggles OEM relies on Photonis products to meet this demand quickly and effectively, reinforcing the importance of Exosens fast delivery capabilities. With over 40 years of experience in image intensifier technology, Exosens has established itself as the strategic supplier to NATO member states and their allies.

Exosens: Technology enhancing military performance

With Senop’s high-quality casings and ergonomic designs combined with Exosens’ state-of-the-art night vision technology, the result provides a significant advantage on the battlefield Photonis’ 4G tubes provide exceptional visibility at very low light levels (to Night Level 5) and the compact, lightweight structure of the EVA M makes it ideal for the mobility of soldiers on operations.

“Innovation is at the heart of our strategy,” said Exosens CEO, Jérôme Cerisier, “We are committed to providing armed forces with night vision technologies that not only meet but exceed current operational requirements, ensuring tactical superiority on the battlefield.”

With a constant commitment to innovation and R&D, Exosens continues to anticipate the future needs of armed forces by developing reliable solutions that meet the most stringent MIL-SPEC standards.

Exosens will publish its full-year 2024 results on 3 March 2025, before market opening.

About Exosens

Exosens is a high‐tech company, with more than 85 years of experience in the innovation, development, manufacturing and sale of high‐end electro‐optical technologies in the field of amplification, detection and imaging. Today, it offers its customers detection components and solutions such as travelling wave tubes, advanced cameras, neutron & gamma detectors, instrument detectors and light intensifier tubes. This allows Exosens to respond to complex issues in extremely demanding environments by offering tailor‐made solutions to its customers. Thanks to its sustained investments, Exosens is internationally recognized as a major innovator in optoelectronics, with production and R&D carried out on 12 sites, in Europe and North America and with over 1,700 employees. Exosens is listed on compartment A of the regulated market of Euronext Paris ﴾Ticker: EXENS – ISIN: FR001400Q9V2﴿. Exosens is included in the MSCI France Small Cap, CAC Small, CAC Mid & Small and CAC All-Tradable indices, and is a member of Euronext Tech Leaders segment.

For more information: exosens.com.

About Photonis

Photonis is a leading product brand of Exosens, a high-tech company with more than 85 years of experience in the innovation, development, manufacture and sale of high-end electro-optical technologies. Photonis offers its customers photo-detection and low light conditions imaging solutions for extremely demanding environments such as Defense & Security, Nuclear Safety, Life Science and Industrial & Non-Destructive testing. Photonis is internationally recognized as a leading brand.

Media relation

Brunswick Group – exosens@brunswickgroup.com
Laetitia Quignon, + 33 6 83 17 89 13
Nicolas Buffenoir, + 33 6 31 89 36 78

Forward-looking statements

Certain information included in this press release are not historical facts but are forward-looking statements. These forward-looking statements are based on current beliefs, expectations and assumptions, including, without limitation, assumptions regarding present and future business strategies and the environment in which Exosens operates, and involve known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors, which may cause actual results, performance or achievements to be materially different from the forward-looking statements included in this press release. These risks include those described in chapter 3 of Exosens’ registration document approved by the French Autorité des marchés financiers under number I.24-0010 on 22 May 2024.

Attachment
- EXOSENS – Press release – SENOP – Final
The MIL Network –
February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Australia: Protecting critical minerals R&D for future success
Source: Allens Insights

An opportunity for Australian businesses to lead the global energy transition 5 min read

The Australian federal and state governments are committed to growing Australia’s critical minerals sector, as discussed in our latest Insight. If suitably developed and executed, there is an opportunity to place Australia at the forefront of the global clean energy transition. However, along with this new horizon comes an intricate web of IP considerations, particularly in the mid-stream processing space.

This Insight examines IP opportunities to secure, or IP roadblocks that may need to be traversed, to protect Australia’s investment in the critical minerals sector.

Key takeaways
- The Australian critical minerals market has seen an influx of investment and there is an exciting opportunity to develop a local mid-stream processing industry.
- However, domestic IP registrations for technology developments in this area have not seen a corresponding growth.
- By leveraging Australia’s strong research and development (R&D) activity and implementing robust IP policy, including proactively monitoring IP risks and protecting IP rights, Australian businesses can cultivate a competitive edge and place Australia at the front of the global clean energy transition.
Opportunities for mid-stream processing

As identified in Australia’s Critical Minerals Strategy 2023-30, there is a geostrategic and economic opportunity for Australia to become a ‘globally significant producer of […] processed critical minerals’. This would require the Australian resources sector to branch out from predominantly acting as an upstream discovery and raw mineral extractor, and develop new onshore processing and manufacturing projects (which traditionally have been conducted overseas).

This opportunity has been explored in a recent CSIRO Report, which acknowledges that greater R&D focus is required for processes further down the supply chain. This shift in focus from Australia’s traditional upstream mining involvement will require a number of challenges to be overcome, including navigating (and potentially gaining access to) third-party IP, strong cost competition, significant capital and financial investment, as well as ESG considerations. We take a further look at navigating the IP landscape below.

The IP landscape

A key to protecting Australia’s advancements in the critical minerals supply chain, including mid-stream processing, is to secure domestic IP rights. This would promote a long-term strategy of national collaboration and reduce the reliance on foreign IP and processing facilities.

However, as seen in the following chart, despite Australia’s increased investment into the critical minerals space, Australia’s global share of critical minerals IP has not seen a corresponding growth in recent years. In contrast, Chinese entities continue to be world leaders in securing IP rights in the critical mineral space, as they’ve done in other sensitive geopolitical areas of technology. By way of example, Huawei has navigated sanctions in overseas jurisdictions by licensing its IP to companies implementing new 5G/6G infrastructure. This has significantly boosted Huawei’s revenue and demonstrated the value of protecting its R&D investment with registered IP.

As previously reported here, innovation in the critical minerals space can be protected through patent protection, or as confidential information or trade secrets. Although it may be appropriate in certain situations to rely on confidential information and trade secrets to protect R&D, such a strategy is not without risk, eg if there is a data breach or leak. Patent protection can provide 20 years of exclusive rights to new innovations, and proactive IP strategies can provide significant commercial advantages by building company assets and thickets that protect technological advancements and keep competitors at bay. At the same time, navigating third-party IP will help avoid roadblocks and risks to major projects. Hence, industry players who implement clear and comprehensive IP strategies to ensure they are managing these IP risks and opportunities appropriately can obtain a strong market advantage.

International collaboration

Growing domestic R&D and IP will be crucial to Australia’s success in developing its critical minerals industry. However, international collaboration is another way for Australia to leverage opportunities to move into and build its mid-to-downstream processing capability. Entities in several foreign countries hold relevant patents and are seeking attractive jurisdictions to set up processing plants. As such, domestic companies may be able to partner with these companies to license IP or establish joint ventures to deploy domestic operations. Any joint venture may in turn result in the development of new IP, which should be protected with forward-thinking IP strategies and policies.

Next steps

Australia’s success in building its critical minerals industry will benefit from a two-pronged approach consisting of R&D activity and international engagement to develop and support the deployment of advanced technologies—leveraging IP effectively is a critical element in every aspect of this approach. Implementing appropriate IP policies now, to manage IP risks and secure IP opportunities in new projects, will help secure Australia’s critical minerals position for future success.

MIL OSI News –
February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Who is Friedrich Merz, the man now most likely to lead Germany? Eight things to know

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ed Turner, Reader in Politics, Co-Director, Aston Centre for Europe, Aston University

With the social democrat Olaf Scholz conceding defeat to the centre right in Germany’s election, the man most likely to be named the next chancellor will be Christian Democratic Union (CDU) leader Friedrich Merz.

The CDU has emerged as the largest party with the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) second – its best-ever result in a federal election.

Merz will have to assemble a coalition government, which will involve some tough negotiations, but Europe’s leaders can be expected to treat him as a “chancellor in waiting”. Here are eight things to know about the man about to take one of the most important political positions in Europe.

1. He’s taking his party further to the right

The first thing you need to know about Merz is that he and former chancellor Angela Merkel were longstanding rivals and sparring partners. Back in the early 2000s, after Merkel became leader of the CDU, she ousted Merz from his role as the party’s parliamentary leader, taking on the role herself.

Merkel never made Merz a minister, and indeed he decided not to run for parliament again in 2009, having already begun to focus on his various private sector interests (as a lawyer but also a company board member). Merz was critical of Merkel’s decision to shift the CDU to the centre ground and was concerned it would open up space for the AfD to move into.

Read more:
What is the AfD? Germany’s far-right party, explained

When Merz did become party leader in 2022, he began rewriting of the party’s programme in a much more conservative direction.

2. He’s an economic liberal

Merz takes a very different economic view to Merkel, at least in the latter years of her chancellorship. In 2003, he argued for a radical simplification of Germany’s tax rules such that a tax return could be calculated on the back of a beer mat.

His party’s 2025 manifesto argued for deregulation and tax cuts to boost Germany’s sluggish growth. Part of this, Merz argued, should be funded by more conditionality being applied to welfare recipients, with a complete stop on benefits for recipients who refused to take any form of work on. In 2024, he also said he’d do “everything” to stop the EU taking on common debt.

3. He’s a social conservative

In his younger years, Merz was in the Catholic youth movement. He has a record of voting against abortion and has made a few awkward comments about homosexuality (saying of Klaus Wowereit, a gay mayor of Berlin, “I don’t mind as long as he doesn’t come near me”). In a strange comment, he once referred to his wife and daughters as evidence he didn’t have a problem with women. In a TV debate with Scholz, Merz was asked about Donald Trump’s recognition of only two genders, and reacted: “You can understand his position.”

In 2000, Merz spoke of a German Leitkultur (loosely, “leading culture”, as contrasted with “multiculturalism”) – a term now in common parlance in Merz’s CDU.

4. He’s a transatlantacist

From 2009 to 2019, Merz chaired the Atlantic Bridge, a prominent German organisation devoted to strengthening relations between Germany and the US. He is a transatlanticist by instinct and recently sent a hand-written note to Donald Trump congratulating him on his election, noting his “strong mandate for leadership”. However, in a statement on election night, Merz pledged to “achieve independence” from the US and recognised that Trump is “largely indifferent” to Europe’s fate.

5. He’s pro-European

With some caveats (for instance around common debt and cooperation over refugees) Merz is a pro-European. He was a member of the European parliament between 1989 and 1994, and has been clear that closer European cooperation is an essential part of Europe’s answer to Trump.

He has also patched up relations with European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen (with whom, as a Merkel ally and CDU liberal he had little instinctive attraction), and sees potential in cooperation with her and with Manfred Weber, a CSU politician and leader of the European parliament’s centre-right MEPs.

Merz has also pledged to visit Warsaw and Paris to rebuild relations after a difficult period under Scholz.

6. His dealings with the far right have been controversial

Merz has been consistently inconsistent when it comes to relations with the AfD. He mused in 2023 about the possibility of cooperation at a local level, noting that “we are obliged to recognise democratic elections”, before rowing back.

In November 2024, Merz said he and his party would not attempt to pass legislation in the national parliament if it meant relying on AfD votes to do it. But he shocked the nation in January 2025 when he did precisely that – pushing forward a hardline immigration plan with the AfD’s support.

Read more:
What happened in the German parliament and why is the far right hailing it as a ‘historic’ moment?

The volte face earned him criticism from his nemesis, Merkel – although that’s not something likely to have concerned him unduly.

7. He’ll be hemmed in by coalition politics

Merz will need to strike a deal with multiple other parties in order to govern. That will make his flagship programme of tax cuts hard to achieve, since cuts to welfare or climate spending would be anathema to all potential coalition partners.

Germany’s other parties instead want Merz to reconsider Germany’s “debt brake” – the constitutional rules that restrict government borrowing. He’ll be under even more pressure to do so given a broad consensus over the need to raise defence spending.

Perhaps it will take a conservative fiscal hawk to assemble the necessary two-thirds majorities in both chambers of parliament for change.

8. He’d like to visit… Tibet?

Finally, among rather thin pickings in popular reporting on Merz’s hobbies, a softball interview last summer told us he likes modern classical music and Beethoven, and one day hopes to visit Tibet.

But holidays will be some way from his priorities at the moment. There is a strong desire in Europe for Germany to play a more active leadership role once again. At a time when Trump is noisily backing away from underscoring European security and supporting Ukraine, Merz is keenly aware of the void being opened up, and is determined that Germany, with its European allies (including even the UK) will step up.

Ed Turner does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Who is Friedrich Merz, the man now most likely to lead Germany? Eight things to know – https://theconversation.com/who-is-friedrich-merz-the-man-now-most-likely-to-lead-germany-eight-things-to-know-247643

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI New Zealand: Lifestyle – New Zealand MPs Set to Get ‘Fit For Office’ in National Exercise Challenge
Source: Exercise NZ

Members of Parliament (MPs) from across the political spectrum in Aotearoa are preparing to lace up their sneakers and lead by example as part of the Fit For Office (F4O) Challenge, launching on March 5, 2025, at 8:15 AM on the Parliamentary Steps. Supported by Exercise New Zealand (ExerciseNZ), this three-week initiative aims to promote the importance of regular physical activity while adding a fun, competitive edge among MPs.

With fitness trackers strapped on, participating MPs will engage in daily movement and track their physical activity, showcasing the benefits of exercise not just for the public but for those in leadership positions. The event launch will be officiated by ExerciseNZ, which will kick off the challenge by distributing Myzone heart rate monitors to MPs ready to begin their activity journey.

ExerciseNZ CEO Richard Beddie emphasises the significance of this initiative:

“Fit For Office is about showing that no matter how busy your schedule, there’s always time to prioritise your health. Our MPs are leaders in many ways, and by actively engaging in this challenge, they are setting an example for all New Zealanders to incorporate movement into their daily routines.”

Scientific research continues to highlight the significant mental and physical benefits of regular exercise. Just 15 minutes of movement per day can lead to:
- 4% improvement in overall fitness
- 12% increase in energy levels
- 8% better sleep quality.
Over the longer term, regularly meeting WHO guidelines of 150 minutes of physical activity per week brings even more significant benefits—including adding 10-15 years to life expectancy, lowering all-cause mortality by up to 20%, and reducing the risk of multiple conditions – everything from cancer to dementia.

A global report on the economic and health costs of physical inactivity by Deloitte found the NZ economy loses over 2.3 billion dollars annually due to inactivity, of which 650 million is by way of increased taxpayer funded healthcare costs.

This challenge encourages all forms of physical activity, from simple tasks like walking and gardening to high-intensity workouts, ensuring MPs can participate regardless of their current fitness levels.

Using Myzone wearable technology, MPs will track their movement and engage in friendly competition via a private leaderboard, with the ultimate goal of achieving 1,000 Myzone Effort Points (MEPs) in three weeks, aligning with World Health Organization recommendations for physical activity.

The initiative also focuses on practical ways to increase movement, including:
- Group Activities – Exercising with colleagues, family, or friends for motivation.
- Incidental Exercise – Walking, cycling, or taking the stairs instead of the elevator.
- Goal Setting – Encouraging MPs to set personal movement goals and track their progress.
The launch event will be open to the media, providing an opportunity to capture MPs embracing healthier lifestyles. MPs will also be encouraged to share their journeys on social media throughout the challenge.

MIL OSI New Zealand News –
February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Australia: $25 million to ease congestion on Toongabbie Bridge

Source: Australian Ministers 1

The Albanese Labor Government is building Australia’s future, investing $25 million to upgrade Wentworth Avenue and reduce congestion on Toongabbie Bridge.

Toongabbie Bridge is a critical connection road for residents of Western Sydney, impacting traffic flow between Parramatta and Seven Hills, as well as access to Westmead Hospital.

It is also one of the few connections across the rail line, and the only local crossing linking to the major arterials, including Seven Hills Road, Prospect Highway and the Cumberland and Great Western Highways.

With a single lane in each direction, the 70+ year old bridge is a known pinch-point which experiences severe congested, especially during peak periods.

Today’s investment will focus on easing congestion on the bridge by increasing and improving traffic flow along Wentworth Avenue.

The upgrades are expected to include intersection upgrades and lane widening, and will support increased productivity and improved liveability for residents and motorists of Toongabbie and its surrounds.

With significant population and economic growth predicted within Cumberland, Blacktown and Parramatta Local Government Areas, further pressure on the local transport network surrounding Toongabbie is anticipated.

Recent planning and analysis of traffic around the bridge showed that notwithstanding the constraining nature of the bridge itself, significant congestion was due to intersections on Wentworth Avenue, either side of the bridge.

The final project scope and delivery timeframes will be determined in consultation with the New South Wales Government, Cumberland City Council, Parramatta City Council and Blacktown Council.

This builds on the Australian Government’s existing investment of $18 billion for infrastructure projects in Western Sydney.

Quotes attributable to Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government Minister Catherine King:

“We’re building Australia’s future right here in Western Sydney, currently investing $18 billion into Western Sydney’s infrastructure.

“We know how important the Toongabbie fix is to the community here and the knock-on effect it has on the Western Sydney road network.

“We’re giving hours back to Toongabbie locals, Westmead workers and everyone in between with this record investment in Toongabbie Bridge.”

Quotes attributable to Federal Member for Parramatta Andrew Charlton:

“This bridge has been a nightmare for forty years. Everyone said they were going to fix it – today we’re doing it. I went into bat with our community for Toongabbie; to get this fixed once and for all and Minister King backed us because this government builds and delivers.

“This investment will cut congestion, slash travel times, and make life easier for local residents who rely on this connection every day.”

Quotes attributable to State Member for Prospect Hugh McDermott MP:

“I’m really pleased I can work with Andrew Charlton to get this done. Andrew has delivered $25m to get the bridge upgrade finished and done.”

Quotes attributable to Parramatta Councillor Sameer Pandey:

“I am delighted the bridge is finally getting done. This is an excellent commitment that will help the community.”

Quotes attributable to Cumberland City Council Mayor Ola Hamed:

“This funding will place Council in a strong position to take the design work from concept to reality.

“The Cumberland community has been voicing concerns over the traffic congestion in this area for many years so this funding will be welcome news to so many who have borne the inconvenience of this bottleneck for so long.

“Council is appreciative of the Federal Government’s allocation of this money to build the much-needed infrastructure for our community, and we look forward to seeing the project come to life, complementing our planned public domain upgrades to the Toongabbie town centre”.

MIL OSI News –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI Global: Friedrich Merz has won Germany’s election. But as the far right soars, forming a government may be difficult

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Matt Fitzpatrick, Professor in International History, Flinders University

Friedrich Merz’s centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) has captured the highest proportion of votes in Germany’s election on Sunday. The celebrations could be short-lived, though, as the task of forming a government now looms.

As it stands, Germany’s public broadcaster has projected Merz’s CDU and its Christian Social Union (CSU) counterpart in Bavaria to win 208 seats in the Bundestag (28.5%). The ousted Social Democratic Party (SPD) has been reduced to 121 seats (16.5%), while the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party achieved its biggest-ever result of 151 seats (20.7%).

Other minor parties have failed to meet the 5% threshold in the proportional German parliamentary system, limiting the possible options for a government to take shape.

Merz’s party did lift its vote share compared to its record low in 2021. And German voters have given him the opportunity to attempt forming a governing coalition.

However, his electoral strategy may have made it harder to solve a number of problems, many of them of his own making. Here are four key things his victory has failed to do, which could make governing in Germany more difficult.

1. Stem the number of voters to the far right

With the German economy in the doldrums, Merz would have easily won on the question of economic management alone. Strangely, however, his electoral strategy mimicked the anti-migrant rhetoric of the far-right AfD.

By noisily electioneering on the policy of stemming the flow of migrants and insisting at every opportunity that migrants (particularly those from the Middle East) were a threat to the German way of life, Merz has given legitimacy to what had been fringe policies.

Yet, the election results show that the Germans who were motivated to vote for an anti-migrant party went for the most virulent version (the AfD) – particularly in the old East Germany – and not Merz’s centre-right imitation.

Instead of stealing votes from the AfD, Merz has substantially contributed to the record showing of the far-right party by making immigration – and radical approaches to it – a central issue.

The smiles on the face of the AfD leadership after the election tell the story. The party may not be in government, but its policies will in all likelihood be pursued by a Merz government.

2. Exclude the left from German politics

The day before the election, Merz railed against “green and left crazies” and insisted “there is no longer left politics in Germany”.

The SPD vote did sink dramatically off the back of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s ineffectual and lacklustre term in office. But the left-wing Die Linke party (The Left) rode the wave of anti-AfD and anti-Merz sentiment to return from the wilderness with its best election showing in almost a decade.

In particular, a rousing speech by Die Linke leader Heidi Reichinneck helped lift the mood on the left in response to Merz’s anti-migrant stance. Die Linke is back in the Bundestag, at least for another term.

3. Create a governing coalition

Merz has spent the past few weeks breaking taboos by working with the German far right and roundly abusing his opponents using the kind of intemperate language rarely seen in German politics. Now, he is faced with building a governing coalition.

He has painted himself into a corner. He has called the Greens party and Die Linke “crazies”. And his closest ideological ally, the Free Democrats (FDP), appear to have failed to reach the 5% hurdle to enter parliament after voters punished the party for effectively blowing up the last coalition government.

So shockingly poor was the FDP’s result, its leader, Christian Lindner, has offered his resignation.

Previously, a “grand coalition” between the CDU and SPD has been able to form a stable government. This was especially so under former-Chancellor Angela Merkel, the longtime CDU leader.

The centre-left SPD vote might just be large enough to form a coalition government with Merz’s CDU. Whether the SPD would do so after being shocked in the past few weeks by Merz’s dalliances with the far right remains an open question.

Scholz, the SPD leader, has categorically ruled out serving in a Merz cabinet. Whether he might resign to make way for a grand coalition remains to be seen, should one prove mathematically possible.

That leaves only the far-right AfD – the only other party potentially large enough to allow Merz to form a two-party coalition government. Merz has ruled out a CDU-AfD coalition as a threat to German democracy.

Merz will either have to radically revise his attitudes towards the parties to his left or break his word not to allow the far right into government. If he did the latter, he may very well become Germany’s 21st century Franz von Papen, the Weimar Republic-era leader widely viewed as having helped usher the Nazis to power in the 1930s.

4. Exorcise the ghost of Angela Merkel

Merz’s career has been marked by his inability to overcome Merkel and her vision of the CDU as the umbrella party of the democratic centre.

After dragging his party to the right, Merz has posted an electoral result lower than anything Merkel ever gained.

Even if his party is able to cobble together a coalition government, Merz will still sit in the shadow of his more democratically popular, centrist predecessor.

Matt Fitzpatrick receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is the President of the History Council of South Australia.

– ref. Friedrich Merz has won Germany’s election. But as the far right soars, forming a government may be difficult – https://theconversation.com/friedrich-merz-has-won-germanys-election-but-as-the-far-right-soars-forming-a-government-may-be-difficult-250621

MIL OSI – Global Reports –

February 24, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Friedrich Merz has won Germany’s election. But as the far right soars, forming a government may be difficult

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Matt Fitzpatrick, Professor in International History, Flinders University

Friedrich Merz’s centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) has captured the highest proportion of votes in Germany’s election on Sunday. The celebrations could be short-lived, though, as the task of forming a government now looms.

As it stands, Germany’s public broadcaster has projected Merz’s CDU and its Christian Social Union (CSU) counterpart in Bavaria to win 208 seats in the Bundestag (28.5%). The ousted Social Democratic Party (SPD) has been reduced to 121 seats (16.5%), while the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party achieved its biggest-ever result of 151 seats (20.7%).

Other minor parties have failed to meet the 5% threshold in the proportional German parliamentary system, limiting the possible options for a government to take shape.

Merz’s party did lift its vote share compared to its record low in 2021. And German voters have given him the opportunity to attempt forming a governing coalition.

However, his electoral strategy may have made it harder to solve a number of problems, many of them of his own making. Here are four key things his victory has failed to do, which could make governing in Germany more difficult.

1. Stem the number of voters to the far right

With the German economy in the doldrums, Merz would have easily won on the question of economic management alone. Strangely, however, his electoral strategy mimicked the anti-migrant rhetoric of the far-right AfD.

By noisily electioneering on the policy of stemming the flow of migrants and insisting at every opportunity that migrants (particularly those from the Middle East) were a threat to the German way of life, Merz has given legitimacy to what had been fringe policies.

Yet, the election results show that the Germans who were motivated to vote for an anti-migrant party went for the most virulent version (the AfD) – particularly in the old East Germany – and not Merz’s centre-right imitation.

Instead of stealing votes from the AfD, Merz has substantially contributed to the record showing of the far-right party by making immigration – and radical approaches to it – a central issue.

The smiles on the face of the AfD leadership after the election tell the story. The party may not be in government, but its policies will in all likelihood be pursued by a Merz government.

2. Exclude the left from German politics

The day before the election, Merz railed against “green and left crazies” and insisted “there is no longer left politics in Germany”.

The SPD vote did sink dramatically off the back of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s ineffectual and lacklustre term in office. But the left-wing Die Linke party (The Left) rode the wave of anti-AfD and anti-Merz sentiment to return from the wilderness with its best election showing in almost a decade.

In particular, a rousing speech by Die Linke leader Heidi Reichinneck helped lift the mood on the left in response to Merz’s anti-migrant stance. Die Linke is back in the Bundestag, at least for another term.

3. Create a governing coalition

Merz has spent the past few weeks breaking taboos by working with the German far right and roundly abusing his opponents using the kind of intemperate language rarely seen in German politics. Now, he is faced with building a governing coalition.

He has painted himself into a corner. He has called the Greens party and Die Linke “crazies”. And his closest ideological ally, the Free Democrats (FDP), appear to have failed to reach the 5% hurdle to enter parliament after voters punished the party for effectively blowing up the last coalition government.

So shockingly poor was the FDP’s result, its leader, Christian Lindner, has offered his resignation.

Previously, a “grand coalition” between the CDU and SPD has been able to form a stable government. This was especially so under former-Chancellor Angela Merkel, the longtime CDU leader.

The centre-left SPD vote might just be large enough to form a coalition government with Merz’s CDU. Whether the SPD would do so after being shocked in the past few weeks by Merz’s dalliances with the far right remains an open question.

Scholz, the SPD leader, has categorically ruled out serving in a Merz cabinet. Whether he might resign to make way for a grand coalition remains to be seen, should one prove mathematically possible.

That leaves only the far-right AfD – the only other party potentially large enough to allow Merz to form a two-party coalition government. Merz has ruled out a CDU-AfD coalition as a threat to German democracy.

Merz will either have to radically revise his attitudes towards the parties to his left or break his word not to allow the far right into government. If he did the latter, he may very well become Germany’s 21st century Franz von Papen, the Weimar Republic-era leader widely viewed as having helped usher the Nazis to power in the 1930s.

4. Exorcise the ghost of Angela Merkel

Merz’s career has been marked by his inability to overcome Merkel and her vision of the CDU as the umbrella party of the democratic centre.

After dragging his party to the right, Merz has posted an electoral result lower than anything Merkel ever gained.

Even if his party is able to cobble together a coalition government, Merz will still sit in the shadow of his more democratically popular, centrist predecessor.

Matt Fitzpatrick receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is the President of the History Council of South Australia.

– ref. Friedrich Merz has won Germany’s election. But as the far right soars, forming a government may be difficult – https://theconversation.com/friedrich-merz-has-won-germanys-election-but-as-the-far-right-soars-forming-a-government-may-be-difficult-250621

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

February 24, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Erotica, gore and racism: how America’s war on ‘ideological bias’ is letting AI off the leash

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Judith Bishop, Tracey Banivanua Mar Fellow, La Trobe University

3d_kot/Shutterstock

Badly behaved artificial intelligence (AI) systems have a long history in science fiction. Way back in 1961, in the famous Astro Boy comics by Osamu Tezuka, a clone of a popular robot magician was reprogrammed into a super-powered thief. In the 1968 film 2001: A Space Odyssey, the shipboard computer HAL 9000 turns out to be more sinister than the astronauts on board think.

More recently, real-world chatbots such as Microsoft’s Tay have shown that AI models “going bad” isn’t sci-fi any longer. Tay started spewing racist and sexually explicit texts within hours of its public release in 2016.

The generative AI models we’ve been using since ChatGPT launched in November 2022 are generally well behaved. There are signs this may be about to change.

On February 20, the US Federal Trade Commission announced an inquiry to understand “how consumers have been harmed […] by technology platforms that limit users’ ability to share their ideas or affiliations freely and openly”. Introducing the inquiry, the commission said platforms with internal processes to suppress unsafe content “may have violated the law”.

The latest version of the Elon Musk–owned Grok model already serves up “based” opinions, and features an “unhinged mode” that is “intended to be objectionable, inappropriate, and offensive”. Recent ChatGPT updates allow the bot to produce “erotica and gore”.

These developments come after moves by US President Donald Trump to deregulate AI systems. Trump’s attempt to remove “ideological bias” from AI may see the return of rogue behaviour that AI developers have been working hard to suppress.

Executive orders

In January, Trump issued a sweeping executive order against “illegal and immoral discrimination programs, going by the name ‘diversity, equity, and inclusion’ (DEI)”, and another on “removing barriers to AI innovation” (which includes “engineered social agendas”).

In February, the US refused to join 62 other nations in signing a “Statement on Inclusive and Sustainable AI” at the Paris AI Action Summit.

What will this mean for the AI products we see around us? Some generative AI companies, including Microsoft and Google, are US federal government suppliers. These companies could come under significant direct pressure to eliminate measures to make AI systems safe, if the measures are perceived as supporting DEI or slowing innovation.

AI developers’ interpretation of the executive orders could result in AI safety teams being reduced in size or scope, or replaced by teams whose social agenda better aligns with Trump’s.

Why would that matter? Before generative AI algorithms are trained, they are neither helpful nor harmful. However, when they are fed a diet of human expression scraped from across the internet, their propensity to reflect biases and behaviours such as racism, sexism, ableism and abusive language becomes clear.

AI risks and how they’re managed

Major AI developers spend a lot of effort on suppressing biased outputs and unwanted model behaviours and rewarding more ethically neutral and balanced responses.

Some of these measures could be seen as implementing DEI principles, even as they help to avoid incidents like the one involving Tay. They include the use of human feedback to tune model outputs, as well as monitoring and measuring bias towards specific populations.

Another approach, developed by Anthropic for its Claude model, uses a policy document called a “constitution” to explicitly direct the model to respect principles of harmless and respectful behaviour.

Model outputs are often tested via “red teaming”. In this process, prompt engineers and internal AI safety experts do their best to provoke unsafe and offensive responses from generative AI models.

A Microsoft blog post from January described red teaming as “the first step in identifying potential harms […] to measure, manage, and govern AI risks for our customers”.

The risks span a “wide range of vulnerabilities”, “including traditional security, responsible AI, and psychosocial harms”.

The blog also notes “it is crucial to design red teaming probes that not only account for linguistic differences but also redefine harms in different political and cultural contexts”. Many generative AI products have a global user base. So this sort of effort is important for making the products safe for consumers and businesses well beyond US borders.

We may be about to relearn some lessons

Unfortunately, none of these efforts to make generative AI models safe is a one-shot process. Once generative AI models are installed in chatbots or other apps, they continually digest information from the human world through prompts and other inputs.

This diet can shift their behaviour for the worse over time. Malicious attacks, such as user prompt injection and data poisoning, can produce more dramatic changes.

Tech journalist Kevin Roose used prompt injection to make Microsoft Bing’s AI chatbot reveal its “shadow self”. The upshot? It encouraged him to leave his wife. Research published last month showed that a mere drop of poisoned data could make medical advice models generate misinformation.

Constant monitoring and correction of AI outputs are essential. There is no other way to avoid offensive, discriminatory or unsafe behaviours cropping up without warning in generated responses.

Yet all signs suggest the Trump administration favours a reduction in the ethical regulation of AI. The executive orders may be interpreted as allowing or encouraging the free expression and generation of even discriminatory and harmful views on subjects such as women, race, LGBTQIA+ individuals and immigrants.

Generative AI moderation efforts may go the way of Meta’s fact-checking and expert content moderation programs. This could have an impact on global users of US-made AI products such as OpenAI ChatGPT, Microsoft Co-Pilot and Google Gemini.

We might be about to rediscover how essential these efforts have been to keep AI models in check.

Judith Bishop has received funding from Creative Australia for a book on AI and human data. Until 2022 she led teams producing training data for global AI companies and US government research agencies.

– ref. Erotica, gore and racism: how America’s war on ‘ideological bias’ is letting AI off the leash – https://theconversation.com/erotica-gore-and-racism-how-americas-war-on-ideological-bias-is-letting-ai-off-the-leash-250060

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

February 24, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: How Whyalla can be upgraded to green steel and why we need to keep steel production in Australia

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Daniel Rossetto, Adjunct, Institute for Sustainability, Energy and Resources, University of Adelaide

Financial challenges at the Whyalla steelworks in South Australia have reignited debate about the nation’s steel industry and its future.

Australians should have access to quality steel at competitive prices. The domestic steel production industry employs tens of thousands of people.

The state and federal governments have stepped in, however, announcing a A$1.9 billion support package for Whyalla, together with a new $1 billion green iron investment fund. Half of the new fund will be allocated to Whyalla to support its transition to green steel production. That’s a large amount of money for a privately owned business.

So, are the new packages going to be money well spent? To answer that question, let’s examine the priorities.

A national priority

Steel is an industry in which securing sovereign production capability is crucial. Sovereign capability means ensuring an industry can survive external shocks such as interruptions to shipping routes or disputes with other countries in the supply chain.

Steel is a vital input for defence industries such as ship and submarine building. What could be said of a country’s autonomy – or its sovereign capability – if it relies on others for the steel needed for its defence?

Whyalla is one of the two largest steelworks in Australia, the other being BlueScope’s Port Kembla plant. At least at first glance, the green iron investment fund seems to deal with the sovereign capability criterion well enough. Whyalla appears an ideal candidate.

However, the public subsidy is large. The subsidised plant’s ability to operate in an economically competitive manner needs to be examined. Further, while the Whyalla plant began its life as a supplier to an adjacent shipbuilding operation, its share of the current domestic defence industry steel market is unclear.

Environmentally friendly steel?

Production of steel using iron ore and coking coal is a greenhouse gas emissions intensive process. It can result in as many as 2.5 tonnes of greenhouse gas per tonne of steel.

The plan for Whyalla has long been to replace its coal-fired blast furnace with an electric arc furnace. This could, in turn, be supplied with low-emission sources of energy and consume scrap steel. While there is no globally agreed definition, this kind of approach would likely qualify as green steel.

Sanjeev Gupta’s GFG, the owner of the plant, had originally wanted this furnace to be operating by 2025, potentially using solar among its energy supply. The plan would have cut its emissions dramatically. The timeline later slipped to 2027.

The longer term plan for Whyalla appears based around production of green hydrogen to replace coking coal. As the world charges toward net zero emissions by 2050, the belief is that Australia can capture a good part of the green metals market.

The challenge is that green hydrogen is expensive and not widely used around the world. It’s hard to find signs that the global steel market is willing to pay a premium in the absence of sectoral emissions pricing. The strategy could therefore be seen as a bet on the future. If the bet went wrong, who would absorb the losses? It would, most likely, be the taxpayer.

The United States leads the way in low-emissions steel production. Firms there use electric arc furnaces to recycle scrap steel with energy from low-emission sources. This technology is proven and operates at industrial scale. It has a fraction of the emissions intensity but relies on the availability of scrap steel.

Can we add value?

Australia is a major world supplier of two key materials crucial for most steel making. These are iron ore and coking coal.

The countries to which we sell those raw materials then do the processing and manufacture, capturing profit that is arguably lost to the Australian economy. Whyalla is already an example of domestic value-adding. It uses iron ore from mines in the adjacent area, and domestic coking coal.

For Australia, however, this is going to be tricky. Australia is effectively signalling to its international customers that, one day, it hopes to compete with them in the global steel markets. In other words, this creates an incentive for the country’s customers to look for alternatives to buy iron ore.

Whether Australia increases steel production ahead of its customers finding new sources of iron ore elsewhere in the world is a risky race with an uncertain result.

Focus on government spending

So, back to the question: is the new funding going to be money well spent? Perhaps the most solid justification among the priorities examined, is sovereign capability.

The government probably needs to provide more information on how the new fund differs through from Future Made in Australia or the National Reconstruction Fund. Is this old funding with a new name? The nation is entering federal election season. Focus on government spending efficiency is likely to increase.

Daniel Rossetto is the owner of Climate Mundial Limited, a private company that does consulting work but is currently inactive. He does ad hoc private consulting through various consulting platforms. He is also the owner and host of a new private and independent YouTube channel called Climate Mundial’s Energy and Climate Weekly. He is on the editorial board of the Discover Sustainability journal published by Springer Nature.

– ref. How Whyalla can be upgraded to green steel and why we need to keep steel production in Australia – https://theconversation.com/how-whyalla-can-be-upgraded-to-green-steel-and-why-we-need-to-keep-steel-production-in-australia-250402

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

February 24, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: China didn’t violate any rules with its live-fire naval exercises. So, why are Australia and NZ so worried?

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Donald Rothwell, Professor of International Law, Australian National University

In recent days, the Chinese Navy conducted two live-fire military exercises in waters near Australia and New Zealand, sparking concern in both countries.

The Albanese government lodged a diplomatic protest with Beijing. China responded by saying it was “deeply surprised and strongly dissatisfied” by Australia’s response.

What exactly happened?

The presence of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (or PLA Navy) ships was well known. Australia’s Department of Defence put out a media release on February 13 indicating it was “aware” of the three ships operating to the northeast of Australia.

Over the next week, the ships gradually made their way along Australia’s east coast through its exclusive economic zone in the Tasman Sea, which extends 200 nautical miles (370km) from a country’s coastline.

On February 21, the PLA Navy gave short notice of its intent to conduct a possible live-fire exercise in the high seas between Australia and New Zealand. The next day, the ships conducted a second live-fire exercise. A live fire exercise can take many forms, such as using live rounds against stationary sea targets or the testing of new weapons systems.“

Once Australia and New Zealand received China’s notification of its exercises, a maritime and air exclusion zone was created in the vicinity of the Chinese ships, and trans-Tasman commercial flights were diverted.

Both exercises took place in “international waters”, which means no country has sovereignty over them. Neither Canberra nor Wellington contested China’s right to conduct these exercises, as the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea places no constraints on high-seas military operations.

The United States, for example, has conducted such high-seas weapons tests in the past, causing Qantas flights across the Pacific to be occasionally diverted.

If they were legal, why were Australia and NZ upset?

Australian Defence Minister Richard Marles was critical of the short notice China gave both countries of its intention to use live rounds of ammunition.

Typically, Marles said, standard protocol is to provide between 12 to 24 hours notice of such exercises. This allows enough time to warn other ships in the area and for airlines to divert their flights.

However, because the exercises took place in the high seas, the protocol is more ambiguous. This became the key point of differentiation with China. Beijing could argue its warships are under no legal obligation to tell anyone what they are doing on the high seas. As Defence Ministry spokesman Wu Qian said,

China’s actions are in full compliance with international law and international practices, and will not affect aviation flight safety.

This is also the first instance of China conducting Tasman Sea military exercises. As such, it poses a challenge for how Australia and New Zealand should respond to future Chinese conduct.

The PLA Navy has been sailing more frequently around the Australian coast and has observed Australian military exercises conducted with defence partners, such as Exercise Talisman Sabre in 2023.

Why did China conduct the exercises here?

This is an important question since China could have just as easily conducted these exercises closer to its own shores.

Part of the answer lies in China having the capacity and capability to project its military force far beyond its own shores.

These types of activities are also important intelligence gathering exercises. Each Chinese Navy visit will give it more experience in waters where it does not frequently sail, while also gauging how Australia and New Zealand respond.

Given the increasing cooperation between China and some Pacific Island nations, such as the Cook Islands and Solomon Islands, we should expect the Chinese Navy will become a more frequent visitor to the region.

What can Australia and NZ do about it?

As Australia and New Zealand are strong supporters of the rules-based international order on which the law of the sea is based, there is very little they can legally do to obstruct China. Nevertheless, three options are available.

First, enhanced air and naval surveillance of China’s activities in these waters is legally permissible. Constantly shadowing the PLA Navy in the South Pacific, though, would be a drain on stretched defence resources.

Both countries would also need to ensure their navies are not in the line of fire to avoid an accident that could spiral into a major conflict.

Second, Australia and New Zealand could work though bodies such as the International Maritime Organization and International Civil Aviation Organization to settle on agreed practices on how much advance notification is required for high seas live-fire tests.

Finally, both countries could push for negotiations on a regional “naval code of conduct”. Similar codes have been agreed upon by both China and the US in the past. Incidents like this could prove to be a catalyst for more.

The South Pacific will increasingly be a strategically contested maritime space. Australia and New Zealand frequently deploy their navies for humanitarian operations in neighbouring Pacific states and engage in exercises with their military partners. The US Navy is also becoming more active in the Pacific Ocean and South China Sea to counter China, as are the navies of other nations, such as the United Kingdom, France and Japan.

With the potential for these various navies to be operating at the same time in the region, negotiating some basic “rules of the sea” would be a prudent and a helpful confidence-building measure to avoid a potential conflagration.

Donald Rothwell receives funding from Australian Research Council.

– ref. China didn’t violate any rules with its live-fire naval exercises. So, why are Australia and NZ so worried? – https://theconversation.com/china-didnt-violate-any-rules-with-its-live-fire-naval-exercises-so-why-are-australia-and-nz-so-worried-250618

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI China: Ancient Greek vessel returned home from US museum

Source: China State Council Information Office 3

An ancient Greek artifact has been returned to its homeland following a repatriation ceremony at the Greek embassy in Washington, local media reported on Sunday.

The 12-cm-tall Attic black-figure lekythos – a vessel used for oil storage – depicts a battle between a Giant and Athena, the goddess of wisdom and warfare in Greek mythology, as well as the patron of Athens.

Dating from between 630 and 500 B.C., according to Greece’s Culture Ministry, the artifact carries significant historic and cultural value.

Greek archaeologists confirmed that it was excavated in 1910 from a tomb at the ancient cemetery of Kerameikos in Athens, near the Acropolis. The vessel was removed from a Greek museum under unclear circumstances between 1936 and 1973, as noted in the Greek ministry’s archives. It later came into the possession of the Glencairn Museum in the U.S. state of Pennsylvania, having been donated by an individual who purchased it at a Sotheby’s auction in New York in 1973.

During the ceremony, Greek Culture Minister Lina Mendoni expressed gratitude on behalf of the government and people to the Glencairn Museum for facilitating the artifact’s return. The repatriation was initiated by the museum’s Board of Directors as part of a review of the origins of its collections.

MIL OSI China News –

February 24, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: In A Nighttime Travesty, First Nations women embrace Indigenous futurism – and push the boundaries of theatre

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Julie Andrews, Professor and Academic Director (Indigenous Research), La Trobe University

Gregory Lorenzutti/Malthouse Theatre

A Nighttime Travesty is a bold new piece of theatre that depicts many illusions and truth interspersed with history.

What would happen if the world was to end? A plane has left Earth because Earth is dying. The journey is an escape for survival, but they are taking Earth-created social inequalities with them.

While hurtling into space, two hostesses talk about not feeling at home on Earth anymore. We can no longer advance as a human race and are forced to relocate.

The future of humankind does not appear optimistic – it is in the hands of the pilot.

Kamarra Bell-Wykes and Carly Sheppard, co-creators of the work and the lead performers, bring brilliance to their artistic flair, playing multiple characters.

They are the two hostesses: one a young Aboriginal woman who has been impregnated by the pilot, and the other a robot. The pilot is played by Bell-Wykes, and Sheppard is a strange victim with a wit.

A Nighttime Travesty intertwines Indigenous futurism and vaudeville.
Gregory Lorenzutti/Malthouse Theatre

Directed by Stephen Nicolazzo, A Nighttime Travesty is thought-provoking and complex theatre that addresses Aboriginal history and oppression using media representations of Aussie male humour.

Earth is dying. The journey is an escape for survival, but they are taking Earth-created social inequalities with them. There is no new world waiting for them to start over. They will have to do that themselves.

They ponder what is ahead of them as they travel to a new life somewhere in space.

The thread throughout the production is held together by a black and white history while the actors sing, dance, give birth and turn into murderers.

Indigenous futurism

A Nighttime Travesty intertwines Indigenous futurism and vaudeville.

Indigenous futurism is a cultural practice of imagining the future, while acknowledging past and present. Including cultural practices and ways of knowing with social and political commentary within a scientific framework can create an aura of illusion and truth.

Aboriginal storytelling has long moved in and out of the past into the present in various artistic mediums as a form of expression and teaching. Indigenous futurism can be found in literature, film, visual arts, video games, poetry, music, fashion and theatre.

The philosophies of Indigenous ways of knowing and oral histories are important tools for storytelling.

The actors play dual gender neutral roles. The women depict the Australian male: the sexual power and masculinity in the workplace intermixed with artificial intelligence and technology. They are joined on stage by performers Zach Blampied and Peter Wykes, and musicians Matt Pana and Small Sound.

A Nighttime Travesty is particularly dense with sexualised humour and underlying pokes of fun made at the Aussie male expense.

The dark side of the humour from an Indigenous woman’s perspective steers the twists and turns which move with such quick motion that the audience is left waiting for conclusions to the messages.

Kamarra Bell-Wykes and Carly Sheppard bring brilliance to their artistic flair.
Gregory Lorenzutti/Malthouse Theatre

Aboriginal history

Much of this play is a reflection upon humanity and the life lessons learned or not learned from history. It is also a social and political commentary from young viewers of Australian humour on television and experiences of Australian society values.

Throughout the play there is lots of symbolism reflecting Australia. The sexual humour is structured around Australian icons of media, and BBQ aprons with male and female printed torsos. The actors morph into the sexuality of the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women.

It seems the co-creators researched the long-running Saturday night national television show Hey Hey It’s Saturday to finally offer a First Nations commentary.

On that show, men roasted each other, their guests and the audience – and presented a gem every now and then that would save their credibility.

Here, a dark hooded man sits on a bench titled “Hey Hey it’s Judgement Day” and a puppet on a stick named Dicky Lee is involved in sexual acts. This is presented as humorous, yet the audience is left feeling slightly embarrassed at Dicky’s involvement.

The play riffs off the long-running variety show Hey Hey, It’s Saturday.
Gregory Lorenzutti/Malthouse Theatre

Religion, sex and babies born out of wedlock are harsh realities of life. Religion and God is pondered for the new world – but God is a man, and is blamed for the problems of the world.

Can they start over in a modern world, and what will their faith be? The Aboriginal hostess is concerned that, on a new planet, her Elders will be meaningless and, as the only Aboriginal on the plane, her culture and her race will die out. But wait – her baby will be the new beginning.

A Nighttime Travesty from A Daylight Connection played at Malthouse Theatre, Melbourne. Season closed.

Julie Andrews does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. In A Nighttime Travesty, First Nations women embrace Indigenous futurism – and push the boundaries of theatre – https://theconversation.com/in-a-nighttime-travesty-first-nations-women-embrace-indigenous-futurism-and-push-the-boundaries-of-theatre-248132

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI China: Trump ‘confident’ about striking deal to end Ukraine conflict soon: White House

Source: China State Council Information Office

U.S. President Donald Trump returns to the White House via Marine One in Washington, D.C., the United States, Feb. 22, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

U.S. President Donald Trump has expressed confidence that Washington can successfully negotiate the end of the Ukraine conflict “this week,” White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said Saturday.

“The president, his team are very much focused on continuing negotiations with both sides of this war to end the conflict, and the president is very confident we can get it done this week,” Leavitt was quoted by top U.S. political website “The Hill” as saying on the South Lawn after returning from the Conservative Political Action Conference.

Leavitt also said that Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has been involved in discussions about a proposed deal with the Ukrainians to harness raw minerals.

“When it comes to the critical minerals, this is an important piece for the president. It’s very important for the president, because it will recoup American tax dollars,” Leavitt said, according to “The Hill” report.

Meanwhile, the Speaker of Ukraine’s Parliament has said that the Ukrainian government will start working in earnest from the beginning of next week to conclude an agreement on earth minerals and security assurances with the United States, according to reports from Ukraine.

Ruslan Stefanchuk, who is close to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, said Friday that the Ukrainian government will have an expert team start from Monday working toward signing an agreement with the United States.

MIL OSI China News –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI China: Chongqing promotes high-quality development of private sector

Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

Chongqing promotes high-quality development of private sector

Updated: February 24, 2025 10:08 Xinhua

Workers operate at a production line of Chongqing Hwasdan Machinery Manufacturing Co., Ltd. in southwest China’s Chongqing Municipality, Feb. 22, 2025. In recent years, the local government has launched a series of policies for the high-quality development of the city’s private sector, covering areas such as technological innovation, market expansion and financial support. In 2024, the economic value added of Chongqing’s private sector reached 1.98 trillion yuan (about 273 billion U.S. dollars). [Photo/Xinhua]

A worker operates at a workshop of Chongqing Honggang Numerical Control Machine Tool Co., Ltd. in southwest China’s Chongqing Municipality, Feb. 22, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

A saleswoman promotes agricultural machines via livestreaming at an exhibition hall of Chongqing Hwasdan Machinery Manufacturing Co., Ltd. in southwest China’s Chongqing Municipality, Feb. 22, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

Workers operate at a production line of Chongqing Hwasdan Machinery Manufacturing Co., Ltd. in southwest China’s Chongqing Municipality, Feb. 22, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

A worker operates at a production line of Chongqing Hwasdan Machinery Manufacturing Co., Ltd. in southwest China’s Chongqing Municipality, Feb. 22, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

Workers operate at a workshop of Chongqing Hwasdan Machinery Manufacturing Co., Ltd. in southwest China’s Chongqing Municipality, Feb. 22, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

Workers operate at a workshop of Chongqing Honggang Numerical Control Machine Tool Co., Ltd. in southwest China’s Chongqing Municipality, Feb. 22, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

MIL OSI China News –

February 24, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: A Chinese own goal? How war games in the Tasman Sea could push NZ closer to AUKUS

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alexander Gillespie, Professor of Law, University of Waikato

The appearance of three Chinese naval vessels firing live rounds in the Tasman Sea has caused understandable alarm in New Zealand and Australia. But this has more to do with the geopolitical context than the actual event.

In fact, the Chinese navy is allowed to conduct exercises in the Tasman and has wide freedoms on the high seas in general. So far, China appears to be acting in accordance with both the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the Code for Unplanned Encounters at Sea.

While New Zealand would have preferred more notice of the Chinese navy’s intentions, there was no obligation to provide this.

Nor is what is occurring in the Tasman similar to the more aggressive sabre-rattling the Chinese military has displayed around the South China Sea, most recently involving both the Australian and Philippine navies.

And in September last year, just a few days after Australian and New Zealand vessels sailed through the Taiwan Strait, the Chinese test-fired a nuclear-capable intercontinental missile into the South Pacific.

For China, of course, Taiwan and parts of the South China Sea are highly disputed territory. The Tasman Sea is not. But what is disputed is China’s role and influence in the Pacific – and this, rather than a minor naval exercise, is what is causing headaches in Canberra and Wellington.

The Cook Islands factor

The surprise agreement signed by the Cook Islands and China under a fortnight ago, aimed at “deepening blue economy cooperation”, is the immediate context for that concern.

The deal avoids controversial areas such as security and policing. But it moves Chinese influence into infrastructure support for wharves, shipbuilding and repair, and ocean transportation.

What really challenges New Zealand’s foreign policy is how this opens the South Pacific up to even greater Chinese influence and activity. Foreign Minister Winston Peters has signalled it is time to reset the relationship with the Cooks.

For its part, China has asserted that its relationship with the Cook Islands “is not directed against any third party and should not be subject to or disrupted by any third party”.

In other words, China has told New Zealand to butt out of a major development in the historically close diplomatic and political relationship with its Pacific neighbour.

A Chinese own goal?

All of this is happening within a rapidly shifting geopolitical sphere. US President Donald Trump is unilaterally attempting to upend the old US-led world order, and other major powers such as Russia and China are adapting.

New Zealand’s relations with China were already difficult. The Security Intelligence Service and Government Communications Security Bureau have both identified state-sponsored Chinese interference in domestic affairs, breaches of the parliamentary network and other malicious cyber activity.

The question now is whether China has scored an own goal with its recent actions. Because while it might prefer New Zealand to operate a more independent foreign policy – balancing its relations with east and west – the opposite may now be more likely.

In times of international stress and uncertainty, New Zealand has always tended to move towards deepening relationships with traditional allies.

Whether it is the fear of Russian invasion in the 19th century, or Japanese invasion in the 20th century – and whether or not those threats are real or imagined – New Zealand reverts to form.

It has been this way for nearly 150 years and is likely to occur again. New Zealand is already grappling with how to respond to the Trump administration’s redrawn global system and will be looking for ways to deepen the friendship.

At the same time, the government now seems committed to joining a new arms race and increasing defence spending as a proportion of GDP. And the supposed benefits of joining the second tier of the AUKUS security pact may now become that much easier to sell politically.

Alexander Gillespie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. A Chinese own goal? How war games in the Tasman Sea could push NZ closer to AUKUS – https://theconversation.com/a-chinese-own-goal-how-war-games-in-the-tasman-sea-could-push-nz-closer-to-aukus-250615

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

February 24, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: Valls faces Kanak ‘first people’ clash with loyalists over independence talks

By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls’ first two days in New Caledonia have been marred by several clashes with local pro-France, anti-independence movements, who feared he would side with their pro-independence opponents.

However, he remained confident that all stakeholders would eventually come and sit together at the table for negotiations.

Valls arrived in the French Pacific territory on Saturday with a necessary resumption of crucial political talks regarding New Caledonia’s political future high on his agenda, nine months after the deadly May 2024 civil unrest.

His visit comes as tensions have risen in the past few days against a backdrop of verbal escalations and rhetoric, the pro-France camp opposing independence stressing that three referendums had resulted in three rejections of independence in 2018, 2020, and 2021.

But the third referendum in December 2021 was boycotted by a large part of the pro-independence, mainly Kanak community, and they have since disputed the validity of its result (even though it was deemed valid in court rulings).

On Saturday, the first day of his visit to the Greater Nouméa city of Mont-Dore, during a ceremony paying homage to a French gendarme who was killed at the height of the riots last year, Valls and one of the main pro-France leaders, French MP Nicolas Metzdorf, had a heated and public argument.

‘First Nation’ controversy
Metzdorf, who was flanked by Sonia Backès, another major pro-France local leader, said Valls had “insulted” the pro-France camp because he had mentioned the indigenous Kanak people as being the “first people” in New Caledonia — equivalent to the notion of “First Nation” people.

Hours before, Valls had just met New Caledonia’s Custom Senate (a traditional gathering of Kanak chiefs) and told them that “nothing can happen in New Caledonia without a profound respect towards [for] the Melanesian people, the Kanak people, and the first people”.

French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls (second from left) meets pro-France supporters as he arrives in New Caledonia on Saturday as French High Commissioner Louis Le Franc looks on. Image: NC la 1ère

Metzdorf told Valls in an exchange that was filmed on the road and later aired on public broadcaster NC la 1ère: “When you say there are first people, you don’t respect us! Your statements are insulting.”

“If there are first peoples, it means there are second peoples and that some are more important than others.”

To which Valls replied: “When you are toying with these kinds of concepts, you are making a mistake.”

🗣 Manuel Valls en Nouvelle-Calédonie : échange tendu entre le ministre des Outre-mer et des personnalités non-indépendantistes

👉 Nicolas Metzdorf et Sonia Backès lui reprochent certaines prises de position depuis la reprise des discussions

📱💻 https://t.co/f5YyK6KDUf pic.twitter.com/GKa938egkR

— La1ère.fr (@la1ere) February 22, 2025

Every word counts
The 1998 Nouméa Accord’s preamble is largely devoted to the recognition of New Caledonia’s indigenous community (autochtone/indigenous).

On several occasions, Valls faced large groups of pro-France supporters with French tricolour flags and banners (some in the Spanish language, a reference to Valls’s Spanish double heritage), asking him to “respect their democratic (referendum) choice”.

Some were also chanting slogans in Spanish (“No pasaran”), or with a Spanish accent.

“I’m asking for just one thing: for respect towards citizens and those representing the government,” an irate Valls told the crowd.

Questions have since been raised from local organisations and members of the general public as to why and how an estimated 500 pro-France supporters had been allowed to gather while the French High Commissioner still maintains a ban on all public gatherings and demonstrations in Nouméa and its greater area.

“We voted three times no. No means no,” some supporters told the visiting minister, asking him not to “let them down”.

“You shouldn’t believe what you’ve been told. Why wouldn’t you remain French?”, Valls told protesters.

“I think the minister must state very clearly that he respects those three referendums and then we’ll find a solution on that basis,” said Backès.

However, both Metzdorf and Backès reaffirmed that they would take part in “negotiations” scheduled to take place this week.

“We are ready to make compromises”, said Backès.

Valls carried on schedule
Minister Valls travelled to Northern parts and outer islands of New Caledonia to pay homage to the victims during previous insurrections in New Caledonia, including French gendarmes and Kanak militants who died on Ouvéa Island (Loyalty group) in the cave massacre in 1988.

During those trips, he also repeatedly advocated for rebuilding New Caledonia and for every stakeholder to “reconcile memories” and sit at the negotiation table “without hatred”.

Valls believes ‘everyone will be at the table’
In an interview with local public broadcaster NC la 1ère yesterday, the French minister said he was confident “everyone will be at the table”.

The first plenary meeting is to be held this afternoon.

It will be devoted to agreeing on a “method”.

“I believe everyone will be there,” he said.

“All groups, political, economic, social, all New Caledonians, I’m convinced, are a majority who wish to keep a strong link within France,” he said.

He also reiterated that following New Caledonia’s Matignon (1988) and Nouméa (1998) peace accords, the French Pacific territory’s envisaged future was to follow a path to “full sovereignty”.

“The Nouméa Accord is the foundation. Undeniably, there have been three referendums. And then there was May 13.

“There is a before and and after [the riots]. My responsibility is to find a way. We have the opportunity of these negotiations, let’s be careful of the words we use,” he said, asking every stakeholder for “restraint”.

“I’ve also seen some pro-independence leaders say that [their] people’s sacrifice and death were necessary to access independence. And this, also, is not on.”

Valls also said the highly sensitive issue of “unfreezing” New Caledonia’s special voters’ roll for local elections (a reform attempt that triggered the May 2024 riots) was “possible”, but it will be part of a wider, comprehensive agreement on the French Pacific entity’s political future.

A mix of ‘fear and hatred’
Apart from the planned political negotiations, Valls also intends to devote significant time to New Caledonia’s dire economic situation, in post-riot circumstances that have not only caused 14 dead, but also several hundred job losses and total damage estimated at some 2.2 billion euros (NZ$4 billion).

A first, much-expected economic announcement also came yesterday: Valls said the State-funded unemployment benefits (which were supposed to cease in the coming days) woud now be extended until June 30.

For the hundreds of businesses which were destroyed last year, he said a return to confidence was essential and a prerequisite to any political deal . . . And vice-versa.

“If there’s no political agreement, there won’t be any economic investment.

“This may cause the return of fresh unrest, a form of civil war. I have heard those words coming back, just like I’ve heard the words racism, hatred . . . I can feel hope and at the same time a fear of violence.

“I feel all the ferments of a confrontation,” he said.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

February 24, 2025
MIL-Evening Report: ‘It’s disgusting that they can get away with this’: here’s how eviction can affect tenants’ lives

Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alan Morris, Professor, Institute for Public Policy and Governance, University of Technology Sydney

For people relying on rental properties to keep a roof over their heads, there are few things more scary than the possibility of being evicted from their home.

The paucity of official statistics makes it difficult to know exactly how common evictions are. In 2019–20, 13.8% of private renters moved due to their lease being terminated or not renewed.

Besides a report or two, we know little about what happens when households face the possibility of being evicted, or are actually evicted.

Our research examines these consequences. Through in-depth interviews with 53 private tenants in New South Wales and Queensland, we found these experiences negatively shaped people’s lives well into the future. Here are four themes we identified.

1. Poor mental health

The ease with which landlords can terminate a tenant’s occupation evoked persistent anxiety for most of the interviewees (the interviews were conducted prior to the scrapping of no-grounds eviction in NSW, though such evictions are still allowed in other states and territories).

This was especially so for low-income tenants.

When interviewed, Susan* had recently been evicted from her apartment in Sydney. She was reliant on the Disability Support Pension for her income and lived in constant fear of being evicted and rendered homeless. She felt that having a disability and being from a non-English-speaking background made her precarity worse:

if you are somebody who comes from a non-English-speaking background, or you have a disability, or have no ability to enforce [the legislation], it’s on the tenant to take up the laws and to do something about it. And if you don’t have any of those abilities, you’re just going to be on your way to homelessness very, very soon […]

Grace lived by herself in Sydney. She had been given a no-grounds termination and was convinced it was linked to her landlord’s realisation that he could raise her rent considerably once she moved out. Her mental health was seriously affected by the eviction:

It was just like out of nowhere […] so that was horrific […] I’m still trying to settle into this new place with that trauma of being uprooted all of a sudden […] I think it’s probably going to affect me for a while and particularly in terms of just the power that real estates and landlords have to be able to do that.

2. Financial hardship

For many of the low-income tenants, the financial implications of being evicted were severe.

Sarah, her husband and their three children had been renting in Sydney since 2013. She estimated that since 2014, they had had to move at least six times. Most of the moves were not voluntary. She found the financial implications of evictions extremely distressing:

It’s the finances of it that’s the hardest […] when you get asked to move, you need to have a bond ready to go at the next place before you receive your bond back, which is a killer […]

She outlined all the expenses that came up each time she moved from one rental to another: professional cleaners, removalists and maintenance deducted from the bond.

After her rented accommodation was condemned, Brenda, a single mum of two children, had 48 hours to move from her rental property in regional Queensland. The move consumed her savings:

I had $200 after paying all my bills to move. So once I moved that was it. So I struggled the following week for everything. For food, […] getting my son to school, my daughter. It was just horrible.

3. Reluctance to complain

The knowledge that, at some point, the rent could be increased to an untenable level or they could be asked to vacate evoked silent compliance. This created a reluctance to complain or request basic maintenance.

Alice was convinced she was evicted after complaining about the poor condition of the rental property she, her son and grandson had been renting for eight years in regional NSW. Her grandson’s bedroom was unusable due to excessive mould.

However, her low income and the threat of eviction meant she held off complaining for an extended period:

[…] it’s just disgusting that they [landlords] can get away with this shit while charging top dollar, and […] that’s why I didn’t complain because I said to everybody, “as soon as I complain he’ll kick us out.” […] If I hadn’t complained, we’d still be there […]

Sarah described how, despite feeling harassed and stressed by her landlord’s unannounced and constant intrusions, she felt the family had to accept the situation and not protest:

I was petrified of being kicked out if we fought back and so […] we let him onto the property 16 times in 10 months and said nothing.

When they couldn’t take it any longer and complained, they were given notice, the landlord claiming he needed to do maintenance that required the property to be vacant.

4. Ending up in a worse home

A common consequence of eviction is having to move to unsuitable, lower-quality accommodation.

Jan and her partner were older renters and reliant on government benefits for their income. The flow-on effects of being evicted from their accommodation in Queensland, where they had been living for ten years, were devastating. Her partner attempted suicide, her relationship with him ended, and she was forced to live in a tent on a piece of land her mother had bought several years prior:

our rental accommodation was sold out from under us to developers and we had to be out with nowhere to go. We looked around for somewhere else to rent and there was absolutely nowhere we could afford at all.

It’s clear that eviction, or the threat thereof, can have devastating affects on people’s lives.

Although there has been some movement around improving the lot of private renters, such as legislation abolishing no-grounds eviction in some jurisdictions, and rent increases being allowed only once a year, a lot more needs to be done to ensure tenants have acceptable security of tenure.

*All names in this article have been changed to protect participants’ privacy.

Alan Morris receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Joelle Moore receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Thi Thanh Mai Giang receives funding from The Australian Research Council.

Yiran Li receives funding from funding from the Australian Research Council.

– ref. ‘It’s disgusting that they can get away with this’: here’s how eviction can affect tenants’ lives – https://theconversation.com/its-disgusting-that-they-can-get-away-with-this-heres-how-eviction-can-affect-tenants-lives-248221

MIL OSI Analysis – EveningReport.nz –

February 24, 2025
MIL-OSI China: Conservative CDU/CSU leads German federal election

Source: China State Council Information Office

Germany’s conservative bloc, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Christian Social Union (CSU), has taken the lead in the country’s 2025 federal election, according to preliminary results released by German public broadcaster ARD on Sunday evening.

According to ARD’s latest vote counts, CDU/CSU secured 28.5 percent of the vote, followed by the Alternative for Germany (AfD) with 20.6 percent and the Social Democratic Party (SPD) with 16.5 percent.

The Greens came in fourth with 11.8 percent, ahead of Die Linke with 8.7 percent. The Free Democratic Party (FDP) and Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) are projected to receive 4.4 percent and 4.9 percent, respectively.

The election will determine the composition of the next Bundestag, Germany’s lower house of parliament. A party must receive at least 5 percent of the national vote to gain representation in the Bundestag.

According to ARD, voter turnout during this election reached 84 percent, the highest level since 1990. The newly elected parliament will select Germany’s next chancellor following coalition negotiations among parties.

Friedrich Merz, chancellor candidate of the CDU/CSU, vowed to move swiftly to form a new government. “Tonight we will celebrate and from tomorrow we start working,” Merz said after the vote. “The world out there is not waiting for us.”

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz acknowledged the SPD’s historic defeat and stated that he would remain in office until a new coalition government is formed.

“This is a bitter election result for the Social Democratic Party, it is also an electoral defeat,” Scholz said. “I have the responsibility for the election result.”

Christian Lindner, who has served as FDP chairman for over 11 years, announced on social media that he will retire from politics after the election.

The FDP withdrew from the ruling coalition last year following disagreements with Scholz’s SPD.

The AfD, on the other hand, has approximately doubled its results from the 2021 election. Alice Weidel, co-leader of the AfD, said that her party is now firmly rooted in mainstream society, calling the election the “historically strongest result.”

The AfD has expressed its willingness to cooperate with the CDU/CSU in the upcoming coalition negotiations. However, Merz has ruled out the possibility of forming a coalition with the AfD.

Cooperation with the AfD has long been considered taboo by Germany’s major political parties.

While acknowledging the challenges of forming a government under current circumstances, Merz said he would strive for the goal of having a government in place by Easter.

On matters of diplomatic policy, he emphasized the need to strengthen Europe step by step, with the goal of achieving independence from the United States. During an appearance on ARD and ZDF’s TV program “Berliner Runde,” Merz noted that the Trump administration has been “largely indifferent” to the fate of Europe.

MIL OSI China News –

February 24, 2025