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Category: Politics

  • MIL-OSI Global: Colorado’s Amendment 80 wants to make school choice ‘a right’ when it already is – an expert in educational policy explains the disconnect

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Christopher Lubienski, Professor of Education Policy, Indiana University

    In November, Colorado voters will decide whether the state’s constitution should be amended to specify a right to school choice.

    But school choice is already guaranteed by state statute and federal courts. So why is this initiative being posed at all?

    Even the initiative’s backers acknowledge that Colorado already has “one of the best school choice statutes in the nation.” Moreover, the ability for parents to choose private schools has been affirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court for at least a century.

    I have been studying school choice for almost three decades and can say Amendment 80 raises serious questions about the strategies being used by the school choice advocates who put it on the ballot.

    School choice in Colorado

    School choice options have expanded rapidly across the U.S. in recent years. Currently, it is estimated that over 3.5 million students now attend charter schools, and in the past three years, nine states have approved new programs that provide public funds for private schooling.

    In 1993, Colorado became one of the first states to authorize charter schools. Charter schools are publicly funded but privately or independently managed. They are now legal in 45 states.

    Likewise, Colorado law enables parents to choose public schools outside their district — an open-enrollment option that is also quite common throughout the U.S., permitted in 43 states.

    But a new wave of school choice policies is emerging from conservative legislatures. Several red states, like Utah, Iowa and Indiana, recently created policies to fund universal or near-universal private school choice. These programs – vouchers or education savings accounts – use taxpayer funds to pay for private school tuition and, with education savings accounts, other educational expenses as well. Unlike charter schools, which are technically public schools and accountable to public authorities, these programs funding private schools have few if any regulations on the schools receiving taxpayer dollars.

    Colorado is in a different category altogether.

    Indeed, Colorado voters have repeatedly rejected ballot measures to implement private school choice. That mirrors voters across the country, who tend to reject these intiatives, often resoundingly.

    Moreover, Colorado’s original state constitution explicitly prohibits sending public funds to private schools.

    In essence, Colorado is a trailblazer when it comes to funding school choice in the public sector – but not the private sector. Like all Americans, Coloradans have every right under federal law to choose a private school at their own expense.

    Amendment 80 would give children the ‘right’ to choose from neighborhood, charter, private and home schools, as well as ‘future innovations in education.’
    Ed Andrieski/AP Photo

    Who supports Amendment 80

    Amendment 80 reflects a familiar political divide when it comes to school choice policies.

    Republicans largely support more parental prerogatives to choose schools, including private schools, and fewer restrictions on those schools.

    Democrats tend to oppose unregulated choice and programs that fund private schools, and support accountability measures for schools that receive public funds.

    There are, of course, exceptions to this partisan divide.

    Some Democrats, including Colorado Gov. Jared Polis, who founded two charter schools, have objected to efforts to regulate charters.

    Meanwhile, some conservatives, including Christian homeschoolers, have expressed concerns about government involvement in private schooling, which they fear could lead to regulation.

    The proposal frames school choice as a child’s right, leading some to worry it will give a student’s wishes legal predominance over their parents’.

    Those skeptics may have a point. Rather than push directly for school vouchers, backers of Amendment 80 simply make the seemingly innocuous assertion that school choice is a “right.”

    School choice as a ‘right’

    The fact that advocates for this measure are framing the issue this way – rather than as an effective taxpayer-funded policy, for example – is telling.

    While there are different forms of school choice, like charter and magnet schools, the modern private school choice movement emerged as a way for Southern segregationists to avoid integration.

    The movement gained momentum in the 1990s by asserting that choice leads to better educational outcomes, and that it gives low-income students an equitable opportunity to attend better schools.

    Those claims have not stood up.

    Every rigorous study of statewide voucher programs in the past 10 years has shown that they do not improve student outcomes. In fact, they have led to some of the largest learning losses ever measured — comparable to the losses from the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Rather than simply giving low-income students opportunities beyond their segregated schools, charter schools lead to higher levels of segregation.

    Additionally, statewide private school choice programs, such as what one might envision arising from Amendment 80, are budget-busters for state treasuries and for rural schools as they channel public funds away from high-need areas to affluent families using these programs.

    In light of that track record, it is not surprising to see choice advocates move away from their earlier equity claims and focus instead on “rights” — even when such a right can lead to worse educational outcomes for kids.

    But even if the rhetorical strategy around Amendment 80 is clear, the question still stands: Why push to enshrine rights that are already effectively available through both Colorado law and U.S. Supreme Court rulings?

    The full text of Amendment 80 that appears on the November 2024 ballot in Colorado.
    Colorado Secretary of State

    Public funds for private schools

    Michael Fields, the president of Advance Colorado, the organization that promoted the proposal, noted that the idea is to “preserve” and “protect families’ ability to choose the best educational options for themselves.”

    Elsewhere, he said, “It’s really just cementing the school choice laws that we have in Colorado right now into the constitution.”

    Essentially he is arguing that Amendment 80 would confirm the status quo in Colorado.

    But the actual language of the initiative tells a different story.

    Rather than simply affirming an existing right to choose a public, charter or homeschool, the more important issue here is the right to choose a private school.

    Of course, this right already exists. Since at least 1925, parents across the U.S. have been guaranteed the right to choose private schools for their children, but at their own expense.

    If Amendment 80 passes, I expect we will see the argument that such a right is meaningless without funding to support the choice of private schools. After all, when people talk about the right to public education or health care, the underlying assumption is that there is no cost barrier to exercising that right, which is funded by taxpayers.

    Recent rulings by the U.S. Supreme Court suggest Colorado’s prohibition on the use of public funds for “church or sectarian” schools could be challenged in court. Adding a right to private school choice to the state’s constitution through Amendment 80 appears to be designed to provide the basis for such a challenge.

    Early voting is happening now in Colorado. Find your polling place here.

    Christopher Lubienski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Colorado’s Amendment 80 wants to make school choice ‘a right’ when it already is – an expert in educational policy explains the disconnect – https://theconversation.com/colorados-amendment-80-wants-to-make-school-choice-a-right-when-it-already-is-an-expert-in-educational-policy-explains-the-disconnect-240896

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: For many Latter-day Saints, America has a special relationship with God − but Christian nationalism is a step too far

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Nicholas Shrum, Doctoral Student in Religious Studies, University of Virginia

    Patriotism and faith can weave together in complicated ways − but when does that count as ‘Christian nationalism’? RiverNorthPhotography/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    On the verge of the 2024 elections, Donald Trump and Kamala Harris are ramping up their campaigns in Arizona and Nevada. Beyond being considered swing states, the two have something else in common: Latter-day Saint voters.

    About 5% to 10% of Arizonans and Nevadans belong to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints – among the highest percentages in the country, outside of Utah and Idaho. For decades, a steep majority of Latter-day Saints, often called Mormons, were regarded as reliable Republican voters. But the Trump era has tested that alliance, especially when it comes to many of his backers’ support for Christian nationalism.

    Christian nationalism is often described as the belief that American identity and Christianity are deeply intertwined and, therefore, the U.S. government should promote Christian-based values. Using questions such as whether “being Christian is an important part of being truly American,” a Public Religion Research Institute poll in 2024 found that about 4 in 10 Latter-day Saints nationwide are at least sympathetic to Christian nationalist ideas, if not clear “adherents.” This was the third-highest rate among religious groups, behind white evangelicals and Hispanic Protestants.

    Yet the report also found a seeming contradiction. Utah, home to the church’s headquarters, “is the only red state in which support for Christian nationalism falls below the national average.”

    As a scholar of Mormonism and nationalism, I believe the church’s history and beliefs help explain why so many members wrestle with Christian nationalist ideas – and that this complexity illustrates the difficulty of defining Christian nationalism in the first place. America is sacred in Latter-day Saint doctrine: both the land itself and its constitutional structures. But as a minority that has often faced discrimination from other Christians, the church displays profound skepticism about combining religion and state.

    Sacred space

    The Book of Mormon – one of the church’s key scriptures, alongside the Bible – describes the Americas as “choice above all other lands” and provides an account of Jesus Christ visiting ancient civilizations there after his resurrection.

    In addition, Latter-day Saint doctrine considers the United States’ government to be divinely inspired. In 1833 the church’s founder, Joseph Smith, dictated a revelation wherein God declared “I established the Constitution of this land, by the hands of wise men whom I raised up for this very purpose.”

    In the 1830s, Latter-day Saints migrated from New York and Ohio to western Missouri, where they believed themselves divinely commanded to build a sacred city called Zion. By the end of the decade, however, they had been forced out of Missouri by mob violence and an order from the governor, who called for the group to be “exterminated or driven from the State.”

    Church members fled to neighboring Illinois, then began a long trek west after Smith’s death in 1844. The first pioneers reached Utah Territory in 1847, where they set up a society shaped by their beliefs – including, most famously, the practice of plural marriage. But when Utah applied for statehood, tensions with the federal government mounted.

    Congress enacted anti-polygamy legislation that seized some church property, imprisoned more than 1,000 church members, disenfranchised anyone who supported the practice, and revoked Utah’s 1870 decision to give women the right to vote.

    A photo of Utah polygamists in prison, taken around 1889 by Charles Roscoe Savage.
    Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, via Wikimedia Commons

    By 1896, church leaders had begun the process of ending plural marriage, and Utah was admitted to the union. Latter-day Saints also adopted the two-party system and embraced free-market capitalism, giving up their more insular and communal system – adapting to dominant ideas of what it meant to be properly American.

    Constitutional patriots

    These experiences tested Latter-day Saints’ faith in the U.S. government – particularly its failure to intervene as members were forced out of Missouri and Illinois. Nevertheless, church doctrine emphasizes duty to one’s country. One of the church’s 13 Articles of Faith explains that “we believe in being subject to kings, presidents, rulers, and magistrates, and in obeying, honoring, and sustaining the law.”

    Latter-day Saints have “a unique responsibility to uphold and defend the United States Constitution and principles of constitutionalism,” as Dallin H. Oaks, a member of the church’s highest governing body, said in 2021.

    I would argue that beliefs in the country’s divine purpose and potential, and the close relationship between faith and patriotism, may illuminate Latter-day Saint sympathy for Christian nationalist ideas. Yet the church’s previously fraught relations with the federal government, and with wider American culture, help explain why a majority of Latter-day Saints remain skeptical of Christian nationalism.

    For much of the 19th and 20th centuries, hostility against the church was so high and widespread that if the U.S. had declared itself a Christian nation, Latter-day Saints would likely have been excluded – and around one-third of Americans still do not consider them “Christian.” According to a 2023 Pew survey, only 15% of Americans say they have a favorable impression of Latter-day Saints, while 25% report unfavorable views.

    Latter-day Saint leaders believe they have a right to exert moral influence on public policy. But the church’s awareness of its own precarious position in U.S. culture has made it wary of policies that put some people’s religious freedom above others.

    Church members wait for The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints’ biannual general conference to begin on Oct. 5, 2024, in Salt Lake City, Utah.
    AP Photo/Hannah Schoenbaum

    A step too far

    This wariness has also shaped Latter-day Saint culture’s inclination to avoid extremes. After decades of being marginalized for practices considered radical, the modern church and its adherents have walked a delicate tightrope. And for many, Christian nationalism and the candidate many adherents put their hope in – Donald Trump – seem a step too far.

    Over the past half-century, Latter-day Saints tended to align politically and culturally with conservative Catholics and evangelicals. On balance, the church remains highly conservative on social issues, especially gender and sexuality, and 70% of its American members lean Republican. However, more younger Latter-day Saints have much more progressive views – and even the leadership has parted ways with the GOP on some issues, such as strict immigration proposals. While the church opposes “elective abortion,” it allows for several exceptions.

    During the 2016 election, only about half of the church’s members voted for Trump; 15% voted for Evan McMullin, a Latter-day Saint who positioned himself as a moderate choice between Trump and Hillary Clinton. In 2020, Trump garnered about 7 in 10 Latter-day Saint votes.

    During congressional hearings about the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, Arizona House Speaker Russell “Rusty” Bowers, who resisted pressure from the Trump administration to recall the state’s electors, cited his Latter-day Saint beliefs. “It is a tenet of my faith that the Constitution is divinely inspired,” Bowers said, explaining his refusal to go along with the scheme.

    Arizona House Speaker Rusty Bowers, left, is sworn in before testimony at the Capitol on June 21, 2022, alongside Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and Georgia Deputy Secretary of State Gabriel Sterling.
    AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite

    In June 2023, church leaders issued a statement against straight-ticket voting, saying “voting based on ‘tradition’ without careful study of candidates and their positions on important issues is a threat to democracy.”

    Holy purpose

    Ever since the Puritans, many people in what became the United States have believed God has a special plan for their society – part of the same current that drives Christian nationalism today.

    Latter-day Saints, however, have a specific vision of that plan. According to the church’s teachings and scriptures, the country’s establishment was a necessary step toward restoring the “only true and living church” – their own. And that church is a global one, not just American. More than half of all Latter-day Saints today live outside the U.S.

    Ultimately, Latter-day Saint teachings consider America’s story part of a greater goal: ushering in the second coming of Jesus Christ. As the church’s name suggests, Latter-day Saints believe that they are living in the last days, just before the millennial reign of Jesus – a kingdom where national and political distinctions melt away.

    But as with all other churches, its members live in the current day, where political, cultural and social realities shape how they interact with the world around them – and how they vote.

    Nicholas Shrum does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. For many Latter-day Saints, America has a special relationship with God − but Christian nationalism is a step too far – https://theconversation.com/for-many-latter-day-saints-america-has-a-special-relationship-with-god-but-christian-nationalism-is-a-step-too-far-228594

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Is America ready for a woman president? Voters’ attitudes to women politicians are radically different from a decade ago

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Angela L. Bos, Dean and Professor, School of Public Service, Boise State University, Boise State University

    Voters hold clear and positive stereotypes of women politicians − while they don’t think as positively about men in politics. Artis777/iStock/Getty Images

    If U.S. voters elect Kamala Harris – a Black, Asian American woman – president, it would be historic on multiple levels. This is now a real possibility due to voters’ positively evolving stereotypes of women politicians.

    Stereotypes have long hindered female candidates, casting them as emotional, weak and sensitive. But now our political science research shows that voters in the U.S. increasingly see women leaders as synonymous with political leadership – and as more effective than men politicians.

    This transformation reflects a broader change in what voters expect in political leaders. They are now more likely to see a woman candidate as a better “fit” for public office. This might help pave the way for Harris to break through the highest glass ceiling in U.S. politics.

    The classic double bind

    Gender stereotypes are the assumptions and expectations people have about men and women. They traditionally present an obstacle for women leaders, including in politics.

    Among the many barriers to a woman becoming president in the U.S. are voters’ gender stereotypes. Men are generally assumed to have masculine traits such as being ambitious and competitive, while women are assumed to possess feminine traits such as being warm and compassionate. In applying gender stereotypes to politicians, voters end up with very different expectations for men and women candidates.

    Democratic candidate Kamala Harris, left, campaigns with former GOP congresswoman and supporter Liz Cheney in Malvern, Pa., on Oct. 21, 2024.
    Melina Mara/The Washington Post via Getty Images

    This presents a classic double bind for women leaders. If they behave like leaders and act dominantly and assertively, they violate expectations of femininity. But if they behave in a stereotypical way, they are not seen as strong leaders.

    The double bind extends to politics. It was long the case that stereotypes of men politicians, but not women politicians, aligned with the leadership qualities that voters desire in political leaders. These traits include competence, strong leadership, empathy and integrity. A 2011 study showed that stereotypes of women politicians lacked clarity, meaning people had no clear expectations. Voters also did not see women politicians in alignment with those same four leadership qualities that voters seek.

    But by 2021, prominent women political leaders such as Hillary Clinton, Nikki Haley and Nancy Pelosi had reshaped the landscape for women seeking office by shaping and solidifying public expectations.

    More women politicians in the spotlight

    More women have assumed political leadership roles in the U.S. over the past decade than in previous decades. The number of women in Congress increased from 90 to 145 between the 111th Congress, which met from 2009 to 2011, to the 117th Congress, which met from 2021 to 2023.

    In addition, high-profile women politicians such as Democrats Pelosi and Clinton, as well as Liz Cheney, a Republican, have received considerable attention from both the media and the electorate. Gender stereotypes about women politicians evolved from being ambiguous to becoming both well defined and positive as voters grew more familiar with them. This has created a political landscape for Harris today that is notably different from the early 2010s.

    We are political scientists whose research examines how gender stereotypes affect women’s political underrepresentation. In 2021, we conducted a study of how voters’ gender stereotypes of politicians had evolved over the previous decade. These are the three main lessons:

    1. Stereotypes of women politicians are increasingly positive

    A decade ago, people did not agree on the traits that defined women politicians. While some people described them as tough, others thought they were weak. Similarly, some reported them as rational, while others saw them as unable to separate feelings from ideas. There were no traits that large groups of people agreed upon to describe women politicians.

    But our study shows that voters now hold clear and positive stereotypes of them.

    When asked about the traits they associate with women politicians, respondents listed positive traits such as intelligent, rational, analytical, ambitious and moral. At the same time, women politicians are least associated with negative traits such as being weak and spineless.

    While stereotypes of women politicians have become more positive, stereotypes of male politicians are now much more negative.
    Image Source/Getty Images

    2. Stereotypes of men politicians have shifted to increased negativity and distrust

    Male politicians were previously seen as confident, well educated, charismatic and driven. But there’s bad news for men in politics: This perception has shifted. Our study revealed that stereotypes of male politicians became much more negative over the decade we studied.

    Today, male politicians are more commonly viewed as power-hungry, selfish, manipulative and self-interested. They are least associated with traits such as being sympathetic or caring about “people like me.” This indicates that voters have become more negative and distrustful toward male politicians.

    3. Women politicians have gained ground on leadership perceptions, surpassing men politicians

    In the past, stereotypes of women politicians were incompatible with leadership stereotypes. But our study shows that this mismatch has subsided. In fact, between 2011 and 2021, scores for women politicians increased on all four leadership traits valued by voters: competence, leadership, empathy and integrity.

    Men politicians, in contrast, have lost ground on all four leadership traits. Women politicians now surpass men politicians in three out of the four leadership traits: competence, empathy and integrity. Expectations of men politicians concerning the fourth trait, strong leadership, are now equal to those of female politicians.

    Kamala Harris may benefit

    Gender stereotypes have long hindered women seeking political office, but more women in prominent leadership positions have fostered positive stereotype change.

    Granted, highly visible women leaders such as Pelosi and Clinton excite both admiration and intense dislike. But seeing them and many other examples in their wake has familiarized voters with women holding power in politics. Voters are thus now more likely to view women candidates like Harris as fitting into leadership roles such as the presidency.

    With growing distrust in politics, and of male politicians specifically, women political leaders – who are viewed as agents of change – may have an opportunity to restore trust in politics.

    Daphne Joanna van der Pas receives funding from the Dutch Research Council.

    Loes Aaldering receives funding from the Dutch Research Council. She is a member of Groenlinks, the Green party in the Netherlands.

    Angela L. Bos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Is America ready for a woman president? Voters’ attitudes to women politicians are radically different from a decade ago – https://theconversation.com/is-america-ready-for-a-woman-president-voters-attitudes-to-women-politicians-are-radically-different-from-a-decade-ago-240326

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Your next favorite story won’t be written by AI – but it could be someday

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Haoran Chu, Assistant Professor of Communications, University of Florida

    AI language models are getting pretty good at writing – but not so much at creative storytelling. Moor Studio/DigitalVision Vectors via Getty Images

    Stories define people – they shape our relationships, cultures and societies. Unlike other skills replaced by technology, storytelling has remained uniquely human, setting people apart from machines. But now, even storytelling is being challenged. Artificial intelligence, powered by vast datasets, can generate stories that sometimes rival, or even surpass, those written by humans.

    Creative professionals have been among the first to feel the threat of AI. Last year, Hollywood screenwriters protested, demanding – and winning – protections against AI replacing their jobs. As university professors, we’ve seen student work that seems suspiciously AI-generated, which can be frustrating.

    Beyond the threat to livelihoods, AI’s ability to craft compelling, humanlike stories also poses a societal risk: the spread of misinformation. Fake news, which once required significant effort, can now be produced with ease. This is especially concerning because decades of research have shown that people are often more influenced by stories than by explicit arguments and entreaties.

    We set out to study how well AI-written stories stack up against those by human storytellers. We found that AI storytelling is impressive, but professional writers needn’t worry – at least not yet.

    The power of stories

    How do stories influence people? Their power often lies in transportation – the feeling of being transported to and fully immersed in an imagined world. You’ve likely experienced this while losing yourself in the wizarding world of Harry Potter or 19th-century English society in “Pride and Prejudice.” This kind of immersion lets you experience new places and understand others’ perspectives, often influencing how you view your own life afterward.

    When you’re transported by a story, you not only learn by observing, but your skepticism is also suspended. You’re so engrossed in the storyline that you let your guard down, allowing the story to influence you without triggering skepticism in it or the feeling of being manipulated.

    Given the power of stories, can AI tell a good one? This question matters not only to those in creative industries but to everyone. A good story can change lives, as evidenced by mythical and nationalist narratives that have influenced wars and peace.

    Storytelling can be powerfully influential – especially if people sense the human behind the words.
    georgeclerk/E+ via Getty Images

    Studying whether AI can tell compelling stories also helps researchers like us understand what makes narratives effective. Unlike human writers, AI provides a controlled way to experiment with storytelling techniques.

    Head-to-head results

    In our experiments, we explored whether AI could tell compelling stories. We used descriptions from published studies to prompt ChatGPT to generate three narratives, then asked over 2,000 participants to read and rate their engagement with these stories. We labeled half as AI-written and half as human-written.

    Our results were mixed. In three experiments, participants found human-written stories to be generally more “transporting” than AI-generated ones, regardless of how the source was labeled. However, they were not more likely to raise questions about AI-generated stories. In multiple cases, they even challenged them less than human-written ones. The one clear finding was that labeling a story as AI-written made it less appealing to participants and led to more skepticism, no matter the actual author.

    Why is this the case? Linguistic analysis of the stories showed that AI-generated stories tended to have longer paragraphs and sentences, while human writers showed more stylistic diversity. AI writes coherently, with strong links between sentences and ideas, but human writers vary more, creating a richer experience. This also points to the possibility that prompting AI models to write in more diverse tones and styles may improve their storytelling.

    These findings provide an early look at AI’s potential for storytelling. We also looked at research in storytelling, psychology and philosophy to understand what makes a good story.

    We believe four things make stories engaging: good writing, believability, creativity and lived experience. AI is great at writing fluently and making stories believable. But creativity and real-life experiences are where AI falls short. Creativity means coming up with new ideas, while AI is designed to predict the most likely outcome. And although AI can sound human, it lacks the real-life experiences that often make stories truly compelling.

    Closing in?

    It’s too early to come to a definitive conclusion about whether AI can eventually be used for high-quality storytelling. AI is good at writing fluently and coherently, and its creativity may rival that of average writers. However, AI’s strength lies in predictability. Its algorithms are designed to generate the most likely outcome based on data, which can make its stories appealing in a familiar way. This is similar to the concept of beauty in averageness, the documented preference people have for composite images that represent the average face of a population. This predictability, though limiting true creativity, can still resonate with audiences.

    For now, screenwriters and novelists aren’t at risk of losing their jobs. AI can tell stories, but they aren’t quite on par with the best human storytellers. Still, as AI continues to evolve, we may see more compelling stories generated by machines, which could pose serious challenges, especially when they’re used to spread misinformation.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Your next favorite story won’t be written by AI – but it could be someday – https://theconversation.com/your-next-favorite-story-wont-be-written-by-ai-but-it-could-be-someday-239284

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: CMA response to the Welsh Government consultation on inspection ratings for care home services and domiciliary support services

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    The CMA has published its response to the Welsh Government consultation on inspection ratings for care home services and domiciliary support services.

    Applies to Wales

    Documents

    CMA response to the Welsh Government consultation on inspection ratings for care home services and domiciliary support services

    PDF, 117 KB, 4 pages

    Details

    The Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) has responded to the Inspection ratings for care homes and domiciliary support services consultation, led by the Welsh Government.

    The CMA’s response draws on some if its findings and recommendations in the care homes market study final report (2017), highlighting evidence from the study’s consumer research and its findings on inspection reports.  We also draw on the report’s recommendations on supported decision making, helping people consider their care needs earlier, and protecting residents and their consumer rights.

    For queries relating to the CMA’s response, please contact the CMA Wales team by email at wales@cma.gov.uk.

    Updates to this page

    Published 24 October 2024

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    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Light and sound art show Eclipse by Nonotak is an immersive and sensory experience

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rob Flint, Senior Lecturer Nottingham in the School of Art and Design, Nottingham Trent University

    Audiovisual art is changing rapidly. Increasingly powerful projectors, screens and lighting rigs with integrated control systems, pervade the interwoven worlds of cinema, gallery and concert halls. These changes blur the borders of the art form with gaming, club and gig visuals, semi-permanent immersive experiences, and giant outdoor screens and projection-mapped buildings.

    I’m fascinated by electronic light and sound in art, music and cinema, and so was curious to experience Eclipse, “a spatial light and sound experience” by Japanese art studio Nonotak (Noemi Schipfer and Takami Nakamoto).

    You enter the exhibition into a darkened lounge bar that features the first of three separate experiences: a flat, wall-based light work titled Highway that gives a powerful sense of horizontal motion from the stepped sequence of flashing white bands of light.

    The next, Dual, is a large sound and light space that uses the kind of directional lighting seen onstage at concerts to make deep spatial patterns with beams of light against a soft haze.

    The third, Hidden Shadow, returns us to an image-based experience with directional seating and a large flat LED wall, on which shifting and dissolving points continually redefine a circle, linked to powerful overhead strobe-type lights in a way that seems to reference the installation title.

    These are all monochrome, programmed in sequences, with continuous repetition. Although the timed-entry system seems to encourage the viewer’s movement through the spaces, roughly corresponding to their duration, ending again in the lounge and bar area.

    Immersed in pulsing light and sound, I look for coordinates to ground my experience. There’s a long history of artists making light and sound do things simultaneously. Psychedelia seems an obvious ancestor.

    Even before Hoppy Hopkins made liquid light swirl to the sound of Pink Floyd at London’s UFO club in the 1960s, pioneers in the US and Europe had constructed “colour organs” to play coloured lights in a musical way and painted glass slides for theatre projection, to access the synaesthesia (a neurodivergent condition that links the senses in unexpected ways) which was believed by some to be buried deep in all of us.

    Animated film is part of this story, with Disney’s Fantasia the best-known union of music and visual movement in early popular film history, though modernists like Oskar Fischinger (who contributed to Fantasia) and Viking Eggeling made more austere abstract combinations of rhythm and graphic object for avant-garde audiences.

    Nearby the Eclipse venue, the Tate Modern shows Anthony McCall’s 1970’s Solid Light installation works. Originally developed on clattering 16mm celluloid film for dusty and cigarette-smoke-filled social spaces, they play quietly and continually now on digital projectors with programmed haze machines in a clean, purpose-built gallery.

    Closer in appearance (and in time) to the work of Nonotak are audiovisual artists like Carsten Nicolai and Ryoji Ikeda. They reconfigured the “visual music” tradition with a stripped-down and often monochromatic union of sound and light, bringing the precision of post-digital graphics to minimal techno and dub or the spookiness of glitch electronica to what is often now referred to as “a/v performance”.

    Ikeda’s 2017 installation test pattern explored a similar aesthetic across the river at London’s 180 Strand Studios, home of another organisation dedicated to expanded audiovisual art.

    Lumen Studios, who curated and presented the show, are aiming Eclipse at programmers, graphic designers and “edgy people”, literate in gaming, coding, NFTs, cryptocurrencies and other screen-based worlds and objects.

    These are not necessarily the same people who would connect McCall’s lines of “solid light” to 1970s Materialist Cinema’s highly political demand to reject the “illusionistic” conventions of mainstream realist film. Nor should they have to.

    The human eye is trained differently than it was when television ended before midnight and cinemas were not rivalled by streamed media on demand. This space could have entirely different reference points to those I am evoking. Set design, for example. On their website, Nonotak cites scenography, theatre, film, dance, architecture, and drawing among their areas of practice.

    So maybe now it’s me that is the performer, on, or inside, a virtual stage or film set. Standing in the largest of the three installations, Dual, I feel as though I might be running from an alien on a giant transport ship heading for Mars.

    I could also be in a more earth-bound comparison, standing at the back of a giant warehouse party, or a rave, away from the crush of dancing bodies while still in the synchronised cocoon of sensory electronics. It is visual, but also physical, and it creates a powerful kinetic dislocation from the space in which it is situated.

    This last comparison highlights the “in-between” nature of the Eclipse installations in its temporary accommodation in Bermondsey. The cocktail bar points gently (and legally) towards the hedonism of gigs and raves, but the regulated entry system suggests a more institutional mode of attention, closer to the time-stamped immersive museum experience or even a live-action gaming environment, like an upmarket Laserquest.

    Similarly, the audio, filled with effectively light-synchronised rhythmic pulsing, doesn’t have the gut-level bass of a contemporary club or music venue sound system. And while the slightly disembodied vitality of Dual made me think about dancing and moving in a slightly different way, it isn’t a dance floor.

    Nor did it make promises of that kind. So this is less a criticism of the work than a recognition that my coordinates will always need updating, as the spaces we move through adapt to different forms of attention. If our species is fortunate enough to continue devoting time, technology, materials and labour to human sensory curiosity in the decades that follow, there will be more hybrid collisions of light, sound, image, rhythm, music, in real and imaginary, actual and virtual, space. I very much hope so.

    Eclipse by Nonotak is on until December 8 2024 at 47 Tanner St, London


    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Rob Flint does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Light and sound art show Eclipse by Nonotak is an immersive and sensory experience – https://theconversation.com/light-and-sound-art-show-eclipse-by-nonotak-is-an-immersive-and-sensory-experience-241529

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Harris nudges ahead of Trump in the polls – but could the economy prove her downfall?

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul Whiteley, Professor, Department of Government, University of Essex

    Thrive Studios / Shutterstock

    The current US vice-president and Democratic presidential candidate, Kamala Harris, appears to have nudged ahead of her Republican rival, Donald Trump, in the race to the White House.

    A poll of polls, which combines polls from different agencies, published on the website FiveThirtyEight on October 22 shows that Harris leads Trump by 48.1% to 46.3% in national voting intentions. So the race remains very tight.

    There is naturally a lot of attention being paid to what is happening in swing states such as Pennsylvania, Michigan, Georgia and North Carolina. However, the polling in these states is not very helpful since it currently predicts a dead heat in practically all of them.

    In the key swing state of Pennsylvania, for example, 47.8% of people intend to vote for Trump compared to 47.6% for Harris. This gap is well within the margin of error, so FiveThirtyEight calls it an even contest.

    One of the surveys in the poll of polls was conducted by YouGov for the Economist newspaper. It shows that 19% of respondents have already voted in the election and a further 72% say they will definitely vote. When registered voters were asked which candidate they think is likely to win, the replies were a dead heat – 38% of them chose Harris and 38% Trump (24% are not sure).

    Another way of judging the contest is to look at who has the advantage in the key drivers of the vote in the election. In an earlier article, I argued that Harris leads Trump in the presidential race in three of the four key measures that explain voting behaviour.

    She is ahead in likeability, and is favoured by more moderates than Trump. Harris also has more support from Republican identifiers than Trump has among voters who identify as Democrats. However, in relation to the fourth driver, which is the issues voters care about, she is at a clear disadvantage.



    Read more:
    Harris leads Trump in the polls – here’s what they really tell us about her chances

    The Economist/YouGov poll shows that 96% of respondents think that jobs, inflation and the economy are important issues in the election. In the same poll 84% think immigration is important and 75% think this about abortion.

    Harris’s problem is that polling indicates she is well behind Trump on the issue of the economy. When asked if Harris or Trump would do the best job dealing with inflation, for example, 39% preferred Harris and 46% Trump. This is despite the fact that the most recent inflation rate is relatively low at 2.4%, and has been falling for some time.

    On the issue of abortion she does much better. Some 50% of Americans approve her pledge to restore the right to abortion enshrined in the Roe v Wade case from 1973, which was reversed by a Supreme Court ruling in 2022. In comparison, only 33% of Americans approve of Trump’s position to uphold the court ruling.

    The economy and voting

    Does it really matter if Harris is behind on the economy? There is historical evidence to suggest that, if we look at the actual performance of the economy as opposed to polls, Harris may have an advantage.

    The graph below shows the relationship between voting for an incumbent Democratic or Republican president (or his party’s nominee) and the state of the economy over a century of presidential elections from 1920 to 2020.

    In the chart, the performance of the economy is captured by two measures. The first is economic growth in real terms and the second is the misery index (the sum of inflation and unemployment). Both are measured in the year of the elections.

    There is a strong positive correlation between growth and voting for the incumbent president or his party’s nominee (+0.55). When growth is buoyant, the incumbent or his successor does well. And when it is weak, they do badly.

    There is also a negative relationship between the misery index and presidential voting. But, in this case, the correlation is very weak (-0.05). This means that, while voters may complain about inflation and unemployment and blame the incumbent president’s administration, economic growth is the real driver of voting in these elections.

    Economic growth is the real driver of voting in US elections


    Paul Whiteley, CC BY-NC-ND

    The Biden administration’s record on growth since 2020 has been very strong. Policies such as the Inflation Reduction Act and the Chips Act have boosted investment, particularly in high-tech industries. This fact may give Harris the edge in the election.

    That said, Harris can still lose, and the odds that bookmakers are giving currently favour Trump to win. However, it is the American people who will decide the outcome, not betting markets, many of whom who live outside the US, who are trying to disrupt the process.

    Paul Whiteley has received funding from the British Academy and the ESRC

    – ref. Harris nudges ahead of Trump in the polls – but could the economy prove her downfall? – https://theconversation.com/harris-nudges-ahead-of-trump-in-the-polls-but-could-the-economy-prove-her-downfall-242056

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: What US election interference law actually says about Labour volunteers

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ilaria Di Gioia, Senior Lecturer in American Law and Associate Director of the Centre for American Legal Studies, Birmingham City University

    Shutterstock/rblfmr, Nicole Glass, Alexandros Michailidis

    With just two weeks to go until election day, Donald Trump’s presidential campaign filed a complaint with the US Federal Election Commission (FEC), requesting “an immediate investigation” into what it termed “blatant foreign interference” in the election by none other than the UK’s Labour party.

    In the letter to the FEC’s acting general counsel, the Trump campaign accused the Labour party of “apparent illegal foreign national contributions” to Harris for President. This is the principal campaign committee of Vice-President Kamala Harris.

    The contributions listed in the complaint are: meetings with Harris’ campaign team “to brief Ms Harris’ presidential campaign on Labour’s election-winning approach”, and Labour members’ trips to battleground states to help with the Harris campaign.

    Put simply: members of the UK’s Labour party have been travelling to the US to help Harris, the Democratic party candidate, campaign for the presidency.

    FEC rules state that foreign nationals “may participate in campaign activities as an uncompensated volunteer”. To that end, the prime minister, Keir Starmer, has said that Labour volunteers are helping the Harris campaign in their spare time, and are funding their own trips.

    Indeed, there is a long history of volunteers from both the Labour and Conservative parties supporting their respective “sister” parties in the US, and vice versa.

    What does US law say?

    To understand the US legal landscape, we must refer both to statutes (laws on the books) and the judicial cases that have put these statutes to the test.

    From a statutory point of view, foreign interference into elections is regulated by three main federal laws. These laws, enacted by Congress since 1938, came in response to various scandals involving foreign financing.

    They are: the Foreign Agents Registration Act, the Federal Election Campaign Act and the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, all consolidated in the United States Code.

    The law explicitly prohibits foreign nationals (excluding permanent residents) from making contributions or donations to elections. It reads:

    It shall be unlawful for:

    A foreign national, directly or indirectly, to make –

    (A) a contribution or donation of money or other thing of value, or to make an express or implied promise to make a contribution or donation, in connection with a Federal, State, or local election;

    (B) a contribution or donation to a committee of a political party; or

    (C) an expenditure, independent expenditure, or disbursement for an electioneering communication.

    The question is, therefore, whether the Labour engagement with the US election falls under the definition of “contribution or donation of money or other thing of value”.

    A key legal case

    It would seem, looking at judicial precedent, that “contribution or donation” amounts to financial contributions only.

    The law was interpreted in 2011 by the US District Court for the District of Columbia (a federal court) in Bluman v FEC.

    In this case, the plaintiffs Benjamin Bluman and Asenath Steiman were foreign citizens who lived and worked in the US on temporary visas. They wanted to donate money to candidates in elections and challenged the constitutionality of the law barring them from doing so.

    A campaign sign for Kamala Harris.
    Bluestork/Shutterstock

    The decision was authored by then Judge Brett Kavanaugh (who, seven years later, was appointed by Trump as Supreme Court justice). Kavanaugh argued that political contributions in the form of expenditure – so, financial contributions – were an integral part of the elections process. As such, it was right that foreign nationals be prohibited from making financial contributions.

    He emphasised, however, that this decision was limited to expenditure, and that it should not be read as support for bans on other types of engagement with elections. These would be protected by First Amendment free speech protections, which apply to foreign nationals within the US.

    We do not decide whether Congress could prohibit foreign nationals from engaging in speech other than contributions to candidates and parties, express-advocacy expenditures, and donations to outside groups … Plaintiffs … express concern that Congress might bar them from issue advocacy and speaking out on issues of public policy. Our holding does not address such questions, and our holding should not be read to support such bans.

    This decision was affirmed by the Supreme Court and so constitutes a convincing precedent.

    In a nutshell, US law prohibits foreign nationals from financing domestic election activity, but this is limited to financial contributions. The Labour campaign “contribution” so far does not appear to amount to financial contributions, so as long as this remains the case, it is not illegal.

    Ilaria Di Gioia received research funding from the Eccles Centre at the British Library.

    – ref. What US election interference law actually says about Labour volunteers – https://theconversation.com/what-us-election-interference-law-actually-says-about-labour-volunteers-242055

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Prof. Howard Wilson to lead science and technology for STEP

    Source: United Kingdom – Government Statements

    UK Industrial Fusion Solutions Ltd announces the appointment of Professor Howard Wilson as Director of Science and Technology for STEP.

    Professor Howard Wilson – Image Credit: ORNL, U.S. Dept. of Energy

    UK Industrial Fusion Solutions Ltd (UKIFS) is delighted to announce the appointment of Professor Howard Wilson as Director of Science and Technology, helping to lead STEP (Spherical Tokamak for Energy Production), a pioneering programme to deliver the UK’s first prototype fusion energy plant.

    An internationally renowned expert in fusion science, Howard brings extensive experience and expertise to the role and will become the first UKIFS Executive Committee member based at West Burton in Nottinghamshire, a former coal-fired power station site where the prototype plant will be built.

    Over the past 18 months, Howard has been the Fusion Pilot Plant Research & Development Lead at Oak Ridge National Laboratory in the United States; prior to this he was based at the University of York where he founded the York Plasma Institute and the Fusion Centre for Doctoral Training.

    As Director of Science and Technology, Howard will oversee development of the plasma solution for STEP and will lead on the requirements for technology demonstration, both physical and digital, ensuring that modelling, simulation and testing tackles the specific challenges refined through the evolving whole plant design. He will work together with Chris Waldon (Chief Engineer) and Debbie Kempton (Director of Engineering Programme) in a triumvirate that will plan and ensure viable technologies, in an integrated plant design, that is developed and delivered in a robust way.

    Paul Methven, CEO of UK Industrial Fusion Solutions and Senior Responsible Owner for STEP, said: “As we embark on the second phase of the programme, Howard will be key in leading the development critical technologies for STEP, supporting the development of the fully integrated plant design. His impressive track record of fusion research and delivery will help to deliver the UK’s prototype fusion energy plant alongside the development of a fusion industry.”

    The appointment marks a return to the STEP programme for Howard – he became the first Programme Director for STEP from 2019 to 2020 following a secondment to the UK Atomic Energy Authority as Research Director in 2017.

    Howard has served on numerous international programme reviews and committees, including the International Union of Pure and Applied Physics (IUPAP), and chaired the International Tokamak Physics Activity (ITPA) in Pedestal and Edge Physics in support of ITER from 2008 to 2011. He has been a member of EUROfusion’s Science and Technology Advisory Committee (STAC) (2022-2023) and currently serves on the U.S. Department of Energy Fusion Energy Sciences Advisory Committee.

    STEP is the UK’s flagship fusion programme that will demonstrate both a technical and industrial pathway towards commercial realisation, supporting the clean, safe, and sustainable energy over the long term.

    UKIFS is a wholly owned subsidiary of UK Atomic Energy Authority Group and will be responsible for the delivery of STEP from later this year. The programme aims to create future opportunities for suppliers ranging from whole plant integrators to critical system manufacturers that can design and deliver future plants worldwide in addition to benefitting the communities that surround West Burton.

    Fusion can be thought of as the opposite of fission – combining lighter atoms rather than splitting heavier ones. It is based on the same processes that power the sun and stars and has potential to provide safe, sustainable and low-carbon energy for generations to come.

    For further information about STEP, visit: https://step.ukaea.uk/

    Below shows a computer generated concept of STEP’s Tokamak.

    Image credit: United Kingdom Atomic Energy Authority

    For further information, contact: communications@step.ukaea.uk

    Updates to this page

    Published 24 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI: Franklin Access Announces Updates to JEXtream MDM Platform

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    SAN DIEGO, Oct. 24, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Franklin Access unveils significant enhancements to its JEXtream Mobile Device Management (MDM) platform, reinforcing its commitment to providing versatile solutions for enterprise clients and educational institutions.

    Key Updates

    1.  Internet Suspension Feature

    a.  Enables efficient management of internet functionality across individual or multiple devices
    b.  Particularly valuable for corporate clients managing large device fleets

    2.  Single Sign-On (SSO) Integration

    a.  Streamlines access for existing JEXtream customers
    b.  Users can now access additional MDM features directly with their JEXtream login credentials

    3.  Enhanced User Interface

    a.  Improved Device Detail screen for clearer information display
    b.  Advanced Filter and Column selection options for easier customization
    c.  Upgraded Group Assignment feature for more efficient device management

    4. New Dashboard for individual accounts, offering quick insights at a glance

    OC Kim, CEO of Franklin Access, states, “These enhancements to JEXtream MDM demonstrate our commitment to evolving our platform to meet diverse needs. We’re providing our clients with advanced tools for efficient and secure device management in today’s dynamic digital landscape whether it be for enterprise or educational purposes.”

    JEXtream MDM is designed to cater to the distinct needs of various sectors, offering a unified solution with flexible branding to address specific market requirements. This update underscores Franklin Access’s position as a versatile provider of cloud-based MDM solutions, capable of meeting the demands of modern organizations across different industries.

    For more information about JEXtream MDM and its latest features, please visit https://www.jextream.net/mdm

    About Franklin Access
    Franklin Access (FKWL) specializes in integrated solutions, leveraging 4G LTE and 5G technologies. From mobile device management to network management solutions, we design connectivity solutions for the digital age. You will be able to explore more at https://franklinaccess.com/

    For media inquiries, please contact: marketing@franklinaccess.com

    Safe Harbor Statement

    Certain statements in this press release constitute “forward-looking statements” within the meaning of the Securities Act of 1933 and the Securities Exchange Act of 1934. Actual results may differ materially from those expressed or implied due to various factors.

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI: Marex Group plc Announces Pricing of the Public Offering

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    NEW YORK, Oct. 24, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Marex Group plc (“Marex”) (Nasdaq: MRX), the diversified global financial services platform, today announces the pricing of the public offering (the “Offering”) of 8,472,333 ordinary shares by certain selling shareholders (the “Selling Shareholders”) at $24.00 per share. In connection with the Offering, the Selling Shareholders have granted the underwriters a 30-day option to purchase up to an additional 1,270,849 ordinary shares.

    Marex is not selling any ordinary shares in the Offering and will not receive any proceeds from any sale of shares by the Selling Shareholders. The Offering is expected to close on October 25, 2024, subject to customary closing conditions.

    Barclays, Goldman Sachs & Co. LLC, Jefferies and Keefe, Bruyette & Woods, a Stifel Company, are acting as joint lead book-running managers and as representatives of the underwriters for the proposed Offering. Citigroup, UBS Investment Bank, Piper Sandler & Co. and Berenberg are acting as bookrunners for the Offering. Drexel Hamilton and Loop Capital Markets are acting as co-managers for the Offering.

    The proposed Offering is being made only by means of a prospectus. Copies of the prospectus relating to the proposed Offering may be obtained from:

    • Barclays Capital Inc., c/o Broadridge Financial Solutions, 1155 Long Island Avenue, Edgewood, NY 11717, by telephone at 1-888-603-5847, or by email at barclaysprospectus@broadridge.com;
    • Goldman Sachs & Co. LLC, Attention: Prospectus Department, 200 West Street, New York, New York 10282, via telephone: 1-866-471-2526, or via email: prospectus-ny@ny.email.gs.com;
    • Jefferies LLC, Attention: Equity Syndicate Prospectus Department, 520 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10022, by phone at (877) 821-7388, or by email at Prospectus_Department@Jefferies.com; or
    • Keefe, Bruyette & Woods Inc., 787 Seventh Avenue, Fourth Floor, New York, NY 10019, attention: Equity Capital Markets, or by calling toll free at (800) 966-1559 or emailing USCapitalMarkets@kbw.com.

    A registration statement on Form F-1 relating to the Offering has been filed with, and was declared effective by, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (the “SEC”).This press release does not constitute an offer to sell or the solicitation of an offer to buy any securities, and shall not constitute an offer, solicitation or sale in any jurisdiction in which such offer, solicitation or sale would be unlawful prior to registration or qualification under the securities laws of that jurisdiction.

    Forward-Looking Statements

    This release contains forward-looking statements within the meaning of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. All statements contained in this release that do not relate to matters of historical fact should be considered forward-looking statements, including the expected closing date of the Offering. In some cases, these forward-looking statements can be identified by words or phrases such as “may,” “will,” “expect,” “anticipate,” “aim,” “estimate,” “intend,” “plan,” “believe,” “potential,” “continue,” “is/are likely to” or other similar expressions. These forward-looking statements are subject to risks, uncertainties and assumptions, some of which are beyond our control. In addition, these forward-looking statements reflect our current views with respect to future events and are not a guarantee of future performance. Actual outcomes may differ materially from the information contained in the forward-looking statements as a result of a number of factors, including, without limitation: subdued commodity market activity or pricing levels; the effects of geopolitical events, terrorism and wars, such as the effect of Russia’s military action in Ukraine, on market volatility, global macroeconomic conditions and commodity prices; changes in interest rate levels; the risk of our clients and their related financial institutions defaulting on their obligations to us; regulatory, reputational and financial risks as a result of our international operations; software or systems failure, loss or disruption of data or data security failures; an inability to adequately hedge our positions and limitations on our ability to modify contracts and the contractual protections that may be available to us in OTC derivatives transactions; market volatility, reputational risk and regulatory uncertainty related to commodity markets, equities, fixed income, foreign exchange and cryptocurrency; the impact of climate change and the transition to a lower carbon economy on supply chains and the size of the market for certain of our energy products; the impact of changes in judgments, estimates and assumptions made by management in the application of our accounting policies on our reported financial condition and results of operations; lack of sufficient financial liquidity; if we fail to comply with applicable law and regulation, we may be subject to enforcement or other action, forced to cease providing certain services or obliged to change the scope or nature of our operations; significant costs, including adverse impacts on our business, financial condition and results of operations, and expenses associated with compliance with relevant regulations; and if we fail to remediate the material weaknesses we identified in our internal control over financial reporting or prevent material weaknesses in the future, the accuracy and timing of our financial statements may be impacted, which could result in material misstatements in our financial statements or failure to meet our reporting obligations and subject us to potential delisting, regulatory investments or civil or criminal sanctions, and other risks discussed under the caption “Risk Factors” in our Registration Statement filed on Form F-1 with the SEC on October 21, 2024 and our other reports filed with the SEC.

    The forward-looking statements made in this release relate only to events or information as of the date on which the statements are made in this release. Except as required by law, we undertake no obligation to update or revise publicly any forward-looking statements, whether as a result of new information, future events or otherwise, after the date on which the statements are made or to reflect the occurrence of unanticipated events.

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI: The Victory Bancorp, Inc., Announces 2024 Third Quarter Earnings

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    LIMERICK, Pa., Oct. 24, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — The Victory Bancorp, Inc. (OTCQX: VTYB), the holding company for The Victory Bank, announced unaudited results for the quarter ended September 30, 2024.

    Joseph W. Major, Bank Leader and Chief Executive Officer, stated, “Our third quarter results reflect consistent growth and improved earnings. Our commitment to providing top-notch banking services is central to our strategy which we implement by hiring skilled and dedicated bankers who offer trusted advice and exceptional personal service to our clients. Our focus is on maintaining disciplined pricing and credit underwriting practices as we expand the Bank. This diligence not only strengthens our institution but also benefits the communities we serve.”

    As of September 30, 2024, deposits rose to $398.2 million, up from $358.2 million a year earlier—a 10.8% increase. Net loans increased by 12.7%, reaching $395.2 million, compared to $351.9 million on the same date last year. Total assets grew by $49.1 million to $467.9 million, marking an 11.9% increase over the past year. Overall credit quality remained strong, with very low levels of non-performing and non-accrual loans. Because of these excellent credit metrics, third quarter provision for loan losses decreased to $71 thousand, down from $75 thousand in the 3rd quarter of 2023. Notably, non-performing assets fell significantly from $2.2 million at the end of 2023 to $209 thousand as of September 30, 2024.

    Third Quarter 2024 Highlights compared to Third Quarter 2023

    • Net Loans increased 12.7% to $395.2 million from $351.9 million at September 30, 2023
    • $2.9 million increase in stockholders’ equity
    • $0.065 per share cash dividend paid to shareholders
    • Net interest margin at the Bank was 3.58% for the quarter
    • Net income of $586 thousand, totaling approximately $0.29 per common share fully diluted
    • Book value per share as of September 30, 2024 was $14.89
    • Total assets increased by $49.1 million from September 30, 2023 to $467.9 million as of September 30, 2024
    • Credit quality is outstanding

    Capital Insights and Credit Quality:

    • Nonaccrual loans decreased in the third quarter of 2024, from $2.2 million at year end 2023 to $206 thousand in the current quarter.
    • Non-performing assets to total assets rose slightly from 0.01% in the linked quarter to 0.04% in the current quarter.
    • Delinquencies greater than 30 days were 0.05% of total loans as of September 30, 2024, down from 0.68% as of December 31, 2023.
    • The bank’s ACL ratio was 0.91% as of September 30, 2024, down slightly from 0.94% at year-end 2023. The September 30, 2024 ACL covered non-performing loans 17.5 times, an increase from 1.6 times at year-end 2023.
    • The bank remains well capitalized.

    Victory Bancorp, Inc. is traded on the OTCQX market under the symbol VTYB (https://www.otcmarkets.com) and is the parent company of The Victory Bank, a Pennsylvania state-chartered commercial bank headquartered in Limerick, Pennsylvania, which is located just outside the Philadelphia market in Montgomery County. The Victory Bank was established in 2008 as a specialized business lender that provides high-quality banking services to small and mid-sized businesses and professionals through its three offices located in Montgomery and Berks Counties, Pennsylvania. Additional information about Victory Bancorp is available on its website, VictoryBank.com.

    This presentation may contain forward-looking statements (within the meaning of Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995). Actual results may differ materially from the results discussed in these forward-looking statements. Factors that might cause such a difference include, but are not limited to, general economic conditions, changes in interest rates, deposit flows, loan demand, real estate values, and competition; changes in accounting principles, policies, or guidelines; changes in legislation or regulation; and other economic; competitive, governmental, regulatory, and technological factors affecting the Company’s operations, pricing, products, and services.

    Contact:

    Joseph W. Major,
    Chairman and Chief Executive Officer

    Robert H. Schultz,
    Chief Financial Officer, Chief Operating Officer

    The Victory Bancorp, Inc.
    548 N. Lewis Rd.
    Limerick, PA 19468

    CONSOLIDATED FINANCIAL HIGHLIGHTS (unaudited)            
    (dollars in thousands, except per share data)            
        September 30,   December 31,   September 30,
    Selected Financial Data   2024   2023   2023
    Investment securities $ 46,110 $ 47,931 $ 47,335
    Loans, net of allowance for loan losses   395,213   364,383   351,926
    Total assets   467,939   442,163   418,843
    Deposits   398,169   364,032   358,207
    Borrowings   24,692   36,200   19,750
    Subordinated debt   12,851   12,830   12,824
    Stockholders’ equity $ 29,437 $ 27,948 $ 26,548
    Book value per common share $ 14.89 $ 14.17 $ 13.47
    Allowance/loans   0.91%   0.94%   0.94%
    Nonperforming assets/total assets   0.04%   0.49%   0.01%
                 
        3 Months Ended
        September 30,   December 31,   September 30,
    Selected Operations Data   2024   2023   2023
    Interest income $ 7,526 $ 6,680 $ 6,298
    Interest expense   4,064   3,337   2,955
    Net interest income   3,462   3,343   3,343
    Provision for loan losses   71   170   75
    Other income   239   210   143
    Other expense   2,895   2,748   2,826
    Income before income taxes   735   635   585
    Income taxes   (149)   (160)   (39)
    Net income $ 586 $ 475 $ 546
    Earnings per common share (basic) $ 0.30 $ 0.24 $ 0.28
    Earnings per common share (diluted) $ 0.29 $ 0.23 $ 0.26
    Return on average assets (annualized)   0.50%   0.45%   0.53%
    Return on average equity (annualized)   8.14%   6.97%   8.05%
    Net charge-offs(recoveries)/average loans   0.01%   0.00%   0.00%

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI: Drones Driven by A.I. Are Taking Over Major Industries Including Agriculture, Construction, Military & More

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    PALM BEACH, Fla., Oct. 24, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — FN Media Group News Commentary – Artificial intelligence (AI) and drones are a formidable combo that has the potential to transform a variety of industries. When coupled, they build intelligent and autonomous airborne systems capable of completing complicated tasks in a variety of conditions. Because of this, the combination of artificial intelligence and drone technology offers new aerial technological developments for various industries, including agriculture, construction, energy, and security, as well as a solution to many aerial imagery demands. Factors such as technological advancements, growing need for automation and efficiency, and the increasing adoption of drones in the Logistics and Delivery, Agriculture and Precision Farming, Disaster Management and Search & Rescue, Environmental Monitoring and Industrial sectors are boosting the adoption of AI solutions in the UAV landscape. A report from Knowledge Sourcing Intelligence projected that the Artificial Intelligence in drone market size is projected to show steady growth during the forecast period (2024-2029). The report said: “Booming drone adoption in the sector boosts AI in drone market growth. Drones driven by AI are taking over major sectors such as agriculture, serving as industrious field workers. They minimize human effort while monitoring crop health, accurately locating pests, and applying irrigation to maximize production and optimize resource use. The movement known as “precision agriculture” is revolutionizing the way of raising food. According to the January 2022 Press Release Bureau, the government is extending financial support under the “Sub-Mission on Agriculture Mechanization” to encourage the use of drones in agriculture. The Agriculture Ministry will give agricultural institutions grants of up to Rs. 10 lakhs so the farmers can buy drones. When it comes to drone demonstrations on farmer fields Farmer’s Producers Organizations (FPOs) can receive funds for up to 75% of the total cost of the drone. The initiatives and factors supporting agriculture enhance the drone market.” Active Tech Companies in the markets today include ZenaTech, Inc. (NASDAQ: ZENA), Palantir Technologies Inc. (NYSE: PLTR), QUALCOMM Incorporated (NASDAQ: QCOM), AgEagle Aerial Systems Inc. (NYSE: UAVS), Draganfly Inc. (NASDAQ: DPRO).

    “The growing need for automation in logistics propels AI in drone market. Industries these days need effective and automated ways to handle logistics jobs. Drones and AI together present an attractive alternative for companies looking to increase productivity and accuracy as they save labor expenses and increase productivity by automating operations that were previously done by hand. By the end of 2024, Prime Air plans to expand internationally into Italy and the UK, in addition to starting drone deliveries in the United States. Similarly, in October 2023, Amazon Pharmacy launched drone delivery of pharmaceuticals. Eligible consumers in College Station, Texas, can now have their drugs delivered to their homes via drone within 60 minutes of placing their purchase with Amazon Pharmacy.”

    ZenaTech Inc. (NASDAQ:ZENA) Issues Big Development News Today on Adding Patent Assets to the Company – Get the full details by visiting: https://www.financialnewsmedia.com/news-zena/

    Additional Groundbreaking ZenaTech Inc. Developments this week include:

    ZenaTech Announced a Software Company Acquisition Adding Significant Capabilities to Building AI Drones – ZenaTech also announced that it has entered into an agreement to acquire ZooOffice Inc., the holding company for software companies Jadian and DeskFlex, from ZenaTech’s former parent company. The acquisition of these two software companies will provide important compliance and inspection software as well as scheduling and mapping software that will be incorporated into ZenaTech’s ZenaDrone AI drone solutions. This transaction further expands ZenaTech’s portfolio of SaaS software solutions and customer base and is expected to add to recurring revenue in the government sector among others. The acquisition is subject to shareholder and regulatory approvals that may be required.

    “Adding Jadian and DeskFlex software capabilities to the ZenaTech portfolio is part of our strategy to offer full stack, integrated AI drone solutions targeted to multiple sectors such as Agriculture. Jadian’s compliance software will be integrated with ZenaDrone drone hardware and sensors to help farmers track and manage regulatory and environmental requirements such as crop traceability, fertilizer and pesticide use, water conservation, and greenhouse gas emissions. Deskflex scheduling and mapping software will add value integrated into our property management sector solutions,” said CEO Shaun Passley, Ph.D. Read this full release at: https://finance.yahoo.com/news/zenatech-announces-software-company-acquisition-113000656.html

    Other recent developments in the technology industry include:

    Edgescale AI Inc. and Palantir Technologies Inc. (NYSE: PLTR) recently announced a strategic partnership to deliver Live Edge, a groundbreaking combination of Palantir Edge AI and Edgescale AI distributed infrastructure technology, designed to operationalize artificial intelligence (AI) in manufacturing, utilities, and other complex industrial environments.

    AI is reshaping the world and transforming our relationship with technology, yet applying AI to operational technology in industries and critical infrastructure remains a challenge. So long as the complexity and operational burden of activating machines, equipment, vehicles, and sensors in physical systems remains high, we only achieve a fraction of AI’s true potential for automating our technology and improving our lives.

    QUALCOMM Incorporated (NASDAQ: QCOM) recently announced that, through its subsidiary Qualcomm Technologies, Inc., Aramco, and Saudi Arabia’s Research, Development and Innovation Authority (RDIA) are planning to launch Design in Saudi Arabia (DISA). DISA is envisaged to be an incubator program for Saudi Arabia that aims to support startups that are adopting AI, Internet of Things (IoT), and wireless technologies for industrial use cases.

    This initiative aims to support early-stage startups in the high-tech sector by guiding them from product design and development to commercialization. It aims to provide a comprehensive suite of support that includes technical assistance, business coaching, and intellectual property (IP) training, all aimed at enhancing the Kingdom’s technology ecosystem. Should this initiative materialize, startups would gain access to resources such as Qualcomm Technologies and Aramco’s industrial experience and RDIA’s strategic guidance.

    AgEagle Aerial Systems Inc. (NYSE: UAVS) a leading provider of best-in-class unmanned aerial systems (UAS), sensors and software solutions for customers worldwide in the commercial and government verticals, recently issued a Letter to Stockholders from Company CEO Bill Irby.

    Dear Stockholders: First, I want to extend my appreciation for the trust and confidence you have placed in AgEagle. Upon taking over as CEO from Grant Begley (former interim CEO and current Board Chairman), we have been evolving and advancing AgEagle toward the creation of maximum long-term shareholder value.

    To fund our aggressive growth plans, we recently completed a $6.5M capital raise. The market’s reaction was a continued decline in our stock price. It became necessary to plan and execute a 50:1 reverse stock split. Our trading was halted October 4th but has since resumed, and I am truly optimistic regarding the path ahead as I believe that the company is currently under-valued… In conclusion, through a combination of our key initiatives, growing demand, and demonstrated progress in our newest market, I believe AgEagle is on the correct path to increase long-term shareholder value. We appreciate your continued support. Sincerely, Bill Irby, CEO

    Draganfly Inc. (NASDAQ: DPRO), an award-winning, industry-leading developer of drone solutions and systems, recently announced its participation in the upcoming Wings of Saskatchewan event in Regina, from October 30 to October 31, 2024. Draganfly will showcase its latest drone technology advancements, contributing to discussions on industry trends, safety, and regulatory considerations alongside key stakeholders in the aviation sector.

    The Wings of Saskatchewan Conference, hosted by the Saskatchewan Aerial Applicators Association and the Saskatchewan Aviation Council, serves as a vital gathering for the aviation community. This year’s event will bring together leaders from both civil and commercial aviation sectors to discuss technological advancements, regulatory updates, and future trends within the industry.

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    DISCLAIMER: FN Media Group LLC (FNM), which owns and operates FinancialNewsMedia.com and MarketNewsUpdates.com, is a third party publisher and news dissemination service provider, which disseminates electronic information through multiple online media channels. FNM is NOT affiliated in any manner with any company mentioned herein. FNM and its affiliated companies are a news dissemination solutions provider and are NOT a registered broker/dealer/analyst/adviser, holds no investment licenses and may NOT sell, offer to sell or offer to buy any security.  FNM’s market updates, news alerts and corporate profiles are NOT a solicitation or recommendation to buy, sell or hold securities. The material in this release is intended to be strictly informational and is NEVER to be construed or interpreted as research material. All readers are strongly urged to perform research and due diligence on their own and consult a licensed financial professional before considering any level of investing in stocks. All material included herein is republished content and details which were previously disseminated by the companies mentioned in this release.  FNM is not liable for any investment decisions by its readers or subscribers. Investors are cautioned that they may lose all or a portion of their investment when investing in stocks. For current services performed FNM has been compensated forty nine hundred dollars for news coverage of the current press releases issued by ZenaTech, Inc. by the Company. FNM HOLDS NO SHARES OF ANY COMPANY NAMED IN THIS RELEASE.

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    SOURCE: FN Media Group

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI USA News: Background Press Call on the U.S. Approach to Harnessing the Power of AI for U.S. National  Security

    Source: The White House

    Via Teleconference

    MODERATOR:  Good afternoon, everyone.  Thanks so much for joining today’s call to discuss the U.S. approach to harnessing the power of AI for U.S. national security, ahead of tomorrow’s release of the National Security Memorandum.

    As a reminder of the ground rules of this call, this call is on background, attributable to senior administration officials, and it is embargoed until 6:00 a.m. Eastern on Thursday, October 24.

    For your awareness, not for your reporting, on the call today we have [senior administration official] and [senior administration official]. 

    Following the call, we’ll provide you all with some materials under the same embargo, so be on the lookout for those. 

    Our speakers are going to have a few words at the top, and then we’ll turn it over to some of your questions.

    With that, [senior administration official], I’ll turn it over to you.

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Thanks, Eduardo.  And thanks to all of you for joining us this evening. 

    So, we’re really pleased to report that tomorrow we’ll be releasing a National Security Memorandum on Artificial Intelligence signed by the President. 

    And we want to start off just by sharing a little bit of context for this, which really begins with the fact that the United States has a very strong hand in AI today.  We design the most advanced hardware.  We host the leading AI companies that are building the most advanced AI systems, and really have a dominant market share in artificial intelligence globally.  And thanks to the President’s CHIPS Act, we are building more resilience in our chip supply chains as well. 

    But as many of you know, the innovation that’s happened, particularly in this current wave of frontier artificial intelligence, has really been driven by the private sector.  And it’s critical that we continue to both foster that leadership but ensure that the government, and particularly with this National Security Memorandum, ensure that our national security agencies are adopting these technologies in ways that align with our values. 

    And a failure to do this, a failure to take advantage of this leadership and adopt this technology we worry could put us at risk of a strategic surprise by our rivals, such as China.

    And as you all know, there are very clear national security applications of artificial intelligence, including in areas like cybersecurity and counter-intelligence, not to mention the broad array of logistics and other activities that support military operations.

    Because countries like China recognize similar opportunities to modernize and revolutionize their own military and intelligence capabilities using artificial intelligence, it’s particularly imperative that we accelerate our national security community’s adoption and use of cutting-edge AI capabilities to maintain our competitive edge. 

    So, President Biden’s first-ever executive order, signed last October, on artificial intelligence was a key step forward to ensure that America leads the way in seizing the promise and managing the risks of AI. 

    In that executive order, the President specifically directed the development of this National Security Memorandum to ensure that we maintain our edge over rivals seeking to leverage AI to the detriment of our national security, while also building effective safeguards to ensure that our use of AI upholds our values and preserves public trust.

    So, consistent with the President’s direction, we’ve been engaged in a policy process over the last year or so to advance those aims and complete this National Security Memorandum. 

    And tomorrow, the National Security Advisor, Jake Sullivan, will deliver remarks to rising military and intelligence professionals at the National Defense University so he can speak directly to the very national security professionals and leaders who are going to be implementing the core of this strategy. 

    During his remarks, Jake will talk about what led us to this moment in artificial intelligence, both in terms of its development and our views on why it is so critical for national intelligence and why, therefore, the President has issued this National Security Memorandum on AI.

    Jake will also outline how the United States must strengthen our own advantages in artificial intelligence, how to harness that advantage in a responsible manner for national security, and also how the United States can do this work in lockstep with our partners around the world in ways that will protect our national security while also leveraging our advantages in AI for the benefit of countries around the world. 

    So, we hope you’ll join us for those remarks as well. 

    With that, I’ll turn it over to my colleague to provide more detail about the NSM itself.

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Great.  Thanks.  And thanks, everybody, for joining.

    As many of you know, the administration’s approach to AI is rooted in the premise that capabilities generated by the transformer and large language model revolution in AI, often called frontier AI, are poised to shape geopolitical, military, and intelligence competition. 

    Now, most of the NSM is unclassified and will be released publicly.  It also contains a classified annex that primarily addresses adversary threats. 

    Now, the principles guiding our work in the NSM are simple.  They are that the U.S. should first lead the world’s development of safe, secure, and trustworthy AI, and establishing a stable and responsible framework to advance international AI governance.  And as a result, the NSM serves as a formal charter for the AI Safety Institute in the Department of Commerce, which we have created to be the primary port of call for U.S. AI developers.  They have already issued guidance on safe, secure, and trustworthy AI development and have secured voluntary agreements with companies to test new AI systems before they are released to the public. 

    Second, another principle is that the U.S. should harness the most advanced AI systems with appropriate safeguards to achieve national security objectives.  And we are directing that the agencies gain access to the most powerful AI systems and put them to use, which often involves substantial efforts on procurement. 

    And finally, all of this must be done in accordance with our values. 

    So, alongside the National Security Memorandum itself, we are publishing a companion document called the Framework for AI Governance and Risk Management for National Security that provides guidance on how agencies can and cannot use AI. 

    So, we also believe that we must out-compete our adversaries and mitigate the threats posed by adversary use of AI. 

    So, in summary, what I’ve outlined are essentially three core principles that you’ll see throughout the documents: securing the U.S.’s lead on AI; two, harnessing AI for national security; and, crucially, building in the governance framework to ensure that we are actually accelerating adoption in a smart way, in a responsible way, by having clear rules of the road.

    With that, I’ll turn it over to Eduardo.

    MODERATOR:  Thank you both.  We’ll now turn to our Q&A portion.  If you’d like to ask a question, please use the “raise your hand” feature on Zoom.

    First up, we’ll go to the line of Katrina Manson.  You should be able to unmute yourself. 

    Q    Hi there.  Thanks so much.  I would love to ask how you see the U.N. intention to have countries sign up to a ban on lethal autonomous weapons by 2026 and if any of your work foresees the U.S. signing up to that. 

    Many of the harms that you try to prevent on the civil use of AI, obviously in terms of bodily harms, are very much implied with the use of AI for the military.  And in the case of Maven, AI targeting is already being used to support battlefield firing in the Middle East by the U.S.  Can you address the very serious safety concerns around the use of AI targeting and whether you will consider a ban on lethal autonomous weapons, which can use AI?

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Thanks for that question.  I’m happy to start with that. 

    So, first point is, as I think [senior administration official] noted, we’ll be releasing tomorrow, alongside the National Security Memorandum, a framework on responsible use of artificial intelligence in a national security context.  And so, you’ll see there really a lot of detail on kind of all the steps that we’re taking to ensure these systems are used responsibly. 

    Now, and the other thing I would point out is: While it’s not necessarily part of this NSM, although there’s a nod to kind of our diplomatic efforts and kind of direction to double down on those, some of you may be aware of the Political Declaration on Responsible Military Use of Artificial Intelligence and Autonomy.  And that’s a declaration where the Vice President, in fact, has kind of taken a leadership role.  And we have around 60 countries that have signed up to this declaration, which is really focused squarely on how AI and autonomy should be used.  And most recently, there was a summit held on this by South Korea. 

    So that’s another area where that combines both the substance that you’ll see in the framework on responsible use, but also, really, diplomatic efforts that we’ve been leading over the last few years.

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  And, sorry, if I can add to what was just mentioned.  The framework itself you’ll see actually references the political declaration that was just mentioned, and it also outlines the requirement for adherence to the Department of Defense’s Directive 3000.09 and successor related policies that address autonomous or semiautonomous weapons systems. 

    But in addition to that, as was just mentioned, there are a number of outlined prohibited use cases, as well as high-impact use cases that are relevant.  And one theme you’ll see in both the NSM and the framework document is the fact that we need to ensure that AI is used in a manner consistent with the President’s authority as Commander-in-Chief to decide when to order military operations in the nation’s defense, for instance.

    MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Next up, we’ll go to the line of Garrett (inaudible).  You should be able to mute yourself.

    Q    Hello.  Can you all hear me?

    MODERATOR:  We can, yes.

    Q    Great.  You mentioned that some of the commitments from companies are voluntary.  And, you know, just covering the big fight around legislation here in California, companies seem, from my perspective at least, to very much want to keep those commitments to safety and that kind of thing voluntary, rather than sort of required or legislated. 

    And I’m just wondering if, you know, the administration has a view, or if it’s published as part of this, about trying to sort of codify those voluntary commitments and make them more, you know, ironclad and not sort of up to the whims of these CEOs.

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Thanks, Garrett.  So, I think on that point, I would just say we continue to work with colleagues on the Hill.  There are a number of proposals relating to, you know, regulations on artificial intelligence.  And so, that’s really — that’s, really, ongoing. 

    I think, really, the emphasis in the National Security Memorandum is really kind of making commitments ourselves as a government about how we will adopt and use artificial intelligence.  You know, as you point out, we have played a leadership role in getting some of those commitments from the companies.  We have taken those commitments and kind of — to the international stage, through the G7 and the Hiroshima process as well. 

    But, really, what we’re focused on tomorrow is what commitments can the government itself make on responsible use, which we think is important, by the way, not just for its own sake, but we also think that’s important to enable us to both accelerate both the development and also accelerate the adoption of use as well.  And that’s a point that I think you’ll hear the National Security Advisor focus on as well tomorrow.

    MODERATOR:  Thank you.  And next up, we’ll go to the line of Patrick Tucker.  You should be able to unmute yourself.

    Q    Hi.  Thanks.  Pat Tucker from Defense One.

    There’s a new paper out, actually this week, from Meredith Whittaker and a couple other folks at the AI Now Institute, actually pointing out some of the potential dangers of some of these commercially facing AI products in national security contexts. 

    And they point out that some of these generative AI tools have very large — unacceptably large false positive rates.  They hallucinate, often, a lot.  And sometimes to train them, they rely on publicly available data, including data that might come from data brokers and other sources that poses a potential privacy risk, particularly to Americans, because Americans produce a lot more purchasable data than do citizens in China or Russia. 

    So can you talk a little bit about how this memorandum does or does not address data vulnerability of Americans and some of the potential risks in the national security setting of adopting commercial and consumer-facing AI tools that have high hallucination rates or false positive rates?  Thank you.

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Do you want to start with that?  You can join as well.

    So, thanks for the question.  Look, I think some of these, you know, concerns I think are ones that I think colleagues in the national security community are acutely aware of.  You know, there are a few points here. 

    One is, you know, we have to go through a process of accrediting systems.  And that’s not just for AI systems, but you know, national security systems generally.  And so, that’s point one, to kind of ensure that they are fit for the purpose or particular mission. 

    I think the second point is: We are, you know, very — I think very aware that what we’re doing at this stage is really trying to ensure that we have pilots and some important experimentation happening, because there are going to be challenges associated with adopting any new technology. 

    Third is, the framework that [senior administration official] mentioned is one that’s going to have to be continuously updated.  And we have tried to set it up in a way so that that can happen in real time as there are challenges that are inevitably encountered.

    And parallel to the policy process here, we have a lawyers group that is kind of working very intensively to ensure that, obviously, all existing law is complied with, but also to ensure that novel legal issues as we encounter them are addressed in a timely way as well. 

    I do want to just address the point on data that you mentioned specifically, which is, you know, we have been very concerned about the ways in which Americans’ sensitive data can be sold, really through the front door — through first collected in bulk, then sold through data brokers, and then end up in the hands of our adversaries.  And so, that’s something that the President issued an executive order on to try to restrict adversary access to some of that data.  And, in fact, just this week, we took one more step in the regulatory process through a notice of proposed rulemaking to try to get that final later this year.

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  And if I can just add on that. 

    So, in addition to the work that the AI Safety Institute is going to do, and as [senior administration official] mentioned some of the other work, you’ll see that in the NSM itself there are very specific requirements for specific agencies and our intelligence community, and, for instance, the Department of Energy to do classified testing of different systems for different purposes for this very reason. 

    And in addition to that, as [senior administration official] mentioned, there’s a strong focus on experimentation here for this very reason.  We want to see rapid adoption, but we also want to see experimentation that will tease out kind of what missions are best suited for various systems and also tease out the challenges of them.  And that’s going to require leaning forward and experimenting, adopting, and then doing all of the work that was just mentioned as well, in terms of both policy and legal review.

    MODERATOR:  Thank you.  We have time for one more question, and we’ll go to the line of Maria Curry.  You should be able to unmute yourself. 

    Q    Hey.  Thanks for taking my question.  I’m wondering if export controls are part of this at all.  And if so, can you elaborate how those might be helpful? 

    And then, if you could just elaborate, too, on the third point.  Could you dig in a little bit deeper into how agencies can or can’t use the technology?  Could you provide an example or two of that?  Thank you.

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  I can speak to the export control piece, and, [senior administration official], maybe you can speak to some of the prohibited use cases. 

    So, really, the NSM does kind of address, kind of as a matter of policy, the importance of protecting advanced AI technologies so that they’re not used against us by adversary militaries or intelligence services.  And so, at a high level, it does kind of try to emphasize the importance of maintaining those policies and making sure that we are continuously adapting to efforts to circumvent those measures. 

    And as you know, those export controls cover not only GPUs, the advanced AI chips, but also the semiconductor manufacturing equipment that’s necessary to manufacture those as well.  So, that full aspect of the supply chain.

    [Senior administration official] do you want to say anything about prohibited uses?

    SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Sure.  So, you’ll see in the accompanying framework document that I mentioned, it identifies both prohibited, as well as what we call high-impact AI use cases, based on the risk that they pose to national security, international norms, democratic values, human rights, civil rights, civil liberties, privacy, and safety.

    And on the prohibited end of the spectrum, these will be — not surprising, but there are clear prohibitions on use of AI with intent or purpose, for instance, to unlawfully suppress or burden the right to free speech or the right to legal counsel. 

    There’s also prohibited use cases around, for instance, removing a human in the loop for actions critical to informing and executing decisions by the President to initiate or terminate nuclear weapons employment, for example.  That runs the spectrum of kind of military-related activities, but also protecting civil liberties and tracking international norms. 

    But in doing that, we actually view these restrictions — so these prohibitions, for example, as well as the high-impact cases — as being important in clarifying what the agencies can and cannot do.  That will actually accelerate experimentation and adoption.  Because one of the paradoxical outcomes we’ve seen is: With a lack of policy clarity and a lack of legal clarity about what can and cannot be done, we are likely to see less experimentation and less adoption than with a clear path for use, which is what the NSM and the framework tries to provide.

    MODERATOR:  Thank you.  That’s all the time we have for today.  Big thanks to our speakers, and thanks to you all for joining.

    As a reminder, this call is on background, attributable to senior administration officials.  And this call and its contents are embargoed until 6:00 a.m. Eastern tomorrow. 

    Thanks, all, for joining.  And be sure to tune in tomorrow to National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan’s remarks on this topic.  Thanks again.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Report on wetland parks released

    Source: Hong Kong Information Services

    The report of the Strategic Feasibility Study on the Development of the Wetland Conservation Parks (WCPs) System was released today. 

    The development of a WCPs System was promulgated in the Northern Metropolis Development Strategy in 2021, with a view to conserving the Deep Bay wetlands with ecological value, and creating environmental capacity for the Northern Metropolis to achieve co-existence of conservation and development.

    A strategic feasibility study was commissioned by the Agriculture, Fisheries & Conservation Department (AFCD) in August 2022.

    The feasibility study considered that the development of the WCPs System was feasible and worthwhile, which could effectively conserve the wetlands in the Deep Bay area and enhance their ecological value, promote the modernisation of the aquaculture industry, and provide eco-education and recreation facilities for public enjoyment.

    At the same time, the development of the WCPs System could also create environmental capacity for the development of the Northern Metropolis, and achieve co-existence of conservation and development.

    The feasibility study recommended developing the WCPs System in phases by developing the Sam Po Shue WCP first.

    Subsequently, by making reference to the experience of planning and establishing the Sam Po Shue WCP, further studies on the remaining proposed parks would be reviewed in due course, such as the Hong Kong Wetland Park Expansion Area, Nam Sang Wai WCP, and Hoo Hok Wai WCP – including the Sha Ling/Nam Hang area.

    Specific positioning and functions for each Park were recommended by the consultant based on their respective conditions, and broad zonings, including a Biodiversity Zone, Eco-friendly Aquaculture Zone, Fisheries Enhancement Zone and Visitor Zone, were delineated under the conceptual plan of each park.

    It was also recommended that the Government oversee the overall management of the whole WCPs System, and manage the different zones within the parks in co-operation with different parties, depending on the relevant functions and operational needs.

    Such parties include non-governmental organisations, agriculture and fisheries associations, local communities, private landowners and the private sector.

    The AFCD said the recommendations of the report are generally acceptable and would be taken into consideration in the next stage when detailed studies are carried out on the investigation, design and construction of the parks.

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News –

  • MIL-OSI USA: An Interview with Maximilian Spitzley, Foreign Law Intern

    Source: US Global Legal Monitor

    Today’s interview is with Maximilian Spitzley, a foreign law intern working with Foreign Law Specialist Jenny Gesley in the Global Legal Research Directorate of the Law Library of Congress. 

    Describe your background.

    I am a legal trainee and Ph.D. student from Germany, currently completing a three-month internship at the Law Library of Congress.

    What is your academic/professional history?

    I studied law at the University of Bonn, Germany. Participating in the Erasmus program allowed me to spend a semester abroad at the University of Lucerne, Switzerland. I passed the first German state exam in 2020 and finished law school, specializing in capital markets law. Following a year of work at a law firm, I began my doctoral studies on the European regulation of crowdfunding under the supervision of Professor Dr. Moritz Renner at the University of Mannheim. In 2024, I started a two-year legal traineeship program to qualify for the bar exam in Germany. After working for the local court and the public prosecutor’s office in Bonn, the program provided me with the opportunity to work at the Law Library of Congress.

    How would you describe your job to other people?

    In my position as a foreign law intern at the Global Legal Research Directorate of the Law Library of Congress, I assist my supervisor, Jenny Gesley, with delivering legal insights on matters concerning German-speaking countries and the European Union (EU). My responsibilities include conducting thorough legal research and drafting comparative legal analyses in response to inquiries from Congress, judicial bodies, and executive agencies, while also supporting public research efforts. Additionally, I contribute to the Library’s Global Legal Monitor.

    Why did you want to work at the Law Library of Congress?

    Having studied law in both Germany and Switzerland, I gained knowledge in German, European, and international law. My work at the Law Library of Congress presents an invaluable opportunity to broaden my perspective by engaging with the U.S. legal system, while critically assessing national law and EU law from a comparative viewpoint. This experience allows me to deepen my legal understanding and provides meaningful insights into the interplay between different legal frameworks.

    What is the most interesting fact you have learned about the Law Library of Congress?

    One of the most fascinating aspects of the Law Library of Congress is its unparalleled global reach and comprehensive legal collection. It holds the largest collection of legal materials in the world, encompassing legal systems from nearly every country and jurisdiction. This vast resource allows researchers to compare diverse legal traditions and developments, providing a unique platform for understanding how law functions across different cultures and political systems. The ability to access such a breadth of international legal knowledge in one place is truly remarkable.

    What’s something most of your co-workers do not know about you?

    One thing my co-workers may not know about me is that I am a huge fan of U.S. sports. While I am here in Washington, I plan to catch games from all the major teams—the Nationals, Commanders, Capitals, and Wizards!

    Subscribe to In Custodia Legis – it’s free! – to receive interesting posts drawn from the Law Library of Congress’s vast collections and our staff’s expertise in U.S., foreign, and international law.

    MIL OSI USA News –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Safe access buffer zones to be implemented for abortion clinics

    Source: City of Birmingham

    Birmingham City Council implemented a public space protection order (PSPO) covering Robert Clinic on Station Road, which has been in place since 7 September 2022 for a period of 3 years.

    The PSPO is now being reviewed with the introduction of buffer zones under the Public Order Act 2023, which come into force on 31 October 2024 as the government moves to bring in stronger safeguarding measures for women accessing these health services.

    Safe access buffer zones will make it illegal for anyone to do anything that intentionally or recklessly influences someone’s decision to use abortion services, obstructs them, or causes harassment or distress to someone using or working at these premises. The law will apply within a 150-metre radius of the abortion service provider.

    The College of Policing and Crown Prosecution Service will publish guidance for police and prosecutors ahead of 31 October, to ensure there is clarity and consistency with the enforcement of the new offence.

    The activities prohibited under the current PSPO include:

    • Protesting, namely engaging in any act or attempted act of approval or disapproval, with respect to issues related to abortion services, by any means. This includes but is not limited to graphic, verbal or written means, prayer or counselling,
    • Interfering, or attempting to interfere, whether verbally or physically, with a Robert Clinic service user, visitor or member of staff,
    • Intimidating or harassing, or attempting to intimidate or harass, a Robert Clinic service user, visitor or a member of staff,
    • Recording or photographing a Robert Clinic service user, visitor or member of staff or,
    • Displaying any text or images relating directly or indirectly to the termination of pregnancy.

    If a person does not comply with the order they commit an offence, which could result in sanctions which include a fixed penalty notice, up to a level 3 fine.

    Introducing abortion clinic safe access zones

    This measure introduces safe access zones around abortion clinics, where interference with any person’s decision to access, provide, or facilitate the provision of abortion services within the 150-metre zone is an offence.

    The police will have powers to enforce the safe access zones, and an offence will carry an unlimited fine.

    Birmingham City Council Community Safety Team are working with West Midlands Police to ensure the transition of the PSPO to the buffer zones is completed so that there is no impact of staff and visitors to the clinic.

    Counillor Nicky Brennan, Cabinet Member for Social Justice, Community Safety and Equalities, said: “It is important that women are not harassed when visiting the Robert Clinic for health care, as they deserve privacy and understanding during what must be a difficult time for them.

    “Birmingham City Council welcomes the governments safeguarding measures for women who need access to this vital service which women should be able to use without intrusion or intimidation.

    “The buffer zones will hopefully deter anyone from protesting, interfering or intimidating service users and make their visits easier to cope with.”

    For more information about the PSPO, visit Birmingham City Council’s website.

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI China: Xi advocates high-quality development of greater BRICS cooperation at milestone summit

    Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News

    Xi advocates high-quality development of greater BRICS cooperation at milestone summit

    KAZAN, Russia, Oct. 24 — Chinese President Xi Jinping on Wednesday called on BRICS countries to work for the high-quality development of greater BRICS cooperation as leaders gathered here for the 16th BRICS Summit.

    In his address to the summit, Xi emphasized the need for BRICS countries to seize the historical opportunity and work together to strengthen solidarity and cooperation among Global South nations.

    STRENGTHENING SOLIDARITY

    During a small-group meeting, President Xi welcomed new members to the BRICS family and extended invitations to many other countries to become partner countries.

    Xi pointed out that the enlargement of BRICS is a major milestone in its development history, and a landmark event in the evolution of the international situation. It is for their shared pursuit and for the overarching trend of peace and development that BRICS countries have come together, he said.

    Stressing that the world is undergoing accelerated changes unseen in a century, marked by new trends of multipolarity and the risks of a “new Cold War,” Xi said BRICS countries should seize the historical opportunity, take proactive steps, remain committed to the original aspiration and mission of openness, inclusiveness and win-win cooperation, conform to the general trend of the rise of the Global South, seek common ground while reserving differences, work in concert to further consolidate common values, safeguard common interests, and strengthen BRICS countries through unity.

    “We must work together to build BRICS into a primary channel for strengthening solidarity and cooperation among Global South nations and a vanguard for advancing global governance reform,” Xi said.

    Xi stressed that the more turbulent the world is, the more BRICS countries should uphold the banner of peace, development and win-win cooperation, refining the essence of BRICS and demonstrating its strength. BRICS countries should raise the voice of peace, advocating a new path to security that features dialogue over confrontation and partnership over alliance.

    Xi also urged BRICS countries to jointly pursue a path of development, advocate a universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization, and stay committed to the principle of common development. He said BRICS countries should consolidate the foundation of cooperation, deepen cooperation in traditional areas such as agriculture, energy, minerals, economy and trade, expand cooperation in emerging areas such as green, low-carbon and artificial intelligence, and safeguard trade, investment and financial security.

    ADVANCING DEVELOPMENT

    As the high-profile gathering unfolded amid global uncertainties, BRICS embarked on a new chapter, cementing its growing influence on the world stage.

    President Xi, addressing the leaders in an expanded format, put forward five suggestions: building a BRICS committed to peace, innovation, green development, justice, and closer people-to-people exchanges.

    “We must build on this milestone summit to set off anew and forge ahead with one heart and one mind,” Xi said. “China is willing to work with all BRICS countries to open a new horizon in the high-quality development of greater BRICS cooperation.”

    This year’s summit also marked another major milestone with the decision to invite a number of nations as partner countries, further advancing the group’s development.

    During Wednesday’s meetings, leaders exchanged views on BRICS cooperation and crucial international issues of shared concern under the theme “Strengthening Multilateralism for Just Global Development and Security.” Central to their discussions were global and regional security, sustainable development, climate change, and reforms in global economic governance.

    A notable focus of the summit was the call for increased funding to support the sustainable development of developing countries. Egyptian President Abdelfattah al-Sisi said that BRICS aims to “strengthen a multipolar international system,” particularly through facilitating “innovative and effective” financing for developing nations.

    Russian President Vladimir Putin said that “the trend for the BRICS’ leading role in the global economy will only strengthen.” He cautioned against the ongoing risks posed by geopolitical tensions, unilateral sanctions, and protectionism. “A key task is to promote the use of national currencies to finance trade and investment,” Putin said.

    Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, who participated in the summit via video link due to a head injury, said, “It’s not about replacing our currencies, but we need to work so that the multipolar order we aim for is reflected in the international financial system.”

    BRICS has already made strides with the New Development Bank (NDB), headquartered in Shanghai. On Wednesday, the BRICS countries agreed to support the NDB in implementing its general strategy for 2022-2026 and in expanding local currency financing.

    In a declaration issued at the 16th BRICS Summit, they also agreed to jointly build the NDB into a new type of multilateral development bank for the 21st century, support its further expansion of membership, and expedite the review of membership applications from BRICS countries in accordance with its general strategy and related policies.

    Leaders also advocated for a fairer global order for the Global South. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa said that BRICS is an inclusive bloc capable of changing the trajectory of the Global South. “To do this we must realize the full potential of our economic partnership, to ensure sustainable development for all and not just for some,” he said.

    “The period of unilateralism is coming to an end,” said Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, calling for a more equitable global system.

    GROWING APPEAL

    The term BRIC was initially coined in 2001 by Jim O’Neill, former chief economist at Goldman Sachs, as an investment concept referring to emerging market economies of Brazil, Russia, India and China. With South Africa’s inclusion in 2010, BRICS officially took shape.

    In a recent interview with Xinhua, O’Neill acknowledged the need for policymakers to collaborate in creating an optimal system that benefits all. “I think as we pass through time, we will find a new equilibrium where countries will be more at ease with what other countries are doing,” he said.

    In recent years, BRICS has garnered attention from countries around the world. Over 30 countries, including Thailand, Malaysia, Türkiye, and Azerbaijan, have either formally applied for or expressed interest in joining the group. Many other developing countries are also seeking stronger cooperation with BRICS.

    The growing interest from countries seeking to join BRICS cooperation each year demonstrates that in today’s troubled world, BRICS is not only important but essential, said Bunn Nagara, director and senior fellow at the Belt and Road Initiative Caucus for Asia-Pacific.

    “China, led by President Xi, has contributed significantly to BRICS’ success with a progressive and enlightened approach,” said Nagara.

    BRICS is seen as a vital platform for developing countries to pursue growth and address global imbalances.

    The enlargement of BRICS is “important in tipping the financial and technological balance in favor of the majority Global South rather than the minority Global North,” Webby Kalikiti, a lecturer and researcher at the Department of History, University of Zambia noted. He believed that the future of the world depends on the cooperative energies of all countries and the transition to a multipolar world.

    Ahmed Al-Ali, a political and strategic researcher at the Gulf Research Center in Dubai, believed that BRICS aims to foster a more equitable, effective, and rational international system.

    It will play a crucial role in promoting development and growth opportunities for Global South countries, while also ensuring the sustainability of economic and social progress, said Al-Ali.

    Similarly, Sithembiso Bhengu, a senior research fellow with the Sociology Department, University of Johannesburg said that “the BRICS mechanism presents real possibilities for making the globe a fairer community of nations, with possibilities for mutual support and cooperation towards our respective goals in modernization and development.”

    MIL OSI China News –

  • MIL-OSI Australia: Tax return due date looms for more than 1.5 million taxpayers

    Source: Australian Department of Revenue

    The Australian Taxation Office (ATO) is urging Australians who have not yet lodged their income tax returns to lodge, or get on the books with a registered tax practitioner before 31 October, to avoid potential penalties.

    ATO Assistant Commissioner Rob Thomson said over 9.4 million Australians have already lodged, with a further 1.5 million self-preparer taxpayers expected to need to lodge this year.

    ‘The ATO is receiving a spike of lodgments, with an average of almost 60 thousand individuals lodging each day in October as the deadline approaches. In fact, we’ve had over 1 million lodgments so far this month alone.’

    ‘Firstly, a reminder to those who’ve done the right thing and deliberately held off finalising their tax return until pre-filled information is available, now’s the time to log back into the App or myTax, finalise and press lodge.’

    ‘For those who haven’t yet started, it’s not scary or complicated. People with simple affairs will find that you should be able to lodge your tax return in the time it takes to cook a frozen pizza,’ Mr Thomson said.

    ‘We’re all guilty of sometimes leaving things to the last minute, but taking half an hour this weekend to complete your tax return will save you time and money in the long run, as penalties can apply if you lodge late.’

    If you need a helping hand, or have more complex tax affairs, you may like to engage with a registered tax practitioner. To check whether an agent is registered, visit the Tax Practitioners’ Board RegisterExternal Link.

    ‘If you’re going to engage a registered tax professional and you’re not already on their books, you should do this before 31 October,’ Mr Thomson said.

    Additionally, the Tax Help program is a free and confidential service open to people who earn $60,000 or less each year and have simple tax affairs. The program is available until the end of October.

    Rob’s reminders

    1. Prefill: ‘The ATO has now pre-filled tax returns with information from most banks, employers, government agencies and private health insurers – all you need to do is check it and add anything that’s missing.’
    2. What you can claim: ‘Make sure you’re claiming what you’re entitled to – and nothing you’re not with our 40 occupation and industry specific guides on the ATO website.’
    3. Record keeping: ‘When you claim a deduction, you need to have a record to prove it, usually a receipt. Remember that a credit card or bank statement usually isn’t enough on its own. The ATO app is a good way to keep all your receipts in one place.’
    4. Payment due date: ‘Regardless of when you lodge your tax return, your due date for payment of a tax bill is 21 November 2024. Those who lodge through a registered tax practitioner may have longer.’

    Lodgments by state and territory*

    • NSW: 2.81 million
    • VIC: 2.34 million
    • QLD: 2 million
    • WA: 1.1 million
    • SA: 650,000
    • TAS: 210,000
    • ACT: 170,000
    • NT: 90,000

    *Approximate values as at 17 October 2024

    Notes to journalists

    MIL OSI News –

  • MIL-OSI Australia: VIPER Taskforce execute 27 warrants and lay Commonwealth charge of directing a criminal organisation

    Source: Australian Department of Revenue

    Detectives from the VIPER and Lunar taskforces have this morning charged eight people with Commonwealth offences for their part in directing and assisting an organised crime syndicate.

    It will be alleged the syndicate was leasing stores, employing staff as supervisors, store managers and couriers and commencing deliveries under the guise of operating the stores as legitimate gifts and confectionary stores, while selling only illicit tobacco and related products.

    Investigators have obtained transactional records which reflect the syndicate earned over $30 million in a 12-month period through the sale of illicit tobacco in these stores.

    Supported by the Australian Federal Police (AFP), the Australian Taxation Office (ATO), Australian Border Force’s (ABF) Illicit Tobacco Taskforce and Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA), officers today executed more than 27 search warrants across Victoria as part of an ongoing investigation targeting serious organised crime in the illicit tobacco market.

    With assistance from Taskforce Lunar, the Armed Crime Squad, the Illicit Firearms Squad, Financial Crime Squad, Criminal Proceeds Squad, Joint Organised Crime Taskforce, Echo Taskforce, Cybercrime Squad, Joint Anti-Child Exploitation Team, Wyndham, Knox, Hobsons Bay, Echuca, Cobram, Ararat, Northern Grampians and Geelong Crime Investigation Units, Westgate Divisional Response Unit, Eastern Region Crime Squad and State Highway Patrol, search warrants were executed from 5am this morning at tobacco stores, warehouses and residential addresses statewide.

    Three industrial properties in Truganina were searched, as well as residential addresses in Truganina, Hoppers Crossing (3), Glen Waverley, Lara, Grovedale, Footscray and Mount Cottrell, and tobacco stores in Herne Hill, Bell Park, Grovedale, Werribee (2), Dallas, Kensington, Boronia, Ararat (3), Kyabram, Echuca (2) and Yarrawonga.

    A 25-year-old Hoppers Crossing man was arrested at Melbourne Airport just before 6:00 am.

    He has since been charged with the Commonwealth offence of directing the activities of a criminal organisation, possess tobacco products with the intent of defrauding the revenue (Customs Act 1901), possess proceeds of crime and sell/distribute e-cigarettes.

    He will appear at Melbourne Magistrates’ Court later today.

    Directing the activities of a criminal organisation carries a maximum penalty of 15 years in prison.

    Four other people were arrested and have been charged with the same offences.

    They include:

    • a 26-year-old Hoppers Crossing man, who will appear at Melbourne Magistrates’ Court later today
    • a 21-year-old Hoppers Crossing man, who will appear at Melbourne Magistrates’ Court later today
    • a 50-year-old Grovedale woman, and
    • a 51-year-old Glen Waverley man, both of whom have been bailed to appear at Melbourne Magistrates’ Court on Monday (28 October).

    Five other people were arrested, including:

    • a 25-year-old Hoppers Crossing man, who was arrested in Ararat and charged with support a criminal organisation and illicit tobacco offences
    • a 46-year-old Ararat man, who was arrested in Ararat and charged with support a criminal Organisation and illicit tobacco offences
    • a 38-year-old Tarneit man who was arrested attempting to remove stock from a retail outlet in Werribee. He was charged with support a criminal organisation and illicit tobacco offences
    • a 50-year-old Mount Cotterill man was arrested in relation to illicit tobacco and possession of commercial cigarette manufacturing equipment located. He was released and is expected to be charged on summons, and
    • a 21-year-old Yarrawonga man was interviewed and released, he is also expected to be charged on summons.

    During the warrants, police seized a Lamborghini Coupe and Range Rover from the Hoppers Crossing address, at least 600,000 illicit tobacco sticks, over 75 kgs of loose-leaf tobacco and a significant quantity of cash from the residential addresses as well as utilities and vans investigators will allege were used in the distribution of illicit tobacco.

    Searches of the tobacco stores are still underway with total seizures to be confirmed.

    The investigation commenced in December 2023 to specifically target and disrupt the trade of illicit tobacco and e-cigarettes linked to this organised crime syndicate.

    Over 130 members were involved in today’s activities, including the entirety of the VIPER Taskforce office.

    Victoria Police continues to support local councils and the Victorian Department of Health who have responsibility for tobacco and vape enforcement and compliance.

    Detectives continue to work alongside external agencies such as the ABF, Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission, AFP, TGA, ATO and interstate counterparts.

    Victoria Police has identified a number of state, national and global organised crime syndicates involved in the illicit tobacco conflict.

    These syndicates are comprised of personnel from Middle Eastern organised crime groups and outlaw motorcycle gangs who are then engaging local networked youth and youth gangs to carry out the offending.

    Investigators continue to appeal to anyone, especially store owners and staff, who have information about these incidents and who is responsible to come forward.

    Anyone with information about these incidents or with further information about serious and organised crime linked to the illicit tobacco trade is urged to contact Crime Stoppers on 1800 333 000 or submit a confidential crime report at www.crimestoppersvic.com.auExternal Link

    Victoria Police quotes

    Crime Command Assistant Commissioner Martin O’Brien said:

    “Organised crime syndicates and their serious offending linked to the infiltration of the tobacco industry remain a top priority for Victoria Police.

    Those involved have the potential and the propensity to commit serious acts of violence and given their complete disregard for the safety of others, pose a serious risk to the community. Their criminality cannot be tolerated.

    The disruption of this syndicate today will have a substantial impact on the illicit tobacco trade. These were significant players who we believe were directing the activity of a criminal organisation, turning a huge profit at the expense of others.

    We have said a number of times that Victoria Police is focused on targeting syndicate leaders, directors, facilitators and organisers. That remains critical for us, and we are doing absolutely everything we can to bring this criminality to an end and to make involvement in illicit tobacco as hostile a proposition as possible for organised crime groups.”

    ABF quotes

    Assistant Commissioner Tony Smith said:

    “ABF continues to work closely with our partners to disrupt and deter attempts by criminal syndicates seeking to profit from the illicit tobacco trade in Australia.

    We remain committed to seizing illicit tobacco and dismantling these supply chains which we know criminals use to make immense profits as well as to fund a whole host of other nefarious criminal enterprises.”

    ATO quotes

    Acting Assistant Commissioner Justin Clarke said:

    “Today’s whole of government response has been a successful step forward in addressing the Victorian tobacco dispute. These arrests and seizures show our commitment to stamping out illicit tobacco and removing it from our communities.

    With the help of our partners, we continue to support coordinated efforts to detect, disrupt, and dismantle these organised crime syndicates who use profits from illicit tobacco to fund other serious illegal activities.

    Organised crime costs Australians around $60 billion each yearExternal Link and the illicit tobacco trade not only takes away vital funding from essential community services, but it also disadvantages small businesses who do the right thing.”

    MIL OSI News –

  • MIL-OSI Australia: eInvoicing-enabled entities

    Source: Australian Department of Revenue

    These Australian Government entities are registered on the Peppol network. They appear on the Peppol Directory along with hundreds of state, territory and local government organisations, and thousands of other Australian businesses who can receive eInvoices.

    If you supply to any of the entities listed below and can send eInvoices you may be paid faster. For more information visit Getting PaidExternal Link on the Department of Finance’s website or talk to your contract manager in the Government entity about any specific requirements.

    Australian Government entities able to receive eInvoices

    ABN

    Entity name

    73 147 176 148

    Administrative Review Tribunal

    80 246 994 451

    Aged Care Quality and Safety Commission

    50 802 255 175

    Asbestos and Silica Safety and Eradication Agency

    92 661 124 436

    Attorney-General’s Department

    26 331 428 522

    Australian Bureau of Statistics

    34 864 955 427

    Australian Centre for International Agriculture Research

    54 488 464 865

    Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Commission

    97 250 687 371

    Australian Commission on Safety and Quality In Health Care

    55 386 169 386

    Australian Communications and Media Authority

    94 410 483 623

    Australian Competition & Consumer Commission

    11 259 448 410

    Australian Crime Commission

    84 425 496 912

    Australian Digital Health Agency

    21 133 285 851

    Australian Electoral Commission

    17 864 931 143

    Australian Federal Police

    19 892 732 021

    Australian Film Television & Radio School

    63 384 330 717

    Australian Financial Security Authority

    81 098 497 517

    Australian Fisheries Management Authority

    69 405 937 639

    Australian Government Solicitor

    47 996 232 602

    Australian Human Rights Commission

    31 162 998 046

    Australian Industrial Chemicals Introduction Scheme

    63 257 175 248

    Australian Institute of Criminology

    64 001 053 079

    Australian Institute of Family Studies

    65 377 938 320

    Australian Maritime Safety Authority

    33 020 645 631

    Australian National Audit Office

    13 059 525 039

    Australian Office of Financial Management

    56 253 405 315

    Australian Organ & Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority

    79 635 582 658

    Australian Prudential Regulation Authority

    99 470 863 260

    Australian Public Service Commission

    61 321 195 155

    Australian Radiation Protection and Nuclear Safety Agency (ARPANSA)

    35 931 927 899

    Australian Renewable Energy Agency

    35 201 451 156

    Australian Research Council

    86 768 265 615

    Australian Securities & Investments Commission

    37 467 566 201

    Australian Security Intelligence Organisation

    22 323 254 583

    Australian Signals Directorate

    72 581 678 650

    Australian Skills Quality Authority

    67 374 695 240

    Australian Sports Commission

    67 250 046 148

    Australian Submarine Agency

    51 824 753 556

    Australian Taxation Office

    11 764 698 227

    Australian Trade and Investment Commission

    32 770 513 371

    Australian Transaction Reports & Analysis Centre (AUSTRAC)

    65 061 156 887

    Australian Transport Safety Bureau

    64 909 221 257

    Australian War Memorial

    92 637 533 532

    Bureau of Meteorology

    21 075 951 918

    Cancer Australia

    44 808 014 470

    Civil Aviation Safety Authority

    43 669 904 352

    Clean Energy Finance Corporation

    72 321 984 210

    Clean Energy Regulator

    60 585 018 782

    Climate Change Authority

    41 640 788 304

    Comcare Australia

    64 703 642 210

    Commonwealth Grants Commission

    34 190 894 983

    Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry

    68 706 814 312

    Department of Defence

    69 289 134 420

    Department of Defence Army & Air Force Canteen Service

    12 862 898 150

    Department of Education

    96 584 957 427

    Department of Employment and Workplace Relations

    61 970 632 495

    Department of Finance

    47 065 634 525

    Department of Foreign Affairs & Trade

    83 605 426 759

    Department of Health and Aged Care

    33 380 054 835

    Department of Home Affairs

    74 599 608 295

    Department of Industry, Science and Resources

    86 267 354 017

    Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts

    52 997 141 147

    Department of Parliamentary Services

    36 342 015 855

    Department of Social Services

    18 526 287 740

    Department of the House of Representatives

    49 775 240 532

    Department of the Parliamentary Budget Office

    23 991 641 527

    Department of the Senate

    92 802 414 793

    Department of the Treasury

    23 964 290 824

    Department of Veterans’ Affairs & the Repatriation Commission and the Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Commission

    96 257 979 159

    Digital Transformation Agency

    13 051 694 963

    Director of National Parks

    99 696 833 561

    Domestic, Family and Sexual Violence Commission

    12 212 931 598

    eSafety Commissioner

    93 614 579 199

    Fair Work Commission

    49 110 847 399

    Federal Court of Australia

    20 537 066 246

    Food Standards Australia New Zealand

    40 465 597 854

    Future Fund Board of Guardians

    53 156 699 293

    Future Fund Management Agency

    80 091 799 039

    Geoscience Australia

    12 949 356 885

    Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority

    27 598 959 960

    Independent Health and Aged Care Pricing Authority

    26 424 781 530

    Independent Parliamentary Expenses Authority

    59 912 679 254

    Indigenous Land and Sea Corporation

    51 248 702 319

    Inspector-General of Taxation

    38 113 072 755

    IP Australia

    13 679 821 382

    Murray-Darling Basin Authority

    47 446 409 542

    National Anti-Corruption Commission

    36 889 228 992

    National Archives of Australia

    87 361 602 478

    National Blood Authority

    75 149 374 427

    National Capital Authority

    56 552 760 098

    National Competition Council

    25 617 475 104

    National Disability Insurance Agency

    40 816 261 802

    National Emergency Management Agency

    27 855 975 449

    National Gallery of Australia

    88 601 010 284

    National Health and Medical Research Council

    15 337 761 242

    National Health Funding Body

    30 429 895 164

    National Indigenous Australians Agency

    22 385 178 289

    National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority

    67 890 861 578

    National Transport Commission

    72 581 678 650

    National Vocational Education and Training Regulator

    40 293 545 182

    NDIS Quality and Safeguards Commission

    61 900 398 761

    North Queensland Water Infrastructure Authority

    87 904 367 991

    Office of National Intelligence

    41 425 630 817

    Office of Parliamentary Counsel

    80 959 780 601

    Office of the Auditing and Assurance Standards Board

    92 702 019 575

    Office of the Australian Accounting Standards Board

    85 249 230 937

    Office of the Australian Information Commissioner

    53 003 678 148

    Office of the Commonwealth Ombudsman

    41 036 606 436

    Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions

    43 884 188 232

    Office of the Fair Work Ombudsman

    15 862 053 538

    Office of the Gene Technology Regulator

    27 478 662 745

    Office Of the Inspector-General of Aged Care

    67 332 668 643

    Office of the Inspector-General of Intelligence & Security

    67 582 329 284

    Office of the Official Secretary to the Governor-General

    87 767 208 148

    Office of the Special Investigator

    30 620 774 963

    Old Parliament House

    78 094 372 050

    Productivity Commission

    45 307 308 260

    Professional Services Review

    99 528 049 038

    Regional Investment Corporation

    45 852 104 259

    Royal Australian Mint

    25 203 754 319

    Rural Industries Research & Development Corporation

    81 840 374 163

    Safe Work Australia

    46 741 353 180

    Screen Australia

    32 745 854 352

    Seafarers Safety Rehabilitation and Compensation Authority

    90 794 605 008

    Services Australia

    17 090 574 431

    Snowy Hydro Limited

    91 314 398 574

    Special Broadcasting Service Corporation

    70 588 505 483

    Sport Integrity Australia

    50 658 250 012

    Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency

    18 108 001 191

    The Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet

    40 939 406 804

    Therapeutic Goods Administration

    57 155 285 807

    Torres Strait Regional Authority

    47 641 643 874

    Workplace Gender Equality Agency

    MIL OSI News –

  • MIL-OSI: Bitget lists Piggy Piggy Coin (PGC) on Pre-market for Advance Trading Orders

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    VICTORIA, Seychelles, Oct. 24, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) —

    Bitget, the leading cryptocurrency exchange and Web3 company, has announced the listing of PiggyPiggy Coin (PGC) in its Pre-market allowing users to place buy and sell orders prior to its launch. The pre-market period started on October 22nd, 2024, 10:00 (UTC), with spot trading beginning shortly after. This early trading option is designed to give users an opportunity to participate in the PCG market prior to its full availability.

    Bitget’s pre-market trading platform allows users to engage in over-the-counter transactions of new tokens before their official listing. This feature offers a peer-to-peer marketplace where buyers and sellers can negotiate prices, facilitating advanced liquidity and strategic investment opportunities. Participants can secure coins at favorable prices, allowing for optimized investments without the immediate need for sellers to possess the coins.

    PiggyPiggy Coin (PGC), produced by FunKing Studio, is launching its first token, $PPT, through a highly developed TG Bot-based mini-game that offers 100% token airdrops. Players can earn a daily minimum salary of $2, with higher earnings available by inviting friends. The project has significant traffic, with over 57K Twitter followers and strong engagement across Telegram channels. FunKing Studio has reportedly secured $3 million in equity investment from prominent firms like IDG Capital, KuCoin Ventures, Opta, and Sportsbet.

    Bitget’s introduction of PGC through its pre-market mechanism shows the platform’s strategy to provide users early access to emerging blockchain projects. This early engagement benefits both the token’s market exposure and user participation, making it an integral part of Bitget’s expanding crypto ecosystem.

    Bitget has established itself as one of the leading crypto spot trading platforms, offering a diverse selection of over 800 coins and more than 900 trading pairs across various ecosystems, including Ethereum, Solana, Base, and recently, TON. The pre-market platform, launched in April 2024, has facilitated early access to over 150 high-profile projects such as EigenLayer (EIGEN), Zerolend (ZERO), Notcoin (NOT), and ZkSync (ZKSYNC), providing a unique opportunity for investors to engage with emerging tokens at an early stage. The addition of PGC to this lineup further enhances Bitget’s commitment to offering users access to promising Web3 projects.

    PGC’s introduction on Bitget’s platform signifies a growing interest in Telegram-based projects that incorporate both gaming mechanics and financial elements, creating a symbiotic relationship between entertainment and decentralized finance. This listing is expected to attract a diverse range of participants, from avid gamers to crypto enthusiasts, who are eager to explore and invest in the evolving landscape of blockchain.

    For more information on PGC, please visit here.

    About Bitget

    Established in 2018, Bitget is the world’s leading cryptocurrency exchange and Web3 company. Serving over 45 million users in 150+ countries and regions, the Bitget exchange is committed to helping users trade smarter with its pioneering copy trading, AI bot and other trading solutions. Bitget Wallet is a world-class multi-chain crypto wallet that offers an array of comprehensive Web3 solutions and features including wallet functionality, swap, NFT Marketplace, DApp browser, and more. Bitget inspires individuals to embrace crypto through collaborations with credible partners, including being the Official Crypto Partner of the World’s Top Professional Football League, LALIGA, in EASTERN, SEA and LATAM, as well as a global partner of Olympic Athletes Buse Tosun Çavuşoğlu (Wrestling world champion), Samet Gümüş (Boxing gold medalist) and İlkin Aydın (Volleyball national team).

    For more information, users can visit: Website | Twitter | Telegram | LinkedIn | Discord | Bitget Wallet

    For media inquiries, users can contact: media@bitget.com

    Risk Warning: Digital asset prices may fluctuate and experience price volatility. Only invest what you can afford to lose. The value of your investment may be impacted and it is possible that you may not achieve your financial goals or be able to recover your principal investment. You should always seek independent financial advice and consider your own financial experience and financial standing. Past performance is not a reliable measure of future performance. Bitget shall not be liable for any losses you may incur. Nothing here shall be construed as financial advice.

    Contact

    Public Relations
    Simran A
    Bitget
    media@bitget.com

    The MIL Network –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Naked protests in South Africa: a psychologist explores the emotional power of this form of activism

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Mpho Mathebula, Lecturer, University of the Witwatersrand

    Naked protests are a form of public demonstration where individuals, often women, use the symbolic power of their naked bodies to challenge injustices. These protests have become an increasingly visible form of resistance, particularly in response to state violence, economic exploitation, and the oppression of women by men.

    While naked protests might seem provocative or shocking, they have a long and storied history in Africa. They are not only a powerful statement but also a direct challenge to norms in society around decency, control and vulnerability.

    As a research psychologist, I was drawn to the study of naked body protests because of their profound affective power. That’s to say I study how emotions like anger, fear, joy and empowerment are expressed and experienced by both the protester and the observer. I’ve interviewed numerous South African women who have taken part in naked protests in the past decade.



    Read more:
    Undressing for redress: the significance of Nigerian women’s naked protests

    My studies, which take an African feminist approach, show that these protests are not just acts of desperation or shock tactics. They’re rooted in a long tradition of resistance and decolonisation, drawing on generational power and emotional expressions. They are a feminist tactic that embodies both vulnerability and strength, using the body as a site of resistance and empowerment.

    Naked protests are complex – and, I argue, a powerful tool for reclaiming African women’s agency, dignity and voices.

    Colonialism and nakedness

    During colonialism, European countries ruled over African nations. Colonisers imposed their values, laws and social systems – including strict ideas about how women should behave and dress. These replaced many traditional African practices and beliefs. African women were required to cover their bodies because nakedness was seen as shameful or improper according to European moral standards.



    Read more:
    Naked protest: how ordinary citizens reveal truth to repressive regimes

    By protesting naked, African women are rejecting these colonial ideas and reclaiming their bodies as a form of resistance. They’re saying they refuse to be controlled by these outdated beliefs. So, naked protests are a decolonial action.

    African feminism sheds further light. It highlights the unique historical and social conditions that shape African women’s struggles. It recognises that African women’s bodies have been sites of both oppression and resistance for a long time, subjected to patriarchal and colonial control.

    Naked body protests in South Africa

    In South Africa, colonialism was followed by white minority rule. Apartheid was a system of racial segregation and discrimination, made law from 1948 to 1994. Black South Africans were denied political rights, restricted from owning land in white areas, and subjected to pass laws that controlled their movement. Black women bore the brunt of this oppression.

    In Durban in 1959, South African women protested against the 1908 Native Beer Act, which banned them from brewing traditional beer. Protesters attacked state beerhalls and, in a bold act of defiance, exposed their bodies as they faced police barricades. The police were often hesitant to confront or harm the women.

    In 1990, during the Dobsonville housing protest, women in Soweto stripped and protested against the demolition of their shacks by municipal police. They successfully drew media attention to their demands.

    This form of protest has endured, even in the country’s democratic era. As recently as 2024, women from the South African Cleaners, Security and Allied Workers’ Union staged a naked protest against the sudden termination of their contracts by private security companies.

    Psychology study

    But a primary focus of my research was the South African student protests that began in 2015. The #FeesMustFall movement saw students protesting against sexual violence and the high cost of education. Naked protests took place at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg and related #RUReferenceList protests against rape at Rhodes University in Makhanda.

    My PhD study set out to understand naked body protests and contribute to their psychological understanding. I wanted to find out why women in particular use this form of decolonialist protest and what its emotional and social role is during and after the actions.

    I interviewed 16 women who participated in the protests, as well as drawing from podcast interviews with two other participants and a video of the 1990 Dobsonville protests.

    Anger and confrontation

    I found that anger and confrontation played a central role. During the #FeesMustFall protests, women’s decision to use their naked bodies was a deliberate, transgressive act aimed at disrupting structures that wanted to silence them.

    They weaponised their vulnerability and exposed the contradictions within these systems – where women’s bodies are often sexually objectified but deemed unacceptable when used as instruments of protest. By baring their bodies, these women confronted the state, universities, and society at large by placing their physical bodies in direct opposition to deeply ingrained social hierarchies.



    Read more:
    Angry student protests have put rape back on South Africa’s agenda

    The anger expressed in these protests is not random; it’s rooted in a collective and historical sense of injustice. The women told me they were responding to both the immediate issue of being excluded from higher education facilities and also broader, generational experiences of gender-based violence, racism and economic disenfranchisement. Anger became a way to assert control over their bodies in spaces where their presence had been marginalised, ignored or actively suppressed.

    By channelling their anger, these women redefined their relationship to both their own bodies and the public spaces they occupied. Their protests highlighted the connection between personal anger and systemic oppression.

    Joy in struggle

    Joy is another important affect in these protests. Women often experience a sense of joy and empowerment when they achieve the goals of their protests.

    This joy is not just a personal feeling but a collective one that binds women together. Joy is a form of resistance in itself because it defies the narrative of women as passive victims.

    Empowered and powerful

    When women take part in naked protests, they show that they have the power to make their own decisions. They feel more confident and in control.

    Participants made it clear that being part of these protests can deeply change how women feel about themselves. They discover their strength and ability to fight back.

    The #IAmOneInThree hashtag was based on the United Nations estimate that one in three women around the world will be sexually abused in their lifetime. A #IAmOneInThree naked protest took place at the University of the Witwatersrand in solidarity with #RUReferenceList protests at Rhodes University. Sibu, who took part, shared how carrying a sjambok (a whip) and singing struggle songs with other women made her feel:

    For me that moment was affirming … I felt powerful somehow. Because when you … have been raped … it made me feel weak … It made me feel like an object and not a person. And so I remember that moment feeling empowered, right, I have my sjambok, I have my sisters around me.

    Naked body protests in South Africa are a powerful form of feminist resistance that draws on deep historical and cultural traditions. These protests are strategic and affective forms of resistance that challenge patriarchy, sexism and colonialism.

    Mpho Mathebula does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Naked protests in South Africa: a psychologist explores the emotional power of this form of activism – https://theconversation.com/naked-protests-in-south-africa-a-psychologist-explores-the-emotional-power-of-this-form-of-activism-238530

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group seeks local power in DRC, not just control over mining operations

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ken Matthysen, Researcher, IPIS

    The violence wrought by the Rwandan-backed rebel group M23 Movement is often narrowly framed as intended to control eastern Democratic Republic of Congo’s resource-rich mining sites. The rebel group launched its most recent offensive in 2021 and currently controls vast territories in the south-east of North Kivu province, surrounding and cutting off the main city of Goma.

    Eastern DR Congo mines produce crucial raw materials such as tin, tantalum and tungsten, as well as abundant quantities of gold. It therefore seems logical to reduce explanations of conflict to the ambition by M23, and Rwanda behind it, to control the mines directly.

    We belong to a team of researchers who examine the various dimensions of conflict from different perspectives. Our findings, based on fieldwork and conducted in collaboration with in-country experts, show that this popular analysis does not paint the full picture.

    Conflict analysis often ignores historical and local dimensions. Our investigation with the Goma-based civil society organisation Association pour le Développement des Initiatives Paysannes therefore explored the local stakes and impacts of the M23 crisis. We interviewed more than 55 people in North Kivu (DR Congo), including members of M23, as well as soldiers and armed groups fighting them, local chiefs, state agents, teachers, taximen, traders and farmers who live on the frontline of the conflict.

    Our research reveals that M23 employs a more profound strategy to boost its position and military strength (through Rwandan support) in local struggles over land, authority and rents. M23’s disruptive strategy aims to replace Congolese authorities and overhaul local governance in areas it controls in eastern DR Congo. Key to this strategy is:

    • undermining and replacing local (customary) authorities

    • taking over strategic trade routes

    • the installation of an elaborate taxation regime.

    These strategies also allow M23 – and Rwanda – to generate revenues from the local economy, including rents from DR Congo’s mineral wealth, without necessarily directly controlling mines.

    Historical struggles over land

    Interviewees attached great importance to the historical context of the M23 conflict, explaining how struggles over land date back to independence in 1960. Going back to the 1930s and 1940s, the Belgian colonial administrators already organised large movements of migrant workers from Rwanda to work on plantations in DR Congo. The Rwandophone migrants and their descendants settled in North Kivu, becoming part of the local population.

    After independence, Hutu and Tutsi (Rwandophone) communities began to jostle for control over North Kivu’s fertile farmland with the Hunde and Nyanga communities there. As grievances over access to land and property rights increased, Rwandophone communities were stigmatised as “non-indigenous” and their land claims as illegitimate.

    As the Congo Wars broke out in the 1990s, people began seeking recourse to armed groups to settle land conflicts. Before the rise of M23 in 2012, two other groups (Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie and later Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple) rose to protect the Rwandophone population in eastern DRC. They also grabbed and sold vast concessions of land – held by the state or other communities – to allied farmers and business people. These were typically from the Tutsi community.

    Given the country’s complex and under-enforced land laws, land claims became exceedingly difficult to verify or prove. This has strengthened the belief that the only way to secure access to land is by resorting to armed groups. Thus, M23 is perceived as the guardian of the Tutsi community’s access to land.

    This perception is well illustrated by a testimony of a local leader in Masisi territory:

    The wars of the last three decades have been motivated by a struggle for control over land … Indigenous people are driven out, dispossessed of their land in favour of others who are considered foreigners and refugees. … the M23 is made up of (Tutsi) pastoralists … and there are fields that their rivals had seized … it was one of their (M23) first concerns to start exploiting them.

    Most Congolese Tutsi have not asked for this “protection” by M23. But the ensuing grievances and ethnic tensions will haunt the relations between communities for years to come.

    Struggles over customary authority

    In DR Congo, customary chiefs play an important role in local land governance. They also adjudicate conflicts, bind people together through rituals, and represent the symbolic claim by a specific community to a given place.

    Many Congolese we spoke to perceive M23’s main aim to be control of power at the local level — undermining the existing authorities. The group has indeed sought to replace customary authorities with M23-appointed ones, at times assassinating Congolese chiefs. Local sources said M23 even burnt chiefdom archives, destroying evidence of claims to customary authority.

    M23’s economic grip

    Wherever M23 has a foothold, it installs an elaborate taxation regime. This involves checkpoint tolls, household taxes, dues on business, harvest taxes and forced labour. In doing so, the group generates the revenues to sustain the conflict. But this also strengthens its politico-administrative hold on the population, as taxation is a symbolic interface of public authority.

    Local armed groups that joined with the Congolese army to combat M23 deepen the problem. Called wazalendo (“patriots”), they are often unpaid and therefore rely on payments from the population to sustain their counter-offensive. As a result, taxation in eastern Congo has become heavily “militiarised”. Taxed by government forces, wazalendo and M23, civilians pay a heavy toll.

    The military nature of local governance could jeopardise future efforts to bring peace to eastern DRC.

    What about minerals?

    M23 has an impact on all aspects of local governance in eastern DR Congo. It has found ways to control and profit from the local economy in North Kivu, including mineral supply chains. It operates checkpoints along arteries and taxes minerals smuggled to Rwanda, alongside other trade flows.

    Having M23 control strategic trade routes in DR Congo, including those crossing into Uganda, is a benefit for Rwanda. From Kigali’s perspective, the resurgence of M23 in 2021 came at a perfect time to block Uganda’s efforts to improve the road network in eastern DR Congo towards its own territory. Rwanda and Uganda are locked in intense competition for Congolese informal trade, re-exporting its timber and minerals as their own, gaining taxes and foreign earnings that ought to benefit the Congolese treasury and population.

    What must be done?

    DR Congo’s resources play a large role in the M23 conflict, but our study underscores the historical roots of the conflict and its profound local impacts. These findings should inform locally meaningful and sustainable conflict resolution strategies.

    Since the M23 revival, land access, trade and security have become increasingly mediated by armed actors. Even after a possible M23 defeat, it will take years of local dialogue and mediation to undo this involvement of militia in local governance, resolve land issues, repair inter-community relations and remake customary authority. But that’s the only way to reach sustainable peace in North Kivu.

    Ken Matthysen works for the International Peace Information Service (IPIS)

    This publication has been produced with the financial assistance of the Belgian Directorate-General for Development Cooperation and Humanitarian Aid (DGD). The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of IPIS and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the Belgian Development Cooperation.

    – ref. Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group seeks local power in DRC, not just control over mining operations – https://theconversation.com/rwandan-backed-m23-rebel-group-seeks-local-power-in-drc-not-just-control-over-mining-operations-231318

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Naked protests in South Africa: a psychologist explores the emotional power of this form of activism

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Mpho Mathebula, Lecturer, University of the Witwatersrand

    Naked protests are a form of public demonstration where individuals, often women, use the symbolic power of their naked bodies to challenge injustices. These protests have become an increasingly visible form of resistance, particularly in response to state violence, economic exploitation, and the oppression of women by men.

    While naked protests might seem provocative or shocking, they have a long and storied history in Africa. They are not only a powerful statement but also a direct challenge to norms in society around decency, control and vulnerability.

    As a research psychologist, I was drawn to the study of naked body protests because of their profound affective power. That’s to say I study how emotions like anger, fear, joy and empowerment are expressed and experienced by both the protester and the observer. I’ve interviewed numerous South African women who have taken part in naked protests in the past decade.

    Read more: Undressing for redress: the significance of Nigerian women’s naked protests

    My studies, which take an African feminist approach, show that these protests are not just acts of desperation or shock tactics. They’re rooted in a long tradition of resistance and decolonisation, drawing on generational power and emotional expressions. They are a feminist tactic that embodies both vulnerability and strength, using the body as a site of resistance and empowerment.

    Naked protests are complex – and, I argue, a powerful tool for reclaiming African women’s agency, dignity and voices.

    Colonialism and nakedness

    During colonialism, European countries ruled over African nations. Colonisers imposed their values, laws and social systems – including strict ideas about how women should behave and dress. These replaced many traditional African practices and beliefs. African women were required to cover their bodies because nakedness was seen as shameful or improper according to European moral standards.

    Read more: Naked protest: how ordinary citizens reveal truth to repressive regimes

    By protesting naked, African women are rejecting these colonial ideas and reclaiming their bodies as a form of resistance. They’re saying they refuse to be controlled by these outdated beliefs. So, naked protests are a decolonial action.

    African feminism sheds further light. It highlights the unique historical and social conditions that shape African women’s struggles. It recognises that African women’s bodies have been sites of both oppression and resistance for a long time, subjected to patriarchal and colonial control.

    Naked body protests in South Africa

    In South Africa, colonialism was followed by white minority rule. Apartheid was a system of racial segregation and discrimination, made law from 1948 to 1994. Black South Africans were denied political rights, restricted from owning land in white areas, and subjected to pass laws that controlled their movement. Black women bore the brunt of this oppression.

    In Durban in 1959, South African women protested against the 1908 Native Beer Act, which banned them from brewing traditional beer. Protesters attacked state beerhalls and, in a bold act of defiance, exposed their bodies as they faced police barricades. The police were often hesitant to confront or harm the women.

    #FeesMustFall protests in South Africa in 2016. Alon Skuy/The Times/Gallo Images/Getty Images

    In 1990, during the Dobsonville housing protest, women in Soweto stripped and protested against the demolition of their shacks by municipal police. They successfully drew media attention to their demands.

    This form of protest has endured, even in the country’s democratic era. As recently as 2024, women from the South African Cleaners, Security and Allied Workers’ Union staged a naked protest against the sudden termination of their contracts by private security companies.

    Psychology study

    But a primary focus of my research was the South African student protests that began in 2015. The #FeesMustFall movement saw students protesting against sexual violence and the high cost of education. Naked protests took place at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg and related #RUReferenceList protests against rape at Rhodes University in Makhanda.

    My PhD study set out to understand naked body protests and contribute to their psychological understanding. I wanted to find out why women in particular use this form of decolonialist protest and what its emotional and social role is during and after the actions.

    I interviewed 16 women who participated in the protests, as well as drawing from podcast interviews with two other participants and a video of the 1990 Dobsonville protests.

    Anger and confrontation

    I found that anger and confrontation played a central role. During the #FeesMustFall protests, women’s decision to use their naked bodies was a deliberate, transgressive act aimed at disrupting structures that wanted to silence them.

    They weaponised their vulnerability and exposed the contradictions within these systems – where women’s bodies are often sexually objectified but deemed unacceptable when used as instruments of protest. By baring their bodies, these women confronted the state, universities, and society at large by placing their physical bodies in direct opposition to deeply ingrained social hierarchies.

    Read more: Angry student protests have put rape back on South Africa’s agenda

    The anger expressed in these protests is not random; it’s rooted in a collective and historical sense of injustice. The women told me they were responding to both the immediate issue of being excluded from higher education facilities and also broader, generational experiences of gender-based violence, racism and economic disenfranchisement. Anger became a way to assert control over their bodies in spaces where their presence had been marginalised, ignored or actively suppressed.

    By channelling their anger, these women redefined their relationship to both their own bodies and the public spaces they occupied. Their protests highlighted the connection between personal anger and systemic oppression.

    Joy in struggle

    Joy is another important affect in these protests. Women often experience a sense of joy and empowerment when they achieve the goals of their protests.

    This joy is not just a personal feeling but a collective one that binds women together. Joy is a form of resistance in itself because it defies the narrative of women as passive victims.

    Empowered and powerful

    When women take part in naked protests, they show that they have the power to make their own decisions. They feel more confident and in control.

    Participants made it clear that being part of these protests can deeply change how women feel about themselves. They discover their strength and ability to fight back.

    The #IAmOneInThree hashtag was based on the United Nations estimate that one in three women around the world will be sexually abused in their lifetime. A #IAmOneInThree naked protest took place at the University of the Witwatersrand in solidarity with #RUReferenceList protests at Rhodes University. Sibu, who took part, shared how carrying a sjambok (a whip) and singing struggle songs with other women made her feel:

    For me that moment was affirming … I felt powerful somehow. Because when you … have been raped … it made me feel weak … It made me feel like an object and not a person. And so I remember that moment feeling empowered, right, I have my sjambok, I have my sisters around me.

    Naked body protests in South Africa are a powerful form of feminist resistance that draws on deep historical and cultural traditions. These protests are strategic and affective forms of resistance that challenge patriarchy, sexism and colonialism.

    – Naked protests in South Africa: a psychologist explores the emotional power of this form of activism
    – https://theconversation.com/naked-protests-in-south-africa-a-psychologist-explores-the-emotional-power-of-this-form-of-activism-238530

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group seeks local power in DRC, not just control over mining operations

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ken Matthysen, Researcher, IPIS

    The violence wrought by the Rwandan-backed rebel group M23 Movement is often narrowly framed as intended to control eastern Democratic Republic of Congo’s resource-rich mining sites. The rebel group launched its most recent offensive in 2021 and currently controls vast territories in the south-east of North Kivu province, surrounding and cutting off the main city of Goma.

    Eastern DR Congo mines produce crucial raw materials such as tin, tantalum and tungsten, as well as abundant quantities of gold. It therefore seems logical to reduce explanations of conflict to the ambition by M23, and Rwanda behind it, to control the mines directly.

    We belong to a team of researchers who examine the various dimensions of conflict from different perspectives. Our findings, based on fieldwork and conducted in collaboration with in-country experts, show that this popular analysis does not paint the full picture.

    Conflict analysis often ignores historical and local dimensions. Our investigation with the Goma-based civil society organisation Association pour le Développement des Initiatives Paysannes therefore explored the local stakes and impacts of the M23 crisis. We interviewed more than 55 people in North Kivu (DR Congo), including members of M23, as well as soldiers and armed groups fighting them, local chiefs, state agents, teachers, taximen, traders and farmers who live on the frontline of the conflict.

    Our research reveals that M23 employs a more profound strategy to boost its position and military strength (through Rwandan support) in local struggles over land, authority and rents. M23’s disruptive strategy aims to replace Congolese authorities and overhaul local governance in areas it controls in eastern DR Congo. Key to this strategy is:

    • undermining and replacing local (customary) authorities

    • taking over strategic trade routes

    • the installation of an elaborate taxation regime.

    These strategies also allow M23 – and Rwanda – to generate revenues from the local economy, including rents from DR Congo’s mineral wealth, without necessarily directly controlling mines.

    Historical struggles over land

    Interviewees attached great importance to the historical context of the M23 conflict, explaining how struggles over land date back to independence in 1960. Going back to the 1930s and 1940s, the Belgian colonial administrators already organised large movements of migrant workers from Rwanda to work on plantations in DR Congo. The Rwandophone migrants and their descendants settled in North Kivu, becoming part of the local population.

    After independence, Hutu and Tutsi (Rwandophone) communities began to jostle for control over North Kivu’s fertile farmland with the Hunde and Nyanga communities there. As grievances over access to land and property rights increased, Rwandophone communities were stigmatised as “non-indigenous” and their land claims as illegitimate.

    As the Congo Wars broke out in the 1990s, people began seeking recourse to armed groups to settle land conflicts. Before the rise of M23 in 2012, two other groups (Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie and later Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple) rose to protect the Rwandophone population in eastern DRC. They also grabbed and sold vast concessions of land – held by the state or other communities – to allied farmers and business people. These were typically from the Tutsi community.

    Given the country’s complex and under-enforced land laws, land claims became exceedingly difficult to verify or prove. This has strengthened the belief that the only way to secure access to land is by resorting to armed groups. Thus, M23 is perceived as the guardian of the Tutsi community’s access to land.

    This perception is well illustrated by a testimony of a local leader in Masisi territory:

    The wars of the last three decades have been motivated by a struggle for control over land … Indigenous people are driven out, dispossessed of their land in favour of others who are considered foreigners and refugees. … the M23 is made up of (Tutsi) pastoralists … and there are fields that their rivals had seized … it was one of their (M23) first concerns to start exploiting them.

    Most Congolese Tutsi have not asked for this “protection” by M23. But the ensuing grievances and ethnic tensions will haunt the relations between communities for years to come.

    Struggles over customary authority

    In DR Congo, customary chiefs play an important role in local land governance. They also adjudicate conflicts, bind people together through rituals, and represent the symbolic claim by a specific community to a given place.

    Many Congolese we spoke to perceive M23’s main aim to be control of power at the local level — undermining the existing authorities. The group has indeed sought to replace customary authorities with M23-appointed ones, at times assassinating Congolese chiefs. Local sources said M23 even burnt chiefdom archives, destroying evidence of claims to customary authority.

    M23’s economic grip

    Wherever M23 has a foothold, it installs an elaborate taxation regime. This involves checkpoint tolls, household taxes, dues on business, harvest taxes and forced labour. In doing so, the group generates the revenues to sustain the conflict. But this also strengthens its politico-administrative hold on the population, as taxation is a symbolic interface of public authority.

    Local armed groups that joined with the Congolese army to combat M23 deepen the problem. Called wazalendo (“patriots”), they are often unpaid and therefore rely on payments from the population to sustain their counter-offensive. As a result, taxation in eastern Congo has become heavily “militiarised”. Taxed by government forces, wazalendo and M23, civilians pay a heavy toll.

    The military nature of local governance could jeopardise future efforts to bring peace to eastern DRC.

    What about minerals?

    M23 has an impact on all aspects of local governance in eastern DR Congo. It has found ways to control and profit from the local economy in North Kivu, including mineral supply chains. It operates checkpoints along arteries and taxes minerals smuggled to Rwanda, alongside other trade flows.

    Having M23 control strategic trade routes in DR Congo, including those crossing into Uganda, is a benefit for Rwanda. From Kigali’s perspective, the resurgence of M23 in 2021 came at a perfect time to block Uganda’s efforts to improve the road network in eastern DR Congo towards its own territory. Rwanda and Uganda are locked in intense competition for Congolese informal trade, re-exporting its timber and minerals as their own, gaining taxes and foreign earnings that ought to benefit the Congolese treasury and population.

    What must be done?

    DR Congo’s resources play a large role in the M23 conflict, but our study underscores the historical roots of the conflict and its profound local impacts. These findings should inform locally meaningful and sustainable conflict resolution strategies.

    Since the M23 revival, land access, trade and security have become increasingly mediated by armed actors. Even after a possible M23 defeat, it will take years of local dialogue and mediation to undo this involvement of militia in local governance, resolve land issues, repair inter-community relations and remake customary authority. But that’s the only way to reach sustainable peace in North Kivu.

    – Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group seeks local power in DRC, not just control over mining operations
    – https://theconversation.com/rwandan-backed-m23-rebel-group-seeks-local-power-in-drc-not-just-control-over-mining-operations-231318

    MIL OSI Africa –

  • MIL-OSI Europe: OSCE-supported Green Economic Forum 2024 facilitates green growth in Central Asia

    Source: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe – OSCE

    Headline: OSCE-supported Green Economic Forum 2024 facilitates green growth in Central Asia

    Edil Baisalov, Deputy Chairperson of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz Republic speaks in front of 500 participants of the Green Economic Forum 2024. (OSCE/Chyngyz Zhanybekov) Photo details

    Bishkek, 23 October 2024 – Over 500 participants from Central Asia gathered at the Green Economic Forum 2024 to set priorities for advancing sustainable development across the region. The event brought together government officials, international experts, and business leaders to explore strategies for green economic growth, environmental sustainability, and regional co-operation.
    Key discussions focused on renewable energy, eco-friendly construction, waste management, and green financing. The forum provided a platform for knowledge sharing and collaboration, helping governments and businesses identify joint actions for green projects, ahead of the upcoming UN Climate Change Conference (COP-29) in Baku.
    In his opening remarks, Edil Baisalov, Deputy Chairperson of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz Republic, emphasized the forum’s importance in linking economic growth with environmental protection. “The green economy is not just a concept, it is a solution for achieving a balanced, long-term development that safeguards our natural resources,” noted Baisalov.
    Ambassador Alexey Rogov, Head of the OSCE Programme Office in Bishkek, underscored the significance of regional collaboration. “Promoting a green economy is essential for achieving sustainable development goals in the face of climate change. Today’s discussions fosters stronger partnerships between businesses, governments, and industry associations, paving the way for innovative solutions in Central Asia,” Ambassador Rogov stated.
    The forum also provided an opportunity for local businesses to showcase their eco-friendly products/ solutions at the exhibition held during the event. Entrepreneurs exchanged contacts and ideas, facilitating regional business connections and laying the groundwork for future contracts, which will boost cross-border collaboration on green innovations.
    The forum’s outcomes contribute to shaping national strategies and policies, driving the region’s transition towards a low-carbon and resource-efficient economy.

    MIL OSI Europe News –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Report 12/2024: Collision between a road-rail vehicle and a trolley near Brading

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    RAIB has today released its report into a collision between a road-rail vehicle and a trolley near Brading, Isle of Wight, 22 November 2023.

    The site of the accident near to Brading.

    R122024_241024_Brading

    PDF, 9.69 MB, 41 pages

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    Summary

    At around 01:50 on Wednesday 22 November 2023, a road-rail vehicle, travelling in a work site, collided with a hand trolley being used by a work group on the Isle of Wight’s Island Line. The road-rail vehicle was being used to clear vegetation and was travelling between its work locations when the collision occurred.

    The road-rail vehicle was approaching the work group, who were repairing the track, on a descending gradient and was unable to stop before their site of work. When members of the work group realised that the road-rail vehicle was not stopping, they removed tools and equipment from the trolley and lifted it off the track. However, once removed, the trolley was inadvertently left too close to the track and remained foul of the road-rail vehicle’s path. The road-rail vehicle then collided with the hand trolley.

    As a result of the collision, the trolley struck two members of the track repair work group on the legs, pushing them into bushes beside the track. Both received minor injuries, attended hospital independently later that day and were then discharged. The collision was caused because the controller of site safety responsible for the track work group had not been informed of the road-rail vehicle’s movement before it approached, and because the road-rail vehicle was unable to stop in the expected distance once the machine operator realised the work group was ahead.

    Two underlying factors were that South Western Railway, the infrastructure manager for the track on the Island Line, did not have an effective process for planning and managing the risk of on-track plant movements, or for managing low adhesion risk for maintenance activities. A third underlying factor was that South Western Railway’s assurance processes had not identified informal working arrangements in possessions.

    Since the accident, South Western Railway has updated its risk assessment for machine movements and introduced new control measures to specifically manage the risks of conflicting sites of work within work sites and possessions. It has also addressed the deficiencies found within its assurance process for monitoring how possessions are managed.

    Recommendations

    As a result of the investigation, RAIB has made three recommendations, all addressed to South Western Railway. The first is to review how it manages safety during infrastructure work on the Island Line. The second is to review its assurance processes and the third is to provide its infrastructure maintenance staff and contractors with accurate information about its infrastructure.

    Additionally, three learning points have been identified. The first reinforces the importance of transport undertakings and on-track plant operators applying industry codes of practice in the event of an accident or incident involving on-track plant. The second concerns the importance of promptly reporting notifiable accidents to RAIB, and the third the importance of well-established process and procedure for dealing with post‑accident or incident evidence collection and testing.

    Notes to editors

    1. The sole purpose of RAIB investigations is to prevent future accidents and incidents and improve railway safety. RAIB does not establish blame, liability or carry out prosecutions.

    2. RAIB operates, as far as possible, in an open and transparent manner. While our investigations are completely independent of the railway industry, we do maintain close liaison with railway companies and if we discover matters that may affect the safety of the railway, we make sure that information about them is circulated to the right people as soon as possible, and certainly long before publication of our final report.

    3. For media enquiries, please call 01932 440015.

    Newsdate: 24 October 2024

    Updates to this page

    Published 24 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: The Environment Agency increasing trout and eels in New Forest

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Sea trout and eels can now access more habitats in the New Forest after Environment Agency fits fish pass made from natural materials

    The new fish pass will help sea trout and eels move upstream.

    The Environment Agency has improved access for sea trout and eels in the upper reaches of the New Forest’s Highland Water ecosystem.  

    A bespoke structure has been built to create more favourable conditions for fish to migrate upstream over a wider range of water levels and flows. The fish can now access over 2km of habitat under a greater range of flows.  

    The multi-species fish pass was constructed where the stream passes under the A31 through a culvert onto a weir, which previously made migration more challenging. 

    The new fish pass will greet eels who have travelled 4,000 miles from the north-west Atlantic Ocean.

    Vicky Gravestock, a fisheries officer with the Environment Agency, said:  

    The barrage structures, used to ease migration, have been designed to help both sea trout and eels move upstream over a wider flow range, increasing successful migration. We hope we have played our small part in the lifecycle of these fish by making more habitat available to continue their journey.  

    We had to meet strict standards to deliver these works in the New Forest because it is a protected site. During construction, we used natural materials, which were in keeping with and sympathetic to their surroundings. We were able to use the in-house skills of our wood workshop in Rye, in East Sussex, and then apply the skills of our field team to tailor and fit the structures on site. 

    The success of the project will continue to be assessed as part of the Environment Agency’s fish-monitoring programme in Hampshire, Sussex and on the Isle of Wight, next summer. At the end of this year, the sea trout redds, which are nests created to lay their eggs, will also be counted.   

    Sea trout are known to spawn throughout the New Forest. The fish enter the river system from the Solent, in late spring making the journey upstream to spawn in December. Some of them migrate out to sea as smolts, or young trout, live their adult lives at sea and then return to freshwater to spawn again.  

    Eels spawn in the Sargasso Sea in the north-west Atlantic Ocean. From there, they journey 4,000 miles over two years to Europe. Once they reach freshwater estuaries, they turn into young eels, known as elvers, up to 12cm long and swim up into rivers. Here they can live for up to 20 years, before returning to the Sargasso Sea as mature adults to spawn.

    How it was before the fish pass went in. Conditions were less favourable for migration.

    Background: 

    Contact us:

    Journalists only: 0800 141 2743 or communications_se@environment-agency.gov.uk

    Updates to this page

    Published 24 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –

  • MIL-OSI United Kingdom: Ministers aim to create ‘top destination for women’s sport investment’

    Source: United Kingdom – Executive Government & Departments

    Four Welsh organisations benefit from a UK government investment scheme as UK Government ministers seek to create a ‘top destination’ for women’s sport.

    Cricket ball next to a boundary rope.

    • Four Welsh organisations benefit from UK government investment scheme as ministers seek to create ‘top destination’ for women’s sport.
    • The Genero Adran Football League, Cardiff Dragons netball team, Celtic Challenge Rugby Union competition and England and Wales Women’s Cricket are all beneficiaries of the scheme.
    • Welsh Secretary says: “It’s really important that the UK Government develops schemes like this to make sure our female sportspeople get the investment they need to achieve success.”

    Four Welsh women’s sport organisations are set for a boost after being named as part of a UK Government scheme to grow investment in elite women’s clubs and leagues as part of a new pledge to make the UK the world’s top destination for women’s sport investment.

    The Department for Business and Trade will today [Wednesday 23rd October] launch the 2024-25 Women’s Sport Investment Accelerator scheme, which will bring over 20 elite leagues, competitions and teams together with investors and industry experts to help them secure transformational investment and sponsorships.

    It will provide them with comprehensive market insights, seminars, connections and networking opportunities over a series of sessions, led by the Department for Business and Trade in collaboration with Deloitte, which will give them the tools and expert insight to help them attract investment and grow their business.

    Elite rightsholders in Wales, the Genero Adran League, Cardiff Dragons, Celtic Challenge and England and Wales Women’s Cricket have been named to take part in the scheme. The announcement will be made at a sport investment conference at Rothschild & Co today, involving leaders from major UK sports and some the world’s most prominent international investors.

    Secretary of State for Wales, Jo Stevens, said:

    Wales has a proud history of producing world class female athletes and it’s fantastic to see this scheme being set up to encourage investment in women’s sport and help develop the stars of the future.

    Women’s sport has long been underfunded to it’s really important that the UK Government develops schemes like this to make sure our female sportspeople get the investment they need to achieve success.

    Wales Netball & Cardiff Dragons CEO, Vicki Sutton, said:

    Being part of the Department of Business and Trade and Deloitte Programme for the last year has been incredibly beneficial for netball in Wales and for my development and understanding as a leader in the sports sector.

    Women’s sport is on the rise and this programme has come at exactly the right time to compliment the worldwide movement currently in progress.

    Minister for Investment Poppy Gustafsson said: 

    The UK is already an elite home of women’s sport, and my goal is to make us the top destination for women’s sport investment.  

    The launch of this scheme, a week after our record-breaking International Investment Summit, shows the UK is truly the best place to do business in this fast-growing industry. 

    Off the back of the latest figures showing the industry could be worth over £1 billion this year, I’m looking forward to speaking to investors and clubs, leagues and teams today about how the Accelerator can drive this growth even further.” 

    Deloitte Sports Business Group Lead Partner Tim Bridge said:

    We’re witnessing a surge in investment opportunities within women’s sport. The rise of dedicated funds and brand sponsorships for women’s and girls’ clubs, leagues and competitions signals a powerful shift.

    The Accelerator programme has been built to connect investors and brands with these opportunities, showcasing the strength and remarkable growth potential of women’s sport. This influx of investment will be instrumental in driving professionalisation and boosting participation across the UK, creating a lasting impact for women’s sport at all levels while delivering significant economic returns.

    The scheme will capitalise on the rapid growth of the women’s sport industry, which is expected to be worth over £1 billion by the end of the year according to Deloitte, marking a 300 percent increase since 2021.

    The Government’s pledge to make the UK the top destination for women’s sport investment comes after the record-breaking International Investment Summit held just last week, which secured £63 billion of private investment into the UK which will create over 38,000 new jobs across the country.

    Full list of the elite sports represented in the 2024-25 Women’s Sport Investment Accelerator: 

    • Football 
    • Cricket 
    • Rugby union 
    • Rugby league 
    • Tennis 
    • Golf 
    • Netball 
    • Volleyball 
    • Cycling

    Updates to this page

    Published 24 October 2024

    MIL OSI United Kingdom –