Source: Australian Capital Territory Policing
30/06/25
A public health response has been stood up as part of the investigation of alleged incidents in childcare centres.
The Department of Health is working closely with Victoria Police and other government agencies to provide information to those impacted, as well as the wider public.
Please, see the Investigation of alleged incidents in childcare for the latest information.
Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)
CALGARY, Alberta, June 30, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Acceleware® Ltd. (“Acceleware” or the “Company”) (TSX-V: AXE), a leading innovator of cutting-edge radio frequency (“RF”) power-to-heat technologies targeting process heat for critical minerals, amine regeneration (for carbon capture and other applications), and enhanced oil production, is pleased to announce a non-brokered private placement of units of the Company (the “Units”), at a price of $0.10 per Unit (the “Unit Price”), for gross proceeds of up to $1,500,000 (the “Private Placement”).
Details of the Private Placement
Pursuant to the Private Placement, each Unit will consist of (i) one (1) common share in the capital of the Company (a “Common Share”); and (ii) one (1) Common Share purchase warrant of the Company (a “Warrant”). Each Warrant will entitle the holder thereof to acquire one (1) Common Share at $0.20 for a period of twenty-four (24) months from the date of issuance of the Warrant. In the event that the Common Shares trade at a closing price at or greater than $0.30 per Common Share for a period of thirty (30) consecutive trading days, Acceleware may accelerate the expiry date of the Warrants by giving notice to the holders thereof, and in such case, the Warrants will expire on the thirtieth (30th) day after the date on which such notice is given by Acceleware.
Details of the Shares for Debt Transactions
In addition to the issuance of Units pursuant to the Private Placement, the Company intends to enter into certain shares for debt transactions to settle up to $300,000 in certain trade payables and interest payable on convertible debentures of the Company with Units (the “Shares for Debt Transactions”). The Units issued under the Shares for Debt Transactions are anticipated to be on the same terms as those issued under the Private Placement at a deemed price of $0.10 per Unit. Further details regarding the Shares for Debt Transactions will be provided in a subsequent news release in accordance with TSXV Policy 4.3 – Shares for Debt.
Acceleware expects the Private Placement and Shares for Debt Transactions to close on or about July 22, 2025 (the “Closing Date”).
Acceleware intends to use the net proceeds of the Private Placement and Shares for Debt Transactions to fund a portion of the Company’s RF XL 2.0 redeployment plan, to advance commercialization of new RF heating applications, including critical minerals applications and amine regeneration applications including carbon capture, and for general corporate purposes.
Completion of the Private Placement and Share for Debt Transactions are subject to certain conditions including, but not limited to, the receipt of all necessary regulatory approvals including the approval of the TSX Venture Exchange (the “TSXV”). The TSXV has not approved the Unit Price and this remains subject to change. The Common Shares, Warrants and Common Shares underlying the Warrants will be subject to a four (4) month plus one day hold period in accordance with securities legislation.
Acceleware expects certain insiders to participate in the Private Placement and Shares for Debt Transactions, which will make the Private Placement and Shares for Debt Transactions a related party transaction within the meaning of Multilateral Instrument 61-101 – Protection of Minority Security Holders in Special Transactions (“MI 61-101”). Acceleware intends to rely on the exemptions from the formal valuation and minority approval requirements of MI 61-101 based on a determination that the fair market value of the Private Placement and Shares for Debt Transactions, insofar as such transactions involve related parties, does not exceed 25% of the market capitalization of the Company.
About Acceleware
Acceleware is an advanced electromagnetic heating company with cutting-edge RF power-to-heat solutions for large industrial applications. The Company’s technologies provide an opportunity to electrify and decarbonize industrial process heat applications while reducing costs.
The Company is working to use its patented and field proven Clean Tech Inverter to materially improve the efficiency of amine regeneration, and has partnered with a consortium of world-class potash partners seeking to decarbonize drying of potash ore and other critical minerals. Acceleware is actively developing other process heat applications and partnerships for RF heating.
Acceleware’s RF XL is a patented low-cost, low-carbon RF thermal enhanced oil production technology for heavy oil that is materially different from any enhanced recovery technique used today.
Acceleware is a public company listed on the TSXV under the trading symbol “AXE”.
Cautionary Statements
This news release contains forward-looking statements and/or forward-looking information (collectively, “forward-looking statements”) within the meaning of applicable securities laws. When used in this release, such words as “will”, “anticipates”, “believes”, “intends”, “expects” and similar expressions, as they relate to Acceleware, or its management, are intended to identify such forward-looking statements. Such forward-looking statements reflect the current views of Acceleware with respect to future events, and are subject to certain risks, uncertainties and assumptions. Many factors could cause Acceleware’s actual results, performance or achievements to be materially different from any expected future results, performance or achievement that may be expressed or implied by such forward-looking statements. Certain information and statements contained in this news release constitute forward-looking statements, which reflects Acceleware’s current expectations regarding future events, including, but not limited to the closing of the Private Placement and Shares for Debt Transactions, including the Unit Price, Closing Date, gross proceeds to be raised under the Private Placement, the amount of debt to be settled under the Shares for Debt Transactions and the use of proceeds under the Private Placement and Shares for Debt Transactions; the receipt of applicable approvals and exemptions (including the Company’s board of directors, shareholders, and regulatory approvals including approval of the TSXV) relating to the Private Placement and Shares for Debt Transaction, the statutory hold periods applicable to the Units and; the anticipated participation by insiders in the Private Placement and Shares for Debt Transactions.
Forward-looking statements are subject to known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other important factors that may cause the actual results, level of activity, performance or achievements of the Company to be materially different from those expressed or implied by such forward-looking statements, including but not limited to:, the availability of investment capital and other funding; receipt of necessary approvals; availability of financing for technology and project development; uncertainties and risks with respect to developing and adopting new technologies; general business, economic, competitive, political and social uncertainties; change in demand for technologies to be offered by the Company; obtaining required approvals of regulatory authorities and/or shareholders, as applicable; ability to access sufficient capital from internal and external sources. For a more fulsome list of risk factors please see the Company’s December 31, 2024, year-end Management Discussion and Analysis (“MD&A”) available on SEDAR+ at www.sedarplus.ca.
Management of the Company has included the above summary of assumptions and risks related to forward-looking statements provided in this release to provide shareholders with a more complete perspective on the Company’s current and future operations and such information may not be appropriate for other purposes. The Company has attempted to identify important factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those contained in forward-looking statements, there may be other factors that cause results not to be as anticipated, estimated or intended. There can be no assurance that such statements will prove to be accurate, as actual results and future events could differ materially from those anticipated in such statements. Forward-looking statements included in this news release should not be read as guarantees of future performance or results. Accordingly, readers should not place undue reliance on forward-looking statements. The Company does not undertake to update any forward-looking statements, except in accordance with applicable securities laws.
Neither TSX Venture Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in policies of the TSX Venture Exchange) accepts responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this release.
This press release is intended for distribution in Canada only and is not intended for distribution to United States newswire services or dissemination in the United States.
This press release does not constitute an offer to sell or a solicitation of an offer to buy any of the securities in the United States. The securities have not been and will not be registered under the United States Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the “U.S. Securities Act”) or any state securities laws and may not be offered or sold within the United States or to U.S. persons unless registered under the U.S. Securities Act and applicable state securities laws or an exemption from such registration is available.
For more information:
Geoff Clark
Tel: +1 (403) 249-9099
geoff.clark@acceleware.com
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
This photo taken on Jan. 19, 2023 shows the U.S. Capitol building in Washington, D.C., the United States. [Photo/Xinhua]
A marathon vote was underway Monday over U.S. President Donald Trump’s massive One Big Beautiful Bill, which highlights bitter partisan divisions in Washington.
Trump said the bill will deliver the largest tax cut for working- and middle-class Americans in history and will “unleash our economy.”
The bill contains a slew of tax cuts for businesses and families and will “turbo-charge our economy and bring back the American dream,” Trump said in a speech promoting the legislation.
However, Democrats are vehemently opposed to the mega-bill, which, if passed, will fund Trump’s agenda and stand in stark contrast to what Democrats want for the country.
Democrats blast Trump’s tax cuts as benefiting the wealthy, although Republicans maintain the cuts will help the middle class.
The bill has angered Democrats for what that party says are cuts to essential programs such as Medicaid — health care coverage for low-income people — as well as food stamps.
Democrats and a couple of Republicans also fret the bill will add trillions of U.S. dollars to the surging national debt.
Christopher Galdieri, a political science professor at Saint Anselm College in the northeastern state of New Hampshire, told Xinhua the legislation is “essentially a mega-bill combining most of Trump’s legislative ambitions into one package — tax cuts, spending cuts, massively increasing the budget for ICE, and more.”
The bill could provide additional funds for the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to boost the number of agents and to provide pay bonuses.
ICE is in large part carrying out Trump’s mass deportation of millions of people who entered the United States illegally during the previous administration. But Democrats blast the deportations as heavy-handed, inhumane and unconstitutional.
Republicans argue that those funds for ICE are needed to reverse the damage they said Democrats did to the United States during the previous administration.
The GOP accuses Democrats of purposely opening the floodgates to millions of immigrants to illegally enter the United States, in what the GOP labeled an “invasion” and a result of Democrats’ “radical left” agenda during the previous administration.
The White House also argues that among those who have illegally entered are many criminals and gang members.
Democratic Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer on Saturday criticized the bill, accusing Republicans of trying to dupe the American people and saying “most people hate this bill.”
Some Republicans have also criticized the bill.
GOP Senator Josh Hawley has raised concerns about cuts to Medicaid, saying the reductions are “morally wrong and politically suicidal.”
But on Saturday, Hawley changed his tune and announced he would back the bill.
Republican Senator Rand Paul blasted the bill for what he said was adding to the debt, labeling it “much more of a spending bill than a bill that rectifies the debt problem.”
Paul has specifically lambasted the bill for what he said was adding to the national deficit by around 2.4 trillion U.S. dollars over a decade.
GOP Senator Thom Tillis criticized the bill on Saturday, saying: “It is inescapable this bill will betray the promise that Donald Trump made.”
The senator denounced proposed cuts to Medicaid and lambasted the “amateurs” advising Trump, who he said have “no insight into how these… Tax cuts are going to be absorbed without harming people on Medicare.”
Clay Ramsay, a researcher at the Center for International and Security Studies at the University of Maryland, told Xinhua: “The core of the partisan divisions is that Medicaid recipients, which are a quite significant portion of each legislator’s constituents, are going to either suffer cutoffs or will have to spend a lot of time and energy to avoid that happening.”
Republicans argue that the bill’s tax cuts will stimulate the economy.
Dean Baker, a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, told Xinhua: “There will be little net effect. The biggest effect is likely to be contractionary from the (tariffs).”
Source: People’s Republic of China – State Council News
Photo taken on July 31, 2021 shows the statues on the square of Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing Limited (HKEX) in south China’s Hong Kong. [Photo/Xinhua]
Hong Kong has beaten all the other capital markets in the world to raise over 105 billion Hong Kong dollars (13.38 billion U.S. dollars) through initial public offerings (IPOs) in the first half of 2025, as capital inflows into the city continues amid global market jitters.
The Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing Limited (HKEX) data showed that 42 companies were listed in the first six months, up 40 percent from the same period last year. Total funds raised stood at the highest since 2021, crushing the 87.6 billion Hong Kong dollars annual total in 2024.
The HKEX claimed top spot worldwide in terms of total IPO proceeds in the first half of this year, well ahead of Nasdaq’s 71.3 billion Hong Kong dollars, a Deloitte report showed.
Industry insiders say Hong Kong’s securities market became a global investors’ go-to platform to add Chinese assets to their portfolios.
Capital inflow into Hong Kong has risen from 366 billion U.S. dollars at the beginning of last year to 605 billion dollars in April, the highest since 2000, data from Hang Seng Bank showed.
Many global investors first look to Hong Kong to diversify risks, and, impressed by the economic vitality of the Chinese mainland and Hong Kong, chose to increase their holdings, said Paul Chan, financial secretary of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government.
Pro-growth policy efforts from the central government and the HKSAR’s measures to streamline listing procedures have worked together to lift Hong Kong’s stock market, said HKEX Chairman Carlson Tong.
Among this year’s new IPOs, crowd favorites are those of tech firms in artificial intelligence, 5G and smart vehicles, as well as new consumption companies, which cultivate and profit on consumer behaviors with the help of new technologies. Both are signatures of China’s economic upgrades.
Chinese electric vehicle (EV) battery maker Contemporary Amperex Technology (CATL) raised over 40 billion Hong Kong dollars in May, drawing investments from Europe, the Middle East and the United States. It is the largest IPO in Hong Kong in recent years and a shoo-in for the largest worldwide this year.
As flag bearers of new consumption trends, bubble tea makers like Mixue Bingcheng and Auntea Jenny marked memorable H1 IPOs, while Chinese fast food chain Home Original Chicken and snack brand Three Squirrels are waiting in line.
The avid investor turnout to these new consumption IPOs is a token of faith in the resilience of China’s domestic demand, as these companies have developed tried and tested business models to meet the needs of younger consumers, analysts say.
Hong Kong’s IPO market is expected to maintain steam in the second half. Edward Au, southern region managing partner of Deloitte China, said there are currently more than 170 applications in progress and estimated that a total of 80 IPOs will raise around 200 billion Hong Kong dollars this year.
As dependence on U.S. dollar-denominated assets wanes, global investors are increasingly seeking to diversify their portfolios, said Tong, adding that the HKEX is working with counterparts in the Middle East and Southeast Asia to widen access to funding for tech firms worldwide.
US Senate News:
Source: United States Senator for Idaho Mike Crapo
Washington, D.C.–U.S. Senators Mike Crapo and Jim Risch (both R-Idaho) joined U.S. Senator Bill Hagerty (R-Tennessee), a member of the Senate Rules Committee, and sixteen colleagues in reintroducing the Equal Representation Act, legislation to ensure that only legal citizens are factored into the count for congressional districts and the Electoral College map that determines presidential elections. The current method of counting illegal immigrants for purposes of representation serves as a perverse incentive for open borders to boost the relative political power of the states and voters that court it.
“Only U.S. citizens should be included in Census Bureau counts to apportion congressional and Electoral College representation,” said Senator Crapo. “This vital reform would prevent states like California and New York from padding their population totals with those here illegally to tip the scales and boost their political power in Washington, D.C.”
“Democrats are undermining the rights of U.S. citizens by encouraging illegal immigrants to enter our country and skew congressional redistricting for political gain,” said Senator Risch. “The Equal Representation Act requires that the Census Bureau include a citizenship question ensuring American values and voices take priority.”
“It is unconscionable that illegal immigrants and non-citizens are counted toward congressional district apportionment and our electoral map for the presidency, which also heavily skews the seat count in the U.S. House of Representatives,” said Senator Hagerty. “While people continue to flee Democrat-run cities, desperate Democrats have back-filled the mass exodus with illegal immigrants so that they do not lose their seats in Congress or their electoral votes, hence artificially boosting their political power and in turn diluting the power of other Americans’ votes. I’m pleased to lead my colleagues in reintroducing this legislation that would require a citizenship question on the census and will ensure that only citizens are counted in congressional redistricting.”
Currently, illegal immigrants are counted for congressional district apportionment and, therefore, Electoral College votes. For example, in a state like California, millions of illegal alien residents result in California taking several more congressional seats and Electoral College votes than the state’s population of citizens would justify. In other words, being a magnet for illegal immigration increases the power of a Californian’s vote relative to an individual in another state with less population boost from illegal immigration. This creates a perverse incentive encouraging illegal immigration and resettlement to increase political power.
Co-sponsors of the legislation include Senators Katie Britt (R-Alabama), Ted Budd (R-North Carolina), Kevin Cramer (R-North Dakota), Steve Daines (R-Montana), John Hoeven (R-North Dakota), Ron Johnson (R-Wisconsin), Jim Justice (R-West Virginia), James Lankford (R-Oklahoma), Mike Lee (R-Utah), Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyoming), Roger Marshall (R-Kansas), Pete Ricketts (R-Nebraska), Eric Schmitt (R-Missouri), Rick Scott (R-Florida), Tim Sheehy (R-Montana) and Tommy Tuberville (R-Alabama).
The Equal Representation Act:
Background:
Full text of the legislation can be found here.
Source: United States Small Business Administration
SACRAMENTO, Calif. – The U.S. Small Business Administration (SBA) announced the availability of low interest federal disaster loans to Kansas small businesses, private nonprofits and residents to offset physical and economic losses from severe storms, torrential rain and flooding occurring June 3-7. The SBA issued a disaster declaration in response to a request received from Gov. Laura Kelly on June 26.
The declaration covers the Kansas counties of Butler, Chase, Cowley, Elk, Greenwood, Harvey, Marion, Sedgwick and Sumner.
Businesses and nonprofits are eligible to apply for business physical disaster loans and may borrow up to $2 million to repair or replace disaster-damaged or destroyed real estate, machinery and equipment, inventory, and other business assets.
Homeowners and renters are eligible to apply for home and personal property loans and may borrow up to $100,000 to replace or repair personal property, such as clothing, furniture, cars, and appliances. Homeowners may apply for up to $500,000 to replace or repair their primary residence.
Applicants may be eligible for a loan increase of up to 20% of their physical damages, as verified by the SBA, for mitigation purposes. Eligible mitigation improvements include insulating pipes, walls and attics, weather stripping doors and windows, and installing storm windows to help protect property and occupants from future disasters.
SBA’s Economic Injury Disaster Loan (EIDL) program is available to eligible small businesses, small agricultural cooperatives, nurseries and private nonprofit (PNP)organizations impacted by financial losses directly related to this disaster. The SBA is unable to provide disaster loans to agricultural producers, farmers, or ranchers, except for aquaculture enterprises.
EIDLs are for working capital needs caused by the disaster and are available even if the business or PNP did not suffer any physical damage. They may be used to pay fixed debts, payroll, accounts payable, and other bills not paid due to the disaster.
Interest rates are as low as 4% for businesses, 3.62% for nonprofits, and 2.81% for homeowners and renters with terms up to 30 years. Interest does not begin to accrue, and payments are not due until 12 months from the date of the first loan disbursement. The SBA sets loan amounts and terms based on each applicant’s financial condition.
“When disasters strike, SBA’s Disaster Loan Outreach Centers play a vital role in helping small businesses and their communities recover,” said Chris Stallings, associate administrator of the Office of Disaster Recovery and Resilience at the SBA. “At these centers, SBA specialists assist business owners and residents with disaster loan applications and provide information on the full range of recovery programs available.”
Beginning Tuesday, July 1, SBA customer service representatives will be on hand at the following Disaster Loan Outreach Center (DLOC) to answer questions about SBA’s disaster loan program, explain the application process and help each individual complete their application. Walk-ins are accepted, but you can schedule an in-person appointment in advance at appointment.sba.gov.
The DLOC hours of operation are as follows:
BUTLER COUNTY
Disaster Loan Outreach Center
Butler County Historic Courthouse
First Floor – former driver’s license room
205 W. Central Ave.
El Dorado, KS 67042
Opens at 12:00 p.m., Tuesday, July 1
Mondays – Fridays, 8:00 a.m. – 4:30 p.m.
Closed Friday, July 4 for Independence Day
Permanently closes at 4:30 p.m., Thursday, July 24
To apply online, visit sba.gov/disaster. Applicants may also call SBA’s Customer Service Center at (800) 659-2955 or email disastercustomerservice@sba.gov for more information on SBA disaster assistance. For people who are deaf, hard of hearing, or have a speech disability, please dial 7-1-1 to access telecommunications relay services.
The deadline to return physical damage applications is Aug. 26, 2025. The deadline to return economic injury applications is March 27, 2026.
###
About the U.S. Small Business Administration
The U.S. Small Business Administration helps power the American dream of business ownership. As the only go-to resource and voice for small businesses backed by the strength of the federal government, the SBA empowers entrepreneurs and small business owners with the resources and support they need to start, grow, expand their businesses, or recover from a declared disaster. It delivers services through an extensive network of SBA field offices and partnerships with public and private organizations. To learn more, visit www.sba.gov.
US Senate News:
Source: United States Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn)
WASHINGTON – U.S. Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-MN), Ranking Member of the Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry, raised a Point of Order challenging the unprecedented unfunded mandate imposed by the SNAP cuts in the Republicans’ “Big Beautiful Betrayal.”
The bill requires states, for the first time, to cover a portion of SNAP benefits and pay for an additional share of program administration costs. This will shift billions of dollars onto state and local governments, forcing them to cut food assistance or reduce funding for other critical priorities like public safety, education, or infrastructure. All 23 Democratic Governors have spoken out against this proposal, and four Governors joined Klobuchar to call out these unfunded mandates last week.
Senator Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) joined all 47 Senate Democrats in voting for this Point of Order.
A rough transcript of Klobuchar remarks is available below and video can be downloaded here.
Klobuchar: Mr. President, I make a Point of Order that the pending measure contains an unfunded intergovernmental mandate, and thus it violates section 425(a)(2) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974.
In nutrition assistance alone, this bill shifts tens of billions of dollars onto the states, creating chaos for state budgets and hardship for families. CBO score for this bill says this, “the non-tax provisions of the substitute amendment would impose intergovernmental and private sector mandates, as defined in the Unfunded Mandates Reform Act, and that the snap cost shift provisions would impose the largest intergovernmental mandate.”
Seriously, the largest shift in this whole bill, the largest unfunded mandate, is on the backs of kids and veterans and seniors, and people with disabilities. $64 billion over to the states. 44 of them have balanced budget amendments. You know, they can’t pay for this.
It’s hurting local grocery stores. It’s hurting our farmers, and it’s all done to pay for tax cuts to the wealthy. I say to our colleagues, vote for families over billionaires. Vote for fiscal sanity over this big beautiful betrayal, and vote yes. This is an unfunded mandate.
Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Yanyan Hong, PhD Candidate in Communication, Media and Film Studies, University of Adelaide
Bollywood star Aamir Khan’s return to the big screen after a three-year hiatus has been far from ordinary. Sitaare Zameen Par (2025) which translates to “stars on Earth”, is the first major Bollywood production to feature a mostly neurodivergent cast.
A remake of the 2018 Spanish film Campeones, the story follows a mouthy, knuckle-headed basketball coach, Gulshan (Aamir Khan), who is put in charge of a team of players with intellectual disabilities.
The film slowly grows into itself, much like its characters, but ultimately delivers what the trailer promises: a heartwarming, humorous and uplifting celebration of our individual differences.
In an era of blockbuster spectacles, Aamir Khan Productions brings back a kind of Bollywood storytelling we haven’t seen in a while – something sincere, gentle and quietly revolutionary.
Aamir Khan was born in Mumbai in 1965, and started his acting career as a child actor in his uncle’s film Yaadon Ki Baaraat (1973).
Khan is now one of Bollywood’s most enduring and respected figures. He is one of the iconic “three Khans”, alongside Shah Rukh Khan and Salman Khan (the three are unrelated), who have dominated Indian cinema since the 1990s.
But unlike his Khan counterparts, Aamir Khan has carved a unique career path built on both commercial success and socially-driven storytelling.
He is known for championing social causes through cinema. In one 2015 article, media studies professor Vamsee Juluri referred to him as a “national conscience figure”.
Khan’s films don’t just entertain; they challenge norms and often spark national conversations on important issues.
From producing Lagaan: Once Upon a Time in India (2001), India’s Oscar-nominated colonial-era sports epic, to his directorial debut Taare Zameen Par (2007), a moving portrait of a child with dyslexia, Khan’s work often brings underrepresented stories to the mainstream.
His film PK (2014) challenges religious dogma. Meanwhile, Dangal (2016) is a boundary-pushing film based on real-life female wrestlers from rural India, and is also Bollywood’s highest-grossing film of all time.
Beyond the box office, Khan has hosted the TV show Satyamev Jayate (2012–14), which is also the national emblem of India, meaning “truth alone triumphs”.
This show tackles various topics considered taboo in Indian societies, including female feticide, domestic violence and caste discrimination. It has reached millions of households, and even ignited parliamentary debates.
Khan is also popular in other countries, including China, where his films 3 Idiots (2009), Dangal (2016) and Secret Superstar (2017) were massive hits that resonated with audiences for their universal themes.
Sitaare Zameen Par marks his return following the commercial underperformance of Laal Singh Chaddha (2022), an Indian remake of Forrest Gump (1994).
Directed by R.S. Prasanna, Sitaare Zameen Par enjoyed a strong opening weekend at the box office.
It stars ten individuals with special needs as they prepare for a basketball tournament under the direction of their coach (Khan). This plot alone makes the film a significant entry to Indian cinema, which often ignores or misrepresents disability.
Despite early online trolling and negativity, the film depicts its neurodivergent characters not as victims, or “inspirations”, but simply as people with dreams, struggles and joy.
One line captures this beautifully: “Everyone sticks to their own normal. We each have our own normal.”
Aamir Khan, now 60, plays a key role in the film, but doesn’t dominate it. Instead, his younger co-stars shine. The result is a healing film that celebrates inclusion, while being full of joy and humanity.
No film is perfect. But it’s hard to dislike a film made with so much compassion.
Bollywood as an industry has increasingly leaned into action-packed blockbusters, as well as nationalist and Hindu-centred narratives (such as in the 2022 film Brahmāstra).
While many of these offer thrills, few deliver the kind of emotional and social depth that once defined Hindi cinema’s global appeal. Much like Taare Zameen Par – a spiritual prequel to the new release – did 18 years ago, Sitaare Zameen Par invites the audience to slow down and reflect.
It prompts neurotypical viewers to see people with Down’s syndrome as part of the same emotional universe as them – and to laugh with, not at them.
In an interview, Khan explains how the film goes further than just neurodivergent representation, to participation:
In [Taare Zameen Par], it’s the teacher, Nikumbh, a supposedly neuro-typical person, who helps the child with dyslexia. In this film, ten neuro-atypical people are helping the coach, Gulshan. I feel Sitare takes the discourse of the first film ten steps ahead, especially in our country where people need to be sensitised to the topic of neurodivergence.
Last week, India’s president, Droupadi Murmu, attended a special screening and met the cast. The visit sent a clear messsage: stories like this matter.
With Sitaare Zameen Par, Aamir Khan returns to what he does best: using film as both a mirror and message for Indian society. While it won’t change the world overnight, it will make viewers see the world, and each other, a little differently.
Yanyan Hong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Aamir Khan’s big screen comeback, Sitaare Zameen Par, features an all-star neurodivergent cast – a Bollywood first – https://theconversation.com/aamir-khans-big-screen-comeback-sitaare-zameen-par-features-an-all-star-neurodivergent-cast-a-bollywood-first-259673
Source: IMF – News in Russian
June 30, 2025
Washington, DC: The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) completed the second review of the Extended Credit Facility (ECF) arrangement for Togo. The Board’s decision enables the immediate disbursement of about SDR 44.0 million (about US$ 60.5 million), which will be used for budget support. The ECF-arrangement provides overall financing of SDR 293.60 million (about US$ 403.4 million) on favorable terms.
The IMF approved the ECF arrangement in March 2024 to help the authorities address the legacies of shocks experienced since 2020, notably the COVID pandemic and the increase in global food and fuel prices. The Togolese authorities were able to lessen the impacts of these shocks on the Togolese population, but this came at the price of large fiscal deficits and a rapidly rising public debt burden. The IMF-supported government program aims to (i) make growth more inclusive while strengthening debt sustainability, and (ii) implement structural reforms to support growth and limit fiscal and financial sector risks. The IMF Executive Board completed the first ECF review in December 2024.
The medium-term outlook is broadly favorable, with continued robust growth. Economic growth reached an estimated 5.3 percent in 2024 and is projected at 5.2 percent in 2025 and 5.5 percent per year thereafter, according to IMF staff projections, barring major adverse shocks. Headline inflation eased to 2.6 percent in April 2025 and core inflation (which excludes the prices of energy and fresh products) fell to 1.3 percent (annual averages).
However, the outlook is subject to high risks. In particular, insecurity from the presence of terrorist groups at the country’s northern border continues, putting pressure on spending. The authorities face challenging trade-offs between the need to achieve fiscal consolidation to lower the debt burden and the need to maintain security, enhance inclusion, and support growth.
Implementation of the IMF-supported program has been broadly satisfactory. The authorities met all quantitative targets at end-December 2024 except for the performance criterion on the fiscal balance. A notable success has been that the authorities raised tax revenue in 2024 as planned and pushed non-tax revenue beyond expectations. At the same time, higher-than-budgeted spending pushed debt higher. The authorities also met all but one structural benchmark due since the completion of the first ECF review, thanks to public financial management and banking sector reforms.
At the conclusion of the Executive Board’s discussion, Mr. Kenji Okamura, Deputy Managing Director, and Acting Chair, made the following statement:
“The authorities have implemented the IMF-supported program in an overall satisfactory manner in an environment marked by continued security challenges, tight financing conditions, and elevated global uncertainty. Among other achievements, the authorities mobilized tax revenue in line with targets, while non-tax revenue exceeded projections.
“Nonetheless, progress on fiscal consolidation has been slower than programmed due to operations the authorities recorded below the line, resulting in faster-than-expected debt accumulation. The authorities’ efforts to address this development, in particular the publication of an innovative note on budget execution and debt accumulation, are welcome.
“Against this background, the authorities are encouraged to redouble their efforts at fiscal consolidation while preserving growth and strengthening inclusion. The IMF approves the authorities’ request for a limited relaxation of the fiscal deficit target for 2024 and for delaying the goal of lowering the present value of debt below 55 percent of GDP by one year, to 2027. These modifications appropriately balance the need to respond to security threats against the need to strengthen debt sustainability.
“Further, the authorities are encouraged to continue efforts to enhance revenue while making taxation more efficient, supported by a timely elaboration of a medium-term revenue mobilization strategy. Reforms to improve the efficiency of spending and strengthen the effectiveness of the social safety net, including phasing out fuel subsidies, will also be important. Further, it will be important to strengthen electricity and water provision, including raising tariffs to ensure cost recovery in combination with measures to protect the most vulnerable.
“The IMF welcomes the authorities’ efforts to reduce financial sector and fiscal risks by recapitalizing the remaining state-owned bank, which have boosted the bank’s compliance with regulatory norms. Further efforts will be needed to address the remaining breaches of regulatory norms and to restructure the bank’s operations to ensure its stability and profitability.
“Finally, efforts to strengthen governance will be critical for nurturing the business environment and supporting sustainable growth. The authorities’ commitment to publishing the planned Governance Diagnostic Assessment is very welcome. The authorities should also align asset and income declarations regime with international standards.”
|
Togo: Selected Economic and Financial Indicators, 2023–27 |
|||||
|
2023 |
2024 |
2025 |
2026 |
2027 |
|
|
Estimates |
Projections |
||||
|
Real GDP |
5.6 |
5.3 |
5.2 |
5.5 |
5.5 |
|
Real GDP per capita |
3.1 |
2.8 |
2.7 |
3.0 |
3.0 |
|
GDP deflator |
2.9 |
2.2 |
2.0 |
2.0 |
2.0 |
|
Consumer price index (annual average) |
5.3 |
2.9 |
2.3 |
2.0 |
2.0 |
|
GDP (CFAF billions) |
5,507 |
5,927 |
6,360 |
6,843 |
7,364 |
|
Exchange rate CFAF/US$ (annual average level) |
606 |
… |
… |
… |
… |
|
Real effective exchange rate (appreciation = –) |
-8.2 |
… |
… |
… |
… |
|
Terms of trade (deterioration = –) |
2.5 |
-0.4 |
-0.3 |
0.9 |
0.6 |
|
Monetary survey |
|||||
|
Net foreign assets |
2.0 |
1.3 |
3.6 |
2.4 |
2.3 |
|
Net credit to government |
1.2 |
8.6 |
2.6 |
-1.3 |
-0.1 |
|
Credit to nongovernment sector |
2.9 |
3.6 |
1.4 |
7.4 |
7.0 |
|
Broad money (M2) |
6.5 |
8.5 |
7.3 |
7.6 |
7.6 |
|
Velocity (GDP/end-of-period M2) |
2.0 |
2.0 |
2.0 |
2.0 |
2.0 |
|
Investment and savings |
|||||
|
Gross domestic investment |
28.0 |
26.8 |
25.6 |
24.4 |
25.3 |
|
Government |
11.5 |
10.1 |
8.5 |
7.1 |
7.8 |
|
Nongovernment |
16.5 |
16.7 |
17.1 |
17.3 |
17.5 |
|
Gross national savings |
24.0 |
23.7 |
23.2 |
23.0 |
24.3 |
|
Government |
4.8 |
2.7 |
4.6 |
4.1 |
4.8 |
|
Nongovernment |
19.2 |
20.9 |
18.7 |
18.8 |
19.5 |
|
Government budget |
|||||
|
Total revenue and grants |
19.8 |
19.0 |
18.8 |
18.5 |
19.0 |
|
Revenue |
16.8 |
17.0 |
16.6 |
17.1 |
17.6 |
|
Tax revenue |
14.8 |
14.9 |
15.4 |
15.9 |
16.4 |
|
Expenditure and net lending |
26.6 |
26.4 |
22.7 |
21.5 |
22.0 |
|
Expenditure and net lending (excl. banking sector operations) |
26.6 |
25.4 |
22.3 |
21.5 |
22.0 |
|
Primary balance (commitment basis, incl. grants) |
-3.9 |
-4.5 |
-1.2 |
-0.2 |
-0.4 |
|
Overall balance (commitment basis, incl. grants, excl. banking sector operations) |
-6.7 |
-6.4 |
-3.5 |
-3.0 |
-3.0 |
|
Overall balance (commitment basis, incl. grants) |
-6.7 |
-7.4 |
-3.9 |
-3.0 |
-3.0 |
|
Primary balance (cash basis, incl. grants) |
-3.9 |
-4.5 |
-1.2 |
-0.2 |
-0.4 |
|
Overall balance (cash basis, incl. grants, excl. banking sector operations) |
-6.7 |
-6.4 |
-3.5 |
-3.0 |
-3.0 |
|
Overall balance (cash basis, incl. grants) |
-6.7 |
-7.4 |
-3.9 |
-3.0 |
-3.0 |
|
External sector |
|||||
|
Current account balance |
-4.0 |
-3.2 |
-2.3 |
-1.4 |
-1.0 |
|
Exports (goods and services) |
26.3 |
25.5 |
25.5 |
25.5 |
25.7 |
|
Imports (goods and services) |
-37.8 |
-35.9 |
-34.3 |
-32.8 |
-32.5 |
|
External public debt1 |
26.3 |
30.4 |
32.8 |
32.1 |
32.7 |
|
External public debt service (percent of exports)1 |
7.7 |
10.0 |
14.8 |
15.0 |
8.1 |
|
Domestic public debt2 |
42.3 |
41.7 |
37.5 |
36.6 |
34.3 |
|
Total public debt3 |
68.6 |
72.1 |
70.2 |
68.7 |
66.9 |
|
Total public debt (excluding SOEs)4 |
67.3 |
71.2 |
69.6 |
68.2 |
66.6 |
|
Present value of total public debt3 |
62.3 |
63.2 |
60.0 |
57.0 |
54.0 |
|
Sources: Togolese authorities and IMF staff estimates and projections. |
|||||
|
1 Includes state-owned enterprise external debt. |
|||||
|
2 Includes domestic arrears and state-owned enterprise domestic debt. |
|||||
|
3 Includes domestic arrears and state-owned enterprise debt. |
|||||
|
4 Includes domestic arrears. |
|||||
PRESS OFFICER: Kwabena Akuamoah-Boateng
Phone: +1 202 623-7100Email: MEDIA@IMF.org
https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/06/30/pr25229-togo-imf-completes-the-second-review-under-the-ecf-arrangement-for-togo
Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Egodi Uchendu, Professor (of History and International Studies), University of Nigeria
The west Africa–Sahel region has seen a proliferation of militant Islamist groups since the 1990s.
One of the most vicious groups operating in the region is Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (Support Group for Islam and Muslims). The militant group emerged in 2017 in Algeria and Mali, and has targeted civilian populations.
The UN listed the group as an al-Qaeda affiliate in 2018. Al-Qaeda is an Islamist organisation founded by Osama bin Laden in the 1980s.
The 2024 global terrorism index listed Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin as one of the world’s most dangerous terrorist organisations. Its influence has expanded in most parts of the Sahel. The group emerged to strengthen the jihadist insurgency under al-Qaeda. It combines violence with diplomacy to expand its influence and challenge state authorities.
Despite growing pressure from counter militancy campaigns spearheaded by local, regional and international militaries, Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin continues to survive and adapt by regrouping and reorganising. This was demonstrated in its latest operation in Burkina Faso in 2024. The group exerted significant control by closing schools, setting up taxation checkpoints and abducting locals.
Its engagement in illicit economies has been key to the group’s successful expansion. This revenue is used to carry out devastating attacks.
We research jihadi-based insurgencies, and have found that this is a common tactic among terrorist groups in the west Africa-Sahel axis, including Boko Haram militants.
From our research, we find that Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin funds its activities by relying on
artisanal mining
kidnapping
livestock theft
money laundering.
Dismantling the group’s illicit economies and blocking its financial flows are key to countering its activities.
The group needs money for fighting, and to sustain political and social influence in its areas of operation.
Artisanal gold mining has proven to be a major factor in its expansion and resilience. In areas where the group exerts influence, illicit gold mining generates over US$30 billion annually. According to a report by Swissaid, a development group based in Switzerland, the main destinations for this gold are the United Arab Emirates, Turkey and Switzerland.
The jihadists gain access to gold by controlling mining sites and transport routes to and from mines. They sometimes allow trusted allies, who include local armed groups, bandits and other criminal networks, to mine in exchange for a payout. The extent of gold mining funds is not exactly known, but the artisanal sites in areas controlled by the group have the capacity to produce 725 kilograms of gold per year, valued at US$34 million.
Read more:
West Africa could soon have a jihadist state – here’s why
Another source of income – and political influence – is kidnapping for ransom. Kidnap victims include cattle owners, businessmen, state officials and foreigners. The group received a ₤30 million ransom in 2020 to release one French and two Italian hostages. Between 2017 and 2023, the group and its affiliated units were responsible for 845 out of approximately 1,100 recorded kidnappings in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. Burkina Faso and Mali remain the epicentre of the group’s violent activities. In the first quarter of 2023, over 180 cases of kidnapping were recorded in these countries’ war-torn areas.
Livestock theft has also been a critical source of funds. The practice of livestock theft as economic warfare and a means to generate funds has led to livestock being forcibly taken from herders who fail to pay zakat (a religious fee among Muslims) or subscribe to the group’s ideology. The stolen livestock are sold in Mali, Mauritania or Senegal. The ability to monetise stolen livestock makes their theft a cornerstone of the Sahelian war economy and a source of cash for weapons and vehicles.
Money laundering is another illicit economy central to the militant group’s financing. It lends money to merchants, invests with banks and funds small shops with the aim of getting profits. This helps ensure a constant flow of money and provisions to support the group’s terrorist acts. It has attached much importance to this illicit economy, to the extent of assassinating those who interfere with its investments.
To cut down Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin’s financial base – and thereby weaken its capacity for militancy – counterinsurgency efforts need to take the following actions.
Government security actors should collaborate with local self-defence militias to regulate artisanal mining and thwart kidnappings.
Financial intelligence units need to identify merchants who receive money from the militant group to block the flow of illicit funds.
Read more:
Jihadism and coups in West Africa’s Sahel region: a complex relationship
Specialised courts that deal with money laundering and terrorism financing cases should be established and made operational in Burkina Faso and Mali, the epicentres of the group’s activities.
Burkina Faso and Mali should increase security around civilians to minimise civilian casualties from terror operations.
Since finance is the basis of the militant group’s strength, regional security co-operation should be strengthened. This would help with systematically tracking illicit flows and stopping them.
Egodi Uchendu receives funding from the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, Germany. She has also received funding from TETFund, Nigeria, the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA), Senegal, The A. G. Leventis Foundation, Greece, and the Fulbright Commission, USA.
Muhammed Sani Dangusau does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Funding terror: how west Africa’s deadly jihadists get the money they need to survive – https://theconversation.com/funding-terror-how-west-africas-deadly-jihadists-get-the-money-they-need-to-survive-242306
MIL OSI –
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Pedro Tabensky, Director, Allan Gray Centre for Leadership Ethics, Rhodes University
A typical student wants a university degree as a ticket to a salary. For this young person, education is a journey towards “having”. And the way to complete the journey is mainly to remember, repeat or reproduce what the teacher says and does.
This having-orientation is understandable given the often precarious realities of life, particularly in the global south, including South Africa, where I am based as a university lecturer. It is understandable, yet it fosters apathy in the classroom, for the monetary aims of students are not typically aligned with the aims of learning.
In response to this situation, for a decade Rhodes University’s Allan Gray Centre for Leadership Ethics has been developing a course called IiNtetho zoBomi, which translates from isiXhosa, one of South Africa’s languages, as “conversations about life”.
IiNtetho zoBomi is a year-long course offered to all students at the university. Over 2,000 have completed it since its inception. It aims to bridge the gap between character education and vocational education. The course shows students how interrelated reading, writing, thinking and being are.
It’s an opportunity for students to think about what matters to them and how to live accordingly. We hope they learn to have a say in how their lives will go. We want them to understand how education will equip them for life – not just work – and promote self-mastery. Ideally, students will realise along the way that self-mastery comes from learning with others in communities of inquiry.
With my colleagues at the centre, I wrote about the course in a recent paper, explaining the thinking behind it and how it works. From initial reticence and outright suspicion, the course is starting to receive broad institutional support from academics and management. The idea has been mooted that it should become become a common course for all first-year students.
The course has also received an endorsement from educational sociologist Kathy Luckett and feminist philosopher Ann Cahill. In their review of the course they commented that it had developed “a unique and powerful form of pedagogy that is clearly speaking to students’ interests and existential needs, and effectively providing students with capacities that allow them to author their own thoughts and lives”.
If a salary is the overriding motive for pursuing higher education, it helps to explain why so many students seem to lack inquisitiveness to seek knowledge, and hence are not in the correct frame of mind required for deep learning and the human growth that comes with the learning mindset.
This lack of inquisitiveness is also encouraged by the fact that the global university has primarily become a market service provider. The market wants and needs professionals, and universities provide them. This may not be a problem, unless the professional aspect of human life is separated, as it often is, from the central goal of education: to form well-adjusted, autonomous human beings.
This severance between learning for work and learning for life leaves human growth to chance. It fosters the passive absorption of whatever happens to be in the air of the times, instead of the formation of a capacity for critical thinking necessary for autonomy.
Contemporary universities presume that if one looks after people’s career concerns, life will look after itself, which is a grave mistake.
The course includes student-led lectures, peer dialogues and weekly service learning at local no-fee paying public primary schools. The students also keep journals in which they reflect on their lives in relation to the course’s material.
We introduce students to ideas such as the existential psychologist Erich Fromm’s distinction between “being” and “having” orientations to education. In other words, a good education helps you to be a certain way, not just to have certain things.
Students also learn that “to take freedom for granted is to extinguish the possibility of attaining it”, as expressed in the documentary Creating Freedom: The Lottery of Birth. This is the idea that people are shaped by circumstances, and understanding how these circumstances shape them is a first step in attaining real freedom. We show this documentary to our students in addition to other movies and documentaries about the weekly topics discussed in class.
We encourage students to develop an inner dialogue and understand that they passively absorb much of what their thinking draws on. We challenge students to consider what they see, or fail to see, and how they see it. We invite students to reflect on how external forces like peer pressure and ideology act on them, as do internal forces like the confirmation bias (which motivates us to favour information that confirms what we already believe and to ignore information that doesn’t).
The following idea frames the content of the course: barriers to acting ethically, indeed to autonomy, are produced by psychological, social and political forces.
Then there is the service-learning aspect of Iintetho zoBomi.
This is about the students getting involved in communities and learning through one-on-one interactions with children at no-fee primary schools, helping them with English literacy and life orientation-related schoolwork. Our students learn by teaching learners material that’s related to IiNtetho zoBomi. Service learning helps bring ideas and experiences together.
We are seeing encouraging results in the form of hundreds of unsolicited comments relating to how the course has transformed the lives of our students.
Most of these comments come from student reflective journals. Lecturers read the journals as the main form of assessment of IiNtetho zoBomi. Some students even wrote articles in local media about what they had learned. In one of the articles, student Tanatswa Chivhere concludes that:
Most of us who have done the course can testify to how it made us more aware of how our thoughts and actions impact the world as a whole. IiNtetho zoBomi has changed the way in which I view my place in the world and how to use that place to better not only my life, but those of others around me.
Pedro Tabensky works for Rhodes University. He receives funding from the Allan & Gill Gray Philanthropies.
– ref. Universities must teach students what freedom is – a South African course is trying to do just that – https://theconversation.com/universities-must-teach-students-what-freedom-is-a-south-african-course-is-trying-to-do-just-that-239332
MIL OSI –
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Jules Gazeaud, Chargé de recherche CNRS, Université Clermont Auvergne (UCA)
Reprinted by permission from VoxDev
The spread of conditional cash transfer programmes in low- and middle-income countries has been described as perhaps the most remarkable innovation of recent decades in welfare programmes. These programmes provide regular cash transfers to poor families contingent on specific behaviours. These include school enrolment and regular attendance.
The programmes started in the late 1990s in Mexico and quickly became the public policy of choice to fight poverty and low enrolment. Today, more than 60 countries operate education conditional cash transfer programmes, often at a national scale.
There is plenty of evidence showing that conditional cash transfers boost enrolment. But evidence on their impacts on children’s learning is mixed. Explanations for the lack of learning gains relate to the short-term nature of the evaluations, which may not provide enough time for the learning effects to materialise.
In recent research, conducted in Morocco, we show that conditional cash transfers can constrain learning when no accompanying measures are taken by governments to account for increased enrolment. We found that the introduction of a programme can deteriorate school quality and thus constrain learning for children who enrol in school.
We looked at a programme implemented at scale in Morocco. Known as Tayssir, it began operating in 2008 and quickly became the flagship education policy of a government strongly committed to reducing school dropout rates.
Earlier research showed that the pilot version of Tayssir had substantial positive effects on enrolment, but not on learning.
Following this evaluation, Tayssir was quickly scaled-up to reach annually up to 800,000 children in 434 municipalities. Because the allocation of transfers remained remarkably stable over time, the scaled-up version of Tayssir offers an ideal setup to study how conditional cash transfer programmes affect learning, with enough time for the effects to materialise.
Tayssir targeted all municipalities with a poverty rate above 30% and all households with children aged 6-15 within these municipalities.
To study the impacts of the programme, we used data from the information system of Morocco’s ministry of education.
In the first part of our analysis, we assessed Tayssir’s effects on dropout rates and checked for possible differences with the research done in 2015 on the pilot version of the scheme.
We confirmed that the grade-specific dropout rate decreased by 1.3 percentage points on average (41% of the sample mean). This is equivalent to an increase in enrolment of about 9 percentage points by the end of grade 6.
We found a greater decrease for girls: 1.8 percentage points, or 50% of the sample mean.
Remarkably, these estimates were in line with those on the pilot, despite the nationwide expansion of the programme and the ten-fold increase in the number of beneficiaries.
The reduction of the dropout rates induced by Tayssir may have affected both class size and class composition by retaining lower-ability students. This could potentially lead to negative effects on learning outcomes through peer effects and less effective teaching practices.
Our estimates show that class size in targeted areas increased by 3.6 students by the end of primary school, equivalent to 12% of the sample mean.
Variation in class composition increased by 0.30 standard deviations (SD) by the end of primary school.
Figure 1 shows that these effects are stronger in higher grades. This suggests that the reduction in dropout rates accumulated over time and progressively overburdened school resources. Large effects in grade 1 likely reflect the fact that children in targeted municipalities started school earlier – possibly to benefit from the transfers – and repeated grade 1 more often.
Figure 1: Effect of Tayssir on class size and heterogeneity
Notes: Each bar reports the coefficient estimate of the local average treatment effects of Tayssir. The dependent variables are class size (number of students per class) and class heterogeneity (standard deviation of the GPAs within a class). 95% confidence intervals are reported.
Larger class sizes and increased differences in class composition had negative impacts on children’s test scores.
In the final part of our analysis, we looked at the effects on test scores at the end of primary school exam. We found that Tayssir had negative effects on test scores. We estimated that the programme reduced test scores by 0.12 standard deviation for the full sample.
Our insights should not be interpreted as evidence that policymakers should not pursue conditional cash transfer programmes. Such programmes, including the one we study, have proven particularly effective at increasing access to education, which is a crucial first step to enhance learning.
These programmes also have many other benefits. These include delayed marriage and childbearing for adolescent girls.
However, our results, together with evidence showing alarmingly low literacy and numeracy levels among students in low- and middle-income countries, indicate that the attendance gains from the programmes alone are unlikely to equip students with the foundational skills they need to thrive.
In fact, our results show that conditional cash transfer programmes can have adverse effects on learning when schools lack the necessary resources to accommodate the influx of new students. Such insights may be particularly relevant for other interventions aiming to increase school attendance without complementary investments in school capacity.
Recent decades have seen a surge in evaluations focusing on the learning effects of education interventions in low- and middle-income countries. Although there is no silver bullet to raise learning, some “great buys” emerged from the 2023 report of the Global Education Evidence Advisory Panel:
providing information on the benefits, costs and quality of education;
supporting teachers with structured pedagogy;
pedagogical interventions that tailor teaching to student learning.
In Morocco, where our study takes place, other scholars have demonstrated that an intervention combining two of these three “great buys” – targeted instruction based on learning level and structured pedagogy – yields large gains in learning.
Claire Ricard received funding from Agence Nationale de la Recherche of the French government through the program “Investissements d’avenir” (ANR-10-LABX-14-01).
Jules Gazeaud does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Moroccan schools are fuller thanks to cash grants. The problem now is the quality of their education – study – https://theconversation.com/moroccan-schools-are-fuller-thanks-to-cash-grants-the-problem-now-is-the-quality-of-their-education-study-243298
MIL OSI –
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Lloyd Hill, Lecturer, Stellenbosch University
When South Africa became a democracy in 1994, five of the country’s universities used Afrikaans as a medium of instruction. There were also two bilingual universities teaching in Afrikaans and English.
Stellenbosch University, about 50km from Cape Town, is the oldest historically Afrikaans university. Over the past three decades English has gradually replaced Afrikaans in the core functions of teaching and research.
The status of Afrikaans at formerly Afrikaans or bilingual universities remains the subject of considerable debate. This has led to litigation and three judgments in South Africa’s apex court, the constitutional court.
Afrikaans is commonly categorised as an Indo-European language, related to Dutch. It can be more accurately described as a Creole language that developed after the Dutch colonised the Cape in 1652. In 1925, standardised Afrikaans became an official language alongside English. It subsequently became associated with white Afrikaner nationalism and, from 1948, apartheid education policies. In 1976, Black students mobilised against attempts to make Afrikaans a compulsory medium of instruction in schools.
I’m a sociologist who studies language and communication in science and higher education. In a recent article and presentation I examined the three phases in which the language shift and the decline of Afrikaans at Stellenbosch University has unfolded.
The first phase (1994-2002) involved an attempt to defend Afrikaans institutional monolingualism. The second (2002-2015) saw a shift to institutional bilingualism. Afrikaans and English were used in undergraduate classes. The final and current phase began with the 2015-16 #FeesMustFall student protests. Pressure for the transformation of a predominantly white campus escalated. This triggered a rapid shift to English.
In 2024, the university’s language policy is, on paper, a scaled-down version of institutional bilingualism (Afrikaans and English). However, in practice English is the main medium of instruction. Afrikaans is, increasingly, not used across all disciplines. This reflects the trend at other formerly Afrikaans or bilingual public universities.
There is a case to be made for defending Stellenbosch University’s position as a centre of Afrikaans language and culture. But the centralised language planning apparatus it has developed over the past two decades is simply unsustainable. This case study prompts a broader reflection on languages and language planning within South African higher education.
First, for reasons related to its global academic status and its national second-language status, English has emerged as the dominant language of teaching and research at South African universities.
The second issue has to do with the nature of “language” at different levels of the education system. The official languages adopted in 1994 are not uniform “mother tongues” or “vehicles” moving from basic education to PhD.
Languages are more than individual “competencies”: they are political and economic projects. They are also particularly expensive and difficult to “plan” in university teaching and research.
In 1994, South Africa’s then-interim constitution recognised 11 official languages. It committed “the state” to “practical and positive measures to elevate the status and advance the use of these languages”.
Afrikaans universities faced a particular dilemma. How could they retain Afrikaans as a medium of instruction and open enrolment to formerly excluded Black students? These are generally second-language English speakers who opt to study in English.
Other historically Afrikaans institutions adopted parallel medium instruction. Stellenbosch University resisted this trend and asserted its autonomy as a monolingual institution. Postgraduate teaching and research, however, shifted to English. Afrikaans was reframed as an undergraduate teaching issue.
The university argued that the predominantly Afrikaans-speaking Western Cape and Northern Cape provinces needed an Afrikaans-medium university.
Two factors undermined this demographic argument. First, the university enjoys national status. This can be traced back to an elite Anglophone college system in the 19th century British Cape Colony. Second, after the 1994 transition, the university focused on internationalisation. It also established itself as a leading research-intensive institution. As a result it has increasingly attracted students and academics with little or no Afrikaans competency.
In the early 2000s South Africa’s higher education system was overhauled. This involved institutional mergers, which coincided with the adoption of the 2002 Language Policy for Higher Education. The policy effectively disestablished monolingual Afrikaans universities, stating:
The notion of Afrikaans universities runs counter to the end goal of a transformed higher education system.
Stellenbosch University adopted its first language policy and plan in 2002. Afrikaans was reframed as one of four undergraduate language options and described as “the default language of undergraduate learning and instruction”. A heated debate erupted in the Afrikaans media. In this first public – and acrimonious – taaldebat (language debate) many criticised the new “default” status of Afrikaans. That’s because, like a default setting on a computer, this option could be switched.
The new policy introduced formal language planning as an institutional process that would involve periodic policy updates. It also presented three module “options” that represented possible routes away from institutional monolingualism.
First, dual medium instruction involved using both English and Afrikaans in one lecture. Second, parallel medium instruction involved separate lectures in English and Afrikaans. Third was an English medium option. However, the second and third options were reserved for “exceptional circumstances”.
Within a few years, most modules shifted to the dual medium option. The university shifted to a dual medium form of institutional bilingualism. But a tacit racial assumption underpinned this model. The language policy ignored the growing enrolment of Black students and the appointment of Black staff members who didn’t have the required bilingual proficiency.
A new language policy, adopted in December 2014, tried to address the bilingual proficiency problem. It prioritised parallel medium instruction and “educational interpeting”. It never got off the ground.
Beginning in March 2015, a series of “Fallist” movements mobilised on South African campuses. A predominantly Black student movement called Open Stellenbosch was established. It aimed “to challenge the hegemony of white Afrikaans culture and the exclusion of Black students and staff”. Language policy was a key point of contention.
The university responded by redrafting its language policy. In June 2016 it established English as the primary medium of teaching at the undergraduate level.
This moment also marks the shift to what I term the second taaldebat. Afrikaans language activists now argued that English and Afrikaans ought to enjoy equal status. Institutional bilingualism became the new ideal framework for defending Afrikaans at Stellenbosch University.
Language activism included litigation, which ended in a constitutional court ruling. The court upheld the 2016 language policy review process. It also noted the “hard racial edge” to the evidence produced by Stellenbosch University. It remarked that:
Seen as a bloc, the new entrants for whom Afrikaans is an obstruction are not brown or white, but overwhelmingly Black.
Today, Stellenbosch remains notionally committed to “multilingualism”. In practice, this means a scaled down version of institutional bilingualism. It involves very limited parallel medium instruction and some simultaneous interpreting. English is the compulsory medium in modules where no duplication occurs.
Lloyd Hill received funding from the South African National Research Foundation (Grant #111845).
– ref. What one university’s 30-year transformation reveals about Afrikaans and language planning in South Africa – https://theconversation.com/what-one-universitys-30-year-transformation-reveals-about-afrikaans-and-language-planning-in-south-africa-242709
MIL OSI –
Source: The Conversation – UK – By John Curtice, Professor of Politics, University of Strathclyde and Senior Research Fellow, National Centre for Social Research
Keir Starmer has been dealing with his most serious parliamentary challenge since he became prime minister. More than a hundred Labour MPs backed a motion to stop in its tracks the government’s attempt to reduce the welfare bill, including by raising the threshold at which someone can claim disability benefit.
This issue has divided the parliamentary Labour party. But what does the public think?
Although there are signs people recognise that spending on disability benefits is now relatively high, the latest annual British Social Attitudes (BSA) report reveals that it is far from clear that they are supportive of cutbacks. And, unfortunately for the government this is especially true of those who voted Labour last year.
Ever since the late 1990s, BSA has regularly asked its respondents whether they would like “to see more or less government spending than now on benefits for disabled people who cannot work”. In 1998, 78% indicated they would like to see more spending. By 2011, that figure had fallen to 53%, and it was still no more than 56% in 2021.
Now, though, only 45% would like to see more money spent on disability benefits. For the first time, less than half the country backs giving those with a disability more help.
However, that does not mean most voters would like to see actual cutbacks. Only 11% say the government should spend less on disability benefits. The rest are content with the status quo.
Meanwhile, just 5% of those who voted Labour last year back less spending. Over half (53%) are in favour of an increase.
The government’s central argument is that it has become too easy to claim disability benefits and that this is discouraging people from getting back into employment.
There is some support for this view. Among the public in general, 29% say it is “too easy” to claim disability benefit. The trouble is, just as many, 29%, take the opposite view and say it is “too difficult”. The most popular response, given by 35%, is that it is “neither too easy nor too difficult”.
Meanwhile, among Labour voters, the balance of opinion is clearly tilted towards the view that claiming disability benefit is “too difficult”. As many as 39% say so, while only 20% feel it is “too easy”.
Similarly, most voters (62%) feel the requirement for people on disability benefits to take “active measures to find appropriate work” is “about right”. Just 11% feel it is “too weak”, while more than twice as many (23%) believe it is “too tough”. Only 6% of Labour voters believe it is “too weak”.
Want more politics coverage from academic experts? Every week, we bring you informed analysis of developments in government and fact check the claims being made.
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These figures help explain why the government has seemingly been struggling to head off the rebellion. Already burned by voters’ reaction to last year’s cutback to the winter fuel allowance, and with their party trailing Reform in the polls, Labour MPs now find themselves presented with another cut that threatens to be unpopular with many of those who put them into Westminster. Little wonder there are now signs the government is having to bend to their view.
.
John Curtice is currently in receipt of funding from the Economic and Social Research Council.
– ref. Labour is divided over disability cuts – here’s what the public thinks – https://theconversation.com/labour-is-divided-over-disability-cuts-heres-what-the-public-thinks-259840
MIL OSI –
Source: The Conversation – UK – By John Curtice, Professor of Politics, University of Strathclyde and Senior Research Fellow, National Centre for Social Research
Keir Starmer has been dealing with his most serious parliamentary challenge since he became prime minister. More than a hundred Labour MPs backed a motion to stop in its tracks the government’s attempt to reduce the welfare bill, including by raising the threshold at which someone can claim disability benefit.
This issue has divided the parliamentary Labour party. But what does the public think?
Although there are signs people recognise that spending on disability benefits is now relatively high, the latest annual British Social Attitudes (BSA) report reveals that it is far from clear that they are supportive of cutbacks. And, unfortunately for the government this is especially true of those who voted Labour last year.
Ever since the late 1990s, BSA has regularly asked its respondents whether they would like “to see more or less government spending than now on benefits for disabled people who cannot work”. In 1998, 78% indicated they would like to see more spending. By 2011, that figure had fallen to 53%, and it was still no more than 56% in 2021.
Now, though, only 45% would like to see more money spent on disability benefits. For the first time, less than half the country backs giving those with a disability more help.
However, that does not mean most voters would like to see actual cutbacks. Only 11% say the government should spend less on disability benefits. The rest are content with the status quo.
Meanwhile, just 5% of those who voted Labour last year back less spending. Over half (53%) are in favour of an increase.
The government’s central argument is that it has become too easy to claim disability benefits and that this is discouraging people from getting back into employment.
There is some support for this view. Among the public in general, 29% say it is “too easy” to claim disability benefit. The trouble is, just as many, 29%, take the opposite view and say it is “too difficult”. The most popular response, given by 35%, is that it is “neither too easy nor too difficult”.
Meanwhile, among Labour voters, the balance of opinion is clearly tilted towards the view that claiming disability benefit is “too difficult”. As many as 39% say so, while only 20% feel it is “too easy”.
Similarly, most voters (62%) feel the requirement for people on disability benefits to take “active measures to find appropriate work” is “about right”. Just 11% feel it is “too weak”, while more than twice as many (23%) believe it is “too tough”. Only 6% of Labour voters believe it is “too weak”.
Want more politics coverage from academic experts? Every week, we bring you informed analysis of developments in government and fact check the claims being made.
Sign up for our weekly politics newsletter, delivered every Friday.
These figures help explain why the government has seemingly been struggling to head off the rebellion. Already burned by voters’ reaction to last year’s cutback to the winter fuel allowance, and with their party trailing Reform in the polls, Labour MPs now find themselves presented with another cut that threatens to be unpopular with many of those who put them into Westminster. Little wonder there are now signs the government is having to bend to their view.
.
John Curtice is currently in receipt of funding from the Economic and Social Research Council.
– ref. Labour is divided over disability cuts – here’s what the public thinks – https://theconversation.com/labour-is-divided-over-disability-cuts-heres-what-the-public-thinks-259840
MIL OSI –
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Salman Ahmad, Lecturer in Operations and Supply Chain Management, University of the West of Scotland
As you wait in the departure lounge for your flight this summer, you may notice your aeroplane being pumped full of fuel ahead of takeoff. And then you may start to wonder why flying is still so dependent on fossil fuels, and whether you should have booked a holiday destination that’s accessible by a more environmentally friendly form of transport.
So what happened to plans for so-called sustainable aviation fuel? Wasn’t it supposed to be the “game changer” that would make flying a much greener travel option than it used to be?
Clearly, the move to adopt the technology is facing difficulties. One problem seems to be that there simply isn’t enough sustainable fuel to go around.
But the business side of the process is also holding back sustainable fuel uptake.
Research my colleagues and I conducted in 2021 revealed a deeply fragmented landscape at pretty much every step of sustainable fuel development. There are obstacles everywhere, blocking the paths of the producers developing these fuels, the airlines who might use them and the governmental and campaign groups pushing for change.
Everyone seems to agree that sustainable fuel matters. They just don’t all agree about how to really get it off the ground.
Our findings demonstrate that producers, for instance, were understandably focused on more research and development to improve efficient production. They were also worried that scaling up facilities could disrupt production that is already in place.
Airlines meanwhile, are grappling with the economics of moving to sustainable fuel, which is around three to ten times more expensive than conventional fuel. Right now, a litre of conventional aviation fuel costs around £0.96 per litre in the UK – for sustainable aviation fuel it’s around £1.97. (Depending on the length of the journey and the size of the engine, a plane could need around 13,000 litres per hour of flying.)
They spoke about inconsistent supply (especially at major airports), and the need for clearer regulations and incentives across the industry.
“Cost is clearly the most important driver,” one airline executive told us, explaining that dealing with those costs would ultimately depend on passenger demand for greener travel – and how willing those passengers are to pay a premium for sustainable fuel.
Distribution companies that take the sustainable fuel where it needs to go, have found themselves struggling to navigate the complexities of an emerging supply chain. They spoke of the logistical challenges of transporting and storing sustainable fuel, and a lack of clear communication between producers and airlines.
They saw themselves as a crucial part of the sustainable aviation fuel puzzle, but were concerned about investing in logistics and infrastructure without guaranteed demand.
Elsewhere, politicians and climate campaigners tend to view the adoption of sustainable fuel from a broader perspective, stressing the urgency of action on climate change. Their thinking is dominated by environmental strategy and sustainable aviation fuel regulation.
But here, trust becomes an issue. Some of those involved with sustainable fuel development said they doubted government promises to support the sector over the long term. Others are cynical about whether airlines will really prioritise climate action over their very tight profit margins.
So sustainable fuel inspires plenty of different viewpoints and concerns. But one common thread was an overwhelming concern about cost and scale of production.
Aside from being far more expensive than fossil-based jet fuel, building enough production facilities to make more will require billions of pounds of investment.
The big question is who will foot the bill.
Some of this will need to be tax funded. For if the UK wants to become a leader in the use of sustainable aviation fuel, as the government says it does, it needs more than ambitious targets. It needs to start making things happen.
And our research suggests that the industry as a whole would benefit from some certainty to encourage investment right across the supply chain. Without a clear and stable regulatory framework, everyone will remain hesitant about committing significant resources to sustainable fuel.
Collaboration between the key players could also be improved, with a better dialogue between those in the industry and regulators, potentially leading to a shared vision for the future of sustainable aviation fuel.
That future is by no means doomed. Major commercial airlines like Air France-KLM, IAG (British Airways) and United Airlines in the US are working with sustainable fuel producers around the world.
But while the desire to decarbonise aviation seems clear, the path forward is not straightforward. It is a complex picture of politics, economics, trust and differing priorities.
By navigating this turbulence wisely, the sustainable fuel sector can be part of a broader flight path to net zero. But if managed poorly, targets to dramatically increase its use will remain elusive.
Salman Ahmad received funding from the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council to undertake work that informs the contents of this article. He is also a professional member of the Project Management Institue and the Association for Supply Chain Management.
– ref. Why your holiday flight is still not being powered by sustainable aviation fuel – https://theconversation.com/why-your-holiday-flight-is-still-not-being-powered-by-sustainable-aviation-fuel-258958
MIL OSI –
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Salman Ahmad, Lecturer in Operations and Supply Chain Management, University of the West of Scotland
As you wait in the departure lounge for your flight this summer, you may notice your aeroplane being pumped full of fuel ahead of takeoff. And then you may start to wonder why flying is still so dependent on fossil fuels, and whether you should have booked a holiday destination that’s accessible by a more environmentally friendly form of transport.
So what happened to plans for so-called sustainable aviation fuel? Wasn’t it supposed to be the “game changer” that would make flying a much greener travel option than it used to be?
Clearly, the move to adopt the technology is facing difficulties. One problem seems to be that there simply isn’t enough sustainable fuel to go around.
But the business side of the process is also holding back sustainable fuel uptake.
Research my colleagues and I conducted in 2021 revealed a deeply fragmented landscape at pretty much every step of sustainable fuel development. There are obstacles everywhere, blocking the paths of the producers developing these fuels, the airlines who might use them and the governmental and campaign groups pushing for change.
Everyone seems to agree that sustainable fuel matters. They just don’t all agree about how to really get it off the ground.
Our findings demonstrate that producers, for instance, were understandably focused on more research and development to improve efficient production. They were also worried that scaling up facilities could disrupt production that is already in place.
Airlines meanwhile, are grappling with the economics of moving to sustainable fuel, which is around three to ten times more expensive than conventional fuel. Right now, a litre of conventional aviation fuel costs around £0.96 per litre in the UK – for sustainable aviation fuel it’s around £1.97. (Depending on the length of the journey and the size of the engine, a plane could need around 13,000 litres per hour of flying.)
They spoke about inconsistent supply (especially at major airports), and the need for clearer regulations and incentives across the industry.
“Cost is clearly the most important driver,” one airline executive told us, explaining that dealing with those costs would ultimately depend on passenger demand for greener travel – and how willing those passengers are to pay a premium for sustainable fuel.
Distribution companies that take the sustainable fuel where it needs to go, have found themselves struggling to navigate the complexities of an emerging supply chain. They spoke of the logistical challenges of transporting and storing sustainable fuel, and a lack of clear communication between producers and airlines.
They saw themselves as a crucial part of the sustainable aviation fuel puzzle, but were concerned about investing in logistics and infrastructure without guaranteed demand.
Elsewhere, politicians and climate campaigners tend to view the adoption of sustainable fuel from a broader perspective, stressing the urgency of action on climate change. Their thinking is dominated by environmental strategy and sustainable aviation fuel regulation.
But here, trust becomes an issue. Some of those involved with sustainable fuel development said they doubted government promises to support the sector over the long term. Others are cynical about whether airlines will really prioritise climate action over their very tight profit margins.
So sustainable fuel inspires plenty of different viewpoints and concerns. But one common thread was an overwhelming concern about cost and scale of production.
Aside from being far more expensive than fossil-based jet fuel, building enough production facilities to make more will require billions of pounds of investment.
The big question is who will foot the bill.
Some of this will need to be tax funded. For if the UK wants to become a leader in the use of sustainable aviation fuel, as the government says it does, it needs more than ambitious targets. It needs to start making things happen.
And our research suggests that the industry as a whole would benefit from some certainty to encourage investment right across the supply chain. Without a clear and stable regulatory framework, everyone will remain hesitant about committing significant resources to sustainable fuel.
Collaboration between the key players could also be improved, with a better dialogue between those in the industry and regulators, potentially leading to a shared vision for the future of sustainable aviation fuel.
That future is by no means doomed. Major commercial airlines like Air France-KLM, IAG (British Airways) and United Airlines in the US are working with sustainable fuel producers around the world.
But while the desire to decarbonise aviation seems clear, the path forward is not straightforward. It is a complex picture of politics, economics, trust and differing priorities.
By navigating this turbulence wisely, the sustainable fuel sector can be part of a broader flight path to net zero. But if managed poorly, targets to dramatically increase its use will remain elusive.
Salman Ahmad received funding from the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council to undertake work that informs the contents of this article. He is also a professional member of the Project Management Institue and the Association for Supply Chain Management.
– ref. Why your holiday flight is still not being powered by sustainable aviation fuel – https://theconversation.com/why-your-holiday-flight-is-still-not-being-powered-by-sustainable-aviation-fuel-258958
MIL OSI –
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Olasunkanmi Habeeb Okunola, Senior Research Associate, United Nations University – Institute for Environment and Human Security (UNU-EHS), United Nations University
Extreme climate events — floods, droughts and heatwaves — are not just becoming more frequent; they are also more severe.
It’s important to understand how communities can recover from these events in ways that also build resilience to future events.
In a recent study, we analysed how communities affected by the extreme flood events of 2021 in Germany’s Ahr Valley and in Lagos, Nigeria, grappled with recovery from floods.
Our aim was to identify the factors – and combinations of factors – that served as barriers (or enablers) to recovery from disasters.
We found that financial limitations, political interests and administrative hurdles led to prioritising immediate relief and reconstruction over long-term sustainable recovery.
In both cases immediate and long-term recovery efforts were siloed, underfunded and focused on reconstruction to pre-disaster conditions.
We concluded from our findings that the success of recovery efforts lies in balancing short-term relief and a long-term vision. While immediate aid is essential after a disaster, true resilience hinges on proactive measures that address systemic challenges and empower communities to build a better future.
Recovery should not be merely action-oriented and building back infrastructure (engineering). It should also include insights in other areas, like governance and psychology, helping people to deal with losses and to heal.
To understand the recovery pathways of the two regions, we reviewed relevant literature, newspaper articles and government documents. We also interviewed government agencies, NGO representatives, volunteers and local residents in the communities where these floods occurred.
We found that in the Ahr Valley, recovery wasn’t just about rebuilding structures, it was about empowering individuals.
Through initiatives like mental health and first aid courses, residents learned to support one another. This fostered a sense of community and resilience that was essential for meeting the emotional challenges posed by the disaster.
The focus on rebuilding with a sustainable vision also included environmental initiatives. For example, a type of heating system was put in place that didn’t rely on fossil fuels.
Not only did this reduce carbon emissions, it also served as a symbol of hope. It showed there was an opportunity to create a more sustainable and environmentally friendly community.
In Lagos, too, residents found strength in community and innovation. Grassroots efforts using sustainable materials like bamboo and palm wood highlighted the ingenuity and resourcefulness of the people. Faith-based organisations provided material aid as well as emotional and spiritual support. This reinforced the bonds that held the community together.
Each community faced unique challenges. But they shared a common thread: the importance of adaptive governance – flexible decision-making and strong community ties.
For example, established building codes in the Ahr Valley provided a framework for reconstruction, ensuring that new structures were resilient and safe.
In Lagos, the absence of strong government support highlighted the critical role of community organisations in providing services and fostering a sense of shared responsibility.
In both the Ahr Valley and Lagos, the journey towards recovery has been fraught with obstacles as well.
In the Ahr Valley, bureaucratic red tape has become a formidable barrier. Residents, eager to rebuild their lives, find themselves entangled in a complex web of regulations and lengthy approval processes. This has delayed their access to insurance and recovery funds. Waiting for months or even years has eroded hope and fuelled a sense of abandonment.
Meanwhile, in Lagos, insufficient government support has left communities to fend for themselves, creating a breeding ground for uncertainty and conflict.
Land tenure disputes, fuelled by a lack of clear property rights, sow seeds of distrust and hinder resettlement efforts. Political disagreements complicate the picture, as competing interests divert attention and resources away from those who need them most.
In Lagos, none of the respondents reported having insurance to help them to recover from disaster-related losses.
While some residents in the Ahr Valley did have insurance, many were under-insured.
The Ahr Valley’s building codes offer a framework for reconstruction. But it’s clear that processes should be streamlined so communities can take ownership of their recovery.
In Lagos, the importance of robust social safety nets is clear. Partnerships between communities and authorities are also needed.
Recovery isn’t a separate process that occurs after disasters only. It should be seen as an essential part of managing risks. It’s important to understand what recovery involves and what resources are needed.
This will help reduce future risks and increase resilience after extreme events.
Governments should encourage flexible governance structures that value community voices and local knowledge to enable recovery. A good example is the New Orleans Recovery Authority, established after Hurricane Katrina. It involved local residents and city officials in planning and rebuilding efforts.
Grassroots efforts in Lagos demonstrated the power of sustainable materials and community-led initiatives. Seeing things from the community’s point of view can help tailor solutions that fit the situation and adapt to evolving challenges.
Training and capacity-building programmes empower communities to be active in their own recovery.
Mental health and first aid courses were successful in the Ahr Valley. Equipping individuals with skills in sustainable practices and disaster preparedness helps weave a social fabric capable of weathering future storms.
Olasunkanmi Habeeb Okunola is a Visiting Scientist at, the United Nations University – Institute for Environment and Human Security (UNU-EHS)
Saskia E. Werners works with United Nations University, Institute for Environment and Human Security (UNU-EHS). She is grateful to have received research grants in support of her research on climate change adaptation and recovery.
– ref. Post-flood recovery: lessons from Germany and Nigeria on how to help people cope with loss and build resilience – https://theconversation.com/post-flood-recovery-lessons-from-germany-and-nigeria-on-how-to-help-people-cope-with-loss-and-build-resilience-240260
MIL OSI –
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Steven Matome Mathetsa, Senior Lecturer at the African Energy Leadership Centre, Wits Business School, University of the Witwatersrand
South Africa’s state-owned electricity company, Eskom, has applied to the National Energy Regulator of South Africa to approve a 36.1% electricity price hike from April 2025, a 11.8% price increase in 2026 and an 9.1% increase in 2027. Steven Mathetsa teaches and researches sustainable energy systems at the University of the Witwatersrand’s African Energy Leadership Centre. He explains some of the problems with the planned tariff increase.
Eskom says the multi-year price increase is because of the need to move closer a cost-reflective tariff that reflects the actual costs of supplying electricity.
However, Eskom’s electricity tariff increases have been exorbitant for several years – an 18% increase in 2023 and a 13% increase in 2024. This is a price increase far above inflation, which is currently at 4.4%.
Some companies have installed their own generation capacity, and individuals have moved to rooftop solar systems. As a result electricity sales have fallen by about 2% , resulting in a drop in revenue.
There’s a knock on effect for municipalities, the biggest distributors of electricity, which have also been forced to hike tariffs in line with Eskom’s increases.
All these costs are passed onto the consumers.
If the hike is approved it will certainly worsen the economic difficulties facing
South Africa. One of the most unequal countries in the world, South Africa has an extremely high unemployment rate – 33.5%at the last count.
Economic growth is also very slow, at a mere 0.6% in 2023. The cost of living is high.
Exorbitant increases in electricity costs aggravate these problems.
South Africans and businesses in the country have little choice about where they source their energy. Eskom is still the sole supplier for nearly all the country’s electricity needs. This means that ordinary citizens are likely to continue relying on electricity supplied by Eskom, irrespective of the costs.
The high costs affect businesses negatively. Large industrial and small, medium, and micro enterprises have all highlighted that costs associated with utilities, mainly electricity, are affecting their sustainability.
The Electricity Regulation Amendment Act implementation will make major changes to Eskom. The reforms establish an independent Transmission Systems Operator tasked with connecting renewable energy providers to the grid. This will allow the creation of a competitive market where renewable energy providers can sell power to the grid.
But it’s not yet clear if these changes will address the issue of exorbitant electricity price rises.
The country’s energy frameworks are drafted on the basis of the World Energy Trilemma Index. The index promotes a balanced approach between energy security, affordability, and sustainability. In other words, countries must be able to provide environmentally friendly and reliable electricity that their residents can afford.
South Africa is currently unable to meet these goals because of different energy policies that do not align, a lack of investment in electricity and dependency on coal-fired power. Electricity is increasingly becoming unaffordable in the country. Although there’s been a recent reprieve from power cuts, security of supply is still uncertain.
Read more:
South Africa’s new energy plan needs a mix of nuclear, gas, renewables and coal – expert
Furthermore, over 78% of the country’s electricity is produced by burning coal. This means South Africa is also far from attaining its 2015 Paris Agreement greenhouse gas reduction goals.
Compounding this problem is that Eskom is financially unstable – it needed R78 billion from the government in debt relief in 2024. For years, there was a lack of effective maintenance on the aging infrastructure.
The country has made some inroads into improving security of supply. To date, recent interventions have resulted in over 200 days without power cuts. This should be commended. The same focus must be placed on ensuring that electricity remains affordable while giving attention to meeting the goals of the Paris Agreement.
South Africa’s 1998 Energy Policy White Paper and the new Electricity Regulation Amendment Act promote access to affordable electricity. However, they’ve been implemented very slowly. Affordable electricity needs to be taken seriously.
The question is whether the country’s electricity tariff methodology is flexible enough to accommodate poor South Africans, especially during these challenging economic times.
In my view, it is not. In its current form, vulnerable communities continue to foot the bill for various challenges confronting Eskom, including financial mismanagement, operational inefficiencies, municipal non-payment, and corruption.
I believe the following steps should be taken.
Firstly, South Africa should revise its tariff application methodologies so that consumers, especially unemployed and impoverished people, are protected against exorbitant increases.
Secondly, the National Energy Regulator of South Africa should strengthen its regulations to ensure its compliance and enforcement systems are effective. For example, Eskom should be held accountable when it does not deliver efficient services or mismanages funds, and be transparent about costs associated with its processes. Municipalities should also be held accountable for non-payment and other technical issues they regularly struggle with. Both affect the revenue of the power utility.
Read more:
South Africa’s economic growth affected by mismatch of electricity supply and demand
Thirdly, the government must make sure that price increases are affordable and don’t hurt the broader economy. It can do this by adjusting its policies to make sure that increases in electricity tariffs are in line with the rate of inflation.
Fourthly, communities can play a vital role in saving electricity at a household level. This will reduce the country’s overall energy consumption. Furthermore, both small and large businesses should continue to consider alternative energy technologies while implementing energy saving technologies.
Lastly, the level of free-basic electricity is not sufficient for poor households. Subsidy policies should also be reviewed to allow users access to affordable electricity as their financial situation changes negatively.
Steven Matome Mathetsa does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. South Africa’s 36.1% electricity price hike for 2025: why the power utility Eskom’s request is unrealistic – https://theconversation.com/south-africas-36-1-electricity-price-hike-for-2025-why-the-power-utility-eskoms-request-is-unrealistic-240941
MIL OSI –
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Maria S. Floro, Professor Emerita of Economics, American University
The world is witnessing the consequences of climate change: long-lasting changes in temperature and rainfall, and more intense and frequent extreme weather events such as heat waves, hurricanes, typhoons, flooding and drought. All make it harder for families and communities to meet their care needs.
Climate change affects care systems in various ways. First, sudden illnesses and unexpected disabilities heighten the need for care. Second, it reduces access to important inputs for care such as water, food and safe shelter. Third, it can damage physical and social care infrastructures.
It can also lead to breakdowns of traditional units of caregiving such as households and communities. And it creates new situations of need with the increase in displaced person settlements and refugee camps.
Climate change creates sudden spikes in the demand for care, and serious challenges to meeting the growing need for care. All this has immediate and long lasting effects on human well-being.
The size of the current unmet care needs throughout the world is substantial. In childcare alone, about 23% of children worldwide – nearly 350 million – need childcare but do not have it. Families in low- and lower-middle-income countries are the most in need.
Similarly, as the world’s population ages rapidly, only a small proportion of the elderly who need assistance are able to use formal care (in an institution or paid homecare). Most are cared for by family members or other unpaid caregivers. Much of this unpaid care and formal care work is provided by women and girls.
Hundreds of millions of people around the world struggle to get healthcare. Expansion of access to essential health services has slowed compared to pre-2015 . And healthcare costs still create financial hardship.
Without comprehensive public and global support for care provision and the integration of care in the climate agenda, unmet care needs will only grow and inequalities will widen.
Climate change interacts with human health in complex ways. Its impact is highly uneven across populations. It depends on geographical region, income, education, gender roles, social norms, level of development, and the institutional capacity and accessibility of health systems.
In 2018-22, Africa experienced the biggest increase in the
heat-related mortality rate since 2000-05. This is not surprising as the continent has more frequent health-threatening temperatures than ever before and a growing population of people older than 65.
Africa is also the region most affected by droughts in 2013-22, with 64% of its land area affected by at least one month of extreme drought per year on average. It was followed by Oceania (55% of its land area) and South and Central America (53%).
Scientific evidence also points to increases in health inequalities caused by climate change. The health effects of climate change are not uniformly felt by different population groups.
Exposure, severity of impact, and ability of individuals to recover depend on a variety of factors. Physiological characteristics, income, education, type of occupation, location, social norms and health systems are some of them.
For example, older people and young children face the greatest health risks from high temperatures.
There is also evidence of the disproportionate effect of climate change on the health of people living in poverty and those who belong to disadvantaged groups.
Women of lower social and economic status and with less education are more vulnerable to heat stress compared to women in wealthier households and with higher education or social status. They are exposed to pollution in the absence of clean cooking fuel, and to extreme heat as they walk to gather water and fuel, or do other work outdoors.
Bad sanitation in poor urban areas increases the incidence of water-borne diseases after heavy rains and floods.
Lack of access to healthcare services and the means to pay for medicines make it difficult for women and men in low-income households to recover from illness, heat strokes, and air pollution-related ailments.
Mental health problems are being attributed to climate change as well. Studies show that the loss of family or kin member, home, livelihood and a safe environment can bring about direct emotional impacts.
These adverse impacts increase the demand for caregiving and the care workload. Climate-induced health problems force family and community caregivers, particularly women, to spend more time looking after the sick and disabled, particularly frail elderly people and children.
Climate change threatens the availability of food, clean water and safe shelter. It erodes households’ and communities’ care capacity and hence societies’ ability to thrive.
Fluctuations in food supply and rising food prices as a result of environmental disasters, along with the inadequacy of government policies, underscore the mounting challenge of meeting food needs.
The threat of chronic shortage of safe drinking water has also risen. Water scarcity is an area where structural inequalities and gender disparities are laid bare.
Care for the sick and disabled, the young and the elderly is compromised when water is scarce.
Extreme weather events disrupt physical care infrastructures. It may be hard to reach hospitals, clinics, daycare centres, nursery schools and nursing homes. Some facilities may be damaged and have to close.
Another type of care system that can break down is family networks and support provided by friends and neighbours. These informal care sharing arrangements are illustrated in a study of the three large informal settlements in Nairobi.
About half (50.5%) of the sampled households reported having had a sick member in the two weeks before the survey. The majority relied on close friends and family members living nearby for care and support.
Studies have shown that climate change eventually leads to livelihood loss and resource scarcity, which can weaken social cohesion and local safety nets in affected communities.
Heightened risks and uncertainty and imminent changes in socio-economic and political conditions can also compel individuals or entire households to migrate. Migration is caused by a host of factors, but it has increasingly been a climate-related response.
The World Bank’s Groundswell Report released in 2018, for example, projected that climate change could force 216 million people to move within their countries by 2050 to avoid the slow-onset impacts of climate change.
A possible consequence of migration is the withdrawal of care support provided by the migrating extended kin, neighbours or friends, increasing the caregiving load of people left behind.
In the case of forced displacements, the traditional social networks existing in communities are disrupted entirely.
There are compelling reasons to believe that meeting care needs can also help mitigate the effects of climate change. And actions to meet carbon-zero goals, prevent biodiversity loss and regenerate ecosystems can reduce the care work burden that falls heavily on families, communities and women.
Any effort to tackle these grave problems should be comprehensive in scope and must be based on principles of equality, universality, and responsibility shared by all.
This article is part of a series of articles initiated through a project led by the Southern Centre for Inequality studies, in collaboration with the International Development Research Centre and a group of feminist economists and climate scientists across the world.
Maria S. Floro does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Climate change is making it harder for people to get the care they need – https://theconversation.com/climate-change-is-making-it-harder-for-people-to-get-the-care-they-need-240557
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Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Ralph Hamann, Professor, University of Cape Town
Societies around the world are confronted with complex problems that defy resolution by any single actor, even well-resourced governments or corporations. Problems like food security, climate change, or biodiversity loss involve a lot of elements and dynamics. A variety of stakeholders need to be involved in creating effective responses to such problems.
The difficulty is not only in creating coordinated responses. There is often also a need to develop a shared understanding of what the problem and its underlying causes actually are.
To foster a shared understanding and coordinated, innovative action, it can help to convene key players in multi-stakeholder dialogue processes.
A first step is to identify and enrol the actors that are either influential in – or directly affected by – the focal problem. These people are then invited to engage in dialogue with each other in a carefully designed, structured process.
Processes can take a variety of forms. But a common feature is that participants have enough time and support to look at the problem from different angles, to interact in ways that break down stereotypes, and to think afresh about new ways of acting.
Fifteen years ago, we were involved in establishing a platform for multi-stakeholder dialogue with a focus on the problem of hunger and food insecurity. It is called the Southern Africa Food Lab. Recently, we analysed the numerous dialogue processes hosted by this initiative over the years to better understand when and how they can make a positive difference.
We found that even though some dialogue processes don’t seem to be obviously successful, they can play an important role in enabling subsequent dialogues to have far-reaching impacts. And for dialogue to have an impact, it needs to involve a “deeper” kind of participant interaction, beyond formal roles, polite facades, and adversarial debate.
Participants and funders are unlikely to remain committed to a dialogue process if they feel it is little more than a series of “talk-shops”. We wanted to achieve tangible changes in government policies and corporate strategies, or collaborative actions that combine resources from different organisations.
Because we had hosted numerous dialogue initiatives over the 15-year lifespan of the Food Lab, in our analysis we were able to compare different processes in terms of their impacts.
We found that some of the dialogue processes – especially the early ones – had relatively limited impacts. Though the participants said they’d gained new insights and formed new relationships, there were few changes in organisational policies or practices.
For example, early on in the initiative, we hosted a dialogue on supporting smallholder farmers. Participants emphasised that they learnt important lessons during this process. During field trips in different parts of the country, they came to appreciate the diverse difficulties encountered by smallholder farmers. And government officials appreciated academics’ analysis of the different kinds of smallholder farmers and corresponding support needs. But these insights and experiences did not yet result in changes in organisational behaviours or strategies.
Other initiatives were more obviously successful in creating new and influential responses to the hunger problem. For example, we convened a second dialogue focused on smallholder farmers 18 months after the first one. It included some of the same participants as the first process, as well as others. This process resulted in more far-reaching changes.
For instance, retail companies agreed to revise their supplier standards so that smallholder farmers’ diverse needs and challenges were better accounted for. Government officials used the dialogue to redesign their agricultural extension services. A farmer training programme was established with links to a more context-sensitive and supportive certification system.
In our analysis, we considered many different explanations for why some dialogue processes were more successful than others. We discovered a pattern: our early dialogue processes were less likely to have impact than subsequent, follow-up dialogues.
The early dialogues played a crucial role, however, in preparing the ground for the subsequent dialogues to be more effective. They helped participants develop the insights and relationships that enabled the deeper engagement necessary to create real changes.
To create meaningful change, a dialogue needs to move from what we call “shallow” to “deep” dialogue. Shallow dialogue is the more common kind. It is what happens when different people are invited to a workshop and their interactions are shaped by their established views of themselves, the problem at hand, and other actors. Often they hide behind polite facades or blame each other.
Deep dialogue, in contrast, has a distinct flavour and temperament. Participants gain a more multi-faceted understanding of each other. Thabo is not just a government official but also passionate about nature-based farming. John is not just a corporate manager but also volunteers for animal rights.
Participants’ focus shifts from defending their personal views or organisational interests to a more expansive, genuine interest in learning from each other, and to exploring new ways to understand the focal problem and possible responses.
First, the potential for multi-stakeholder dialogue needs to be carefully assessed and motivated. Participants and funders need to agree that the problem is complex and in need of fresh responses. This rationale needs to be continuously reviewed and communicated to maintain commitment and engagement.
Second, it is important to get the “right people” to participate in the process. This includes actors with influence, such as government officials or leaders. But it also includes people who are most directly affected by the focal problem, not least because they have unique knowledge about it.
Third, convening and facilitating dialogue requires a range of commitments, resources and skills. For a start, as university-based researchers we had some degree of convening power. Participants perceived us to have at least some degree of neutrality. We needed to maintain this perception as much as possible, for example by being careful about what funding to accept. This was important given the controversies in the food security field.
We also had to make sure we had the necessary facilitation competencies. Especially in the early years, we benefited from facilitators who had a lot of experience in this kind of thing. A facilitator needs to be able to make participants feel comfortable but, when necessary, challenge them to move beyond their “comfort zone”.
Finally, it is helpful to recognise the cyclical and longer-term nature of dialogue – earlier processes create the “groundwork” for subsequent ones. This means that, as conveners, we needed to find ways of keeping the initiative alive in the periods in between dialogue processes, even if there was no funding available. In our case, it helped that we were university researchers who did not rely on consulting fees. More generally, conveners and funders should budget for “bridging” resources to enable the longer-term unfolding of dialogue’s true impact.
Rebecca Freeth is a co-author of this article. She is a senior consultant with Reos Partners (Africa office).
Ralph Hamann’s work with the Southern Africa Food Lab has benefited from funding from the African Climate and Development Institute, the University of Cape Town, and the National Research Foundation. The Food Lab’s funders are listed on its website.
Scott Drimie co-directs the Southern Africa Food Lab.
Warren Nilsson is affiliated with the University of Vermont and the Institute for Collective Wellbeing.
– ref. Not just talk: how dialogue can help address complex problems – https://theconversation.com/not-just-talk-how-dialogue-can-help-address-complex-problems-256825
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Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rebecca Brownlow, Senior Lecturer in Environmental Science, Sheffield Hallam University
Early one October afternoon in 2023, thick grey smoke drifted across Sheffield’s western skyline. As much of the city became blanketed, residents turned to social media to complain about “bonfire smoke”, while others were forced to leave the city due to breathing difficulties.
However, this smoke did not originate within the city. It was drifting in from the Peak District, more than nine miles away, where controlled heather burning was taking place on the moorlands. For around six hours, levels of fine particulate matter (known as PM2.5), tiny airborne pollutants known to harm human health, exceeded 40 micrograms per cubic metre of air (µg/m³) and peaked at 70µg/m³, well above the guidelines recommended by the World Health Organization.
This single incident points to the wider and largely invisible problem of the routine burning of the UK’s uplands. This can be a serious source of air pollution, but because most official air pollution monitoring concentrates on urban areas, the effects are overlooked. This is why we have started monitoring upland fires and the pollution they cause.
Prescribed burning is a longstanding land management practice often used to control vegetation for grouse shooting or livestock grazing. It happens across a range of upland landscapes. Many of the areas being burned sit on deep peat, an organic-rich soil made from layers of slowly decomposed plant material formed over thousands of years in waterlogged conditions.
Peatlands are incredibly important. They are one of the most carbon-rich ecosystems on the planet. In the UK, they cover around 12% of the land area and store an estimated 3.2 billion tonnes of carbon. This is equivalent to all the forests of Germany, France and the UK combined. Most of the UK’s peat is found in Scotland, but notable areas in England include the Peak District and North York Moors. However, their value goes well beyond carbon.
Around 70% of Britain’s drinking water comes from upland areas that are largely peatland, and healthy peatlands help reduce flooding by slowing the flow of water from hills to towns and cities. They also provide vital habitats for birds, insects and rare plants, forming the UK’s largest area of semi-natural habitat.
Despite their ecological importance, more than 80% of English peatlands are classified as degraded, often through historic air pollution, draining, overgrazing and, importantly, repeated burning.
One hidden consequence of that burning is air pollution. These burns are often viewed as isolated rural events, but their effect on regional air quality can be substantial. On that day in Sheffield, pollution levels briefly rivalled those seen across the city during bonfire night, a well-known peak in urban air pollution.
In response to that October event, our research team launched a new pilot monitoring network across part of the Peak District national park. This FireUp project combines air quality sensors, satellite data and community observations to detect and measure pollution from upland fires.
By using a mix of technologies and local reporting, we have documented spikes in PM2.5 pollution that would have otherwise been missed. Our system offers a clearer picture of when and where fires occur, and how far their smoke spreads, opening the door for better planning and stronger protections for public health. But the problem is not just a lack of data, it is also a failure of regulation. England’s current upland burning regulations are limited on four fronts.
Heather and grass burning regulations introduced in 2021 prohibit burning only on peat deeper than 40cm inside designated sites. That means 60% of upland peat is excluded from these protections.
With more than 95% of PM2.5 monitors located in urban areas, smoke from moorland fires in remote rural locations is rarely registered on official networks.
The resources for organisations responsible for enforcing regulations have shrunk over the last decade. Natural England, one of the government’s statutory bodies responsible for environmental protection, has experienced a 4% decrease in funding for 2024-25 compared to the previous year.
Prosecutions for illegal burning are exceptionally rare, with satellite analyses pointing to a higher level of unlicensed activity than official records suggest.
In short, narrow legal scope, limited monitoring coverage and under-resourced enforcement leave many prescribed burns undetected and unaccounted for, along with the health and environmental risks they carry.
Our FireUp system improves fire detections and helps quantify the effects of air pollution from these burns. As the UK government reviews regulations as part of the 2025 heather and grass burning consultation for England, and as upland fire risk increases, this kind of evidence is essential, not just to track what is happening, but to help shape a healthier and better future for the UK’s uplands.
Our next step is to develop a citizen science app that makes it easier for people to report peatland fire incidents and upland burning to help improve regulation and log the effects of changes in air quality.
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James is a member of the Welsh Government Clean Air Advisory Panel, and Promoting Awareness of Air Quality Delivery Group. James also sits on the Scottish Government’s Air Quality Advisory Group.
Maria Val Martin receives funding from UKRI and is a member of the DEFRA Air Quality Expert Group.
Rebecca Brownlow does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Air quality isn’t just bad in cities – here’s why and how we’re tracking pollution from upland fires – https://theconversation.com/air-quality-isnt-just-bad-in-cities-heres-why-and-how-were-tracking-pollution-from-upland-fires-258034
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Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Karen Hofman, Professor and Programme Director, SA MRC Centre for Health Economics and Decision Science – PRICELESS SA (Priority Cost Effective Lessons in Systems Strengthening South Africa), University of the Witwatersrand
By 2030, non-communicable diseases will account for 75% of all deaths annually. Eighty percent of these will be in the global south. Most of these diseases are what we call silent killers: type 2 diabetes, high blood pressure and heart disease, as well as certain types of cancer at increasingly younger ages.
The consumption of sugary drinks and processed foods high in sugar, salt and saturated fats is fuelling these pandemics. And increasingly advertising is being seen as the means by which the consumption of unhealthy products is promoted. This translates into the growth of non-communicable diseases in populations across the globe. This rising threat is driven largely by the way in which markets and industries are organised, which, in turn, shapes social norms towards consumption of tobacco, alcohol, food and sugary beverages.
This process is what’s known as commercial determinants of health.
Products that top the list in terms of their risk to health are tobacco, sugary beverages, ultra processed food and alcohol.
These products are heavily advertised. For example, in South Africa from 2013 to 2019, sugary beverage manufacturers spent US$191 million (R3.7 billion) to advertise their products. Many of the TV advertisements for sugary drinks were placed during child and family viewing time, between 3pm and 7pm.
Over the past decade a number of countries have introduced policies in a bid to limit the use and intake of harmful food and beverages. These have ranged from taxes on certain products, such as sugar, alcohol and tobacco, to bans on advertising. Many have proved effective. But there are still big gaps in policies to control these harmful products.
As academics who have researched this field for three decades we believe that the G20 can play a significant role in plugging these gaps. The countries under the G20 umbrella, which represent two thirds of the world’s population, have reason to act: all are experiencing a mounting burden of obesity-related illness such as diabetes, high blood pressure and cancer at ever-younger ages.
One of South Africa’s G20 presidency health priorities is “stemming the tide of non-communicable diseases”. In our view this is an invitation for the G20 to pledge to combat the drivers of non-communicable diseases.
The G20 can acknowledge that these diseases are part of a pathological system in which commercial actors are causing ill health. And G20 leaders can acknowledge that progress enacting health taxes has stagnated in most countries.
By galvanising attention in this way, the G20 can give impetus to a high level United Nations meeting in 2025 at which a new vision for the control and prevention of non-communicable diseases is due to be set. Health taxes and bans on marketing are focus areas.
Efforts by various countries to curb consumption of these harmful products have shown one thing clearly: there’s no silver bullet.
Nevertheless, evidence shows that consumers are responsive to price. This points to the fact that taxes are a key tool for decreasing demand, especially for young consumers.
Read more:
Sugary drinks are a killer: a 20% tax would save lives and rands in South Africa
There is also mounting evidence that health taxes are progressive for health at a population level – in other words they lead to better health outcomes. Research also shows that they scarcely affect overall employment, if at all.
But advances on alcohol and tobacco taxes are slow. And there has been little progress on taxes on sugary beverages.
These taxes remain far too low because health promotion taxes face tough resistance from industry. When any health promotion taxes are proposed, industries deny harms, promote doubt, divert attention, spread disinformation, create front organisations, and varnish their reputations through corporate social responsibility initiatives.
When taxes do proceed through the legislative or regulatory process, industries influence proposals to make them less effective. They also offer to replace legislation with voluntary commitments. Evidence shows that voluntary commitments do not work.
In 2024, a report by a panel of experts showed that US$3.7 trillion in additional revenue could be generated over five years if all countries increased prices of tobacco, alcohol and sugary beverages by 50%.
This money is sorely needed to boost healthcare. Non-communicable diseases disproportionately affect the most poor and vulnerable and healthcare systems are increasingly unable to cope. Screening, diagnosis, medications and treatment are very expensive for both ministries of finance and at the household level, where health needs can result in catastrophic expenditure.
And taxes that generate a 50% increase in real prices of tobacco, alcohol and sugary beverages would save 50 million lives globally over 50 years.
We believe the G20 platform is a sound one on which to champion efforts to curb the consumption of harmful products. This is because half of the countries in the group have one or two policies for food such as taxes on sweetened beverages. Their experiences can therefore inform debates about how to protect the public from the fatal effects of diet-influenced diseases.
But building a solid foundation won’t be easy. What’s needed is for the G20 to put its weight behind these key points:
Promoting good health before people get sick should be an imperative because the cost of inaction in financial and human terms is just too high.
Promoting the case for raising tobacco taxes, because tobacco continues to cause the most death and illness. But taxation has stalled. Approximately 90% of smokers live in countries where cigarettes were equally or more affordable in 2022 than they were five years earlier.
A renewed focus on alcohol taxes, which have shown little improvement in the last decade. Alcohol excise taxes are not being used effectively.
Fresh impetus behind increasing the level of taxes as a percentage of the cost of sugar sweetened beverages. Evidence suggests that to be effective, taxes on sugar sweetened beverages should increase product prices by at least 20%.
Champion nutrition regulation when navigating the trade and nutrition policy environment. Trade policies can be inconsistent with health policies.
Lastly, push for stronger global monitoring frameworks to track corporate accountability in health. This should include clear conflict of interest policies, information management, and exposing when corporations try to shape their own evidence-base or discredit research that would be supportive of public health policies.
Susan Goldstein receives funding from the SAMRC, the NIHR and UNICEF. She is a Board Member of the Southern African Alcohol Policy Alliance: South Africa,
Karen Hofman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Sugary drinks, processed foods, alcohol and tobacco are big killers: why the G20 should add its weight to health taxes – https://theconversation.com/sugary-drinks-processed-foods-alcohol-and-tobacco-are-big-killers-why-the-g20-should-add-its-weight-to-health-taxes-256024
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Source: The Conversation – UK – By Emma Stafford, Professor of Greek Culture, University of Leeds
“Whose daring deeds are great theatre? Hercules!” So sing the Muses, as they close act one of Disney’s Hercules, which opened at London’s Theatre Royal, Drury Lane last week.
The 1997 Disney animation this new show is based on is, of course, already a successful musical film. The hit song Go the Distance was nominated for a Golden Globe and an Academy Award. The new West End version includes all the film’s familiar musical numbers, notably The Gospel Truth (which is reprised as many as six times) but also I Won’t Say (I’m In Love), Zero to Hero and A Star is Born.
There are plenty of new original songs, too, by the composer Alan Menken and lyricist David Zippel.
Some of the changes to the film’s story, however, are puzzling. In place of adoptive mortal parents Amphitryon and Alcmene, Hercules is born to a single mother, who is given a new (modern Greek) name and her own song: Despina’s Lullaby.
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More understandable is the skipping over of Hercules’ childhood, allowing Luke Brady’s engaging Hercules to emerge fully grown not too long into the show.
Likewise, Meg (Mae Ann Jorolan) is made even feistier than her 1990s incarnation. Instead of being in the clutches of the centaur Nessus when Hercules first meets her, she has two Hydra-venom traders in a headlock, and she sings “let me tell you a little something about saving women who don’t need to be saved” in the great new duet Forget About It.
Fans of the film may be disappointed that Pegasus – Hercules’s trusty flying steed – has been written out. Though he is nicely referenced through a topiary cameo. But there was effective use of puppetry for a suitably dramatic Hydra – the monster who grows two more heads for every one Hercules cuts off.
Other highlights of stage-trickery include the contributions of air sculptor Daniel Wurtzel. The spirits of the dead are represented by light material floating in a stream of air, and statues of Zeus and Hera appeared to come to life – I really don’t know how they did it.
In another controversial change, the shape-shifting comedy sidekicks Pain and Panic have been downgraded to the humans Bob (Craig Gallivan) and Charles (Lee Zarrett). They are an endearing pair nonetheless, who get their own new song Getting Even.
Indeed, there’s more of an emphasis on both humanity and community throughout the show. In place of Danny de Vito’s satyr Philoctetes, with his hero-training facility based on a remote island, Phil (Trevor Dion Nicholas) operates out of his local pub – Medusa’s bar – with the help of a whole bunch of neighbours from Hercules’ hometown of Thebes.
Also toned down is Hades, at least compared to James Wood’s flamboyant character in the animated film. Stephen Carlisle (previously seen as Scar in Lion King) plays Hades more in the tradition of the upper-class British villain we all love to boo. At the end of the show, however, he becomes literally larger-than-life as a giant puppet. The animation’s battle of the gods against the Titans is turned into a highly stylised confrontation between this turbo-charged Hades and everyone else.
The show’s visuals, masterminded by Dane Laffrey, are undeniably impressive. Even before the curtain goes up, the theatre’s usual proscenium arch has been transformed into a monumental Greek temple facade. Thereafter the sets are dominated by four massive pairs of Doric columns, which glide smoothly into different formations. The backdrop to the gods’ home on Olympus is a giant gold sunburst motif, and everything to do with the gods is golden.
Video-projected backgrounds (by George Reeve) feature further temples and a mosaic texture – really a Roman touch. But a more properly Greek element is the use of vases in the Attic black-figure style. These are seen especially in the early “young Hercules” scene in the market-place and again to go with the Zero to Hero line “they slapped his face on every vase”.
And finally, the real stars of the show are the five Muses (played by Sharlene Hector, Brianna Ogunbawo, Robyn Rose-Li, Kamilla Fernandes and Kimmy Edwards the evening I attended).
Their role – as a cross between the chorus of a Greek tragedy and a gospel choir – is even bigger here than in the animation, of which they were such an innovative feature. They must spend the whole evening on costume changes, appearing in a series of fabulous frocks (designed by Gregg Barnes and Sky Switser), each more spectacular than the last.
Some early reviews have been critical of the show as lacking in emotional depth, and it’s true that the more serious theme of “finding where I belong” is subservient to the high-octane razzmatazz – but I suspect this won’t matter to the majority of West End audiences. Disney’s Hercules is indeed great (musical) theatre.
Emma Stafford has received funding from the AHRC for the Hercules Project (https://herculesproject.leeds.ac.uk/).
– ref. With fresh songs and a spectacular set, Disney’s Hercules musical goes the distance – https://theconversation.com/with-fresh-songs-and-a-spectacular-set-disneys-hercules-musical-goes-the-distance-260024
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Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Johann Kirsten, Director of the Bureau for Economic Research, Stellenbosch University
When world leaders engage, the assumption is always that they engage on issues based on verified facts, which their administrative staff are supposed to prepare. Under this assumption, we thought the meeting at the White House on 21 May between South Africa’s president, Cyril Ramaphosa, and US president Donald Trump would follow this pattern.
Disappointingly, the televised meeting was horrifying to watch as it was based on misrepresenting the reality of life in South Africa.
Issues of agriculture, farming and land (and rural crime) were central to the discussions. What is clear to us as agricultural economists is that the skewed views expressed by Trump about these issues originate in South Africa. This includes Trump’s statement: “But Blacks are not farmers.”
In our work as agricultural economists, we have, in many pieces and books (our latest titled The Uncomfortable Truth about South Africa’s Agriculture), tried to present South Africans with the real facts about the political economy policy reforms and structural dimensions of South African agriculture.
Writing on these matters was necessary given that official data – agricultural census 2017, as well as the official land audit of 2017 – all provide an incomplete picture of the real state and structure of South African agriculture. The reason is that the agricultural census, which is supposed to provide a comprehensive and inclusive assessment of the size and structure of the primary agricultural sector, and the land audit, which was supposed to record the ownership of all land in South Africa, are incomplete in their coverage.
The incomplete and inaccurate official data provides fertile ground for radical statements by the left and the right – and novices on social media. This is why South Africa has to deal with falsehoods coming from the US. These include Trump’s statement that black people are not farmers in South Africa.
South Africa is to blame for providing inaccurate data to feed these false narratives.
The facts presented here should allow a more nuanced interpretation of South Africa’s farm structure. Firstly, there are more black farmers in South Africa than white farmers. And not all white commercial farm operations are “large-scale”, and not all black farmers are “small-scale”, “subsistence” or “emerging”. Most farm operations can be classified as micro, or small in scale.
This is important so that one doesn’t view South Africa’s agriculture as mainly white farmers. Indeed, we are a country of two agricultures with black farmers mainly at small scale and accounting for roughly 10% of the commercial agricultural output. Still, this doesn’t mean they are not active in the sector. They mainly still require support to expand and increase output, but they are active.
In the wake of the circus in the Oval Office, we were amazed by the total silence of the many farmers’ organisations in South Africa. We have not seen one coming out to reject all of Trump’s claims. The only thing we can deduce from this is that these falsehoods suit the political position of some farmer organisations. But at what cost? Will many of their members be harmed by trade sanctions or tariffs against South Africa? The US is an important market for South Africa’s agriculture, accounting for 4% of the US$13.7 billion exports in 2024.
When Ramaphosa highlighted the fact that crime, and rural crime in particular, has an impact on all South Africans and that more black people than white people are being killed, Trump’s response was disturbing, to say the least: “But Blacks are not farmers”. This requires an immediate fact check.
We returned to the text from our chapter in the Handbook on the South African Economy we jointly prepared in 2021. In the extract below, we discuss the real numbers of farmers in South Africa and try to provide a sensible racial classification of farmers to denounce Trump’s silly statement.
As highlighted earlier, the two latest agricultural censuses (2007 and 2017) are incomplete as they restricted the sample frame to farm businesses registered to pay value added tax. Only firms with a turnover of one million rands (US$55,500) qualify for VAT registration.
We were able to expand the findings from the censuses with numbers from the 2011 population census and the 2016 community survey to better understand the total number of commercial farming units in South Africa. The Community Survey 2016 is a large-scale survey that happened between Censuses 2011 and 2021. The main objective was to provide population and household statistics at municipal level to government and the private sector, to support planning and decision-making.
Data from the 2011 population census (extracted from three agricultural questions included in the census) shows that 2,879,638 households out of South Africa’s total population, or 19.9% of all households, were active in agriculture for subsistence or commercial purposes.
Only 2% of these active households reported an annual income derived from agriculture above R307,000 (US$17,000). This translates into 57,592 households that can be considered commercial farmers, with agriculture as the main or only source of household income. This corresponds in some way with the 40,122 farming businesses that are registered for VAT as noted in the 2017 agricultural census report.
If we use the numbers from the agricultural census it is evident almost 90% of all VAT-registered commercial farming businesses could be classified as micro or small-scale enterprises. If the farm businesses excluded from the census are accounted for under the assumption that they are too small for VAT registration, then the fact still stands that the vast majority of all farm enterprises in South Africa are small family farms.
There are, however, 2,610 large farms (with turnover exceeding R22.5 million (US$1.2 million per annum) which are responsible for 67% of farm income and employed more than half the agricultural labour force of 757,000 farm workers in 2017.
Another way to get to farm numbers is to use the 2016 Community Survey. Using the shares as shown in Table 2, we estimate there are 242,221 commercial farming households in South Africa, of which only 43,891 (18%) are white commercial farmers. (This is very much in line with the VAT registered farmers but also acknowledging the fact that many white farm businesses are not necessarily registered for VAT.)
Let’s consider only the agricultural households with agriculture as their main source of income, surveyed in the 2016 community survey. We end up with a total of 132,700 households, of whom 93,000 (70%) are black farmers. This reality is something that policy makers and farm organisations find very difficult to deal with and it seems that Trump also found this too good to be true.
We have tried here in a long winded way to deal with farm numbers and how to get to a race classification of farmers in South Africa. In the end we trust that we have managed to show that there are more black farmers in South Africa than white farmers. Their share in total output is smaller than that of their white counterparts. The National Agricultural Marketing Council puts black farmers’ share of agricultural production as roughly 10%. But these numbers are also incomplete and largely an undercount.
It will always be challenging to get to the real number of black farmers’ share of agricultural output as nobody would ever know whether the potato or the cabbage on the shelf came from a farm owned by a black farmer or a white person but operated by a black farmer, for example. As South Africans know, the labour on farms, in pack houses, distribution systems and retail are all black. So, the sweat and hard work of black South African workers are integral to the food supply chain in South Africa.
Let’s get these facts straight and promote them honestly.
Wandile Sihlobo is the Chief Economist of the Agricultural Business Chamber of South Africa (Agbiz) and a member of the Presidential Economic Advisory Council (PEAC).
Johann Kirsten does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Most South African farmers are black: why Trump got it so wrong – https://theconversation.com/most-south-african-farmers-are-black-why-trump-got-it-so-wrong-257668
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Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Hannah J. Dawson, Senior Lecturer, Anthropology and Development Studies, University of Johannesburg
South Africa’s young people, aged 15 to 34, who make up more than 50% of the country’s working age population, bear a disproportionate burden of unemployment. They have done so for more than a decade. Of this group, those aged 15-24 face the highest barriers to the job market, according to data from Statistics South Africa. The majority of these young people live in the townships and informal settlements.
A new book, Making a Life: Young Men on Johannesburg’s Urban Margins, examines how young people in Zandspruit, an informal settlement on the outskirts of Johannesburg, make a life. Anthropologist Hannah Dawson explains why she chose Zandspruit for her research and shares her findings about the sociopolitical landscape of urban settlements.
It started with my arrival there in 2011 to study a wave of political protests during local elections. This sparked a much longer research journey spanning more than a decade, which this book traces.
The settlement was established in the early 1990s and has grown into a densely populated area of around 50,000 people, across 14 pieces of land.
The expansion of Zandspruit reflects broader trends in post-apartheid South Africa: rapid urbanisation, inadequate urban housing, rising unemployment and underemployment — including a shift from permanent to casual work, and from formal to informal employment.
What sets Zandspruit apart is its location. It is near post-apartheid economic hubs such as Kya Sands, with its light industries and business parks, and Lanseria Airport, a growing freight and logistics hub earmarked for expansion under the Greater Lanseria Masterplan. It also borders affluent suburbs and golf estates. This makes it distinct from older, more isolated settlements in Johannesburg’s south. Its proximity to shopping malls, townhouse complexes, warehouses and commercial zones makes it a destination of choice for migrants. They include people seeking a foothold in the urban market from rural areas of South Africa as well as people from other parts of the African continent.
This proximity makes Zandspruit a case study for understanding how residents access urban job markets, and the connections between wage and non-wage economic activities.
The book draws on research primarily with young men, whose work and lives I followed over ten years. It shows how young men on the urban margins navigate structural unemployment and inequality by forging social ties, asserting belonging, and pursuing alternative livelihoods within what I call Zandspruit’s “redistributive economy”. I use the phrase “making a life” to move beyond survival or income generation. A life is not only about securing food and shelter. It involves the pursuit of social connection, identity, place and dignity.
For many of the young men I came to know, this often involved turning down demeaning jobs in favour of self-initiated income strategies that offered greater autonomy. These included renting out shacks, running internet cafes or car washes, or operating as mashonisas (unregistered loan sharks). Such efforts reflect more than personal resilience – they reveal how men’s social position and connections within the settlement shape access to the more lucrative niches of the local economy.
These dynamics point to a broader condition facing young people in South Africa: deep and persistent material insecurity. Yet, they also show the ways in which young people, especially young men, are actively building lives in the face of profound uncertainty. They are crafting meaning and striving for something more in a context marked by chronic unemployment and inequality.
The residents of Zandspruit are not equally poor or marginalised. A focus of the book is the division between “insiders” – long-term residents with access to property who earn rental income – and “outsiders” – new arrivals and immigrants who, as tenants, are more dependent on low-paid jobs. These distinctions shape access to land, housing, livelihoods and local recognition.
Most immigrants form a precarious tenant class, while landlords tend to be established residents with long-standing ties to the settlement. Zandspruit is a deeply stratified space where social connections, property access and local citizenship determine who belongs and who benefits. By tracing men’s positions as insiders or outsiders, the book shows how these inequalities shape their economic strategies and capacity to build a life on the urban margins.
The book doesn’t make policy recommendations. However, it speaks to key public and policy debates. Media and policy narratives often portray unemployed youth as idle and disconnected from society, ignoring the complex, often invisible, economic activities and arrangements that structure their lives. While informal and unstable, these pursuits reflect resourcefulness, local knowledge, and a conscious rejection of degrading labour.
It challenges the idea that informal entrepreneurship can solve youth unemployment. Most enterprises are too precarious to lift young people out of poverty. It also questions the notion that informal settlements are simply ghettos of exclusion and poverty. Instead, it highlights the inequalities within the settlement and calls for greater attention to be paid to the local economies and social orders being forged within these spaces. Understanding these dynamics is crucial to rethinking how we respond to unemployment, the urban housing crisis and inequality in South Africa.
Hannah J. Dawson received funding from the Commonwealth Scholarship Commission and the National Research Foundation.
– ref. Young men on South Africa’s urban margins: new book follows their lives over 10 years – https://theconversation.com/young-men-on-south-africas-urban-margins-new-book-follows-their-lives-over-10-years-257026
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Source: The Conversation – UK – By Christian van Nieuwerburgh, Professor of Coaching and Positive Psychology, RCSI University of Medicine and Health Sciences
Even though we live in a constantly connected world, more people feel lonely than ever before. According to public polling company Gallup, nearly a quarter of the world’s population reports feeling lonely.
At the same time, we’re overwhelmed by distractions: 80% of desk-based workers admit to losing concentration during meetings. And with just a scroll through our newsfeeds, we see growing polarisation and political division on a global scale.
In such uncertain times, the practice of radical listening – listening with greater intention – offers a way to reconnect and to foster a deeper sense of empathy, engagement and hope.
In our book, Radical listening: the art of true connection, which I co-authored with positive psychology expert Dr Robert Biswas-Diener, we explore how radical listening can improve motivation, wellbeing and meaningful connection. To become a radical listener, you’ll need to embrace two core ideas and develop six essential skills.
The first idea is about clarifying your intention when listening. At the heart of radical listening is the belief that we always listen with a purpose — even if we’re not fully aware of it. For example, we might listen to a podcast with the intention of learning something, or attend a comedy show with the goal of being entertained.
When we set a clear intention, we become more attuned to what matters. If your aim is to show appreciation during a conversation, you’ll naturally tune in to the qualities you value in the other person — a thoughtful comment, a kind gesture. If you want to elevate your listening, enter conversations with a positive, deliberate intention.
The second idea is about matching your listening intention to what will be most helpful for your conversation partner. This is grounded in the principle of optimal matching of social support. Biswas-Diener explains it well here: meaningful conversations happen when there’s alignment between what the speaker needs and what the listener offers.
This may sound obvious, but we often miss the mark. Say your partner has had a tough day. Should you offer advice? Reassure them with a personal story? Just listen and empathise? Change the subject to distract them? The most effective response might be asking: “What do you need from me right now?” When you get the match right, you’ll feel the connection.
We all have our own listening styles: empathetic, animated, quiet, curious. The good news is that everyone can improve their listening by practising these six core skills:
1. Noticing: This means scanning for subtle but relevant cues: body language, facial expressions, changes in tone, or unusual word choices. Noticing shows you’re fully present. For example: “I noticed you lit up when you talked about your previous job.”
2. Quieting: Managing distractions, both external and internal. Great listeners reduce interruptions by putting away their phones or turning off notifications – but also by calming their internal chatter. Being rested and mentally present makes quieting possible.
3. Accepting: Respecting others’ right to their views – even when you disagree. Acceptance doesn’t mean agreement. It means acknowledging that others have a valid perspective. Try practising this by listening to someone whose views challenge your own.
4. Acknowledging: Validating your conversation partner’s experiences and contributions. Look for opportunities to highlight their strengths, reflect their feelings and show empathy through both your words and expressions.
5. Questioning: Curiosity is a cornerstone of radical listening. Ask questions that express genuine interest and invite deeper sharing. Try: “What was it about that moment that made it so special for you?”
6. Interjecting: Jump in (briefly) with minimal encouragers to show you’re engaged – then jump back out. Minimal encouragers are short verbal or nonverbal cues used during a conversation to show you’re engaged without interrupting or taking over. They’re a key skill in radical listening because they let the speaker know you’re present and responsive while keeping the focus on them. Think of it as offering small bursts of energy, like “That’s amazing!” or “Wow, I didn’t know that.” It shows you’re actively listening, not passively absorbing.
Radical listening is a hyper-intentional, purposeful and proactive approach to connection. It’s about helping others feel seen, valued and heard. The benefits for your conversation partner are clear — but there are also real advantages for you. You’ll build deeper relationships, experience more satisfying interactions, and be able to create trust quickly.
In a world of loneliness, distraction, and division, radical listening isn’t just a nice idea – it’s a powerful tool for human connection.
This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.
Christian van Nieuwerburgh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Radical listening: two big ideas and six core skills that could help you connect more deeply with others – https://theconversation.com/radical-listening-two-big-ideas-and-six-core-skills-that-could-help-you-connect-more-deeply-with-others-256289
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Source: The Conversation – UK – By Robert Dover, Professor of Intelligence and National Security & Dean of Faculty, University of Hull
The ongoing debate over whether Iranian nuclear sites were “obliterated”, as the US president and his team insist, or merely “damaged”, as much of the intelligence suggest, should make us pause and think about the nature and purpose of intelligence.
As Donald Rumsfeld famously said “if it was a fact it wouldn’t be called intelligence”.
The recorded fate of the Iranian nuclear sites will be decided by the collection and assessment of difficult to reach raw intelligence feeds. These will include imagery, technical, communications and human intelligence, among many secret techniques.
The classified conclusions of these efforts are unlikely to make their way into the public realm, unless there is Congressional or Senate inquiry, like the one held after 9/11.
So, why does it matter?
There has been strong public interest in intelligence assessments since 9/11 and the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Intelligence is often only seen in public when something has gone wrong – either that something was missed or the public has been misled. Inquiries into 9/11 criticised intelligence agencies for not putting together single strands of intelligence into a whole picture, revealing the plot and the attack.
Inquiries into the approach to the 2003 Iraq war suggested intelligence agencies had allowed their assessments to become shaped by political need, or had failed to adequately caution about what they did not know.
Successful intelligence operations nearly always mean that something damaging to the country or the public has been prevented. If agencies celebrated these successes loudly they might reveal something about their techniques and reach that is useful to our adversaries. So, our understanding of intelligence tends to be framed by popular culture – or by the inquiries around intelligence failures.
From these two sources, intelligence is simultaneously all-seeing and deeply flawed. Add in narratives around the “deep state” – a shorthand that accuses unnamed and publicly unaccountable government officials of frustrating the will of the people – and it should be no surprise that the public and politicians are sometimes confused about security intelligence and published assessmements.
In the case of the Iranian nuclear facilities, the importance of the intelligence picture is focused around politics, diplomacy and security. Donald Trump would obviously prefer an official narrative that his decision and orders have put back the Iranian nuclear programme by years. This is why he talks about the sites being obliterated. And it’s why his director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, has affirmed that her intelligence-led assessment agrees. That said, she has opted not to give testimony to the Senate.
When it comes diplomacy, the judgement of intelligence officials could do one of two things. It could either place Iran in a poorer negotiating position with no nuclear programme to provide it with the ultimate security. Or it could allow Tehran to present the country as an emerging nuclear power, with the added muscle that implies. This judgement will have an impact on Israel’s need to preemptively contain Iran. And in security terms, the classified judgement will also help to shape the next steps of the US president, his diplomats and his armed forces.
The assessment given to the public may well be different from the one held within the administration. While uncomfortable for us outside of government circles, this is often a perfectly reasonable choice for a government to make. Security diplomacy is best done behind closed doors. Or at least, this used to be the case. Now Trump appears to be remaking the art of statecraft in public with his TruthSocial posts and his earthy and authentic language in press conferences.
Having a large gap between the secret intelligence assessment and the publicly acknowledged position can have stark consequences for a government. The 1971 Pentagon Papers are a good example of this.
These were prepared for the government about the progress of the Vietnam war and leaked to the press. The leaks highlighted the inaccuracy in government reporting to the American public about the progress of the war. The fallout included a number of official inquiries that shone a negative light on intelligence agencies. They also resulted in a strengthening of media freedoms.
Similarly, the 2003 Iraq war damaged the credibility of the US intelligence community. It became clear to that the unequivocal statements about Iraqi possession of weapons of mass destruction turned out to be overstated and under-evidenced. The loss of trust, limitations on the executive use of intelligence and the losses to the US in blood and treasure in the Iraq campaign are still being felt in American politics.
Last, the Snowden leaks of 2013 highlighted the mismatch between what was understood about intelligence intrusion into private communications data, including internet browsing activities, and what was happening in the National Security Agency through programmes such as Prism.
The Snowden leaks had an impact on America’s standing with its allies and resulted in the USA Freedom Act in 2015. This imposed some limits on the data that US intelligence agencies can collect on American citizens and also clarified the use of wiretaps and tracking “lone wolf” terrorists.
The Snowden affair also fuelled a growing narrative about unaccountable deep state activity that has foregrounded online phenomena such as the conspiracy site QAnon. It has also boosted some populist politics that point to, and feed off the public suspicion on, mass surveillance and hidden government activities.
The lessons for the current debate are clear. The first is that using intelligence assessments to justify military actions contain enduring hazards for governments, given the propensity among public servants for leaking.
From that, it naturally follows that when published intelligence is shown to be incorrect, the unintended consequence for governments is a loss of trust and having fewer freedoms to make use of intelligence to protect the nation state.
Robert Dover has previously received research funding from the AHRC to examine lessons that can be drawn from intelligence and he and Michael Goodman published an edited collection from this project.
– ref. Row over damage to Iran’s nuclear programme raises questions about intelligence – https://theconversation.com/row-over-damage-to-irans-nuclear-programme-raises-questions-about-intelligence-260021
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Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Suleman Lazarus, Visiting Fellow, Mannheim Centre for Criminology, London School of Economics and Political Science
When people discuss online fraud, the focus is often on those who directly deceive victims. Little attention is given to those who enable these crimes by providing the digital infrastructure necessary for deception.
This digital infrastructure includes reliable access to electricity and the internet, as well as digital tools such as proxy servers, spoofing software, phishing kits and virtual private networks. Those involved must possess technical competencies in areas like web development, social engineering and systems maintenance, skills that are critical for sustaining fraudulent operations behind the scenes.
Research on cybercrime is expanding in west Africa, particularly studies of Nigeria and Ghana. But Cameroon is understudied. This gap in research has obscured a pervasive problem in Cameroon: website developers who create digital storefronts for fraudsters.
Pet scams are a particularly common type of online fraud perpetrated by Cameroonian fraudsters. This is a form of non-delivery fraud in which victims are tricked into paying for animals that do not exist. Typically, these fake pet websites target prospective pet buyers in countries like the US, Canada and Australia by advertising nonexistent pedigree puppies and kittens as well as exotic animals such as parrots, macaws and tortoises.
Rather than focusing on the fraudsters themselves, our study examined the infrastructure that enables this fraud to happen and the hidden networks of actors who make deception possible. Our research sheds light on a little-known group of enablers: website developers in anglophone Cameroon who knowingly build fake shopping websites.
Through interviews with 14 website developers engaged in this illicit trade, we explored the socio-economic and political forces that drive their participation.
Our findings showed that a mix of economic hardship, social norms and cultural beliefs drive fraud enablement in Cameroon. Our study highlights the need for a more nuanced understanding of cybercrime. The website developers in Cameroon do not fit the typical profile of a fraudster. They see themselves as skilled workers navigating a complex socio-political landscape where survival often comes before morality, given that Cameroon, under Paul Biya’s presidency of more than 40 years, has experienced widespread poverty, instability and an uncertain succession struggle.
To address fraud effectively, interventions must go beyond simply punishing offenders. Instead, efforts should focus on dismantling the structures that allow fraud to thrive, starting with those who enable it.
A central theme emerging from our interviews was the impact of the Ambazonian Crisis, an ongoing separatist conflict in Cameroon’s anglophone regions. The crisis began as peaceful demonstrations in 2016 when trade unionists and lawyers protested against the mandatory use of the French language in schools and law courts. By 2017, these protests had turned violent as armed separatist groups emerged within the anglophone regions, engaging in sporadic conflict with government forces. The separatists called for the secession of the two anglophone regions, referring to them as Ambazonia. The conflict has since escalated. Reports estimate that the violence has led to approximately 6,000 civilian deaths, the displacement of 600,000 people within Cameroon, and the forced migration of over 77,000 people into Nigeria as refugees.
The website developers we interviewed described how daily gunfire, displacement and political instability had made it difficult to secure stable employment and find clients.
Interviewees cited frequent power outages and internet blackouts as barriers to working with legitimate clients.
As one developer put it:
There are times when we go without electricity or network for days. I might have a legitimate client, but if the power goes out, I lose the job. Fraudsters, on the other hand, don’t care about delays. They are always there with another request.
Ghost-town protests, where separatists enforce economic shutdowns and force people to stay in their homes, further limit opportunities for legitimate business. In this unstable environment, undertaking website development for fraudsters became one of the few steady income streams.
A second theme was spiritual beliefs. We found that spiritual beliefs had an impact on decision-making. Developers rationalised their work by distinguishing between fraud and fraud enablement. Directly perpetrating fraud against victims, they believed, carried spiritual consequences, while simply building websites for fraudsters did not. Some fraudsters in west Africa visit a so-called “juju priest”, who may demand animal sacrifice and even murder in return for their blessing. The website developers we spoke to did not want to get involved in this.
One of the developers shared his fears about spiritual repercussions:
Scammers who do rituals for money, they don’t last. Most of the time, you see them dying at the age of 20 or 30. I don’t want to be involved in that. But making websites? That’s different. I’m not the one taking the money.
A third theme in our findings was the Big Boy culture, a subculture that glorifies online fraud as a symbol of success. In some west African communities, fraudsters who display their wealth through expensive cars, clothes and lifestyles are seen as role models rather than criminals.
Vanesa, a developer, explained:
Everybody wants to chill with the Big Boys. Fraudsters want to be seen as superstars, and that means spending money like celebrities.
The normalisation of internet fraud in some circles has created a perception that financial success justifies the means by which it is achieved. While some developers disapproved of fraudsters’ extravagant lifestyles, others saw it as a model of economic survival to aspire to.
These findings challenge the simplistic notion that the internet inherently enables fraud. Instead, fraud thrives within a complex ecosystem that includes not just the perpetrators but also the enablers who facilitate deception for economic, political, and cultural reasons.
A more effective fraud prevention strategy should address the enablers of cybercrime, not just the scammers.
This means:
providing alternative economic opportunities for tech-savvy youth
investing in reliable infrastructure to support legitimate business development
understanding cultural attitudes to create more effective awareness campaigns
recognising the role of spiritual beliefs in shaping perceptions of crime and morality.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
– ref. Fake online shops rely on tech skills: what drives Cameroon’s web developers to assist online fraudsters – https://theconversation.com/fake-online-shops-rely-on-tech-skills-what-drives-cameroons-web-developers-to-assist-online-fraudsters-252429
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