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Category: Report

  • MIL-OSI Global: Blaming absent dads for the crisis of masculinity is too simplistic – many men want to be more involved

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anna Tarrant, Professor of Sociology, University of Lincoln

    imtmphoto/Shutterstock

    Fatherlessness and a lack of male role models are often cited as causes of an apparent crisis of masculinity among boys. This is not new. These arguments have been made for nearly half a century, both in the UK and the US, as the root of a multitude of social issues.

    These are key ideas in the Lost Boys report from thinktank the Centre for Social Justice, cited recently by Gareth Southgate in his Richard Dimbleby lecture on the issues facing boys. In this report, concerns about fatherlessness and a lack of male role models for boys in their homes and schools loom large as part of an explanation about why boys today are “lost” and struggling.

    I am a researcher who works with boys and fathers, especially with those in low-income communities. I have long feared that these explanations fall short. In the report, boys are presented as passive victims of inequalities. Men, as fathers and educators, are considered to be to blame when they are deemed absent, or seen as a way to solve the societal ills that influence and shape the nation’s boys.

    But simply asking fathers to step up and do better isn’t enough. In my research with men as caregivers, including young fathers aged 25 and under, I’ve found they want to be involved in their children’s lives but face numerous challenges that can make this more difficult.

    Whether struggling to secure qualifications and find employment or family-suitable housing that is near to or safe for their children, they come up against serious barriers to support with their parenting.

    The UK remains woefully ill-equipped to support fathers to be involved and present in the lives of their children. Not only do we have among the worst parental leave offers in Europe, but family and public health services do not routinely engage with fathers as effectively as they should.

    Diverse family life

    Lost Boys also presents a bleak picture of family life in Britain. It highlights what is referred to, rather sensationally, as an epidemic of family breakdown.

    The report notes there are “just shy of half of young Britons growing up with only one biological parent … with close to nine out of ten of these being single mothers”. If absent fathers are the problem, then this concern over fatherlessness also presents single mothers bringing up boys as lacking.



    Read more:
    Having a single parent doesn’t determine your life chances – the data shows poverty is far more important

    Further, in the emphasis on the absence of biological fathers from households, it is assumed that the diverse ways we now live family life are also a problem. This obscures the very meaningful family connections that are forged through co-habiting, step-parenting, single-sex parenting and other forms of care – which men also engage in.

    Including fathers

    Working-class communities often bear the brunt of concerns about a gender crisis. Men in these communities, through labels like feckless and absent dads, are portrayed as failing fathers. This often happens despite limited engagement with them to understand their experiences.

    Fathers may face barriers, such as access to nearby work and housing, that prevent them from spending as much time with their children as they want.
    Alex Linch/Shutterstock

    My research with boys and fathers over the last decade has shown there are greater benefits when fathers are directly involved in addressing the systemic challenges shaping their parenting experiences. We have therefore involved fathers in creating dads’ groups and online parenting support, where they challenge negative views and advocate for progressive societal support for boys and men.

    Shifting away from the concept of “fatherless families”, this work promotes the idea of creating societies that are father-inclusive and better at supporting men as fathers. This might be by advocating for increased time to bond with their children through well-funded and affordable parental leave, or through more effective public health and community-based support for fathers through pregnancy and parenthood.

    Focusing on including fathers means we can explore ways that societies can better support men to be involved in caregiving – and role modelling.

    To do this requires collective and collaborative efforts. Building partnerships and fostering dialogues across diverse sectors including education, health, social services, local government and charities – as well as with parents and communities – we are better able to respond to the complexities of the issues boys and men navigate. My work demonstrates the value of developing systemic solutions that are rooted in lived experience and professional insight.

    The issues boys and men navigate are diverse, messy and reflective of the complex machinery of our social world. They’re linked to socioeconomic inequalities, geography and social history.

    Meaningfully addressing the problems boys and young men encounter that play out in our homes, schools and online means broadening the scope of change beyond individuals and families. It means creating the social conditions for happier, healthier journeys into and through adulthood and fatherhood.

    Anna Tarrant receives funding from UK Research & Innovation.

    – ref. Blaming absent dads for the crisis of masculinity is too simplistic – many men want to be more involved – https://theconversation.com/blaming-absent-dads-for-the-crisis-of-masculinity-is-too-simplistic-many-men-want-to-be-more-involved-252408

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How scratching monkeys can help us understand emotions and consciousness

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Bonaventura Majolo, Professor of Social Evolution, University of Lincoln

    A recent study tested Japanese macaque self scratching Tathoms/Shutterstock

    Scientists Sakumi Iki and Ikuma Adachi recently spent a lot of time watching monkeys scratch themselves.

    Self-scratching among non-human primates is known to indicate social tension and anxiety. The two researchers from Kyoto University, Japan, wanted to use this link to work out whether being anxious (and so scratching a lot) made their monkey subjects more pessimistic, or whether their pessimism was what drove their anxiety (and their scratching).

    Their findings suggest the former is true, as the primates were more likely to make a pessimistic choice if they had scratched their body. This not only provides evidence for an important theory about how physiological changes are linked to emotional states, but also shows that monkeys’ body language can reveal some interesting cues about how animal consciousness may differ from that of humans.

    Several studies have previously shown that self-scratching in primates is linked to social tension and emotional state. For instance, a 1991 study found monkeys who were given an anxiety relief drug seemed to scratch themselves less, whereas monkeys who received an anxiety-inducing drug increased self-scratching.

    Research has also shown subordinate capuchin monkeys self-scratch more when they are approached by a dominant individual, perhaps due to the increased risk of aggression. Japanese macaques with a high tendency to scratch themselves are less likely to make peace after a conflict with their group companions.

    Researchers of animal and human behaviour often use self-scratching as a measure of short-term changes in anxiety, social tension and emotional state. Self-scratching is also linked to social tension in humans: people often scratch more during a short period of high anxiety.

    Self-scratching is an example of what behavioural scientists call displacement behaviour, which includes yawning, lip-biting, fumbling and face-touching.

    Research has shown it can also allow us to better cope with anxiety. For example in 2012, UK researchers asked participants to do difficult (and in some cases unsolvable) arithmetic calculations in front of an audience, and found that participants who displayed higher rates of self-scratching during the test also reported a lower level of anxiety after the test.

    Japanese macaques are well known for bathing in hot springs.
    mapman/Shutterstock

    The researchers at Kyoto University found that macaques seem to have a different relationship to displacement behaviour than humans.

    Iki and Adachi worked with six adult Japanese macaques (Macaca fuscata). They used videos of a macaque scratching themselves to induce self-scratching in their study subjects, since this behaviour is contagious, similar to yawning.

    They trained the monkeys to choose between different options on a greyscale touchscreen. The darker the shade of grey, the more likely the monkeys were to get a food reward.

    When they chose the lightest shade of grey, the touchscreen temporarily blanked out. The darkest shade of grey always rewarded the monkeys with food and the three shades in the middle had inconsistent outcomes.

    These stimuli tested whether the monkeys were biased towards optimism or pessimism. The monkeys who self-scratched were more likely to be pessimistic about the outcome of the inconsistent stimuli. The researchers measured pessimism in terms of reaction time.

    The longer it took a monkey to choose the ambiguous shades, the more pessimistic the researchers believed the monkeys to be. Monkeys didn’t seem to hesitate if they didn’t scratch. The researchers argue that scratching was a sign the monkeys were anxious and being anxious made the monkeys more pessimistic about the future.

    Their study was one of the first to test what’s known as the James-Lange theory in non-human animals. The theory argues there is a sequential connection between behavioural and physiological components of emotions and our experience of these emotions. According to this idea, behavioural and physiological responses happen first. This means, for example, that having an irregular heartbeat would make us anxious.

    The new results support the James–Lange theory. Negative emotions (measured by self-scratching) induce pessimism, and not vice-versa. The areas of the brain linked to basic emotions, such as fear, are similar in mammals. However, it is unclear whether the way we experience these emotions is comparable to other species.

    For example, two human subjects who have similar physiological responses in relation to anxiety may perceive it differently. One subject may be OK with anxiety, another subject may struggle to handle such situation. We know non-human primates have individual responses to anxiety, but we don’t fully know why and we can’t ask them.

    This study highlights interesting similarities, but also differences between humans and other species. A possible difference is related to consciousness. Humans have a conscious experience of their bodily responses which affects how we respond to them.

    An irregular heartbeat can make us anxious. This isn’t just because it causes a physiological response that induces stress, but also since we know that something is wrong when we feel that our heartbeat is irregular, which can make us even more anxious.

    I say this is “possibly” a difference because some researchers argue that other animals, like chimpanzees or elephants, may have some form of consciousness.

    Humans, unlike the Japanese macaques of this study, can also have the opposite temporal pattern predicted by the James-Lange theory. If I know that I have an exam tomorrow, this thought may make my heartbeat become irregular.

    The short-term link between emotional responses and the perception of these responses could be shared by many primates (the group of animals that include humans, other apes, monkeys and lemurs) and other mammals too. But research is yet to demonstrate this conclusively.

    Research like the one by Iki and Adachi demonstrates the importance of studying a wide range of species, and not just the ones closest to humans, such as chimpanzees and bonobos, to better understand what factors shape behavioural and cognitive skills in the animal kingdom.

    Bonaventura Majolo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How scratching monkeys can help us understand emotions and consciousness – https://theconversation.com/how-scratching-monkeys-can-help-us-understand-emotions-and-consciousness-250694

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why your medical condition might be named after a food

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Adam Taylor, Professor of Anatomy, Lancaster University

    “Strawberry nose” can refer to a skin disorder called rhinophyma or large pores or blackheads on the nose Roman Samborskyi/Shutterstock

    From watermelon stomach to chocolate cysts, you might wonder why doctors decided to name some ailments after foods – after all, it’s enough to put you off your dinner.

    When early physicians and surgeons were studying the body to understand normal function or disease, they lacked modern microscopic and molecular imaging and diagnostic techniques. Instead, they had to rely on basic observational skills and often used easily recognised descriptors to explain the appearance of organs and diseases.

    Food, then, became a convenient way to communicate the appearance of the body – in health and in sickness. This practice is known as eponymophilia and it continues today, particularly in pathology – the study of disease.

    There are lots of eponyms to describe the female reproductive system. Many healthcare workers describe healthy ovaries, for instance, as almond shape and size, while the shape of a typical uterus is often likened to an upside-down pear.

    Different shapes can be down to normal anatomical variation but can also be a sign of disease. Knowing these shapes and sizes allows for rapid identification during imaging assessments or medical examinations.

    Following childbirth and the cutting of the umbilical cord, the mother must deliver the afterbirth. According to 16th century anatomist, Matteo Realdo Colombo, the afterbirth looked like a “flat-cake”, and so he named it “placenta”, which comes from the Latin word for a type of cake.



    Read more:
    How a 16th century Italian anatomist came up with the word ‘placenta’: it reminded him of a cake

    Doctors examine the placenta carefully post-delivery to make sure none is left inside the mother – a condition known as retained placenta – which happens in 0.1-3% of births. Retained placenta can cause post-partum haemorrhage and and even the death of the mother, so checking the placenta looks like a “flat-cake” can save lives.

    While some eponyms, like the flat-cake placenta, seem straightforward, others can seem rather unkind. Take the common descriptions of Cushing’s syndrome for instance.

    People with Cushing’s often have a larger than average abdomen and lean legs, known as “lemon on matchstick” and can develop a “moon face” and a “buffalo hump”.

    Cushing’s disease is caused by long-term exposure to high levels of cortisol, a hormone the body makes to regulate its response to stress. It can develop naturally from tumours forming in the adrenal or pituitary glands, which produce cortisol.

    More commonly, however, it’s caused by some medicines, such as steroids – which contain a synthetic version of cortisol.

    Some eponyms can also function as euphemisms – making a serious, even threatening condition sound less worrying. Take “milky leg syndrome” or “milk leg”, for instance – deep vein thrombosis (DVT) in the iliac veins in the pelvis or the femoral veins at the top of your legs.

    The blockage prevents venous drainage – when veins drain deoxygenated blood and return it to the heart – from the legs, which causes painful, pale and swollen legs.

    Research suggests that 75% of cases of milk leg occur in the left leg and men are more likely to develop the condition than women. There are a number of risk factors, including previous vein blockage, obesity and pregnancy.

    If not treated promptly, the condition can progress to phlegmasia cerulea dolens – a rare but serious complication of DVT causing fluid build-up that prevents arteries from delivering blood into the tissues – which can lead to tissue death and venous gangrene. Sadly, once venous gangrene has set in, amputation and death are common outcomes.

    While this all sounds grim, spare a thought for those who suffer from “hot potato voice”, which describes the sound of someone who has an obstruction somewhere in the upper part of their airway. This blockage prevents the person from forming sounds properly and can be caused by an abscess in or around the tonsils, or a stone lodged in the throat.

    Before I go on, it’s only fair to warn you that if you’re eating or drinking or you haven’t got the stomach for more graphic descriptions, you might not want to read any further.

    Not for the faint-hearted

    Pea soup diarrhoea is an apt description of a deeply unpleasant infection: salmonella. Salmonella – or food poisoning – is an infection with salmonella bacteria that causes diarrhoea, high temperature and stomach pains. It can be transmitted from person to person through contaminated food or water or from touching infected animals, their faeces, or their environment.

    Thankfully, most healthy people recover fully by drinking plenty of fluids and resting. Younger or older people are at greater risk of more severe illness, as are immunocompromised people, and they may be prescribed antibiotics to help them recover from the infection.

    While diarrhoea can look like pea-soup, some STIs can look like cauliflower. Yes, sexually transmitted warts caused by the human papilloma virus can have a “cauliflower-like appearance”.

    They are typically seen on the external genitalia, around the anus and may be present internally too. Certain types of cancers, such as squamous cell carcinomas, also have a cauliflower-like appearance as they develop.

    The thick, white odourless discharge that can be a symptom of thrush is often likened to cottage cheese.

    The vagina usually self-cleans by producing a white or clear discharge. The white colour is most common at the beginning or end of the menstrual cycle; however, if the consistency becomes clumpy or curd-like, this is often a sign of infection.

    Most commonly, it’s a yeast infection but could also be a sexually transmitted disease, such as chlamydia. If there is a problem, this discharge is usually associated with other symptoms such as discomfort, pain, itching or an unpleasant smell.

    While some of these descriptions may seem unpleasant, they can be helpful to identify abnormalities and medical conditions. Food eponyms can help avoid confusion so doctors know what they’re looking for during examinations or surgery.

    Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why your medical condition might be named after a food – https://theconversation.com/why-your-medical-condition-might-be-named-after-a-food-247543

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Snow White: this opportunity to empower Disney’s first princess falls short at every turn

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Laura O’Flanagan, PhD Candidate, School of English, Dublin City University

    Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs was a wonder of animation and cinema when it was first released by Disney in 1937. Based on the 1812 German fairy tale by the Brothers Grimm, it tells the story of a princess whose wicked step mother is intimidated by her youthful beauty. Desperate to be the “fairest of them all” the evil queen tries to have Snow White killed. Evading death, she is forced into hiding with seven dwarves.

    It was Disney’s first animated feature-length film and a critical and commercial success. Snow White was also the first Disney princess.

    In the decades since, Disney’s pantheon of princesses has grown. Alongside newer princess, Snow White seems pretty antiquated and uninspiring. She is a passive, innocent character who doesn’t do very much but wait around for her prince with whom she travels into the sunset at the film’s conclusion. In contrast, Moana (2016) and Elsa from Frozen (2013) are strong and independent characters who develop into thoughtful and careful leaders by the end of their stories.

    So, in an age of live-action remakes of some of Disney’s most iconic films it seemed fitting to give the character who started it all an update for modern audiences. However, the production was mired in controversy before it was even released, raising questions about whether Snow White is a story that can ever really be retold in a more empowering way.

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    Changing the story to move with the times is in keeping with traditions of oral folk tales. But, controversy has followed the film since it was announced. As a result, Disney scaled back their usual red carpet premieres and it has been critically panned upon release.

    To many, the prospect of an updated, less romantically inclined Snow White was unthinkable. Some online commenters dubbed a Snow White story where the princess is not dreaming of true love “woke”.

    There was also backlash against the choice of Rachel Zegler as Snow White because of her Colombian background. The live-action Snow White isn’t the first remake to be the source of such racism. The ire echoes the hatred which accompanied 2023’s The Little Mermaid, when black actress Halle Bailey was cast as Ariel.

    There were also those who had concerns about the story, particularly the titular seven dwarves. Actor Peter Dinklage, who has a form of dwarfism, has condemned the production’s use of CGI, rather than casting dwarf actors to play Snow White’s mining companions. The story’s representation of people with dwarfism, has led some to say that the story shouldn’t be retold altogether.



    Read more:
    Why the changing representation of dwarfism in Disney’s live action Snow White remake is so important

    However, there are some aspects of the story that could have provided interesting opportunities to explore modern issues.

    For instance, it could have thoughtfully explored female ageing through the character of the evil queen. It could also, perhaps, have commented on the politics of beauty and the pressure for consumers in their teens and twenties, who have started buying beauty products at younger ages than ever before.

    Like Frozen’s tale of sisters saving each other, it could have subverted the trope of the damsel in distress saved by her prince charming. Snow White could have been a strong heroine who can overcome evil on her own terms.

    The story could have revised mistakes of the past and depicted different body types and people of different sizes and statures. It could also have portrayed consensual kisses by updating the kiss Snow White receives while asleep, turning it into a moment she chooses to participate in.

    Unfortunately, the new Snow White does not achieve any of these, or really anything much at all. The result is a dull, pointless story with poorly rendered visuals, cheap-looking costumes and lacklustre musical numbers.

    Falling short

    The 1937 film was a technical marvel and remains one of Disney’s visual masterpieces. Snow White of 2025 looks like she is gallivanting through a theme park ride as she moves through the forest, bathed in permanent evening light among computer-generated woodland creatures in her garish costume.

    The miners are introduced as 274-year-old magical creatures. Their appearance is neither human nor magical creature, landing somewhere uncanny in between. This is the crux of the film’s entire problem. The opportunity to update Snow White fails on every level because it does not go far enough.

    The story largely remains intact, with some expansion in terms of backstory and some additional characters. The evil queen remains a one-dimensional villain obsessed with beauty.

    The script plays with the word “fair”, with it taking on a confused double-meaning in the story. To the queen “fair” is beautiful, in keeping with the 1937 film, but to Snow White, “fair” means just. This is an interesting idea but it becomes muddled as the film progresses, and loses its way.

    Snow White is portrayed with an expanded backstory and is certainly given more motivation than in the 1937 film. For instance, she wants to reinstate “fairness” in the kingdom, which has been under the tyrannical rule of the evil queen since Snow White’s father’s death. But as more characters are introduced to aid Snow White on her journey, these serve as distraction and buffer, preventing her from showing any real development or growth.

    Prince Charming has been replaced by Jonathan, a Robin Hood-style bandit who condescendingly explains to Snow White why she has “princess problems”. He ultimately saves her by giving her true love’s kiss when she is under the queen’s spell. The issue of consent still swirls around this scene and underscores the question: is this an update at all?

    In the end, the queen is ultimately defeated by collective action, compared with a lightning bolt like in 1937. This is a significant development and perhaps the clearest update in the film. In 2025, the defeat of a vain autocrat by collective action is an appealing thought. Perhaps the filmmakers could have leaned into this idea, allowed Snow White to truly become one of the people and a clear democracy could have been established. But, like every other of the film’s updates, it falls short and she remains an unelected autocrat – albeit “the fairest one of all”.

    Laura O’Flanagan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Snow White: this opportunity to empower Disney’s first princess falls short at every turn – https://theconversation.com/snow-white-this-opportunity-to-empower-disneys-first-princess-falls-short-at-every-turn-253064

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Signal chat group affair: unprecedented security breach will seriously damage US international relations – expert view

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Robert Dover, Professor of Intelligence and National Security & Dean of Faculty, University of Hull

    Plans for an attack against an enemy target are classified in America. But the private views of high-ranking officials about allies, communicated within government, must also count as intelligence to be protected.

    The recent communication of this category of information over the Signal messaging app has been dismissed by the US president, Donald Trump as a mere “glitch”. It is definitely that. But it also raises the prospect that in his first two months of office, key parts of the administration might have inadvertently been leaving sensitive information vulnerable to enemy interception. That would be one of the most serious intelligence breaches in modern history.

    National security advisor, Mike Waltz, has subsequently “taken responsibility” for the episode – but, so far at least, remains in post. Instead, the administration has decided to launch bitter ad hominem attacks against the journalist that revealed this breach of security, the editor-in-chief of The Atlantic, Jeffrey Goldberg.

    Storied national security reporter: The Atlantic’s editor-in-chief Jeffrey Goldberg.
    US Secretary of Defense

    Trump called Goldberg a “total sleazebag”, defense secretary Pete Hegseth referred to him as “deceitful and highly discredited”. Walz called him “the bottom scum of journalists”.

    The recent chat group reported exchange involved the adminstration’s most senior national security officials: Waltz, Hegseth, Vice-President J.D. Vance, secretary of state Marco Rubio and director of national intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, among others.

    As we know now, it also, accidentally, included Goldberg, himself a storied national security reporter before he took up the editorship of the Atlantic. It’s a national security blunder almost without parallel.

    Interestingly, some of the people on this chat were among those who savaged Hilary Clinton’s use of a personal email address during her time as secretary of state. This was controversial, but did not meet the standard for prosecution. Most of her work-related emails were archived into federal records by their recipients on government email. It was poor practice, and regulations were significantly tightened after.

    If an inquiry is set up about this most recent incident, it will be interesting to see whether these messages are treated as federal records. This would be signficant because the messages would need to be handed over to officials to classify and archive as part of the public record. That would certainly clear up whether this was indeed a “glitch” or whether classified information was indeed shared – something the administration still denies.

    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.

    For such an elevated group of US government officials to use a consumer messaging app to talk business invites an easy win for enemy intelligence agencies. America’s key intelligence competitors invest billions of dollars in techniques and technologies to break the toughest encryption. For phone-based communications, we know that apps such as NSO Group’s Pegasus can be used to bypass the encryption on phones.

    The Guardian newspaper’s investigative work has highlighted how journalists and activists were targeted by countries using this technology and the interception capability of capable intelligence nations is far stronger. So the standard security induction to officials would cover communications, devices and protocols.

    It is not clear whether the protocols cover the use of emojis. Waltz’s use of a fist, fire and flag emoji is certainly unusual in diplomatic cables that have been aired publicly.

    Even worse, the communication between these officials was prior to a deployment of US military assets against an enemy target, the Houthi rebels in Yemen. This potentially placed the success of the operation and those assets at risk.

    That the Yemenis did not move assets that had been targeted does not conclusively prove that the communications remained safe. It has long been a practice to pick and choose when to risk revealing that communications are being intercepted.

    Zero accountability

    An ordinary intelligence officer who communicated about highly sensitive and classified deployments through a platform with security that is not accredited or controlled by the intelligence community, would certainly face disciplinary action. An officer who accidentally invited a journalist into this chat would be likely to face even stiffer sanctions. Trump seems to have rallied around his officials, however.

    The US has recent form in vigorously pursuing journalists who publish classified materials. The Edward Snowden leaks caused considerable damage to transatlantic intelligence and Snowden was forced to take up residence in Moscow to avoid prosecution.

    The newspapers who published his papers were subject to strong action from the governments in their countries. The publication of Chelsea Manning’s leaked cables – known as Cablegate – by Julian Assange and Wikileaks resulted in a lengthy process to try and prosecute Assange (Manning herself was prosecuted and was sentenced to 35 years in jail, serving seven).

    But instead, Trump has chosen to spearhead a backlash against The Atlantic – the “messenger”. It fits in with Trump’s antipathy towards the mainstream media and his strong preference for some social media outlets. It might also signal a more serious turn towards intolerance to investigative journalism.

    Diplomatic disaster

    What the Signal messages also reveal is a contempt for European allies among Trump’s most senior people. That will be difficult to repair. Describing allies who have lost thousands of soldiers supporting American foreign policy aims as “pathetic” and “freeloaders” will make it very difficult for those governments to underplay the significance of the comments.

    What we have seen in the Signal messages might herald a new era of diplomacy and policy making, by officials who are not afraid to break established patterns. What we can definitely say is that it is radically different to the diplomacy the rest of the west is used to, and it will be nearly impossible to unsee.

    The western allies will be accelerating their plans to be less dependent on the US – and this will be to America’s detriment.

    Robert Dover does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Signal chat group affair: unprecedented security breach will seriously damage US international relations – expert view – https://theconversation.com/signal-chat-group-affair-unprecedented-security-breach-will-seriously-damage-us-international-relations-expert-view-253090

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Politicians’ attacks on immigrants lack solid evidence: New data set the record straight

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Edward Koning, Associate professor, University of Guelph

    Immigration dominated recent election campaigns in countries that include the United Kingdom, France, Germany and the United States.

    The subject sparked particularly fierce debates over welfare. While some politicians called for more support for typically economically vulnerable immigrant populations, others argued that welfare systems are already too generous and accommodating to newcomers.

    Unfortunately, many debates on this subject lack solid evidence. A newly launched data set could change that. The data, which provides systematic information on immigrants’ access to social programs across different countries and different time periods, can help ground some of these discussions in empirical reality.

    The data set reveals key insights. One striking observation is that the countries where politicians most frequently complain that immigrants are treated too generously are among the most exclusionary from a comparative perspective.

    It also shows that although most welfare systems were moving towards greater inclusion up until the 2010s, since then social programs in many countries have become more inclusive in some respects but more exclusive in others.

    A new data set for 22 countries

    The data set, called the Immigrant Exclusion from Social Programs Index (IESPI), measures how much immigrants’ access to pensions, health care, unemployment benefits, housing benefits, social assistance and active labour market programs compares to that of native-born citizens.

    The index uses 32 indicators to measure factors like whether immigrants have to have resided in the country for a certain period of time, held a specific type of residence status, or met standards of successful integration before they can access social programs.

    The data covers the years 1990 to 2023 and includes information for 22 countries.

    Complaints about inclusion

    In the United States, President Donald Trump has voiced concerns about immigrants’ welfare access repeatedly, both during his first term and since taking office again this year.

    In last year’s British election, a staple of Rishi Sunak’s campaign was the insistence that immigrants threaten the sustainability of the welfare state.

    On the other side of the North Sea, the political party that won the Dutch elections made the argument that immigrants are “pampered” a central feature of its election platform.

    Ironically, all three of these countries are among the most exclusionary, according to the most recent IESPI data, as the graph below illustrates. (Note that the IESPI is organized such that a value of 0 is maximally inclusionary and 100 is maximally exclusionary.)

    Inclusionary trends have ended

    A second observation is that the era of social welfare systems becoming more inclusive for immigrants has ended.

    From 1990 until the 2010s, most western welfare systems were removing barriers for immigrant access to social programs. But since then, levels of immigrant welfare exclusion have not changed dramatically over time.

    Closer inspection shows that this picture of stability since the 2010s hides negative trends in different social programs.

    On the one hand, health-care programs and active labour market policies have gradually become more inclusionary. More and more countries have been making health-care services accessible for vulnerable immigrant populations, and rolling out targeted programs to improve newcomers’ chances on the labour market.

    On the other hand, social assistance policies have generally become more exclusionary over time. Many countries have intensified restrictions for recent arrivals, migrants without permanent residence status and migrants who cannot demonstrate successful integration.

    Large differences in historical trajectories

    When we look beyond aggregate trends, we also note very different trajectories in different countries.

    In some countries (Austria, Germany, Finland, Iceland, Malta, New Zealand, Portugal and Spain), social programs have become consistently more inclusionary.

    Other countries (Canada, Luxembourg and Sweden) have also undergone an inclusionary development, although at a more modest pace of change.

    In a third set of countries (Australia, Belgium, Denmark, France, Ireland, Italy, Norway and Switzerland), policies initially became more inclusionary but this trend was halted or reversed around 2010. The social programs of three other countries (the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States), finally, have consistently become more exclusionary over time.

    These comparisons within the IESPI data set hopefully enable us to make sense of the frequently charged nature of discussions about immigrants’ access to social programs.

    Most obviously, they show we should be cautious when listening to some of the politicians who are most critical of immigrant welfare access, like Donald Trump, Rishi Sunak and Geert Wilders.

    If their arguments that exclusionary reforms in their countries are nothing but reasonable adjustments to overly generous approaches ever had any merit, that merit is quickly evaporating.

    Edward Koning received funding from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada to collect the data for this project.

    – ref. Politicians’ attacks on immigrants lack solid evidence: New data set the record straight – https://theconversation.com/politicians-attacks-on-immigrants-lack-solid-evidence-new-data-set-the-record-straight-251853

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: With Hooters on the verge of bankruptcy, a psychologist reflects on her time spent studying the servers who work there

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Dawn Szymanski, Professor of Psychology, University of Tennessee

    Servers told researchers that they were instructed to make their male customers feel special. Brian Brainerd/The Denver Post via Getty Images

    In 1983, six businessmen got together and opened the first Hooters restaurant in Clearwater, Florida. Hooters of America LLC quickly became a restaurant chain success story.

    With its scantily clad servers and signature breaded wings, the chain sells sex appeal in addition to food – or as one of the company’s mottos puts it: “You can sell the sizzle, but you have to deliver the steak.” It inspired a niche restaurant genre called “breastaurants,” with eateries such as the Tilted Kilt Pub & Eatery and Twin Peaks replicating Hooters’ busty business model.

    A decade ago, business was booming for breastaurant chains, with these companies experiencing record sales growth.

    Today it’s a different story. Declining sales, rising costs and a large debt burden of approximately US$300 million have threatened Hooters’ long-term outlook. In summer 2024, the chain closed over 40 of its restaurants across the U.S. In February 2025, Bloomberg reported that the company was on the verge of filing for bankruptcy.

    Hooters isn’t necessarily going away for good. But it’s certainly looking like there will be fewer opportunities for women to work as “Hooters Girls” – and for customers to ogle at them.

    As a psychologist, I was originally interested in studying servers at breastaurants because I could sense an interesting dynamic at play. On the one hand, it can feel good to be complimented for your looks. On the other hand, I also wondered whether constantly being critiqued might eventually wear these servers down.

    So my research team and I decided to study what it was like to work in places like Hooters.

    In a series of studies, here’s what we found.

    Concocting a male fantasyland

    More so than most restaurants, managers at breastaurants like Hooters seek to strictly regulate how their employees look and act.

    For one of our studies, we interviewed 11 women who worked in breastaurants.

    Several of them said that they were told to be “camera ready” at all times.

    One described being given a booklet with exacting standards outlining her expected appearance, down to “nails, hair, makeup, brushing your teeth, wearing deodorant.” She had to promise to stay the same weight and height, wear makeup every shift and not change her hairstyle.

    Beyond a carefully constructed physical appearance, the servers relayed that they were also expected to be confident, cheerful, charming, outgoing and emotionally steeled. They were instructed to make male customers feel special, to be their “personal cheerleaders,” as one interviewee put it, and to never challenge them.

    Suffice it say, these demands can be unrealistic – and many of the servers we interviewed described becoming emotionally drained and eventually souring on the role.

    ‘The girls are a dime a dozen’

    It probably won’t come as a surprise that Hooters servers often encounter lewd remarks, sexual advances and other forms of sexual harassment from customers.

    But because their managers often tolerate this behavior from customers, it created the added burden of what psychologists call “double-binds” – situations where contradictory messages make it impossible to respond properly.

    For example, say a regular customer who’s a generous tipper decides to proposition a server. Now she’s in a predicament. She’s been instructed to make customers feel special. And he’s already left a big tip, in addition to being a regular. But she also feels creeped out, and his advances make her feel worthless. Should she push back?

    GOP presidential candidate Bob Dole shakes hands with Hooters employees after a campaign rally in Jacksonville, Fla., in 1996.
    J. David Ake/AFP via Getty Images

    You might assume that managers, aware that their scantily clad employees would be more likely to face harassment, would try to set boundaries and throw out customers who treated servers poorly. But we found that waitresses at breastaurants have less support from both management and their co-workers than servers at other restaurants.

    “Unfortunately, the girls are a dime a dozen, and that’s how they’re treated,” a former server and corporate trainer at a breastaurant explained.

    The lack of co-worker support might also come as a surprise. Rather than standing in solidarity, the servers tended to compete for favoritism, better shifts and raises from their bosses. Gossiping, name-calling and scapegoating were commonplace.

    The psychological toll

    My research team also wanted to learn more about the specific emotional and psychological costs of working in these types of environments.

    Psychologists Barbara Fredrickson and Tomi-Ann Robert have found that mental health problems that disproportionately affect women often coincide with sexual objectification.

    So we weren’t surprised to find that servers working in sexually objectifying restaurant environments, such as Hooters and Twin Peaks, reported more symptoms of depression, anxiety and disordered eating than those working in other restaurants. In addition, they wanted to be thinner, were more likely to monitor their weight and appearance, and were more dissatisfied with their bodies. Hooters didn’t reply to a request for comment on this story.

    Why are women drawn to the job?

    Given our findings, you might wonder why any women would choose to work in places like Hooters in the first place.

    The women we interviewed said that they sought work in breastaurants to make more money and have more flexibility.

    A number of servers in one of our studies noted that they could make more money this way than waitressing at a regular restaurant or in other “real” jobs.

    For example, one of the servers we interviewed used to work at a more run-of-the-mill restaurant.

    “It was OK, I made OK money,” she told us. “But working at Hooters … I’ve walked out with hundreds of dollars in one shift.”

    All the women we interviewed were in college or were mothers. So they enjoyed the high degree of flexibility in their work schedule that breastaurants provided.

    Finally, several of them had previously experienced objectification while growing up, or they’d participated in activities centered on physical appearance, such as beauty pageants and cheerleading. This likely contributed to their decision to work at a Hooters or one of its competitors: They’d been objectified as adolescents, and so they found themselves drawn to these kinds of setting as adults.

    Even so, our research suggests that the financial rewards and flexibility of working in breastaurants probably aren’t worth the potential psychological costs.

    Dawn Szymanski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. With Hooters on the verge of bankruptcy, a psychologist reflects on her time spent studying the servers who work there – https://theconversation.com/with-hooters-on-the-verge-of-bankruptcy-a-psychologist-reflects-on-her-time-spent-studying-the-servers-who-work-there-251217

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s tariffs on Canada and Mexico could spell trouble for distilled spirits

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Andrew Muhammad, Professor of Agriculture and Resource Economics, University of Tennessee

    If all the tariff drama in the news lately has you reaching for a stiff drink, you’re not alone. Unfortunately, those same tariffs might make it harder to get your hands on your favorite brand of tequila.

    In early March 2025, U.S. President Donald Trump levied import tariffs of 25% on goods from Canada and Mexico, following through on a promise he made back in November 2024. While he later partially reversed course, suspending tariffs on some goods, tensions remain high. Mexico is largely holding off on retaliation, but Canada quickly fired back with counter-tariffs on billions of dollars’ worth of U.S. products.

    These trade tensions spell trouble for numerous industries, including the booming spirits market. Canada and Mexico – two of the top U.S. trading partners – accounted for nearly half of the US$12 billion in distilled spirits the U.S. imported in 2024.

    As an agricultural economist, I’ve analyzed how a 25% tariff could affect tequila, whiskey and other distilled spirits – and the results weren’t pretty. I found that these tariffs would cost distilled spirit importers over $1 billion in lost trade, with tequila alone taking a more than $800 million hit.

    Americans’ thirst for imported liquor

    The U.S. imports far more distilled spirits than it exports – five times as much by value, as of 2024.

    Since 2000, U.S. imports of distilled spirits have surged by more than 300%, driven largely by the explosive rise in tequila consumption. Between 2000 and 2024, tequila imports rose by 1,400%, skyrocketing from $350 million to $5.4 billion.

    While imports of whiskey, liqueurs, vodka and brandy also grew, none matched tequila’s explosive rise. Tequila now represents 45% of all spirits imported into the U.S., up from 12% in 2000.

    Not surprisingly, 99% of tequila and mezcal is imported from Mexico, making it the leading foreign supplier of distilled spirits to the United States. Meanwhile, Canada has supplied between 4% and 6% of U.S. spirits imports over the past two decades, primarily whiskey and liqueurs.

    Since distilled spirits are classified as agricultural products, their rising imports have significantly contributed to the U.S. agricultural trade deficit. However, this isn’t necessarily a problem. Imports help meet demand from U.S. consumers, generate value-added opportunities for U.S. companies, and support economic activity in bars, liquor stores, restaurants and beyond.

    A 25% tariff on Mexican goods is a 25% tax on tequila

    In my study, published in February in the peer-reviewed journal Agribusiness and in a follow-up policy brief, I found that 25% tariffs on Mexico and Canada could reduce imports of distilled spirits by $1.2 billion. This loss exceeds the total amount of tax revenue those tariffs can expected to bring in.

    Unsurprisingly, tequila imports would be the hardest hit, falling by $810 million. I found that the tariff revenue from tequila – $910 million – could actually exceed the corresponding fall in imports. That’s because demand for tequila, like most alcoholic beverages, is what economists call “inelastic,” meaning that when prices rise, consumers are unlikely to change their purchasing decisions by very much.

    However, it would be a mistake to consider tequila in isolation. When I factored in other notable decreases, such as a $100 million drop in whiskey imports, I found that the value of total trade losses, in the form of decreased imports, would outweigh the total tariff revenue. I also found that no product category would come out ahead.

    In fact, even products like vodka, which are mostly exempt from these tariffs, would be indirectly affected. This is because tariffs can increase the overall cost of importing, leading businesses to reduce all imports, tariffed or otherwise. My research suggests that this “trade destruction” effect, to use an economics term, will be quite significant.

    A new era of tariffs

    The Trump administration has argued that tariffs will generate a lot of money for the federal government. But my research suggests those gains may not outweigh the economic costs to businesses and consumers.

    Contrary to common belief, trade losses don’t just affect exporting countries. Domestic consumers also face higher prices and fewer choices – hurting their overall economic welfare. Reducing imports also affects U.S. businesses involved in marketing, distribution and sales.

    Trade is more complex than a simple formula of “exports good, imports bad.” Research makes it clear that tariffs have negative consequences, including higher consumer prices, reduced product availability and downstream economic disruption. Policymakers would be wise to take those effects seriously. Otherwise, they might find themselves with a serious economic hangover.

    Andrew Muhammad does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump’s tariffs on Canada and Mexico could spell trouble for distilled spirits – https://theconversation.com/trumps-tariffs-on-canada-and-mexico-could-spell-trouble-for-distilled-spirits-251583

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Mississippi’s education miracle: A model for global literacy reform

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Harry Anthony Patrinos, Professor of Education Policy, University of Arkansas

    Mississippi’s reforms have led to significant gains in reading and math, despite the state being one of the lowest spenders per pupil in the U.S. Klaus Vedfelt/Getty Images

    In a surprising turnaround, Mississippi, once ranked near the bottom of U.S. education standings, has dramatically improved its student literacy rates.

    As of 2023, the state ranks among the top 20 for fourth grade reading, a significant leap from its 49th-place ranking in 2013. This transformation was driven by evidence-based policy reforms focused on early literacy and teacher development.

    The rest of the country might want to take note.

    That’s because Mississippi’s success offers a proven solution to the reading literacy crisis facing many states – a clear road map for closing early literacy gaps and improving reading outcomes nationwide.

    As an expert on the economics of education, I believe the learning crisis is not just an educational issue. It’s also economic.

    When students struggle, their academic performance declines. And that leads to lower test scores. Research shows that these declining scores are closely linked to reduced economic growth, as a less educated workforce hampers productivity and innovation.

    The Mississippi approach

    In 2013, Mississippi implemented a multifaceted strategy for enhancing kindergarten to third grade literacy. The Literacy-Based Promotion Act focuses on early literacy and teacher development. It includes teacher training in proven reading instruction methods and teacher coaching.

    Relying on federally supported research from the Institute of Education Science, the state invested in phonics, fluency, vocabulary and reading comprehension. The law provided K-3 teachers with training and support to help students master reading by the end of third grade.

    It includes provisions for reading coaches, parent communication, individual reading plans and other supportive measures. It also includes targeted support for struggling readers. Students repeat the third grade if they fail to meet reading standards.

    The state also aligned its test to the NAEP, or National Assessment of Educational Progress, something which not all states do. Often referred to as “The Nation’s Report Card,” the NAEP is a nationwide assessment that measures student performance in various subjects.

    Mississippi’s reforms have led to significant gains in reading and math, with fourth graders improving on national assessments.

    I believe this is extremely important. That’s because early reading is a foundational skill that helps develop the ability to read at grade level by the end of third grade. It also leads to general academic success, graduating from high school prepared for college, and becoming productive adults less likely to fall into poverty.

    Research by Noah Spencer, an economics doctoral student at the University of Toronto, shows that the Mississippi law boosted scores.

    Students exposed to it from kindergarten to the third grade gained a 0.25 standard deviation improvement in reading scores. That is roughly equivalent to one year of academic progress in reading, according to educational benchmarks. This gain reflects significant strides in students’ literacy development over the course of a school year.

    Another study has found an even greater impact attributed to grade retention in the third grade – it led to a huge increase in learning in English Language Arts by the sixth grade.

    But the Mississippi law is not just about retention. Spencer found that grade retention explains only about 22% of the treatment effect. The rest is presumably due to the other components of the measure – namely, teacher training and coaching.

    Other previous research supports these results across the country.

    Adopting an early literacy policy improves elementary students’ reading achievement on important student assessments, with third grade retention and instructional support substantially enhancing English learners’ skills. The policy also increases test scores for students’ younger siblings, although it is not clear why.

    Moreover, third grade retention programs immediately boost English Language Arts and math achievements into middle school without disciplinary incidents or negatively impacting student attendance.

    These changes were achieved despite Mississippi being one of the lowest spenders per pupil in the U.S., proving that strategic investments in teacher development and early literacy can yield impressive results even with limited resources.

    The global learning crisis

    Mississippi’s success is timely. Millions of children globally struggle to read by age 10. It’s a crisis that has worsened after the COVID-19 pandemic.

    Mississippi’s early literacy interventions show lasting impact and offer a potential solution for other regions facing similar challenges.

    In 2024, only 31% of U.S. fourth grade students were proficient or above in reading, according to the NAEP, while 40% were below basic. Reading scores for fourth and eighth graders also dropped by five points compared with 2019, with averages lower than any year since 2005.

    In 2013, Mississippi ranked 49th in fourth grade reading scores.
    Klaus Vedfelt/Getty Images

    Mississippi’s literacy program provides a learning gain equal to a year of schooling. The program costs US$15 million annually – 0.2% of the state budget in 2023 – and $32 per student.

    The learning gain associated with the Mississippi program is equal to about an extra quarter of a year. Since each year of schooling raises earnings by about 9%, then a quarter-year gain means that Mississippi students benefiting from the program will increase future earnings by 2.25% a year.

    Based on typical high school graduate earnings, the average student can expect to earn an extra $1,000 per year for the rest of their life.

    That is, for every dollar Mississippi spends, the state gains about $32 in additional lifetime earnings, offering substantial long-term economic benefits compared with the initial cost.

    The Mississippi literacy project focuses on teaching at the right level, which focuses on assessing children’s actual learning levels and then tailoring instruction to meet them, rather than strictly following age- or grade-level curriculum.

    Teaching at the right level and a scripted lessons plan are among the most effective strategies to address the global learning crisis. After the World Bank reviewed over 150 education programs in 2020, nearly half showed no learning benefit.

    I believe Mississippi’s progress, despite being the second-poorest state, can serve as a wake-up call.

    Harry Anthony Patrinos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Mississippi’s education miracle: A model for global literacy reform – https://theconversation.com/mississippis-education-miracle-a-model-for-global-literacy-reform-251895

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: From Greenland to Fort Bragg, America is caught in a name game where place names become political tools

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Seth T. Kannarr, PhD Candidate in Geography, University of Tennessee

    President Donald Trump re-renamed Denali as Mount McKinley in 2025. Tim Rains/National Park Service, CC BY

    Place names are more than just labels on a map. They influence how people learn about the world around them and perceive their place in it.

    Names can send messages and suggest what is and isn’t valued in society. And the way that they are changed over time can signal cultural shifts.

    The United States is in the midst of a place-renaming moment. From the renaming of the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of America, to the return of Forts Bragg and Benning and the newly re-renamed Mount McKinley in Alaska’s Denali National Park, we are witnessing a consequential shift in the politics of place naming.

    This sudden rewriting of the nation’s map – done to “restore American greatness,” according to President Donald Trump’s executive order that made some of them official – is part of a name game that recognizes place names as powerful brands and political tools.

    In our research on place naming, we explore how this “name game” is used to assert control over shared symbols and embed subtle and not-so-subtle messages in the landscape.

    As geography teachers and researchers, we also recognize the educational and emotional impact the name game can have on the public.

    Place names can have psychological effects

    Renaming a place is always an act of power.

    People in power have long used place naming to claim control over the identity of the place, bolster their reputations, retaliate against opponents and achieve political goals.

    These moves can have strong psychological effects, particularly when the name evokes something threatening. Changing a place name can fundamentally shift how people view, relate to or feel that they belong within that place.

    In Shenandoah County, Virginia, students at two schools originally named for Confederate generals have been on an emotional roller coaster of name changes in recent years. The schools were renamed Mountain View and Honey Run in 2020 amid the national uproar over the murder of George Floyd, a Black man killed by a police officer in Minneapolis.

    Four years later, the local school board reinstated the original Confederate names after conservatives took control of the board.

    One Black eighth grader at Mountain View High School — now re-renamed Stonewall Jackson High School — testified at a board meeting about how the planned change would affect her:

    “I would have to represent a man that fought for my ancestors to be slaves. If this board decides to restore the names, I would not feel like I was valued and respected,” she said. The board still approved the change, 5-1.

    Even outside of schools, place names operate as a “hidden curriculum.” They provide narratives to the public about how the community or nation sees itself – as well as whose histories and perspectives it considers important or worthy of public attention.

    Place names affect how people perceive, experience and emotionally connect to their surroundings in both conscious and subconscious ways. Psychologists, sociologists and geographers have explored how this sense of place manifests itself into the psyche, creating either attachment or aversion to place, whether it’s a school, mountain or park.

    A tale of two forts

    Renaming places can rally a leader’s supporters through rebranding.

    Trump’s orders to restore the names Fort Bragg and Fort Benning, both originally named for Confederate generals, illustrate this effect. The names were changed to Fort Liberty and Fort Moore in 2023 after Congress passed a law banning the use of Confederate names for federal installations.

    Veterans and other guests posed in 2023 next to a newly unveiled sign for Fort Moore, named for Lt. Gen. Harold ‘Hal’ Moore, who served in Vietnam, and his wife, Julia Moore. In 2025, President Donald Trump reverted the name back to Fort Benning.
    Cheney Orr/AFP via Getty Images

    Trump made a campaign promise to his followers to “bring back the name” of Fort Bragg if reelected.

    To get around the federal ban, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth identified two unrelated decorated Army veterans with the same last names — Bragg and Benning — but without any Confederate connections, to honor instead.

    Call it a sleight of hand or a stroke of genius if you’d like, this tactic allowed the Department of Defense to revive politically charged names without violating the law.

    A soldier walks beside a sign that was unveiled when Fort Liberty was rededicated as Fort Bragg during a ceremony on base on March 7, 2025.
    AP Photo/Chris Seward

    The restoration of the names Bragg and Benning may feel like a symbolic homecoming for those who resisted the original name change or have emotional ties to the names through their memories of living and serving on the base, rather than a connection to the specific namesakes.

    However, the names are still reminders of the military bases’ original association with defenders of slavery.

    The place-renaming game

    A wave of place-name changes during the Obama and Biden administrations focused on removing offensive or derogatory place names and recognizing Indigenous names.

    For example, Clingmans Dome, the highest peak in the Great Smoky Mountains, was renamed to Kuwohi in September 2024, shifting the name from a Confederate general to a Cherokee word meaning “the mulberry place.”

    Under the Trump administration, however, place-name changes are being advanced explicitly to push back against reform efforts, part of a broader assault on what Trump calls “woke culture.”

    The view from a lookout tower on Kuwohi, formerly known as Clingmans Dome, in the Great Smoky Mountains.
    National Park Service



    Read more:
    From Confederate general to Cherokee heritage: Why returning the name Kuwohi to the Great Smoky Mountains matters

    President Barack Obama changed Alaska’s Mount McKinley to Denali in 2015 to acknowledge Indigenous heritage and a long-standing name for the mountain. Officials in Alaska had requested the name change to Denali years earlier and supported the name change in 2015.

    Trump, on his first day in office in January 2025, moved to rename Denali back to Mount McKinley, over the opposition of Republican politicians in Alaska. The state Legislature passed a resolution a few days later asking Trump to reconsider.

    Georgia Rep. Earl “Buddy” Carter made a recent legislative proposal to rename Greenland as “Red, White, and Blueland” in support of Trump’s expansionist desire to purchase the island, which is an autonomous territory of Denmark.

    Danish officials and Greenlanders saw Carter’s absurd proposal as insulting and damaging to diplomatic relations. It is not the first time that place renaming has been used as a form of symbolic insult in international relations.

    Renaming the Gulf of Mexico to Gulf of America might have initially seemed improbable, but it is already reflected in common navigation apps.

    Google Maps displays the name ‘Gulf of America’ instead of Gulf of Mexico in March 2025.
    Google INEGI



    Read more:
    Yes, Trump can rename the Gulf of Mexico – just not for everyone. Here’s how it works

    A better way to choose place names

    When leaders rename a place in an abrupt, unilateral fashion — often for ideological reasons — they risk alienating communities that deeply connect with those names as a form of memory, identity and place attachment.

    A better alternative, in our view, would be to make renaming shared landscapes participatory, with opportunities for meaningful public involvement in the renaming process.

    This approach does not avoid name changes, but it suggests the changes should respond to the social and psychological needs of communities and the evolving cultural identity of places — and not simply be used to score political points.

    Instead, encouraging public participation — such as through landscape impact assessments and critical audits that take the needs of affected communities seriously — can cultivate a sense of shared ownership in the decision that may give those names more staying power.

    The latest place renamings are already affecting the classroom experience. Students are not just memorizing new place labels, but they are also being asked to reevaluate the meaning of those places and their own relationship with the nation and the world.

    As history has shown around the world, one of the major downsides of leaders imposing name changes is that the names can be easily replaced as soon as the next regime takes power. The result can be a never-ending name game.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. From Greenland to Fort Bragg, America is caught in a name game where place names become political tools – https://theconversation.com/from-greenland-to-fort-bragg-america-is-caught-in-a-name-game-where-place-names-become-political-tools-251201

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Medetomidine is replacing xylazine in Philly street fentanyl − creating new hurdles for health care providers and drug users

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Kory London, Associate Professor of Emergency Medicine, Thomas Jefferson University

    Medetomidine is now a key ingredient in street fentanyl sold in Philly. AP Photo/Matt Rourke

    Philadelphia’s street opioid supply – or “dope” market – is constantly changing. As health care workers and researchers who care for people who use drugs in our community, we have witnessed these shifts firsthand.

    New adulterants are frequently added to the mix. They bring additional and often uncertain risks for people who use drugs, and new challenges for the health care providers and systems who treat them.

    The latest adulterant to dominate the supply is medetomidine.

    What is medetomodine?

    Medetomidine, pronounced meh-deh-TOH-muh-deen, is a drug used in veterinary medicine for sedation, muscle relaxation and pain relief, often during surgery. It is an alpha-2 adrenergic agonist, which essentially means it works by slowing the release of adrenaline in the brain and body.

    In May 2024, the Philadelphia Medical Examiner’s Office began testing for medetomidine in people who died from fatal overdoses. By the end of the year, 46 of the deceased had tested positive for the substance, in addition to fentanyl and other known chemicals.

    In fact, medetomidine is quickly becoming more common in Philadelphia’s street opioid supply than even xylazine, a non-FDA-approved sedative linked to skin ulceration, chronic wounds and amputation.

    Xylazine was first detected in Philadelphia street drugs in 2006 and became increasingly common starting in 2015. By early 2023, xylazine was detected in 98% of tested dope samples in the city.

    However, its presence is steadily dropping, according to local drug-checking program data. The Philadelphia Department of Public Health says medetomidine has emerged as a primary adulterant and is now twice as common as xylazine in drug-checked samples.

    Recent studies show even more unusual substances entering the street fentanyl supply, such as the industrial solvent BTMPS.

    At the same time, hospital and behavioral health providers are reporting more common presentations of severe withdrawal symptoms among people who use drugs in Philadelphia.

    Risks of medetomidine

    While medetomidine’s sedating effects are similar in mechanism to xylazine, it is upward of 10-20 times more potent. It suppresses brain signals in the central nervous system, leading to deep sedation.

    Since medetomidine is so powerful and does not act on opioid receptors, a person who overdoses on it often does not respond to the opioid-reversal drug naloxone, which goes by the brand name Narcan, in the manner we commonly expect from people who appear to have overdosed on opioids.

    When patients overdose on a combination of opioids and medetomidine, providing naloxone will help individuals start breathing again but does not reverse the sedation caused by the medetomidine.

    From our clinical experience, after patients start to breathe normally, providing additional doses of naloxone does not seem to help and even risks prompting opioid withdrawal symptoms.

    Additionally, medetomidine presents serious clinical challenges for health care workers treating patients in withdrawal. These patients often experience symptoms such as rapid heart rate, severe spikes in blood pressure, restlessness, disorientation and confusion, and severe vomiting. While many of these symptoms were similar, if less intense, for those withdrawing from opioids and xylazine, the number of patients we are seeing is unprecedented – as is the severity of their symptoms.

    While published data on humans’ withdrawal from medetomidine is limited, clinicians are drawing comparisons to dexmedetomidine, a related drug used in humans that has shown similar features when withdrawn too quickly.

    Researchers and clinicians in Philadelphia’s hospitals, including us at Thomas Jefferson University, are analyzing emerging clinical data. This data suggests that existing protocols that effectively controlled withdrawal symptoms in the era when xylazine was common are no longer adequate in the era of medetomidine. New protocols have been developed based on the guidance of local experts and are being tested.

    When patients overdose on a combination of opioids and medetomidine, providing naloxone can help individuals start breathing again but does not reverse the sedation caused by the medetomidine.
    AP Photo/Alex Brandon

    Approaches to drug testing

    The rise in severe withdrawal symptoms has prompted expanded testing for adulterants such as medetomidine in Jefferson’s emergency departments.

    Currently, drug testing involves two primary approaches. Qualitative analysis determines the presence or absence of substances. For example, fentanyl and xylazine test strips are commonly used by harm reduction groups and people who use drugs. Unfortunately, they can be unreliable and prone to user error, expiration, misinterpretation and false positives or negatives. This technology is also commonly used in urine drug-testing kits sold over the counter.

    Quantitative analysis, on the other hand, is a more sophisticated approach to drug testing. It uses complex technology such as liquid-phase chromatography and mass spectrometry to separate the individual components of a sample and determine their concentration. This form of testing is more expensive and requires specialized equipment and analysts to perform the tests and interpret the results.

    Hospitals in the city have begun selectively testing urine and blood samples from patients who present with suspected medetomidine exposure. The labs are looking for the presence of certain drugs and their related byproducts, and also trying to identify distinct concentrations that might be associated with overdose, intoxication and withdrawal.

    Implications for public health

    We believe Philadelphians should be aware of these recent changes in the street drug supply and how people in their communities may react to exposure to medetomidine.

    Naloxone is still recommended for a person showing signs of opioid overdose – such as excess sedation, shallow or absent breathing and small pupils. Narcan is freely available at pharmacies around the city. But if the patient starts breathing but does not immediately wake up, additional doses of naloxone should be avoided.

    As always, contact 911 for expert assistance and to get patients to an emergency department to complete their care.

    Patients who use large amounts of drugs may suffer from severe withdrawal symptoms. Typical medications given to those in opioid withdrawal, such as buprenorphine or methadone, may not be sufficient to treat this constellation of symptoms. Even medications and regimens tailored for xylazine may not be effective.

    Patients with severe withdrawal symptoms need to be seen in the emergency department, given the risk of undertreating this emerging condition.

    Read more of our stories about Philadelphia.

    Kory London receives funding from The Sheller Family Foundation.

    Karen Alexander receives funding from the National Institutes on Drug Abuse (NIDA).

    – ref. Medetomidine is replacing xylazine in Philly street fentanyl − creating new hurdles for health care providers and drug users – https://theconversation.com/medetomidine-is-replacing-xylazine-in-philly-street-fentanyl-creating-new-hurdles-for-health-care-providers-and-drug-users-251753

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: US swing toward autocracy doesn’t have to be permanent – but swinging back to democracy requires vigilance, stamina and elections

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jennifer Victor, Associate Professor of Political Science, George Mason University

    The United States is no longer a democracy.

    At least, that’s the verdict of one nonprofit, the Center for Systemic Peace, which measures regime qualities of countries worldwide based on the competitiveness and integrity of their elections, limits to executive authority and other factors.

    “The USA is no longer considered a democracy and lies at the cusp of autocracy,” the group’s 2025 report read.

    It calls Donald Trump’s second inauguration following a raft of criminal indictments and convictions, combined with the U.S. Supreme Court’s July 2024 granting of sweeping presidential immunity, a “presidential coup.”

    Generally, only scholars pay attention to this kind of technical index. This year, however, many people are calling out the erosion of U.S. democracy.

    Political scientists like myself can see that in the guise of government “efficiency,” the Trump administration is sabotaging the rule of law to such an extent that authoritarianism is taking hold in America.

    How long might this situation last?

    US no longer a democracy?

    The term “political regime” refers to either the person or people who hold power, or to a classification of government, including in a democracy.

    Since the mid-1960s, when the U.S. expanded voting rights to include its Black citizens, historians and political scientists have generally classified the U.S. as having a democratic regime. That means the government holds free and fair elections, embraces universal voting rights, protects civil liberties and obeys the law.

    All of these areas have significantly degraded in the U.S. over the last few decades due to partisan polarization and political extremism. Now, the rule of law is under attack, too.

    Trump’s unprecedented use of nearly 100 executive orders in the first two months of his presidency aims to enact a vast policy agenda by decree. For comparison, President Joe Biden issued 162 executive orders over four years.

    This is not what the founders had in mind: Congress is the constitutional route for policy-making. Skirting it threatens democracy, as do the issues Trump’s orders address. From attempting to deny citizenship through birthright to abolishing the U.S. Department of Education, Trump is attacking both the U.S. Constitution and Congress. His administration has even defied judges who order it to stop.

    All of this challenges the rule of law – that is, the idea that everyone, including those in power, must follow the same laws.

    When things get this bad, can a country recover?

    Autocrats can be beaten

    Based on my research, the short answer is yes – eventually.

    When a political party that does not honor democratic institutions or heed critical democratic norms takes power, political scientists expect the government to shift toward autocratic rule. That means restricting civil liberties, quashing dissent and undermining the rule of law.

    This is happening right now in the U.S.

    The Trump administration is challenging broadcasters for their election coverage and banning speech that does not conform to its gender ideology. It’s flagrantly violating the Constitution. And it’s eliminating federal funding for universities and research centers that oppose its actions.

    However, as long as a country has a robust opposition and elections that offer real opportunities for alternative parties to win office, the regime shift is not necessarily permanent.

    Take Brazil, for example.

    Its 2022 election ousted President Jair Bolsonaro, leader of an autocratic regime that had attacked the Brazilian media, judiciary and legislature. Bolsonaro claimed his loss to President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva was fraudulent, and in January 2023 his supporters attacked the nation’s capital. Since then, Bolsonaro has been charged with plotting a coup and barred from seeking office until 2030.

    Brazilian voters and the courts stemmed the country’s autocratic slide and returned it to a democratic regime.

    Polarization swings the pendulum

    Today the American public is deeply divided and dissatisfied with how U.S. democracy works. This polarization translates into presidential elections that are narrowly won.

    According to the American Presidency Project at the University of California Santa Barbara, which measures presidential margins of victory by subtracting the electoral vote percentage from the popular vote percentage for each election, the average margin of victory in presidential elections between 1932 and 2000 was 25 points. Since 2000, it has been 7.8 points.

    Moreover, since 1948, every time the White House changed hands after an election, it flipped parties as well, with one exception in 1988. Political scientists refer to this back-and-forth as “thermostatic shifting.” In other words, the electorate regularly sours on the status quo and aims to adjust the thermostat to another temperature – or political party.

    When a party that more strongly favors democratic principles takes power, the U.S. more firmly adheres to democratic institutions and norms. This was essentially Biden’s winning pitch to voters in 2020.

    Trump’s return to the White House despite two impeachments and a criminal conviction on 34 felony charges marked another pendulum swing – this time, back in the direction of authoritarianism.

    The U.S. political pendulum has been singing back and forth like this since at least 2016, with Trump’s first win. I expect the oscillation to continue.

    A kind of equilibrium

    The risk, of course, is that a ruling authoritarian-leaning party abuses its power to ensure that the opposition can never again win. This has happened in recent decades in Hungary, Turkey and Venezuela, to name a few.

    There are good reasons to believe that a permanent slide into autocracy is harder in the U.S. than in those countries.

    The U.S. has a robust and wealthy network of civil society organizations, which are well versed in exercising their civil liberties. Its decentralized federalist structure is harder for any one person or party to seize. U.S. elections for example, are run by state and local governments, not the federal government. This makes its election systems more resilient than more centralized election systems.

    At the moment, I see no reason to fear that the U.S. will fail to hold free and fair elections in 2026 or 2028.

    For the time being, then, the U.S. is in what I call a “pendular equilibrium.” Parties trade majority control as voters react to extremism, shifting the regime from more autocratic to more democratic depending on who is in power.

    The effect is a stable outcome of sorts – not a static stability but a dynamic stability. Despite the day-to-day chaos, there is balance over time in the predictable shift back and forth.

    When the pendulum stops swinging

    Until, that is, some other force comes along to disrupt the pattern.

    This might be a force more toward fascism that restricts elections to the point of futility, as in Venezuela and Russia. Or the equilibrium could be thrown off by a democratic resurgence, in the model of Brazil or Poland.

    Even just maintaining the pendular equilibrium to conserve some manner of democratic regime will require those who oppose authoritarianism to boldly insist on political leaders who value democratic principles: fair elections, voting rights, civil liberties and rule of law.

    Dangerously, many Americans won’t notice the end of democracy as it happens. As the political scientist Tom Pepinksy writes, life in authoritarian states is mostly boring and tolerable.

    For those who pay attention, the frequency and seriousness of lawless actions can nonetheless make it difficult to sustain an organized opposition.

    Until and unless the U.S. nurtures and elects political movements and leaders who make lasting democratic changes, I believe the country will continue to lurch back and forth in its pendulum swing.

    Jennifer Victor serves as the Vice Chair of the Board of Directors of OpenSecrets, a non-partisan, non-profit. This is an unpaid position.

    – ref. US swing toward autocracy doesn’t have to be permanent – but swinging back to democracy requires vigilance, stamina and elections – https://theconversation.com/us-swing-toward-autocracy-doesnt-have-to-be-permanent-but-swinging-back-to-democracy-requires-vigilance-stamina-and-elections-250383

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Forget booing the anthem, Canada must employ strategic communications to fight Trump’s lies

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Matthew Hefler, Senior Research Fellow, Center for Statecraft and Strategic Communication, Stockholm School of Economics

    Since his return to office, United States President Donald Trump has launched a trade war on Canada. The White House has twice set deadlines for the imposition of sweeping 25 pre cent tariffs — and twice pulled back.

    Trump has also threatened to use “economic force” to compel Canada to become the 51st state, remarks that are a focal point of the ongoing federal election campaign.

    Canadians are offended. They’ve voiced this displeasure, with Canadian sports fans continuing to boo the American anthem at recent events.

    This might be counterproductive.

    Trump says Canada is ‘nasty’

    In this trade war, Canada faces more than tariffs: it’s confronting a communications effort by the president to paint Canadians as mean, disrespectful and “nasty.”

    Trump’s most consistent line is that Canadians are “not fair,” “very abusive” and taking advantage of the U.S. on trade.

    Regardless of the truth, the president repeats these allegations over and over and over again.

    The repetition is the point — it’s an important practice in strategic communications or what’s known as StratCom, the use of communication to achieve objectives.

    The repetition is key to Trump’s StratCom — it’s a way of making his message stick. Hard as it is for Canadians to believe this, there’s a danger of this “nasty Canadian” narrative taking hold south of the border.

    Take it from a communications expert who often works in the U.S. and Europe: not everyone is as well-versed on the dispute as Canadians are. Even actions like booing the American anthem risk reinforcing Trump’s slurs against Canada.

    Canada must devise its own strategy to counter Trump’s message and remind Americans — and the world — that Canada trades on fair terms. By dampening American support for the president’s trade war, this StratCom effort could actually help protect the Canada-U.S. relationship for the long term.

    Creating false counter-narratives

    Trump has long mastered the art of swapping one narrative with a preferred alternative. This tactic has arguably helped save his political career.

    For millions of Americans, the president turned Russian interference in the 2016 election into the “Russia Hoax” — something he raised as recently as the infamous Oval Office meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

    Rather than concede the 2020 election, Trump and his allies adopted the mantra “Stop the Steal.” And in a most striking StratCom effort, Trump and supporters recast the events of Jan. 6, 2021 at the U.S. Capitol into “a day of love.” Trump also issued a blanket pardon of all those convicted over the attack.

    These are astounding examples of strategic communications, whatever we might think of the president’s honesty or his objectives.

    Every time Trump repeats claims that Canada is taking advantage of the U.S., that narrative becomes further entrenched. So far, Ottawa has reminded Americans that Canada is a good partner and that tariffs would hurt both countries.

    But it’s not clear that appealing to the long Canadian-American history as allies is having much effect in the White House. In early February, Vice President JD Vance posted: “Spare me the sob story about how Canada is our ‘best friend’” and noted Canada’s low defence spending.

    A Canadian StratCom strategy

    The Canadian government therefore must invest in an ambitious campaign of strategic communications. It should drive home that Canadians trade on fair terms and that Canada buys more American goods than China, Japan, the United Kingdom and France combined.

    This StratCom effort must make clear that Canadians can and will be forced to buy elsewhere. It must note that Trump renegotiated a new Canada-U.S.-Mexico trade deal in 2018 and that the agreement was a win for the U.S.

    The campaign can employ humility and humour, but it must reinforce the mutual benefit of trade and make clear that Trump’s anti-Canada comments are not based in reality.

    Some specific claims must be targeted. Trump often notes that Canada has high tariffs on specific American products, like milk. But this can be misleading, as these are part of a negotiated supply control quota system.

    Rather than simply counter Trump’s narrative, the campaign should advance a Canadian one.

    Canadian leaders are starting to recognize this. Before leaving office, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau compared Trump’s treatment of Canada over trade with his conciliatory stance toward Russia over its invasion of Ukraine.

    Former finance minister Chrystia Freeland has underscored the importance of communicating directly to regular Americans. The federal government has paid for anti-tariff ads on digital billboards along key highways in red states, including Florida, Nevada, Georgia, Michigan and Ohio.

    Canadians themselves are in on the act. Decades after Canadian actor and broadcaster Jeff Douglas appeared in the iconic “I am Canadian” commercial, he’s come out with a new rendition.

    “We are Canadian” rejects the president’s “51st State” threats. Its polite but firm tone is the sort of quintessentially Canadian response that should form the basis of a national StatCom effort.

    A new Jeff Douglas ‘We Are Canadian’ video.

    Controlling the narrative

    Given time and space, Trump can reshape the terms of the debate or even perceptions of reality. The Canadian government should therefore lead the way in defending the country’s trading practices and its value as a partner.

    This effort should reflect Canada’s traditional emphasis on respect and decency. Canadians are offended. But they should resist responses like booing another nation’s anthem — especially if it contributes to the president’s effort to paint Canadians as mean or disrespectful.

    The Canada-U.S. relationship will be changed by this experience. But whether the rift is lasting depends in part on whether Canadians believe regular Americans accept or reject the president’s narrative.

    A good communications effort could help Canada counter the president’s StratCom campaign and reduce the longer-term fallout from this unfair attack — no matter the repeated threats and slurs emanating from the Oval Office.

    Matthew Hefler does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Forget booing the anthem, Canada must employ strategic communications to fight Trump’s lies – https://theconversation.com/forget-booing-the-anthem-canada-must-employ-strategic-communications-to-fight-trumps-lies-252704

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Kenya’s decision to make maths optional in high school is a bad idea – what should happen instead

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Moses Ngware, Senior Research Scientist, African Population and Health Research Center

    Kenya’s education ministry announced in March 2025 that mathematics would be an optional subject in senior secondary school, which begins in grade 10. Most students in this grade are aged 15 years. The education minister said the mathematics taught from grade 4 to grade 9 was sufficient for foundational “numeracy literacy”.

    The change, in January 2026, is part of a shift to a new education system styled as the competence based curriculum. The decision is not to scrap maths altogether but rather to make it optional. However, given the poor performance in this subject, it is expected there will be few takers.

    Maths is a compulsory subject in the first 12 years of basic education in many African countries. This is the case in Mauritius, Nigeria and South Africa, which opted for a choice between maths and mathematical literacy for grades 10-12.

    The older education system, known as 8-4-4, featured eight years of primary school and four each at high school and university. Under this, core maths, dubbed Alternative A, is compulsory for all schoolgoing children until the second year of high school (form 2). Most students in this grade are aged 16 years. In the final two years of high school, one has the option of switching to Alternative B, a simplified version of Alternative A introduced in 2009. Alternative B is similar to South Africa’s mathematical literacy subject.

    The decision has triggered heated debates in the country, in favour and against.

    As a researcher who has taught high school maths and researched maths teaching for over 20 years, I have the view that making maths optional is not a good idea. This is because both individuals and society need maths, regardless of the career path they might choose.

    It’s been argued that the change applies to the last two senior years of high school, which was the case in the old system too. For the new curriculum, however, this should not have been a problem as it is competence-based. This implies that what matters is the specific skills and knowledge mastered by a student, and not the examination scores.

    The Kenyan education department should establish the root causes of the low performance in maths, and fix them. Research shows that chief among these are resource allocation; weak teacher preparation and support for foundational numeracy instruction; a learning disability known as dyscalculia; and the behavioural performance of maths teachers.

    Kenya’s maths problem

    In the 2022 Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education exams, graded between A (highest) and E (lowest), over half of the 881,416 candidates’ maths scores fell in the lowest two grades, D and E. This improved only marginally in 2023. To put the performance in context, the pass rate in high school certificate maths examinations in Mauritius improved from 81.4% to 91.8% between 2019 and 2022.

    There are a number of reasons for this dismal performance in Kenya:

    Resource allocation: The better-resourced national schools can only admit a small number of students, leaving out over 70% who join low-resourced day schools. Resources for learning maths range from teachers to interactive teaching and learning materials inside the classroom. With the support of partners such as the Global Partnership for Education, the government aims to achieve a 1:1 textbook-per-student ratio goal. However, the flow of capitation grants to secondary schools has been wanting, jeopardising access to resources at the school level.

    Teacher preparation: Teachers aren’t well prepared to support learners in foundational numeracy (maths in early grades). Foundational numeracy skills are critical in creating strong building blocks for future learning and success in later grades.

    Teacher behaviour: Classroom observation studies reveal that maths teachers favour boys. Furthermore, above average learners sit in the front closer to the chalkboard, and learners are denied positive reinforcement that would motivate them to learn maths. There are also negative attitudes about maths as a difficult subject, reinforcing the stereotype that it is only suitable for boys and “bright” children.

    Dyscalculia: Worldwide, 3%-7% of the general population are affected by a disability known as dyscalculia. In Kenya, 6.4% among primary and secondary school children have the disability. It is a condition that affects a person’s ability to understand numerical concepts. By implication, the number of the 962,512 Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education candidates of 2024 with this disability works out to between 28,000 and 68,000 candidates. But Kenya’s education system doesn’t support teachers in diagnosing learners with dyscalculia, or managing their disability.

    Policy options

    There are alternatives to making maths an optional subject in senior secondary school.

    The system needs to focus on the root causes of low performance, and then on how to fix them.

    I suggest the following solutions.

    • Avoid unnecessarily using achievement in maths to determine access to academic and training programmes. This way, one’s career will not solely be determined by performance in maths.

    • Keep a simpler maths alternative, or maths literacy, for senior secondary instead of making maths optional.

    • Teachers should continue to develop their competence in maths, focusing on content knowledge as well as knowledge of how to teach numeracy.

    • The general public should communicate effectively to eliminate negative stereotypes and unhelpful attitudes in society. The aim is to shift mindsets so that maths is perceived as part of life – making it necessary to support all children to succeed in maths.

    • Help learners to overcome dyscalculia, using multisensory teaching approaches – a way of teaching that engages more than one sense at a time: sight, hearing, movement and touch.

    Moses Ngware receives funding from the African Population and Health Research Center. He is affiliated with the African Population and Health Research Center.

    – ref. Kenya’s decision to make maths optional in high school is a bad idea – what should happen instead – https://theconversation.com/kenyas-decision-to-make-maths-optional-in-high-school-is-a-bad-idea-what-should-happen-instead-252965

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Maritime truce would end a sorry war on the waves for Russia that set back its naval power ambitions

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Colin Flint, Distinguished Professor of Political Science, Utah State University

    A warship is seen docked in the port of the Black Sea city of Sochi. Mikhail Mordasov/AFP via Getty Images

    Away from the grueling land battles and devastating airstrikes, the Ukraine war has from its outset had a naval element. Soon after the February 2022 invasion, Russia imposed a de facto naval blockade on Ukraine, only to see its fleet stunningly defeated during a contest for control of the Black Sea.

    But that war on the waves looks like it could be ending.

    Under the terms of a deal announced on March 25, 2025, by the U.S. and agreed upon in Saudi Arabia, both sides of the conflict committed to ensuring “safe navigation, eliminate the use of force, and prevent the use of commercial vessels for military purposes in the Black Sea,” according to a White House statement.

    The naval aspect of the Ukraine war has gotten less attention than events on land and in the skies. But it is, I believe, a vital aspect with potentially far-reaching consequences.

    Not only have Russia’s Black Sea losses constrained Moscow’s ability to project power across the globe through naval means, it has also resulted in Russia’s growing cooperation with China, where Moscow is emerging as a junior party to Beijing on the high seas.

    Battle over the Black Sea

    The tradition of geopolitical theory has tended to paint an oversimplification of global politics. Theories harkening back to the late 19th century categorized countries as either land powers or maritime powers.

    Thinkers such as the British geopolitician Sir Halford Mackinder or the U.S. theorist Alfred Thayer Mahan characterized maritime powers as countries that possessed traits of democratic liberalism and free trade. In contrast, land powers were often portrayed as despotic and militaristic.

    While such generalizations have historically been used to demonize enemies, there is still a contrived tendency to divide the world into land and sea powers. An accompanying view that naval and army warfare is somewhat separate has continued.

    And this division gives us a false impression of Russia’s progress in the war with Ukraine. While Moscow has certainly seen some successes on land and in the air, that should not draw attention away from Russia’s stunning defeat in the Black Sea that has seen Russia have to retreat from the Ukrainian shoreline and keep its ships far away from the battlefront.

    As I describe in my recent book, “Near and Far Waters: The Geopolitics of Seapower,” maritime countries have two concerns: They must attempt to control the parts of the sea relatively close to their coastlines, or their “near waters”; meanwhile, those with the ability and desire to do so try to project power and influence into “far waters” across oceans, which are the near waters of other countries.

    The Black Sea is a tightly enclosed and relatively small sea comprising the near waters of the countries that surround it: Turkey to the south, Bulgaria and Romania to the west, Georgia to the east, and Ukraine and Russia to the north.

    Control of the Black Sea’s near waters has been contested throughout the centuries and has played a role in the current Russian-Ukraine war.

    Russia’s seizure of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014 allowed it to control the naval port of Sevastopol. What were near waters of Ukraine became de facto near waters for Russia.

    Controlling these near waters allowed Russia to disrupt Ukraine’s trade, especially the export of grain to African far waters.

    But Russia’s actions were thwarted through the collaboration of Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey to allow passage of cargo ships through their near waters, then through the Bosporus into the Mediterranean Sea.

    Ukraine’s use of these other countries’ near waters allowed it to export between 5.2 million and 5.8 million tons of grain per month in the first quarter of 2024. To be sure, this was a decline from Ukraine’s exports of about 6.5 million tons per month prior to the war, which then dropped to just 2 million tons in the summer of 2023 because of Russian attacks and threats. Prior to the announcement of the ceasefire, the Foreign Agricultural Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture had forecasted a decline in Ukrainian grain exports for 2025.

    But efforts to constrain Russia’s control of Ukraine’s near waters in the Black Sea, and Russia’s unwillingness to face the consequences of attacking ships in NATO countries’ near waters, meant Ukraine was still able to access far waters for economic gain and keep the Ukrainian economy afloat.

    For Putin, that sinking feeling

    Alongside being thwarted in its ability to disrupt Ukrainian exports, Russia has also come under direct naval attack from Ukraine. Since February 2022, using unmanned attack drones, Ukraine has successfully sunk or damaged Russian ships and whittled away at Russia’s Black sea fleet, sinking about 15 of its prewar fleet of about 36 warships and damaging many others.

    Russia has been forced to limit its use of Sevastopol and station its ships in the eastern part of the Black Sea. It cannot effectively function in the near waters it gained through the seizure of Crimea.

    Russia’s naval setbacks against Ukraine are only the latest in its historical difficulties in projecting sea power and its resulting tendency to mainly focus on the defense of near waters.

    In 1905, Russia was shocked by a dramatic naval loss to Japan. Yet even in cases where it was not outright defeated, Russian sea power has been continually constrained historically. In World War I, Russia cooperated with the British Royal Navy to limit German merchant activity in the Baltic Sea and Turkish trade and military reach in the Black Sea.

    In World War II, Russia relied on material support from the Allies and was largely blockaded within its Baltic Sea and Black Sea ports. Many ships were brought close to home or stripped of their guns as artillery or offshore support for the territorial struggle with Germany.

    During the Cold War, meanwhile, though the Soviet Union built fast-moving missile boats and some aircraft carriers, its reach into far waters relied on submarines. The main purpose of the Soviet Mediterranean fleet was to prevent NATO penetration into the Black Sea.

    And now, Russia has lost control of the Black Sea. It cannot operate in these once secure near waters. These losses reduce its ability to project naval power from the Black Sea and into the Mediterranean Sea.

    Ceding captaincy to China

    Faced with a glaring loss in its backyard and put in a weak position in its near waters, Russia as a result can project power to far waters only through cooperation with a China that is itself investing heavily in a far-water naval capacity.

    Joint naval exercises in the South China Sea in July 2024 are evidence of this cooperation. Wang Guangzheng of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy’s Southern Theater said of the drill that “the China-Russia joint patrol has promoted the deepening and practical cooperation between the two in multiple directions and fields.” And looking forward, he claimed the exercise “effectively enhanced the ability to the two sides to jointly respond to maritime security threats.”

    Warships of the Chinese and Russian navies take part in a joint naval exercise in the East China Sea.
    Li Yun/Xinhua via Getty Images

    This cooperation makes sense in purely military terms for Russia, a mutually beneficial project of sea power projection. But it is largely to China’s benefit.

    Russia can help China’s defense of its northern near waters and secure access to far waters through the Arctic Ocean – an increasingly important arena as global climate change reduces the hindrance posed by sea ice. But Russia remains very much the junior partner.

    Moscow’s strategic interests will be supported only if they match Chinese interests. More to the point, sea power is about power projection for economic gain. China will likely use Russia to help protect its ongoing economic reach into African, Pacific, European and South American far waters. But it is unlikely to jeopardize these interests for Russian goals.

    To be sure, Russia has far-water economic interests, especially in the Sahel and sub-Saharan Africa. And securing Russian interests in Africa complements China’s growing naval presence in the Indian Ocean to secure its own, and greater, global economic interests. But cooperation will still be at China’s behest.

    For much of the Ukraine war, Russia has been bottled up in its Black Sea near waters, with the only avenue for projecting its naval power coming through access to Africa and Indian Ocean far waters – and only then as a junior partner with China, which dictates the terms and conditions.

    A maritime deal with Ukraine now, even if it holds, will not compensate for Russia’s ongoing inability to project power across the oceans on its own.

    Editor’s note: This is an updated version of an article originally published by The Conversation U.S. on Oct. 3, 2024.

    Colin Flint does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Maritime truce would end a sorry war on the waves for Russia that set back its naval power ambitions – https://theconversation.com/maritime-truce-would-end-a-sorry-war-on-the-waves-for-russia-that-set-back-its-naval-power-ambitions-253089

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The collapse of Hudson’s Bay signals a turning point for Canadian legacy retailers

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Xiaodan Pan, Associate Professor, John Molson School of Business, Concordia University

    Hudson’s Bay Company has begun liquidating all but six of its stores. After the 352-year-old retailer filed for creditor protection amid mounting debt and operational losses in early March, a court gave it permission to start the liquidation process.

    Founded in 1670 as a fur-trading enterprise, Hudson’s Bay grew into one of Canada’s most iconic department store chains. But with nearly all locations set to close by June 30 and its loyalty programs suspended, the future of Hudson’s Bay remains uncertain.

    The retailer’s financial troubles raise broader questions about the viability of traditional department stores in an increasingly fast-paced, digitally driven retail environment.



    Read more:
    Hudson’s Bay liquidation: What happens when a company goes bankrupt?

    Modernization efforts

    In recent years, Hudson’s Bay attempted to modernize by blending its physical retail footprint with a growing digital presence. This included launching a revamped e-commerce platform and creating an online marketplace that allowed third-party sellers to broaden its product assortment.

    In 2021, Hudson’s Bay split its e-commerce and physical store divisions into separate entities: The Bay Online, focused on digital retail, and Hudson’s Bay, dedicated to in-store shopping experiences.

    But despite these efforts, Hudson’s Bay has struggled to differentiate its online platform in an overcrowded and highly competitive digital landscape, all while maintaining its physical presence.

    The rise of off-price retailers

    In sharp contrast to the struggles of legacy department stores, off-price retailers such as Winners, Marshalls and TJ Maxx continue to thrive. Their success is largely due to their ability to attract consumers across a wide range of income levels by offering brand-name merchandise at large discounts.

    In Canada, Winners alone has expanded to more than 300 stores nationwide, while Marshalls has added more than 100 locations. Combined, they significantly outnumber Hudson’s Bay’s approximately 80 stores.

    Off-price retailers have also gained a competitive edge through real estate choices, favouring open-air shopping centres and strip malls that provide greater accessibility and ample parking, which are benefits that many Hudson’s Bay urban locations lack.

    The off-price model thrives on an ever-changing merchandise mix. Buyers continuously source fashion, designer labels and home goods from a broad spectrum of vendors. This approach keeps assortments fresh and also ensures fast inventory turnover, reducing holding costs and supporting lower prices.

    This retail model has demonstrated resilience across economic cycles. In times of inflation or financial uncertainty, foot traffic to off-price stores typically increases as consumers become more price-sensitive — further eroding the market share of traditional department stores.

    The pressures from digital retailers

    The rapid rise of e-commerce has presented a significant challenge for traditional department stores. Over the past decade, online shopping in Canada has grown substantially, with monthly online retail sales surpassing three billion Canadian dollars.

    E-commerce now accounts for 11 to 12 per cent of total retail sales, with categories like fashion, hobby and leisure, electronics and furniture and home goods accounting for around 75 per cent of all retail e-commerce sales in Canada.

    In the general merchandise space, Amazon controls more than 40 per cent of Canada’s e-commerce market. Retail giants like Walmart and Costco have also expanded their digital capabilities. These players undercut the traditional value proposition of department stores.

    The large investments required in distribution capabilities has made it increasingly difficult for smaller competitors, such as Hudson’s Bay, to match the delivery speeds and product assortments of these retail heavyweights.

    In niche merchandise categories, specialized retailers have also chipped away at department stores’ customer bases. Sephora and Shoppers Drug Mart dominate the beauty and personal care market, while Lululemon, Nike and Zara rank among the top online stores in fashion.

    Ikea, Wayfair and other direct-to-consumer brands lead the online home goods and furniture market, while Canadian-based Holt Renfrew and France-based LVMH are both leaders in the luxury market.

    Adding to the challenge are international digital disruptors such as Shein and Temu, which have have rapidly gained ground in Canada. In 2023, Shein led the country’s online fashion segment with e-commerce net sales of approximately US$1.4 billion.

    Temu — an ultra-low-price platform that entered Canada in 2023 — became the country’s most-downloaded iPhone app by the end of 2024. These platforms are challenging legacy retailers by offering aggressive pricing, free shipping and vast product assortments.

    Pathways to reinvention

    With almost all of its stores closing and its loyalty programs suspended, the future of Hudson’s Bay is in question. While its brand recognition remains strong, it’s unclear whether it will be able to come back from the brink it’s now on.

    For any struggling legacy retailer looking to survive in today’s evolving market, reinvention is essential. Department stores and legacy retailers will need to reinvent themselves across five key dimensions:

    1. Reposition the brand: Canadian retailers can redefine their core value propositions, emphasizing what makes them unique. Their uniqueness may lie in their Canadian heritage, for instance. Brands like Roots and Canada Goose have been successful with this strategy.

    2. Rethink retail formats: The age of downtown retailing continues to fade, especially as remote work reduces foot traffic in urban centres. Large-scale covered malls are also declining, given the demise of anchor department store retailers and the rise of e-commerce. Canadian retailers should explore alternate formats, such as neighbourhood-based, category-specific outlets tailored to community preferences.

    3. Optimize physical presence: Strategic location decisions are crucial. Physical retailers must right-size their physical footprints — closing underperforming locations while reinvesting in high-traffic, high-return outlets. Future expansion should favour asset-light, data-informed models based on actual consumer demand.

    4. Improve in-store experiences: To draw customers back into stores, shopping must become experiential. Immersive displays, personalized service and community-centric events could make a visit to a physical store more memorable and engaging for customers.

    5. Integrating physical and digital channels: A cohesive digital and physical strategy is essential. Technologies such as augmented reality fitting rooms, virtual showrooms, click-and-collect options and AI-powered personalization could bridge the gap between online and in-store shopping.

    A defining moment for Canadian retailers

    Canadian retailing stands at a pivotal crossroads. The collapse of legacy department stores, the dominance of e-commerce giants and the rise of off-price and digital-first competitors all signal a permanent shift in how consumers shop.

    A long legacy alone does not secure survival. As seen with the collapses of Sears, Eaton’s and now Hudson’s Bay, failure to adapt can lead to obsolescence. The retail landscape is now defined by agility, innovation and the ability to meet consumers where they are.

    For retailers still standing, the lesson is clear: nostalgia is not a business model. Shoppers are now more price-conscious, convenience-driven and digitally engaged than ever before. Companies unwilling or unable to evolve will likely face the same fate as the retail giants that came before them.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The collapse of Hudson’s Bay signals a turning point for Canadian legacy retailers – https://theconversation.com/the-collapse-of-hudsons-bay-signals-a-turning-point-for-canadian-legacy-retailers-252705

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: As generative AI becomes more sophisticated, it’s harder to distinguish the real from the deepfake

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Andreea Pocol, PhD candidate, Computer Science, University of Waterloo

    The text-to-image model DALL-E uses generative adversarial networks (GANs) to generate images. (Shutterstock)

    In the age of generative artificial intelligence (GenAI), the phrase “I’ll believe it when I see it” no longer stands. Not only is GenAI able to generate manipulated representations of people, but it can also be used to generate entirely fictitious people and scenarios.



    Read more:
    The use of deepfakes can sow doubt, creating confusion and distrust in viewers

    GenAI tools are affordable and accessible to all, and AI-generated images are becoming ubiquitous. If you’ve been doom-scrolling through your news or Instagram feeds, chances are you’ve scrolled past an AI-generated image without even realizing it.

    As a computer science researcher and PhD candidate at the University of Waterloo, I’m increasingly concerned by my own inability to discern what’s real from what’s AI-generated.

    My research team conducted a survey where nearly 300 participants were asked to classify a set of images as real or fake. The average classification accuracy of participants was 61 per cent in 2022. Participants were more likely to correctly classify real images than fake ones. It’s likely that accuracy is much lower today thanks to the rapidly improving GenAI technology.

    We also analyzed their responses using text mining and keyword extraction to learn the common justifications participants provided for their classifications. It was immediately apparent that, in a generated image, a person’s eyes were considered the telltale indicator that the image was probably AI-generated. AI also struggled to produce realistic teeth, ears and hair.

    But these tools are constantly improving. The telltale signs we could once use to detect AI-generated images are no longer reliable.

    Improving images

    Researchers began exploring the use of GANs for image and video synthesis in 2014. The seminal paper “Generative Adversarial Nets” introduced the adversarial process of GANs. Although this paper does not mention deepfakes, it was the springboard for GAN-based deepfakes.

    Some early examples of GenAI art which used GANs include the “DeepDream” images created by Google engineer Alexander Mordvintsev in 2015.

    But in 2017, the term “deepfake” was officially born after a Reddit user, whose username was “deepfakes,” used GANs to generate synthetic celebrity pornography.

    In 2019, software engineer Philip Wang created the “ThisPersonDoesNotExist” website, which used GANs to generate realistic-looking images of people. That same year, the release of the deepfake detection challenge, which sought new and improved deepfake detection models, garnered widespread attention and led to the rise of deepfakes.



    Read more:
    How to combat the unethical and costly use of deepfakes

    About a decade later, one of the authors of the “Generative Adversarial Nets” paper — Canadian computer scientist Yoshua Bengio — began sharing his concerns about the need to regulate AI due to the potential dangers such technology could pose to humanity.

    Bengio and other AI trailblazers signed an open letter in 2024, calling for better deepfake regulation. He also led the first International AI Safety Report, which was published at the beginning of 2025.

    Hao Li, deepfake pioneer and one of the world’s top deepfake artists, conceded in a manner eerily reminiscent of Robert Oppenheimer’s famous “Now I Am Become Death” quote:

    “This is developing more rapidly than I thought. Soon, it’s going to get to the point where there is no way that we can actually detect ‘deepfakes’ anymore, so we have to look at other types of solutions.”

    The new disinformation

    Big tech companies have indeed been encouraging the development of algorithms that can detect deepfakes. These algorithms commonly look for the following signs to determine if content is a deepfake:

    • Number of words spoken per sentence, or the speech rate (the average human speech rate is 120-150 words per minute),
    • Facial expressions, based on known co-ordinates of the human eyes, eyebrows, nose, lips, teeth and facial contours,
    • Reflections in the eyes, which tends to be unconvincing (either missing or oversimplified),
    • Image saturation, with AI-generated images being less saturated and containing a lower number of underexposed pixels compared to pictures taken by an HDR camera.

    But even these traditional deepfake detection algorithms suffer several drawbacks. They are usually trained on high-resolution images, so they may fail at detecting low-resolution surveillance footage or when the subject is poorly illuminated or posing in an unrecognized way.

    Despite flimsy and inadequate attempts at regulation, rogue players continue to use deepfakes and text-to-image AI synthesis for nefarious purposes. The consequences of this unregulated use range from political destabilization at a national and global level to the destruction of reputations caused by very personal attacks.

    Disinformation isn’t new, but the modes of propagating it are constantly changing. Deepfakes can be used not only to spread disinformation — that is, to posit that something false is true — but also to create plausible deniability and posit that something true is false.

    It’s safe to say that in today’s world, seeing will never be believing again. What might once have been irrefutable evidence could very well be an AI-generated image.

    Andreea Pocol receives funding from NSERC.

    – ref. As generative AI becomes more sophisticated, it’s harder to distinguish the real from the deepfake – https://theconversation.com/as-generative-ai-becomes-more-sophisticated-its-harder-to-distinguish-the-real-from-the-deepfake-225768

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Sudan’s civil war: What military advances mean, and where the country could be heading next

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Christopher Tounsel, Associate Professor of History, University of Washington

    A Sudanese man celebrates as the military enters the central city of Wad Madani, pushing out the Rapid Support Forces in January 2025. AP Photo/Marwan Ali

    A series of advances by the Sudanese military has led some observers to posit that the African nation’s yearslong civil war could be at a crucial turning point.

    Even if it were to end tomorrow, the bloody conflict would have left the Sudanese people scarred by violence that has killed tens of thousands and displaced millions of people. But the recent victories by the military do not spell the end of its adversary, a rebel paramilitary group that still holds large areas in Sudan.

    The Conversation turned to Christopher Tounsel, a historian of modern Sudan at the University of Washington, to explain what the war has cost and where it could turn now.

    Can you give a summary of the civil war to date?

    On April 15, 2023, fighting broke out in Sudan between the Sudanese Armed Forces, or SAF – led by de facto head of state Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan – and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, or RSF, led by Gen. Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known colloquially as “Hemedti.” The RSF emerged out of the feared Janjaweed militia that had terrorized the Darfur region of Sudan.

    While the SAF and RSF previously worked together to forcibly remove longtime President Omar al-Bashir from power in 2019, they later split amid a power struggle that turned deadly.

    The major point of contention was the disputed timeline for RSF integration into the national military, with the RSF preferring a 10-year process to the SAF’s preferred two-year plan.

    By early April 2023, the government deployed SAF troops along the streets of the capital, Khartoum, while RSF forces took up locations throughout the country. Matters came to a head when explosions and gunfire rocked Khartoum on April 15 of that year. The two forces have been in conflict ever since.

    To human toll of the civil war has been staggering. As of February 2025, estimates of those killed from the conflict and its related causes, including lack of sufficient medical facilities and hunger, have ranged from 20,000 to 150,000 – a wide gulf that, according to Humanitarian Research Lab executive director Nathaniel Raymond, is partially due to the fact that the dead or displaced are still being counted.

    The conflict has displaced more than 14 million people, a number that demographically makes the Sudan situation the world’s worst displacement crisis. Nearly half of Sudan’s population is “acutely food insecure,” according to the U.N.’s World Food Programme. Another 638,000 face “catastrophic levels of hunger” – the world’s highest number.

    How have recent developments changed the war?

    The SAF has recently scored a slew of victories. At time of writing, the Sudanese military controls much of the country’s southeastern border with Ethiopia, the Red Sea coast – and, with it, Sudan’s strategically important Port Sudan – and parts of the country’s metropolitan center located at the confluence of the Blue and White Nile rivers.

    Further, the SAF has reclaimed much of the White Nile and Gezira provinces and broken an RSF siege of North Kordofan’s provincial capital of el-Obeid. In perhaps the most important development, the army in late March recaptured the RSF’s last major stronghold in Khartoum, the Presidential Palace.

    A fighter loyal to the Sudanese army patrols a market area in Khartoum on March 24, 2025.
    AFP via Getty Images

    Each of these actions indicates that the SAF is taking an increasingly proactive approach in the war. Such positive momentum could not only serve to reassure the Sudanese populace that the SAF is the country’s strongest force but also signal to foreign powers that it is, and will continue to be, the country’s legitimate authority moving forward.

    And yet, there are other indications that the RSF is in no rush to concede defeat. Despite the SAF’s advances, the RSF has strengthened its control over nearly all of Darfur, Sudan’s massive western region that shares a lengthy border with neighboring Chad.

    It is here that the RSF has been accused of committing genocide against non-Arab communities, and only the besieged capital of North Darfur, El Fasher, stands in the way of total RSF hegemony in the region. The RSF also controls territory to the south, along Sudan’s borders with the Central African Republic and South Sudan.

    The fact that the SAF and RSF are entrenched in their respective regional strongholds casts doubt on the significance of the military’s recent victories.

    Could Sudan be heading to partition?

    As a historian who spent years writing about South Sudanese separatism, I find it somewhat unfathomable to imagine that Sudan would further splinter into different countries. Given the current state of affairs, however, partition is not outside the realm of possibility. In February, during a summit in Kenya, the RSF and its allies officially commenced plans to create a rival government.

    The African Union’s 55 member states are said to be split on the issue of Sudanese partition and the question of whether any entity linked with the RSF should be accepted. In January, during the waning days of U.S. President Joe Biden’s presidency, Washington determined that the RSF and its allies had committed genocide and sanctioned Hemedti, the RSF leader, prohibiting him and his family from traveling to the U.S. and freezing any American assets he may hold.

    Any attempt to entertain partition could be read as an acknowledgment of the legitimacy of the RSF and would also create a dangerous precedent for other leaders who have been accused of human rights violations.

    In addition to the RSF’s perceived lack of moral legitimacy, there is also the recent precedent of South Sudan’s secession. South Sudan, since seceding from Sudan in 2011, has experienced enormous difficulties. Roughly 2½ years into independence, the nation erupted into a civil war waged largely along ethnic lines. Since the conclusion of that war in 2018, the world’s youngest nation continues to struggle with intergroup violence, food insecurity and sanctions resulting from human rights violations.

    Simply put, recent Sudanese history has shown that partition is not a risk-free solution to civil war.

    How has shifting geopolitics affected the conflict?

    It is important to understand that the conflict’s ripples extend far beyond Sudan’s borders. Similarly, the actions of countries such as the U.S., Russia and China have an impact on the war.

    Sudanese people line up to collect a charity ‘iftar’ fast-breaking meal in Omdourman on March 19, 2025.
    Ebrahim Hamid/AFP via Getty Images

    President Donald Trump’s executive order freezing contributions from the U.S. government’s development organization, USAID, has shuttered approximately 80% of the emergency food kitchens established to help those impacted by the conflict. An estimated 2 million people have been affected by this development.

    Russian financial and military contributions have been credited with helping the SAF achieve its gains in recent months. Russia has long desired a Red Sea naval base near Port Sudan, and the expulsion of Russia’s fleet from Syria following the fall of President Bashar Assad increased the importance of such a base.

    And then there is China. A major importer of Sudanese crude oil, China engaged in conversations to renegotiate oil cooperation agreements with Sudan in October 2024 with the hopes of increasing oil production amid the war. An end to the war – and, with it, protecting the flow of oil through pipelines vulnerable to attack – would benefit both members of this bilateral relationship.

    As the war enters its third year, the outlook remains frustratingly difficult to discern.

    Christopher Tounsel has previously received funding from the Council of American Overseas Research Centers.

    – ref. Sudan’s civil war: What military advances mean, and where the country could be heading next – https://theconversation.com/sudans-civil-war-what-military-advances-mean-and-where-the-country-could-be-heading-next-253007

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Modern spacesuits have a compatability problem. Astronauts’ lives depend on fixing it

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Berna Akcali Gur, Lecturer in Outer Space Law, Queen Mary University of London

    Suni Williams and Butch Wilmore, the Nasa astronauts who were stuck on the International Space Station (ISS) for nine months, have finally returned to Earth.

    Spacesuits were an important consideration that Nasa had to factor into its plans to bring the astronauts back home. Wilmore and Williams had travelled to the ISS in Boeing’s experimental Starliner spacecraft, so they arrived wearing Boeing “Blue” spacesuits.

    Following helium leaks and thruster (engine) issues with Starliner, Nasa decided it was safer not to send them back to Earth on that vehicle. The astronauts had to wait to return on one of the other spacecraft that ferry crew members to the ISS, the SpaceX Crew Dragon.

    This meant they needed a different type of spacesuit, made by SpaceX for use in its vehicle only. Boeing’s suits cannot be used in Crew Dragon in part because the umbilicals (the flexible “pipes” that supply air and cooling to the suit) have connections and standards that don’t work with the ports inside a Crew Dragon.

    This highlights a general problem for the growing number of space agencies and companies sending people into orbit, and for planned missions to the Moon and beyond. Ensuring that different spacesuits are compatible, or “interoperable”, with spacecraft they weren’t designed to be used in is vital if we are to protect astronauts’ lives during an emergency in space, especially in joint missions.

    The spacesuits worn during a return from space are called “launch, entry and abort” (LEA) suits. These are airtight and provide life support to the astronauts in case there is a decompression, when air is lost from the cabin.

    Unfortunately, a decompression has already caused loss of life in space. During the Soyuz 11 mission in 1971, three Soviet cosmonauts visited the world’s first space station, Salyut 1. But during preparations for re-entry, the crew cabin lost its air, killing cosmonauts Georgy Dobrovolsky, Vladislav Volkov and Viktor Patsayev, who were not wearing LEA suits. All cosmonauts wore them after this incident.

    As well as the connections for life support, the Boeing and SpaceX suits also have restraints and connections for communications that are specific to each vehicle. For their return home from the ISS in a SpaceX capsule, Williams was able into use a spare SpaceX suit that was already aboard the space station and the company sent up an additional suit on a cargo delivery for Wilmore to wear.

    Two spacecraft are usually docked at the ISS as “lifeboats” to evacuate the astronauts in the event of an emergency. These are generally a SpaceX Crew Dragon and a Russian Soyuz capsule.

    If an emergency evacuation were to occur and there weren’t enough of the right spacesuits available – for either the Crew Dragon or Soyuz – it could endanger astronauts during the fiery re-entry through Earth’s atmosphere. Interoperability between spacesuits has therefore become a matter of survival.

    The Outer Space Treaty, which provides the basic framework for international space law, recognises astronauts as “envoys of humankind” and grants them specific legal protections. These were expanded on in subsequent UN treaties – notably the Rescue Agreement, which imposes a range of duties on states to render assistance to each others’ astronauts in cases of emergency, accident or distress.

    For the ISS, a collaborative space programme with international flight crews, protocols include terms that set forth how this obligation is to be met. However, these protocols do not contain terms relating to spacesuit interoperability.

    Risks to astronauts in space

    A major potential cause of an emergency evacuation is space debris. The ISS has regularly had to manoeuvre to avoid collisions with debris – including entire defunct satellites.

    In his memoir, Endurance, Nasa astronaut Scott Kelly describes being commanded to enter the Soyuz vehicle with two other crew members and prepare to detach from the ISS because of a close approach by a large defunct satellite. Luckily, the spacecraft passed by harmlessly.

    As orbits become increasingly congested, with an exponential increase in the number of space objects being launched, the risk of collisions will also increase.

    Ever more companies and governments are entering the human spaceflight arena. The Tiangong space station, China’s orbiting laboratory, has been fully operational since 2022, and there are plans to open it to space tourism, just like the ISS.

    India is planning to join the community of nations with the capability to launch humans into space, under a programme called Gaganyaan. And while most space travellers remain government-funded astronauts, the number of private space-farers is increasing.

    Billionaire Jared Isaacman (who is President Trump’s nominee to run Nasa) has commanded two private missions into orbit using Crew Dragon. On the second of these, he participated in the first spacewalk by privately funded astronauts. The ISS is set to be retired in 2030 – but one company, Houston-based Axiom Space, is already building a private space station.

    Against this complex and part-unregulated backdrop, ensuring the interoperability of different spacecraft systems, including spacesuits, will increase levels of safety in this inherently risky activity.

    While the safety and practicality of spacesuits has always been the top priority, compatibility between different suits and vehicles should also be high on the list. This requires space agencies and private spaceflight companies to engage with each other in a process to agree on standard interfaces and connections for life support and communications, across all their suits and space vehicles.

    Amid this period of increased commercialisation and competition between the organisations and companies involved in orbital spaceflight, a move toward greater collaboration can only be a good thing.

    Berna Akcali Gur does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Modern spacesuits have a compatability problem. Astronauts’ lives depend on fixing it – https://theconversation.com/modern-spacesuits-have-a-compatability-problem-astronauts-lives-depend-on-fixing-it-252935

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Secret Garden by Frances Hodgeson Burnett was an early work of climate fiction

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Davina Quinlivan, Lecturer in English and Creative Writing, University of Exeter

    I grew up in a mixed-heritage family. Both of my parents’ childhoods were deeply affected by colonialism in India and they often told me stories about this period in their lives. As a result, I inherited a sense of place and a feeling for a country which was never my home.

    It’s a strange feeling, which I still struggle to put into words, though I tried in my memoir, Shalimar: A Story of Place and Migration, which holds at its heart the sensation and imagery of India’s climate and its wildlife. India, for me, will always coexist with English weather and the roses my father tended to in our modest, suburban home in Hayes, west London.

    While we now have beautifully written, tender children’s books which address colonial history, from Nazneen Ahmed Pathak’s City of Stolen Magic (2023) to Jasbinder Bilan’s Nush and the Stolen Emerald (2024), The Secret Garden still holds a powerful spell over me. That’s because of its representation of nature and its use of fiction to tell a story about England and India, two countries brought together through the healing space of the garden.

    I believe that re-contextualising A Secret Garden as an early work of climate fiction – a type of storytelling that imagines how climate change could shape our world – is an apt way to rethink this classic tale.

    This article is part of Rethinking the Classics. The stories in this series offer insightful new ways to think about and interpret classic books and artworks. This is the canon – with a twist.

    Published in 1911, The Secret Garden unfolds against the backdrop of the fictional Misselthwaite Manor and its walled garden on the Yorkshire Moors.

    While Yorkshire and its thick sheets of rain, enveloped in mist and fog, is portrayed vividly by Hodgeson Burnett, the ghostly heat and skies of India are also woven throughout the book’s micro-climates. Hodgeson Burnett’s attention to nature is masterful and magical:

    One knows it sometimes when one gets up at the tender solemn dawn-time and goes out and stands out and throws one’s head far back and looks up and up and watches the pale sky slowly changing and flushing … And one knows it sometimes when one stands by oneself in a wood at sunset and the mysterious deep gold stillness slanting through and under the branches seems to be saying slowly again and again something one cannot quite hear, however much one tries.

    The climates of India and Yorkshire blur into a new reality when seen through the eyes of the book’s central protagonist, the recently orphaned Mary Lennox. She is sent to live with her uncle after her parents die of cholera in colonial Calcutta.

    Wilful and fiery, Mary’s grief and rootlessness seems to be unending until she follows a twitching robin into a walled garden. There she befriends other children including her cousin Colin, who uses a wheelchair, and the gardener, Weatherstaff.

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    The hidden sanctuary and wonder of the garden is intertwined with Mary’s inner world and her search for solace after the loss of her parents. Her resilience thrives and blooms, particularly when she becomes a storyteller and draws the other children into this secret place through her tales of adventure.

    Here, the telling of the “story” of the garden is as important as the experience of the garden itself. This is where fiction does its work – we need stories like this to recover a sense of care in times of ecological crisis.

    Last year saw the launch of the Climate Fiction Prize, a vital endeavour to specifically support literary fiction as a cultural form which permits writers the freedom to imagine alternative paths for human existence. The Secret Garden is a work of such imagination, of transformation from otherwise impossible states of crisis and inertia.

    Beyond the Canon

    As part of the Rethinking the Classics series, we’re asking our experts to recommend a book or artwork that tackles similar themes to the canonical work in question, but isn’t (yet) considered a classic itself. Here is Davina Quinlivan’s suggestion:

    Shaun Tan’s Tales From the Inner City (2018) is a beautiful and extremely moving collection of illustrated, eco-centric stories exploring the relationship between humans and animals in urban environments.

    Tan is well known for his elegiac and often uncanny, playful storytelling and Tales From the Inner City skilfully braids these aesthetic values with a powerful message of hope and compassion for the wild and domestic creatures we share our world with. While there is no explicit reference to the climate crisis, Tan’s exquisite images illustrate stories of kinship between humans and dogs, snails, whales, pigeons, cats and tigers – all bound to each other as intertwined species.

    Set within cities, the wild beauty of each animal seems enlarged, as does the poignancy of each story, reminding us of what we have to lose. Some of the creatures literally morph into giant versions of themselves, eerie against Tan’s various backdrops of urban space. In one story, two tiny humans are seen being carried through stormy waters, perched between the ears of an enormous cat. It’s an indelible image of hope and survival in the wake of environmental devastation. Tan’s imaginative power is utterly extraordinary.

    Davina Quinlivan is an AHRC-funded StoryArcs Fellow based in the Department of English and Creative Writing at The University of Exeter. She is also an Artistic Lead with Emblaze, an imprint of Paper Nations. Paper Nations is an award-winning creative writing incubator illuminating stories of colour in the South West, funded by Arts Council England and produced by The Story Society, Bath Spa University.

    – ref. The Secret Garden by Frances Hodgeson Burnett was an early work of climate fiction – https://theconversation.com/the-secret-garden-by-frances-hodgeson-burnett-was-an-early-work-of-climate-fiction-250338

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s job cuts are causing Republican angst as all parties face backlash

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Thomas Gift, Associate Professor and Director of the Centre on US Politics, UCL

    A spate of town hall meetings held across the US has revealed palpable anger among both Democratic and Republican voters. At some events, voters have spoken to “empty chairs” in lieu of Congress members who refused to show their faces. At others, lawmakers have been booed, heckled and faced raucous audiences.

    What’s striking isn’t just the outrage, but where it’s coming from. Much of the backlash is from parties’ own voters.

    Things have become particularly bad for Republicans. So much so that party leaders have urged lawmakers to host live-streamed or call-in events rather than in-person town halls. President Donald Trump has baselessly blamed “paid agitators” for the fallout. But some backlash doubtlessly comes from Trump supporters.

    Republican angst might suggest a discrepancy between their abstract support for federal spending cuts by Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency (Doge) and their actual response to its practical consequences.

    Republicans doubtlessly like the optics of Musk taking out his chainsaw to slice government. A March 2025 CNN poll, for example, revealed that 75% of Republicans approve of Musk, compared to just 6% of Democrats. Additionally, 73% of Republicans even think Doge cuts won’t go far enough in rooting out “waste, fraud, and abuse” in government.

    However, that enthusiasm seems to fade when specific programmes are on the chopping block. As Republican strategist Brian Seitchik puts it: “There is certainly a disconnect right now between the theory of Doge, the cutting of fat in government … and what is seemingly a blowtorch as opposed to a scalpel approach to solving these problems.”

    Cuts to the federal workforce are emerging as perhaps the most contentious issue. These jobs are disproportionately concentrated in Washington DC. But in terms of total numbers, most are scattered across the country. That includes Republican states that Trump carried in last November’s election.

    Eliminating these jobs is having an impact that many Trump voters didn’t anticipate. Some may soon be showing buyer’s remorse with Trump. It is worth noting that around 81% of Republicans rated jobs and the economy as a very important issue, compared to 73% of Democrats, in a March poll from the Economist/YouGov.

    The political downside of job cuts has been made worse by an administration that can often seem numb to their impact. Recently, new video footage was unearthed of current Office of Management and Budget head Russ Vought saying in 2023 that he wanted civil servants to be “traumatically affected”.

    Despite all of Doge’s relentless efforts, US federal spending still hit a new high last month – US$603 billion (£467 billion). Without touching health service and senior citizen entitlements like Social Security and Medicare, it will be hard for the White House to significantly reduce national debt.

    High prices also continue to anger Trumpland. Trump vowed in the campaign: “You just watch – they’ll come down, and they’ll come down fast.” With inflation, Trump can scapegoat former president Joe Biden for a period. But that only lasts so long.

    Job cuts don’t just affect Democratic states.

    The problem for the White House is that it’s hard to imagine two more inflationary policies than those offered by Trump: tariffs, which pass higher prices onto consumers; and mass deportations, which constrict the labour supply and drive up the price of goods.

    Trump’s base is notoriously loyal. But swing voters who backed Trump could be in for a rude awakening if they expected Trump to revitalise American manufacturing and slash the price of eggs and Big Macs. If Trump’s approval ratings start to slide, some Republicans in Congress may also give him less than their full-throated support.

    Discontented Democrats

    Republicans aren’t the only ones with a problem from their own flank. According to polling by CNN, the Democratic party’s approval rating is just 29%, an all-time low. Among Democrats, some frustration stems from the direction in which Trump is taking the country, but much of it is about the Democratic party’s inability to counter him.

    Consider Trump’s speech before a joint session of Congress a couple weeks ago, where Democrats looked clumsy (and shrill) in their response. Representative Al Green was even censured for disrupting Trump’s address, including by 10 of his Democratic colleagues.

    Consider also the recent spending bill, when Democratic Senator Chuck Schumer broke with his party to keep the federal government open. Fellow Democrat Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez called the move a “huge slap in the face,” while even Schumer’s longtime political partner and former Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi called him out for caving.

    Many Democratic voters view Democratic party leadership as feckless, as weak, and, in short, as losing. That’s hard to dispute that when Republicans have control of the White House, Congress, and for all intents and purposes, the Supreme Court.

    Calls for “fighting harder” ring hollow unless they’re backed with concrete action. Some pushback can come from states and localities. But what Democratic voters may be looking for is a common message. Half the party wants full-on resistance to Trump. Half doesn’t.

    What Democrats do next

    Coming out of November’s election, the autopsy reports haven’t moved the party in a consistent, constructive direction. For example, Democratic strategist James Carville says that his party should simply “roll over and play dead,” letting Republicans self-combust and making the American people long for Democratic governance. Others, like Ocasio-Cortez, are spoiling for a fight with Trump.

    Past patterns in election cycles would suggest that Democrats will take back at least one chamber of Congress in the 2026 midterms. But before they can, Democrats must heal splits between moderates and progressives, and address the backlash against “wokeism”, which is fading even faster than it emerged.

    Things look dire for Democrats now. Still, some historical context is instructive. 2004 was also a devastating loss for Democrats, when presidential candidate John Kerry lost to incumbent George W. Bush. Yet in 2008, Barack Obama ushered in a new era of Democratic governance. Politics has a way of self-correcting when the party in power over-interprets its mandate.

    Thomas Gift does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump’s job cuts are causing Republican angst as all parties face backlash – https://theconversation.com/trumps-job-cuts-are-causing-republican-angst-as-all-parties-face-backlash-252940

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Psychopaths experience pain differently, even when their bodies say otherwise

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sophie Alshukri, PhD Candidate in Psychology, Liverpool John Moores University

    Roman Samborskyi/Shutterstock

    Psychopathy has long been associated with murderers, notorious criminals, and the griping true crime stories that dominate Netflix documentaries. But our recent research is showing they have a complex relationship with pain which may in part be responsible for their lack of empathy.

    Psychopathic traits are on a spectrum. We all have levels somewhere on this scale. To be deemed a “psychopath” by some medical professionals, though, you would need to sit on the higher end of the spectrum.

    Typically, people who are higher on the psychopathic traits spectrum show greater pain tolerance. And this is usually reflected in their physiology. For instance, in a 2022 study people higher in psychopathic traits showed lower brain activity with pressure pain.

    When we conducted our recent research on pain and people with different levels of psychopathy, our results surprised us. Participants with high levels of psychopathy seemed to process pain differently to people low in psychopathy.

    We applied pressure pain to our participants using a device that gently pressed a small circular probe onto the participant’s fingernail using compressed air. We measured their reactions from their sweat responses.

    This is called skin conductance response (SCR), and is activated in times of “fight or flight”, or even when we need to pay attention. And this normally increases sweat production. That’s what we used to measure participants’ response to pain and empathy in our experiment.

    Before our experiment began, we slowly increased the levels of pressure that participants felt until they told us they had reached their pain threshold (the most pain they could bear). The low and high psychopathy groups chose similar levels of pressure for their pain threshold.

    Next, we delivered varying levels of pressure (with the highest being each participant’s pain threshold) to ensure participants did not become used to the stimulations. Following each stimulation, participants were asked to rate how much pain they felt using a self-report measure ranging from 0-100.

    We found that participants higher in psychopathy reported feeling less pain than participants who were lower in psychopathy. The high psychopathy group even rated their own pain thresholds as less painful than the low psychopathy group (on the 0-100 scale). However, their SCRs were the same as those lower in psychopathy.

    So, what does this mean?

    It suggests that people higher in psychopathy interpret pain differently. Perhaps this explains why psychopathy relates to greater risk-taking and increased levels of violence or aggression towards others – they do not recognise feelings of pain in the same way as other people.

    Psychopaths may not recognise pain in the same way as others.
    Ground Picture/Shutterstock

    Usually, psychopathy relates to lower levels of physiological responses in threatening situations because they don’t associate pain with fear or punishment.

    The results of our study suggest that the difference in pain perception between high and low psychopathic people may be psychological rather than physiological. This could explain why there were differences in self-reports, but not in sweat responses.

    We don’t know whether they are pretending to feel pain or are less connected to their body’s physiology. But a 2019 study on children suggests those high in psychopathic traits may engage in extreme coping when scared. For instance, those children showed blunted emotional responses, disengagement or risky behaviour to cope with the stress.

    What about empathy for other people’s pain?

    We also tested our participants’ responses to other people’s pain by showing them images, such as a hand trapped in a door or a bare foot stepping on glass. Previous research has shown that people higher in psychopathy show reduced levels of physiological arousal to other people’s distress.

    For example, a 2015 study found people higher in psychopathy demonstrated lower levels of brain activity when seeing other people in painful situations. In our study, we found that people higher in psychopathy not only reported feeling less empathy but also showed lower sweat responses when viewing other people’s pain.

    This lower SCR has also been found in male prisoners with psychopathic traits. And it typically indicates less attention or focus on other people’s pain.

    Our study shows that a lack of empathy for others may not be a conscious choice. Our recent systematic review, where we looked at eight previous studies on psychopathy and pain perception, also helped to corroborate these findings, showing that psychopathy links to lower levels of brain activity in response to other people’s pain.

    Research has shown that lower levels of empathy for other people can be influenced by a higher tolerance for pain. If someone does not understand the feelings of pain the same way as other people, they probably don’t understand the pain that other people may be experiencing.

    Also, a 2020 review showed that the brain networks used in processing pain are also used to process empathy. This could mean that if people higher in psychopathy don’t feel as much pain themselves, their perceptions of other people’s pain could also be reduced via this shared network.

    Just because you show higher psychopathic traits does not necessarily mean you are going to be the lead character of your own true crime documentary, though. In fact, recent research, including a 2022 study, noted psychopathic traits can be positive and help people regulate their emotions.

    Surgeons and other medical professionals show high levels of psychopathic traits, particularly the stress immunity part of the personality trait.

    Perhaps this is what allows medical professionals high in psychopathic traits to stay calm under pressure, allowing them to make quick, rational decisions without being overwhelmed by stress.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Psychopaths experience pain differently, even when their bodies say otherwise – https://theconversation.com/psychopaths-experience-pain-differently-even-when-their-bodies-say-otherwise-251529

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The paradox of weight loss: why losing pounds may not always lead to better health

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Barbara Pierscionek, Professor and Deputy Dean, Research and Innovation, Anglia Ruskin University

    Jacob Lund/Shutterstock

    One of the lasting memories from my teenage years is what I now recognise as an obsession with weight control. Thin was in, and magazines promoted a variety of diets, each claiming effectiveness, often accompanied by images of beautiful, slim models. Not much has changed.

    Diets, intermittent fasting, weight-loss surgery, and more recently, weight-loss injections continue to be marketed as solutions for shedding pounds. Achieving a healthy weight is widely regarded as essential for overall wellbeing.

    Many studies have explored the relationship between weight changes and mortality, as well as mortality in obese people with heart disease. These studies often suggest that excessive weight is unhealthy and that people with obesity and heart disease should lose weight.

    However, findings from a recent study, of which I was a co-author, challenge this assumption. Our research indicates that significant weight loss – greater than 10kg – can actually increase the risk of early death in obese people with cardiovascular disease.

    This study was based on data from over 8,000 participants in the UK Biobank, a comprehensive resource for medical research that includes genetic data.

    While it’s known that rapid weight loss can signal underlying health issues and lead to serious complications, the weight changes in our study were observed over an average of nine years, meaning for some participants, these changes were relatively quick.

    This creates a paradox. While both obesity and cardiovascular disease are known to increase the risk of early death, in obese people with cardiovascular disease, weight loss – intended to improve health – can have the opposite effect.

    The relationship between body weight and illness is complex. Though obesity contributes to cardiovascular problems, studies have also shown an increased risk of early death in those with chronic heart failure who are lean, and in people with coronary artery disease whose weight fluctuates.

    Obesity rates are rising, but simply focusing on weight loss may not be the answer.

    Variability in weight loss

    For weight loss to be effective, we must consider the diverse factors contributing to weight gain, which vary from person to person. Genetics play a significant role in appetite and metabolism, and they can also influence lifestyle factors like overeating, inadequate exercise and poor dietary choices that lead to obesity.

    In our study, my colleagues and I couldn’t account for all the factors behind the participants’ obesity or the methods they used to lose weight. This means we can’t definitively determine which weight-loss strategies – whether in terms of duration, diet or physical activity – pose the greatest risks.

    The conventional approach to healthy weight – using body mass index (BMI) – may not apply to everyone. BMI is increasingly recognised as having limitations. Some people may tolerate higher weights without adverse health effects. The real question isn’t how quickly weight should be lost, but how quickly it should be lost for each person.

    Given the current evidence, we cannot accurately determine an ideal weight range that’s universally beneficial for health. However, intriguing patterns are emerging from various countries.

    For instance, Tonga has a high rate of obesity, yet it experiences significantly lower rates of heart-disease-related deaths than many European countries where obesity is less prevalent. Tonga also reports lower levels of alcohol consumption and suicide than most European nations.

    Health encompasses both physical and mental wellbeing. Shifting the focus to holistic wellbeing and happiness may offer more lasting health benefits. Treating obesity requires a comprehensive approach, addressing all underlying factors contributing to the condition.

    Barbara Pierscionek does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The paradox of weight loss: why losing pounds may not always lead to better health – https://theconversation.com/the-paradox-of-weight-loss-why-losing-pounds-may-not-always-lead-to-better-health-252397

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: After months of Trump’s shock tactics, whistleblower groups are pushing back against attacks on workers’ rights

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kate Kenny, Professor of Business and Society, University of Galway

    Julio Javier Vargas/Shutterstock

    In the US, under president Donald Trump, rapid assaults on civil servants’ rights, including their rights to speak out about wrongdoing, are increasingly part of the administration’s play for power. Shock tactics tend to work when the speed leaves observers too stunned to act.

    But countering the paralysis, whistleblower supporters are organising. Civil society groups are collaborating to shore up workers’ rights, challenge threats in the courts, and inform the public why it’s important to protect whistleblowers. Their cool-headed approach shows what it takes to work together to preserve democratic freedoms.

    Since January 2025, the Trump administration has assaulted federal workers’ rights including whistleblowing protections. Key personnel are being fired, with thousands of other civil servants under threat of being reclassified as “at-will” workers who can be sacked at any time for any reason.

    But the US needs whistleblower rights. In the past ten years alone, US government workers speaking out have protected citizens from a long list of ills. This includes food contamination, health risks, airline dangers and climate censorship. And they have called out managers for fraud and corruption.

    Recent UK research demonstrates how listening to whistleblowers in some cases – including the Post Office scandal and the collapse of contractor Carillion – would have saved taxpayers nearly £400 million.

    Functioning government bureaucracies, staffed by well-qualified, professional and independent civil servants, curtail attempts by politicians to control the state.

    In the US, long-standing structures like the Pendleton Act of 1883 and the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978, were put in place to ensure this. These laws insist government workers are hired and fired on the basis of skill and ability, not their political views. New employees take an oath of loyalty to the US constitution, not to the president.

    Whistleblower protection is a critical part of ensuring this independence, because it enables civil servants to challenge abuses of power. But whistleblowers can only call out wrongdoing if they are protected from reprisal. Right now, these protections are under threat.

    Shock and awe

    Critics of the new US administration know all this. But the speed of change seems overwhelming. And the will to resist depletes, as people struggle to make sense of the constant disruption.

    What to do with widely reported shows of anti-democratic aggression, like the recent appearance of senior Trump adviser Elon Musk on stage with a red chainsaw, shouting about a “chainsaw for bureaucracy”?

    This is exactly the kind of chaotic, performative scene that stokes fascist passions, but leaves critics frozen.

    Elon Musk’s chainsaw stunt was made famous by Argentinian president Javier Milei, who was looking on as Musk played to the gallery.
    Joshua Sukoff/Shutterstock

    Connecting such moves with Trump’s aggression against diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) programmes and trans citizens, US philosopher Judith Butler has warned that people can be stunned into inaction by increasingly shocking events. They stop seeing how they are connected.

    What links these events, fundamentally, is contempt for ordinary US citizens’ rights and for constitutional democracy. As Butler also says, it’s important that citizens are not left immobilised by the outrage.

    To counter the chaos, cool heads are needed. Supporters of whistleblower rights are pushing back. With partners, the nonprofit whistleblower organisation Government Accountability Project is suing Trump over the unconstitutional roll-back of federal worker protections. And civil society groups successfully challenged February’s firing of the chief of the federal whistleblowing agency.

    This kind of whistleblower activism has happened before in other parts of the world. In Europe, NGOs monitor countries’ adoption of the new EU whistleblower protection law.

    Organisations like the Whistleblowing International Network and the UNCAC coalition support civil society groups in countries around the world with new but fragile whistleblower protection systems introduced to support public trust and democratic accountability. These partnerships harness public opinion through the media and lobby for change. They come together in regular online events and forums to sustain momentum.

    These coalitions of whistleblower activists have a history of working together, celebrating small wins and publicising each other’s work.

    As my recent book details, this collective activism is not easy. These organisations operate on limited funding. And in the face of disinformation on social media, defending truth and facts can be challenging. Yet as I found, strategising and collaborating can help counter aggressive opposition.

    A shared commitment to democratic rights is what keeps coalitions of whistleblower activists going – they demonstrate passions for equality and the right to live without fear.

    Trump is working to remake the federal government in the service of his political agenda. It is a classic move made by “strongman” leaders. They seize control of government bureaucracy in order to reward elite supporters, give favours and jobs to insiders, and weaken oversight on corruption.

    Attacking government bureaucracy has been a first step in the power grab by authoritarian leaders worldwide, from Hungary to Benin, Turkey and Venezuela.

    Working with his largest election donor Elon Musk, who already owns businesses benefiting from government contracts, Trump’s aggressive overhaul of the federal government radically dilutes the potential for dissenting workers to speak out in protest.

    It is tempting to remain paralysed in the face of daily attempts to roll back workers’ rights. But through their dedication, mutual support and celebration of even small wins, international collectives of whistleblower activists remind us that there is a way forward and why it’s vital to keep going.

    Kate Kenny has in the past and at different times engaged in research funded by organizations including: the EU Commission, ESRC UK, the British Academy, Harvard University, Science Foundation Ireland and Leverhulme Trust.

    – ref. After months of Trump’s shock tactics, whistleblower groups are pushing back against attacks on workers’ rights – https://theconversation.com/after-months-of-trumps-shock-tactics-whistleblower-groups-are-pushing-back-against-attacks-on-workers-rights-252861

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The TGL golf league might signal that indoor sport is the future, for better or worse

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Brad Millington, Associate Professor, Sport Management, Brock University

    The inaugural season of the TGL golf league closes this week with a final championship-deciding series. The upstart, team-based, men’s league has made headlines for its celebrity backers, including star golfers Tiger Woods and Rory McIlroy.

    Even more noteworthy is TGL’s unique format. Events are played inside SoFi Center, a custom-built venue in Florida with an audience capacity of 1,500.

    At one end lies the “ScreenZone,” where a golf simulator is used for longer shots such as drives and iron play. At the other end, players chip and putt along the physical surface of the “GreenZone” to record a final score on each hole.

    TGL is the latest commercial venture to shake up the golf world in recent years. The league is no doubt novel in some ways, yet it can also be explained as the convergence of two longstanding trends: the “mediatization” and “indoorization” of sport.



    Read more:
    PGA Tour-LIV merger: What this new partnership means for the future of golf and elite sport

    A ‘mediatized’ sports landscape

    Mediatization is a concept that speaks to relationships of interdependence between media and other institutions, such as sport. More than simply conveying sport content, communication technologies have helped change sport over the years — consider “television timeouts” or the use of instant replay.

    In return, sport is a source of live, unpredictable and exciting media content, something that is highly valuable in a competitive attention economy.

    In this context, TGL stands out as an especially tech-infused venture.

    First, there is the golf simulator. The ScreenZone is so named because players hit into a massive screen measuring 64 by 53 feet. Tracking technology is used to map and represent the flight of the ball on screen. This allows for a thoroughly datafied sport experience as an array of performance metrics are available to both players and fans.

    Also relevant are TGL’s seemingly made-for-TV conventions, some of which might be anathema to golf traditionalists. Among them, a 40-second shot clock keeps a brisk pace of play. Players are also mic’d up, making strategy conversations and reactions accessible to the audience.

    In all, TGL is a media spectacle. It is not uncommon for sports leagues to adopt new rules and formats, seemingly in a bid to capture consumer attention. But, through TGL’s video game-like components, media representation — golf on a simulated volcano, among other places — becomes part of the sport competition itself.

    Sport moves indoors

    TGL is also an indoor spectacle. In this sense, it contributes to the indoorization of outdoor sports.

    Outdoor sports from surfing to skiing, rock climbing and many more have moved indoors in recent years (while remaining outdoor sports too). A potential trade-off is that, while outdoor sports often foreground adventure, uncertainty and danger, their indoor analogues often trade this for control, predictability and calculability. The authenticity of indoor sport might therefore be debated, especially in historically counter-cultural sports such as surfing.

    Yet indoorization can also lead to expansion. From the late 1800s onwards, artificial ice in North American arenas allowed for reliable skating conditions and helped hockey move to new locations, growing the game as a commercial endeavour and cultural institution.

    There was also the benefit of escaping the elements. As architectural historian Howard Shubert writes:

    “Covered rinks allowed patrons to escape winter’s cold temperatures, harsh winds, and blowing snow and eliminated the immediate danger of falling through thin ice on ponds and streams.”

    Indoorization is not new, even for golf: golf simulators can be found in converted garages; Topgolf facilities offer high-tech, all-weather golf experiences. But TGL is a high-profile entrant in a history of moving sport indoors.

    Indoorization as adaption?

    Researchers assessing the prospects for outdoor skating against recent climate projections have concluded the future looks bleak for outdoor rinks, and that indoor arenas and synthetic surfaces will grow more important in the years ahead.

    Put another way, indoorization may increasingly be a requirement, and not just a luxury, in the context of a worsening climate crisis.

    Likewise, sport mega-events have implemented various climate adaptation measures over time, from snow-making on ski slopes to refrigeration of sliding tracks and far beyond. The future is likely to see host cities become climate unreliable to an even greater extent.

    It’s not just winter sports. From air-conditioned stadiums to relocated events in search of cooler conditions to indoor recess for students escaping poor-quality outdoor air, the changing climate is a point of vulnerability year-round — and for sport and physical activity participation at various levels.

    Our point here is not that TGL was conceived with the climate crisis in mind. Nor do we expect outdoor golf to disappear. Rather, the climate crisis will demand adaptation in sport in the years ahead.

    In a time of technological innovation — augmented reality, artificial intelligence and more — the mediatization of sport will provide new commercial and recreational opportunities that offer escape from, and perhaps distraction from, worsening outdoor conditions.

    TGL’s blend of real and artificial elements can be seen as foreshadowing “solutions” to much greater problems that are beginning to seem inevitable.

    Brad Millington receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    Brian Wilson receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

    Michael L. Naraine receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and Sport Canada.

    Parissa Safai has received funding from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research.

    – ref. The TGL golf league might signal that indoor sport is the future, for better or worse – https://theconversation.com/the-tgl-golf-league-might-signal-that-indoor-sport-is-the-future-for-better-or-worse-252608

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why the Tesla backlash could help electric cars finally go mainstream

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Hannah Budnitz, Research Associate in Urban Mobility, Transport Studies Unit, University of Oxford

    Elon Musk’s controversial political views and actions have sparked an exodus from X (formerly Twitter), his social media platform, and mass protests against his car company, Tesla. Dealerships in the US and beyond have experienced peaceful protests and occasional vandalism, while sales are down almost everywhere and the company has lost almost half its value in two months.

    Ironically, these political controversies may broaden the mass market appeal of electric vehicles. This is an industry that needs to go beyond the early-adopter tech bros – and now might be the moment.

    In 2010, when Tesla became the first American carmaker to go public since Ford in 1956, fully electric cars were still a niche technology. The Nissan Leaf was launched that same year, but it was still limited to shorter trips in cities. Other big carmakers weren’t yet taking electric seriously, and the Chinese electric vehicle (EV) industry was just starting to gear up.

    In 2013, when the International Energy Agency (IEA) produced its first Global EV Outlook report, there were less than 60,000 on the road worldwide. A decade later, almost the same number of EVs are sold every day.

    Tesla’s competition was initially just little urban runarounds like this 2010 Nissan Leaf.
    Dong liu / Shutterstock

    So, there is plenty of evidence that Tesla had a leading role in making EVs a “winning technology” – something the traditional major carmakers felt compelled to compete with. Governments around the world also got on board.

    Not made for the mainstream

    In fact, Tesla’s approach to making electric cars mainstream was to not make them for the mainstream. Its marketing strategy was to sell direct to customers who not only bought into the environmental credentials but the hi-tech glamour – and didn’t mind the price tag.

    In other words, Tesla targeted “early adopters” which, in the case of electric cars, meant wealthy men. Study after study shows these early adopters in North America and Europe were skewed towards men and those with higher incomes.

    Although these studies often measured income and gender separately, research I published with colleagues indicated it was having both characteristics – being both a man and wealthy – that made someone more likely to be an EV owner, or more likely to say their next car would probably be electric.

    Out of our representative sample of nearly 2,000 UK drivers, wealthy men were also more likely to agree that their social circle expected them to switch.

    We did not find the same results among women, no matter their income level, nor low-income men. This despite the fact that women were significantly more likely to value protecting the environment and to feel an obligation to drive an electric car (if they were first convinced it would reduce carbon emissions and improve air quality).

    This points to another key implication of our research. To support mass adoption, drivers need to be confident that EVs can deliver the environmental benefits they promise, as well as being more comfortable and cheaper to run than conventional cars.

    To gain this confidence, drivers – no matter who they are – want to hear consistent messaging from a trusted source that highlights the benefits, not just the costs.

    However, as we found in our project Inclusive Transition to Electric Mobility, drivers and policymakers alike perceive EVs as unaffordable. Some research participants even mentioned Tesla by name when giving an example of how making the switch is beyond the means of people like them.

    Cheaper EVs need new messaging

    Although Tesla sells mass-produced models and slashed its prices around the world last year, its cars are still expensive (in the UK, they start at about £40,000). The company’s reputation and brand is linked not only to the tech-bro image of Silicon Valley, but with elitism and inequity.

    However, the reputation of EVs in general need not be. Unlike ten years ago, this is a technology with momentum among many manufacturers, and consumers have plenty of new, cheaper models to choose from, as well as a growing second-hand market. The IEA’s latest report suggests EVs are finally becoming a mass-market product.

    Tesla is facing stiff competition from cheaper rivals such as Chinese firm BYD.
    i viewfinder / Shutterstock

    As electric cars become more affordable in real terms, the messaging needs to be about environmental benefit rather than futuristic technology. It needs to emphasise long-term affordability of use as well as purchase. EVs need to be seen as practical and safe – and drivers need to hear these messages from trusted sources.

    My research highlighted how family, friends, colleagues and neighbours could be this source of trusted information. Early adopters I interviewed described the many personal, social interactions involved in the practicalities of parking and charging their cars – such as coordinating workplace charging so no one is caught short, and sharing tips on the best tariff for home charging. Some have effectively become local ambassadors for EVs.

    I’m also investigating how communities coming together around EVs might lead to more car sharing. This could maximise the environmental benefits of the transition, since reducing the number of cars on the road is as important as ensuring cars switch from petrol to electric.

    There is little doubt about the damage Musk’s political approach has done to Tesla’s image, although it is not the sole cause of the company’s current troubles.

    Meanwhile, the transition to electric personal mobility is well underway around the world. Tesla’s troubles won’t stop this – but they can give the car industry an opportunity to make the messaging around electric vehicles more diverse, equitable and inclusive for the mass market.

    Hannah Budnitz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why the Tesla backlash could help electric cars finally go mainstream – https://theconversation.com/why-the-tesla-backlash-could-help-electric-cars-finally-go-mainstream-252963

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Three graphs that show what’s happening with Donald Trump’s popularity

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Paul Whiteley, Professor, Department of Government, University of Essex

    Donald Trump started out with more Americans approving than disapproving of his performance just after inauguration day on January 20 , and this continued into February. By early March, his ratings had turned a little bit negative, but not by much, and it has stayed that way. As of March 20, 48% of Americans approved of his job performance so far, while 49% disapproved.

    The daily average of polls measuring approval/disapproval ratings for the job Trump is doing appears in the chart below. They cover the period from February 20 to March 20.

    Approval and disapproval ratings for Trump’s performance:

    These aggregate ratings are interesting, but they disguise the political divide which is revealed when we drill down into the details. This can be done using an Economist/YouGov poll completed on March 18, for instance.

    This reveals how polarised American public opinion has become when it comes to judging the president. Around 6% of respondents who identified themselves as Democrats approved of his performance, while 93% of them disapproved. Those who identified as Republican were almost the exact opposite, with 90% approving and 7% disapproving.

    One problem in analysing these statistics is that only 29% of the sample interviewed were Republicans, compared with 34% Democrats. The pollsters do their best to get a representative sample of the US electorate and it’s worth noting that there are currently more registered Democrats in the US than there are Republicans.

    Interestingly, the American National Election Study survey conducted just before the presidential election last year showed that only 11.6% of Americans were supporters of the Maga movement. This highly respected study, which has been carried out over the past 75 years as a national resource, would suggest that Maga supporters are noisy, but fewer in number than some people might realise.

    What do independents think?

    Around 37% of those interviewed for the Economist poll described themselves as independents. In their case 37% of them approved of his performance and 54% disapproved. Trump may have a very strong following among Republicans, but they are less than one-third of the electorate.

    A quick calculation looking at support among Democrats, Republicans and independents in proportion to their size in the electorate suggests that 42% of Americans have a favourable view of his performance, while 54% have an unfavourable view.

    If we look at the social backgrounds of respondents in the survey there is not much difference between the young and the old, or different income groups in their attitudes to the president’s performance. But there is a large gender gap with 53% of men, but only 39% of women, approving. Similarly, while 53% of whites approved, only 24% of blacks and 31% of Hispanics did so. Finally, 7% of ideological liberals approved of Trump’s job performance, compared with 81% of conservatives and 44% of moderates. Overall, partisanship and ideology completely dominate the picture when it comes to judging Trump’s record.

    How important is the economy?

    US politics is in turmoil with large federal jobs losses and significant changes, such as tariffs on Canadian goods, being announced by the new administration, so there are a lot of factors at work which can explain attitudes to Trump. In the 2024 presidential election the economy played a key role in explaining how people voted, and it is always an important issue in elections.

    Given that, it is interesting to look at one of the key measures of the voter’s attitudes to the economy, namely consumer confidence. This has been measured by researchers at the University of Michigan for many decades using a series of surveys conducted every month.

    US consumer sentiment scale March 2024 to March 2025:

    The chart shows scores on the Index of Consumer Sentiment from March of last year until March this year. A high score means Americans are confident about the state of their economy and a low score the opposite. Confidence has plunged from a rating of 79.4 a year ago to 57.9 now. It is notable that, as recently as December 2024, it stood at 74.0, but after the inauguration of Trump it started to rapidly decline. Americans are getting increasingly worried about the state of their economy, along with the rest of the world.

    The cause is not hard to discern: the imposition of tariffs, a fall in the stock market, the threat of inflation, the administration’s sympathy towards Vladimir Putin and its threats to allies such as Canada and Greenland over their territorial integrity. These issues are all adding up to a self-imposed economic crisis.

    But what are the implication of this for presidential approval ratings? The chart below shows the relationship between consumer confidence and presidential approval over a period of nearly 50 years. There is a moderately strong relationship between the two series (correlation = 0.40). When consumers are optimistic, they approve of the president’s performance, and when they are pessimistic, they disapprove.

    Presidential approval and consumer confidence 1978-2025:

    Overall, the data suggests that Trump should not be confident of his approval ratings across the US, if you look at people across all political affiliations and who vote. Along with a looming economic crisis, this could lead to a rapid loss of support for the president and the Republicans in the near future.

    Paul Whiteley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Three graphs that show what’s happening with Donald Trump’s popularity – https://theconversation.com/three-graphs-that-show-whats-happening-with-donald-trumps-popularity-252857

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Donald Trump’s trade war against Canada reveals tensions inherent in friendship

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jason Wang, Postdoctoral Fellow, Modern Literature and Culture Research Centre, Toronto Metropolitan University

    In his second inauguration address, United States President Trump began by declaring “the golden age of America begins right now” and closed with, “and our golden age has just begun.” Between these lines, he vowed to “tariff and tax foreign countries to enrich our citizens.”

    Tying his trade policies to dubious claims about fentanyl trafficking and illegal immigration, Trump’s approach appears less about economic strategy and more about asserting dominance. Invoking the language of imperial expansion, he even proposed the idea of making Canada the “cherished 51st state.”

    Historians like American Richard White quickly drew parallels to the 19th-century Gilded Age when robber barons thrived, leaving social inequality in their wake.



    Read more:
    Elon Musk’s bid to take over Twitter recalls the robber barons of the 19th century

    The celebrated Canada-U.S. friendship — further entrenched over the past three decades by the 1989 Canada-U.S. free-trade agreement, cross-border activity and snowbirds wintering in Florida and elsewhere in the U.S. — has long balanced underlying tension stemming from the two nations’ power differences. This alludes to tensions inherent in friendships that have long been explored by philosophers.

    A ‘great relationship?’

    Trump’s recent sweeping tariffs on Canadian imports are only the latest chapter in a long history of economic clashes.

    From the U.S.’s Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930, which hit Canada hard during the Great Depression, to Richard Nixon’s 10 per cent import surcharge in 1971 and the long fight over softwood lumber that persisted through the early 2000s despite Canada’s favourable World Trade Organization rulings, these conflicts expose the fragility of Canada-U.S. relations. The uneasy reality is that friendship between nations is never as stable as it seems.

    The trade war has triggered a wave of cultural and economic nationalism in Canada that has gone beyond the “Buy Canadian” movement. At the National Ballet of Canada’s Swan Lake, recently, a stirring rendition of O Canada brought the audience to its feet.

    Chrystia Freeland, now minister of transport and internal trade, voiced the nation’s outrage on CNN: “Canadians are angry,” she said, condemning the tariffs as a betrayal of what she called the “great relationship.”

    Friendship ideals and power dynamics

    But beneath the outrage lies a harsher truth: Canada’s “friend” status is conditional, tied to America’s shifting priorities. The real question isn’t whether Canada is a trusted ally — it’s whether it was ever more than a subordinate in this “friendship.” At stake is the concept of friendship between nations.

    Philosophers exploring the intersection of friendship and politics offer a useful framework for understanding this imbalance.

    Written in the post-Cold War era, French Algerian philosopher Jacques Derrida’s The Politics of Friendship, first published in French in 1994, questions the very possibility of pure, stable friendship, arguing that it is never equal or unconditional.

    Instead, said Derrida, it is always a negotiation of power. Derrida questions idealized Aristotelian notions of friendship between nations — ideals that still quietly underpin our thinking about friendship, loyalty and betrayal.

    Friendship in fiction, Aristotle

    In his study of friendship in fiction, literary scholar Allan Hepburn points out that friendships are inherently political, foundational to social relations and embody democratic ideals of equality and fraternity, as Aristotle suggested.

    Tyrannical systems, by contrast, lack true friendships, while an ideal democracy extends mutual respect to all citizens. In this way, strangers are recognized as equals and potential friends, regardless of legal obligation, as Derrida emphasized.

    In Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, he distinguished transactional and virtuous friendship. The former is built on mutual advantage or shared pleasure, which to Aristotle is the lesser kind of friendship.

    In contrast, virtue-based friendship is both the most enduring and the rarest. Aristotle idealizes this latter type of friendship, describing it as “perfect friendship” in which individuals are “alike in virtue,” wishing well to each other as something good in itself, and are themselves morally upright.

    This ideal friendship — expected to be stable, enduring and intrinsically valuable — underpins discourses about the bond between nations based on shared values.



    Read more:
    What makes a good friend?

    True friendship reserved for individuals

    Political scientist Evgeny Roshchin argues that friendship, as a historical concept in international relations, helped mediate the shift from hierarchical to equal political relationships, shaping sovereignty and political order.

    In contrast, philosopher Simon Keller questions the idea of “friendship between countries,” asserting true friendship is reserved for individuals. He warns that comparing nations to friends may mislead us by shifting focus from genuine human connections to political dynamics.

    Yet the Aristotelian model of the friend as “a second self” has significant limitations, often ignoring differences and reinforcing hierarchy. For Derrida, friendship is not a fixed, harmonious ideal but an ongoing, unpredictable negotiation that blurs the boundary between ally and adversary.

    He contends: “‘Good friendship’ supposes disproportion. It demands a certain rupture in reciprocity or quality, as well as the interruption of all fusion or confusion between you and me.”

    Even at its most personal, friendship is marked by power dynamics — who holds it, who benefits from it and who can be cast aside. Not a cynical rejection of friendship, however, Derrida’s model calls for broadening its moral and political dimensions.

    Transactional structure

    Derrida’s model applies to the Canada-U.S. relationship, which has long been framed as one of mutual respect, built on democratic values and shared economic interests. But its underlying structure is transactional.

    The rhetoric of friendship has always served a function: to justify co-operation when it is useful and to smooth over conflict when it is not. The moment those interests diverge, the limits of the relationship become clear.

    Trump’s tariffs have exposed this dynamic in the clearest possible terms. Canada’s position as a friend to the U.S. is fragile and contingent, shaped by the fluctuating interests of the more powerful side.

    But the rupture is not new, nor is it a break from the norm. It’s simply a reminder of how the relationship has always worked. The question now is not whether Canada can restore its friendship, but whether it can afford to continue believing in it on the same terms.



    Read more:
    Amid U.S. threats, Canada’s national security plans must include training in non-violent resistance

    Embrace inherent fragility

    Derrida’s model of friendship offers a way forward. His model defies the simplistic binary of friend and foe, loyalty and betrayal, as these terms are ultimately mutually constitutive. Derrida calls for relationships that embrace their inherent fragility.

    For Canada, this doesn’t mean abandoning the discourse of friendship with the U.S. entirely, but rather acknowledging the bond’s fragile, conditional nature — always deferred, always on the brink of rupture.

    The challenge for Canada is to redefine its position in North America beyond the framework of mutuality and dependence. At the policy level, with Canada-U.S. relations, this means diversifying trade and diplomatic ties, resisting automatic alignment and asserting independent leadership in global affairs.

    At home, it means forging a national identity that is self-defined and free from the shadow of comparison.

    Jason Wang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How Donald Trump’s trade war against Canada reveals tensions inherent in friendship – https://theconversation.com/how-donald-trumps-trade-war-against-canada-reveals-tensions-inherent-in-friendship-252260

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Our research shows the harm the two-child limit on benefits is doing. Only scrapping it can end this

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kate Andersen, Research Fellow, School for Business and Society, University of York

    Malysheva Liudmyla/Shutterstock

    Since the UK Labour government took office in summer 2024, calls have intensified to scrap both the “two-child limit” – which restricts support for children through universal credit to two children – and the overall benefit cap. With Chancellor Rachel Reeves resisting this pressure as she tries to manage deteriorating public finances, ways of tweaking the two-child limit policy have been proposed.

    But as researchers of child poverty, we have no doubt that the best place to start reducing the high and rising numbers of children growing up in poverty in Britain today is by fully abolishing the two-child limit and the benefit cap.

    We argue that both policies are astoundingly unfair. As our four-year research programme has documented, both are causing wide-ranging harm to children. They restrict children’s everyday experiences and damage their ability to thrive – which in the long run affects everyone in the UK.

    Children live in poverty because their families don’t have an adequate income. This is partly a simple question of maths: wages don’t adjust when there are more mouths to feed. It’s also partly because things happen unexpectedly for some families – job loss, disability, relationship breakdown – leaving them needing extra support for a period of time.

    Countries across Europe respond to these dual challenges by providing financial support that adjusts to family needs. Until recently, the UK did too. Indeed, the UK welfare state was one of the pioneers of “family allowances” in the post-war period.

    But since 2017, the UK has reformed the system so that in families with three or more children, the support on offer when things go wrong deliberately and explicitly falls far short of what is needed. The UK’s two-child limit, an approach that differs to other countries in Europe, restricts means-tested support to two children in a family only. It bakes child poverty into the fibre of the UK.

    Its sister policy, the benefit cap, limits the maximum benefit amount available to households without adults in work. This removes further help from some of the most vulnerable.

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    Struggling to get by

    The parents we spoke to frequently talked of difficulties in affording basic necessities for their children, including clothes and food. Many parents had resorted to using foodbanks or cut back on food spending.



    Read more:
    ‘When you’ve got nothing in your belly, you can’t concentrate’: teachers on the food banks they run in schools

    The material impacts also affected children’s education and their social and emotional wellbeing. Jessica is a single mum of four. Her business went under during the pandemic and her partner left the household, leaving her affected by both the two-child limit and the benefit cap.

    When a hole appeared in Jessica’s daughter’s school shoes, there was no money to replace them straight away. Her daughter went to school wearing trainers and was put in isolation for not adhering to the dress code. Jessica explained:

    I got the phone call to say she had to go into isolation and, and things and I just said, “I’m not the type of person that just has £20 sat in the bank” … it was kind of a bit public shaming her really, taking her away and putting her in isolation.

    Our interviews also showed that, despite parents’ best efforts to shield them, children are often aware of household financial hardship and in turn try to protect their parents. Christina, a mum of three affected by the two-child limit, said of her middle child:

    He won’t say he needs new clothes and he won’t say his shoes don’t fit anymore … I think he’s got it into his head now that we can’t go out and spend or he can’t ask, and I feel so bad for that.

    Our research also documents the importance of abolishing the benefit cap alongside the two-child limit. Otherwise, some families affected by the two-child limit won’t see much financial gain, while others will be newly pushed into the benefit cap.

    Complete removal

    Suggested alternatives to the full abolition of the two child limit include a “three-child limit”, or an exemption for children under five. These options would undoubtedly help some families, but would leave many of those in the greatest need still struggling.

    Families are struggling to get the food they need.
    Klemzy/Shutterstock

    Pound for pound, a three-child limit is less effective at reducing poverty than simple abolition, precisely because it is less well targeted on those in deepest poverty. An exemption for under fives would create a new cliff edge, removing significant support on a child’s fifth birthday, even though we know that the costs of children rise as children get older.

    Further, these approaches continue to enforce a separation between what a family needs and its entitlement to support, and therefore will continue to embed child poverty as an institutional feature of our social security system. Children’s life chances will continue to be circumscribed by the number of siblings they have. Given what we know about the long-term costs of child poverty for society, these are short-sighted ways to save money today.

    It is very encouraging that the government has committed to a child poverty strategy, and that the prime minister has said he will be “laser focused” on tackling child poverty.

    But, as we wait for the strategy to be published, the number of children harmed by the two-child limit rises daily. Nearly two-in-five larger families are now affected and this is predicted to rise to 61% of larger families by the time the two-child limit has full coverage.

    If the child poverty strategy is to have real impact, its starting point is straightforward: both the two-child limit and the benefit cap need to go, and urgently, before more damage is done to children’s lives.

    Kate Andersen received funding from the Nuffield Foundation and the Research England Policy Support Fund facilitated by The York Policy Engine for the research reported in this article.

    Kitty Stewart has received funding from the Nuffield Foundation for the research reported in this article.

    – ref. Our research shows the harm the two-child limit on benefits is doing. Only scrapping it can end this – https://theconversation.com/our-research-shows-the-harm-the-two-child-limit-on-benefits-is-doing-only-scrapping-it-can-end-this-252250

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Maintaining mobility with aging means planning ahead

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Brenda Vrkljan, Professor of Occupational Therapy, School of Rehabilitation Science, McMaster University

    Older people often miss or ignore signs that their own mobility is waning, because it typically happens gradually. (Shutterstock)

    Winter weather makes it hard for everyone to get around. But for many, especially older people, the whole world can feel like an icy sidewalk every day of the year, particularly if they already have problems with their mobility that puts them at higher risk of falling.

    For people who have trouble getting around, stairs, bathrooms and kitchens are among the most treacherous features of typical homes, loaded with potential hazards, such as hard surfaces, slippery floors, accessing high and low cupboards, elevation changes and more.

    The danger is worse at night, especially for older people due in part to changes in vision and certain medications.

    Vehicles are another major challenge for people with mobility issues, especially getting into and out of them, let alone driving them.

    Pope Francis showed his own vulnerability in early February when he stumbled after his walking stick broke. He managed to stay upright but had fallen twice in the preceding weeks. When we don’t move around as much, other health issues can arise, requiring hospitalization.

    The Pope’s public stumble and slow recovery triggered concerns over the 88-year-old’s health and gave the rest of us good reason to consider our own vulnerability.

    Recognizing risks

    As a professor of rehabilitation science who researchers and teaches occupational therapy with a focus on optimizing mobility in later life, I spend my working days thinking about how to make life better by keeping seniors living well and reducing the risks they face.

    In my personal life, I do my best to help my mother stay healthy. I recognize that some of the adapted features we made to her daily activities and living space are helpful to me knowing, as her primary caregiver, that her environment is set up to support her independence.

    Older people often miss or ignore signs that their own mobility is waning, because it typically happens gradually. We may not be conscious of how much we’re using our arms to get out of a chair, that we’re leaning against the wall of the shower while washing, hesitating to pick up a dropped item, or less comfortable driving at night or at higher speeds.

    These are some of the early signs we may need help. Since it’s easy to miss them, it’s important to think consciously and deliberately to avoid a fall or a collision that results in major injury like a broken hip, wrist or worse.

    No one takes pleasure in admitting it might be time for a grab bar or a cane, but assistive devices can prevent injury. Even those who already use such devices may not recognize that their needs change over time, or that their equipment — even a cane — may need maintenance or replacement.

    Failing to take precautions, though, can have severe and lasting repercussions, so it’s vital to be honest with ourselves.

    Prevention and risk reduction

    The upside of taking stock of our situation is that by preventing falls and driving safely, we can continue to participate fully for much longer than was possible even a generation ago.

    For people who have trouble getting around, stairs, bathrooms and kitchens are among the most treacherous features of typical homes.
    (Shutterstock)

    There is plenty of research to show, of course, that diet and exercise can make a significant difference in preserving and even improving mobility while reducing vulnerability, but people don’t always pause to consider their physical environment and other strategies until after an injury.

    Here are some ways you can help yourself or someone in your life whose mobility may be waning:

    • Install low lighting — even a plug-in night light or two can help — that illuminates the path from bedroom to bathroom.

    • Add a second handrail to cover both sides of staircases inside and outside of the home, especially steep stairs that lead to the basement or attic.

    • Stay up-to-date with vision and hearing tests. Always use the eyeglasses and hearing aids, as prescribed.

    • Install “tall” toilets that make sitting and standing up easier.

    • Scan the house for tripping hazards, such as throw rugs, and remove them.

    • Re-organize cupboards to put the most frequently used items in easy reach.

    • Use non-slip footwear made with safety in mind. The Toronto Rehabilitation Institute has done some helpful studies on footwear and safety, including in ice and snow.

    • Schedule a home visit from a licensed occupational therapist who can make recommendations suited to your mobility needs, including taking a look at your mobility devices to be sure they are still suitable and are in good working order. An occupational therapist together with a qualified contractor can ensure grab bars, ramps and other features are installed appropriately.

    • Plan ahead for the time when you can no longer drive by considering alternative transit options and lifestyle changes that might be necessary.

    Mobility matters because it allows us to live independently and participate fully in our everyday activities. By proactively addressing potential hazards, we can enhance our quality of life and continue to enjoy the freedom that mobility provides.

    Brenda Vrkljan has recieved funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, AGE-WELL – A Network of Centres of Excellence, the Ontario Ministry of Transportation, and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

    – ref. Maintaining mobility with aging means planning ahead – https://theconversation.com/maintaining-mobility-with-aging-means-planning-ahead-251589

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –