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Category: Report

  • MIL-OSI Global: Can a virtual reality residential school, developed with Survivors, improve empathy toward Indigenous people?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Iloradanon H. Efimoff, Assistant Professor, Department of Psychology, Toronto Metropolitan University

    Virtual reality is a rapidly developing technology. As the technology expands, becoming more portable and affordable, the potential uses have expanded as well.

    One virtual reality creator calls virtual reality the “ultimate empathy machine.” Promising research shows that virtual reality can improve empathy toward groups such as people experiencing schizophrenia,
    children who are refugees and people who are unhoused.

    Working with an interdisciplinary research team, we put this statement to the test within the context of residential schools in Canada.

    Effective teaching about residential schools

    Residential schools were state-funded, church-run institutions that amounted to genocide. Teachers and other adults at these schools abused the children physically, emotionally and sexually.

    Knowledge of residential schools in Canada is relatively high. Recent national polls show that in 2022, 65 per cent of non-Indigenous respondents had read or heard about residential schools. This number increased to 90 per cent in 2023. This type of awareness, however, does not necessarily reflect a deep knowledge of residential schools.

    Given the apparent rise in residential school denialism and decreasing support for reconciliation initiatives, it is vital to find effective ways to teach about residential schools.

    Work with Survivors on virtual project

    Members of our interdisciplinary research team created a virtual rendering of Fort Alexander Residential School,
    working closely with a group of Survivors from that school. The school operated from 1905-1970 in Manitoba, near Winnipeg, and was run by the Roman Catholic Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate.

    The virtual rendering took years to develop, with critical relationships forming along the way. Members of this same team, and some new members, then tested the effects of the school.

    Overall, researchers with a range of approaches participated, including those who work in the areas of psychology, sociology, and computer science, or who are concerned with representation of war and genocide.

    One concern of those involved in the project was how participants would engage in the virtual school. In particular, we didn’t want the virtual school to be “gamified” (used like a video game). To this end, the virtual reality school is “on-the-tracks,” meaning viewers move through the school on a set path.

    This set path included visiting a classroom, a dormitory and a cellar, among other spaces that the Survivors described. The school was designed such that the viewers would feel physically small in the space — as if they were the size of a child. While moving through the various rooms in the school, viewers listened to recordings of Survivors’ stories of their experiences at the school.

    Would VR experience improve empathy?

    To test if a virtual reality residential school could improve empathy toward Indigenous people, we ran an experiment, as researchers do when they want to compare the impact of different experiences.

    All experiments include a group of people who receive some sort of intervention, such as our virtual reality school. In the simplest approach, researchers can compare the effects of the intervention group to an “empty control group,” which includes people who receive no intervention and often just respond to questions assessing key outcomes. Through comparisons like this, researchers can understand the effect of the intervention compared to doing nothing.

    We used a slightly more rigorous design by adding a third group who simply read the transcripts of the narration that accompanied the virtual school. This allowed us to test if the virtual reality school outperformed the transcripts, which were a different method of learning about residential schools.

    Powerful Survivor stories

    We tested how the virtual school, transcript and control groups affected four outcomes: empathy, warmth and political solidarity toward Indigenous people as well as perceptions that past events still cause suffering today — what we and often legal scholars call “privity.” We looked at the effects right after the experiment and then again weeks later.

    As we thought, compared to the control group, people who received either the transcript or virtual reality intervention responded more favourably toward Indigenous people; they reported more empathy, warmth, political solidarity and privity.

    But a surprising thing happened too: People in the transcript and virtual reality groups responded in the same way. Though we cannot be sure why, we suspect these two groups did not differ because the Survivors’ stories are powerful.

    Finally, over time, the differences among groups disappeared. The changes caused by reading a transcript or experiencing the virtual world went away.

    Need for ongoing education

    Our findings imply that a meaningful story does not require sophisticated technology like virtual reality to have impact. In cases where the story is captivating, the technology might not be necessary to engage people.

    Though trendy, virtual reality equipment is also more expensive and not as portable as written work. Of course, virtual reality might be just the right fit for audiences that would rather not or can’t read. It might also be a novel hook to get someone to engage with a topic they may otherwise avoid.

    Perhaps more clearly, our disappointing finding that the interventions did not last over time highlights the need for ongoing education about residential schools. A single learning opportunity is unlikely to cause long-lasting change in feelings and attitudes toward Indigenous people. There is more work to do.

    Katherine B. Starzyk holds funding from the Social Science and Humanities Council of Canada as well as Canadian Heritage / Patrimoine canadien. She is a Professor in the Department of Psychology at the University of Manitoba.

    Iloradanon H. Efimoff does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Can a virtual reality residential school, developed with Survivors, improve empathy toward Indigenous people? – https://theconversation.com/can-a-virtual-reality-residential-school-developed-with-survivors-improve-empathy-toward-indigenous-people-249996

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Combatting the measles threat means examining the reasons for declining vaccination rates

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Catherine Carstairs, Professor, Department of History, University of Guelph

    To address anti-vaccine sentiment, we need to listen to parents’ concerns and make it easy for them to get their children vaccinated. (Shutterstock)

    Measles was supposedly eradicated in Canada more than a quarter century ago. But today, measles is surging.

    Public Health Ontario recently announced that there have been 195 cases in the province in the past two weeks and 372 cases since autumn 2024. Many cases have required hospitalization. Last year, a child died.

    The cause of this resurgence is declining vaccination rates.

    Measles is extremely infectious. One person with the measles is likely to infect nine out of 10 of their unvaccinated close contacts. To prevent its spread, we need 95 per cent of the population to be vaccinated.

    Anti-vaccine sentiments

    Our research examines why parents have hesitated or refused to vaccinate their children. Anti-vaccine sentiment is often linked to a now thoroughly discredited 1998 study that suggested a link between the MMR (measles, mumps and rubella) vaccine and autism.

    But our research on the anti-vaccine movement in Canada from the 1970s to the early 2000s suggests that parents’ concerns about vaccines started much earlier than that study, and that parents worry about far more than autism.

    To address anti-vaccine sentiment, we need to listen to parents’ concerns and make it easy for them to get their children vaccinated. We also need to persuade them of the benefits of vaccination, not just for their own children, but for their family members, friends and fellow citizens.

    The anti-vaccine literature is not anti-science. It is filled with statistics and references to scientific studies, although the facts are often wrong. Parents who read this literature need more than the simple reassurance of experts that vaccines are safe and effective. They need to be shown evidence and have confidence that their concerns are being taken seriously.

    One argument that appeared frequently in the anti-vaccine literature is that rates of infectious disease had fallen before the introduction of vaccines.

    While mortality from infectious diseases declined well before vaccination, vaccines played a vital role in further diminishing the toll of infectious disease. Diphtheria is largely unknown today, but before the introduction of widespread vaccination in the years between the First and Second World Wars, it killed hundreds of Canadian children every year.

    Another common argument was that vaccines are ineffective. This argument was often used with respect to the measles vaccine. Because some people are inadequately vaccinated (receiving only one shot for example, instead of two), and because the vaccine is not perfect, there will be some cases of measles even in vaccinated people. Fortunately, these people tend to have milder cases.

    Anti-vaccine texts frequently contain long lists of scary-sounding ingredients in vaccines, similar to what we see for highly processed foods. Thimerosal (ethyl mercury used as a preservative) attracted the most attention. Thimerosal is no longer used in childhood vaccines in Canada.

    The anti-vaccine literature is deeply skeptical about the profit-making motivations of pharmaceutical companies and often mentions past disasters such as the thalidomide scandal that saw thousands of children born with shortened limbs.

    While this is not the only example of inadequate safety testing of new drugs, it is clear that the MMR (measles, mumps and rubella) vaccine, used since the early 1970s, has a long safety record and has played a vital role in reducing deaths and illness from the measles in Canada and abroad.

    Anti-vaccine literature also stressed that there were natural ways of building immunity that could take the place of vaccination. We see this today with claims by United States Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

    Kennedy claims that poor eating habits are behind the spread of measles in the U.S. This is extremely dangerous. Even the healthiest, best-fed child can get extremely sick with the measles. Not all parents can afford nutritious food. And some children can’t be vaccinated because of medical conditions, leaving them extremely vulnerable.

    Tragedies of the past

    Anti-vaccine parents see vaccines as one of the dangers of our modern, polluted world, and worry that vaccines might have risks that have not yet been recognized. While there are risks with any medical technology, the benefits of vaccines far outweigh the possible dangers.

    A century ago, parents mourned the gruesome deaths of children with diphtheria, which caused a membrane to form across the child’s throat, slowly strangling them to death.

    Mortality from the measles declined in the first half of the 20th century, but in 1945, there was still one measles death for every 100,000 people in Ontario.

    Parents today have little memory of these tragedies, but sadly, they could return. Indeed, a powerful article recently published in the Atlantic Monthly profiled a father who had just lost his six-year-old child to the measles.

    Along with scholars like sociologist Jennifer Reich, who has studied contemporary anti-vaccine parents, we see anti-vaccination sentiment as part of a larger societal trend towards individualism. Parents think about what’s best for their own child, rather than thinking about what’s best for their community.

    At a time when Canadians are bonding together to fight the tariff threat from the U.S., it would be wonderful if we could also come together to fight the scourge of infectious diseases, including measles. The best way to do this is vaccination.

    Catherine Carstairs received funding from AMS Healthcare for this project.

    Kathryn Hughes receives funding from AMS Healthcare for this project.

    – ref. Combatting the measles threat means examining the reasons for declining vaccination rates – https://theconversation.com/combatting-the-measles-threat-means-examining-the-reasons-for-declining-vaccination-rates-252168

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Canadians are more patriotic than ever amid Trump’s trade war — but it’s important not to take national pride too far

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Susan Dieleman, Jarislowsky Chair in Trust and Political Leadership and Associate Professor of Philosophy, University of Lethbridge

    Amid a trade war between Canada and the United States, there’s been a surge in Canadian patriotism over the past few weeks.

    A recent poll shows that, across the country, the number of Canadians who consider themselves “proud” or “very proud” has increased — including in Québec, where these numbers have increased from 45 to 58 per cent.



    Read more:
    Is Trump’s assault on Canada bringing Québec and the rest of the country closer together?

    Canadians have been showing their national pride in a variety of ways. Sports fans have been singing “O Canada” at the top of their lungs and booing the U.S. national anthem. Consumers have adjusted their purchasing priorities, buying more Canadian products and avoiding American ones where possible. Vacationers have even changed their travel plans, opting to stay in Canada rather than travel south of the border.

    Political leaders, too, have practically draped themselves in the Canadian flag to show their national pride. For example, Ontario Premier Doug Ford has been dubbed “Captain Canada” by the media for his response to the tariffs. Federal and provincial leaders have also adopted a so-called “Team Canada” approach — committing to presenting a united front in their response to tariff threats from the U.S.

    Former political leaders have penned opinion pieces proclaiming Canada to be the best country in the world — or, at least, a once-serious and proud country.

    But what does it mean to be patriotic — and are there good and bad ways of being patriotic? As an expert in the political thought of American philosopher Richard Rorty, I have found his reflections provide useful guidance for understanding the line between being a good patriot — and either taking things too far or not far enough.

    The virtuous response

    Rorty’s prophetic claims in his 1998 book Achieving Our Country: Leftist Thought in Twentieth-Century America about the likelihood that a “strongman” would be elected went viral after Donald Trump’s 2016 election. His insights can help us understand patriotism and why it might be important in the present moment.

    Rorty opens that book by providing an analogy:

    “National pride is to countries what self-respect is to individuals: a necessary condition for self-improvement. Too much national pride can produce bellicosity and imperialism, just as excessive self-respect can produce arrogance. But just as too little self-respect makes it difficult for a person to display moral courage, so insufficient national pride makes energetic and effective debate about national policy unlikely. Emotional involvement with one’s country […] is necessary if political deliberation is to be imaginative and productive. Such deliberation will probably not occur unless pride outweighs shame.”

    In this passage, Rorty invokes Aristotle’s notion of a “golden mean” — moderation between the excessive and deficient expression of a particular disposition. Very roughly put, to be virtuous is to feel and respond appropriately to any given situation. To exceed or fall short of the appropriate feeling and response is to be vicious.

    For example, to be courageous is to fear appropriately and to respond to that fear appropriately. The courageous person is not a person without fear. Rather, they fear what’s worthy of fear and don’t fear that which isn’t.

    The courageous person also responds appropriately to fear. What this response looks like will vary according to situation. Sometimes, courage calls one to stand and fight — while at other times, it calls one to turn and run. An inappropriate response is when one is reckless because they’re overly unafraid — or when one is cowardly because they’re overly afraid. As the wise fool character of Falstaff notes in Shakespeare’s Henry IV, the better part of valour is discretion.

    Virtuous patriotism

    Applying the same approach, we can understand patriotism as feeling and responding appropriately in a situation that calls for national shame. The person who takes pride in their country is not a person who never feels shame. Rather, they’re ashamed when something their country has done is worthy of shame — and not ashamed when there’s no reason to be.

    As a result, patriotism sometimes calls one to criticize their country. At other times, patriotism calls us to celebrate our country. The person who exhibits patriotism virtuously will know when criticism and celebration are appropriate. To respond inappropriately, according to Rorty, is to be either quarrelsome and imperialistic when one is overly unashamed, or to be apathetic and uninvolved when one is overly ashamed.

    Pride in one’s country is only a virtue when it’s well-deserved. But when it is well-deserved, pride is the virtuous response.

    In Achieving Our Country, Rorty was primarily concerned with the fracturing and consequent direction of the political left, worrying that it was veering off the virtuous track in the direction of vicious apathy. The political left, he said, emphasized the ways their country fell short — and of which they were rightly ashamed. But they didn’t look at the way the country had lived up to its promise, which should have made them proud.

    However, as I’ve written about previously, the political left wasn’t wrong to identify those aspects of a country’s history that are indeed shameful. And for Rorty, the left has played a vital role throughout history in helping countries become kinder, less shameful places than they otherwise might have been.

    In the current political climate, Rorty’s lesson for us is to make sure we don’t veer too far in the opposite direction, becoming quarrelsome or imperialistic. What true patriot love calls for is a more moderate stance — where we’re shameful of that which is worthy of shame, but also proud of that which is worthy of pride. Without a balance of shame and pride, efforts to continue improving what we stand on guard for is likely to falter and fall.

    As we Canadians wave our flags and support our Canadian producers, we would be well-served to remember the value of imaginative and productive deliberation — and to steer well clear of both bellicosity and apathy.

    Susan Dieleman receives funding as the Jarislowsky Chair in Trust and Political Leadership at the University of Lethbridge.

    – ref. Canadians are more patriotic than ever amid Trump’s trade war — but it’s important not to take national pride too far – https://theconversation.com/canadians-are-more-patriotic-than-ever-amid-trumps-trade-war-but-its-important-not-to-take-national-pride-too-far-250210

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why has the Gaza ceasefire collapsed? Why has the US launched aistrikes in Yemen? Middle East expert Q&A

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Scott Lucas, Professor of International Politics, Clinton Institute, University College Dublin

    For the past few weeks, the world’s attention has been focused on the prospect of a ceasefire in Ukraine and the diplomatic manoeuvrings that has entailed. But while Donald Trump has been focusing on negotiations with Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelensky, the ceasefire deal in Gaza he had a hand in getting over the line appears to have fallen apart.

    After negotiations with Hamas broke down, Israel cut off all humanitarian aid to Gaza at the beginning of March, then cut off power, and overnight on March 17 launched massive airstrikes across the Strip, killing more than 400 people.

    Meanwhile, the US has responded to attacks on shipping in the Red Sea with massive airstrikes against the Iran-back Houthi rebels. This has been widely interpreted as a message to Iran’s leaders from Trump, who is putting pressure on the Iranian government to negotiate a new nuclear deal to replace the one struck in 2013 which was rejected by the US president in 2018.

    Scott Lucas, a Middle East expert at University College Dublin, addresses some of the key issues involved.

    Do the Israeli airstrikes on Gaza mean the ceasefire deal is officially dead?

    Yes. This is the end of the two-month ceasefire that paused Israel’s open-ended war on Gaza. The six-week phase one of the ceasefire officially ended on March 1, after some hostages held by Hamas were exchanged for some Palestinian detainees in Israeli prisons.

    There never was a possibility of a phase two. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, facing pressure from hard-right groups inside and close to his government and still vowing to destroy Hamas, was never going to accept a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and Hamas remaining in the Strip. Hamas was never going to accept eviction – and there was no prospect of agreement on a successor Palestinian government for Gaza.

    So Netanyahu, also being pressed by families of the remaining 59 hostages, sought an extension of phase one with the return of all those dead or alive. Hamas, whose last leverage is retaining those hostages, demanded a phase two.

    Israel cut off humanitarian assistance earlier this month. Returning to the aerial assault was the next step. The renewal of ground attacks will be next.



    Read more:
    Gaza ceasefire deal looks doomed as Israel blockades Strip and bars entry of humanitarian aid

    What is Israel’s long-term plan for Gaza?

    There is no long-term plan at the moment. Netanyahu needs a short-term return of the hostages to escape his political bind, not to mention his ongoing bribery trial.

    Israel’s hard right – and Donald Trump – may envisage a depopulated Gaza under Israeli military rule. But all such ambitions will be suspended as the death and destruction continues.

    What has been overshadowed is the possibility of a long-term plan in the West Bank, where Israel has been stepping up military operations and violence is escalating. As the world watches Gaza, the Israelis may seek to expand and consolidate their de facto rule through settlements in a programme which will be tantamount to annexation.

    Donald Trump saw the Gaza ceasefire as his deal. How will he react to Netanyahu breaking it?

    Trump was happy to grab the immediate, self-proclaimed glory of “peacemaker” for phase one.

    Since there was no possibility of being a peacemaker for a phase two, Trump set this aside for the fantasy of Trump Gaza and his golden statue on the “Riviera of the Middle East”.

    Now he will be content to blame and bash Hamas.

    Meanwhile the US has been attacking the Houthis in Yemen. What is Trump’s strategy here?

    The airstrikes are, in part at least, Trump speaking to the American public. He poses as a “peacemaker” at times, but he enjoys playing the tough guy. And, at a time when economic issues and Musk-inflicted chaos may dent his approval rating, he could rally support with the bombing.

    At the same time, Trump has carried out his standard ploy with Iran’s leaders: give me a photo opportunity for the “art of the deal” or I’ll “rain hell on you”.

    A direct strike on Tehran would unleash repercussions throughout the Middle East. Even though Iran has been weakened in the past year, it still has the capability to strike Americans in the region.

    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.

    So the low-cost option is to fire on Iran’s ally in Yemen. Some officials in the Trump administration will favour this as a way of putting pressure on the Iranians ahead of any potential talks on Tehran’s nuclear programme. Others will see this as part of backing for Israel amid the open-ended war in Gaza, and still others could endorse the step as a bolstering of Saudi Arabia and the UAE. And there is always the argument that the strikes could deter Houthi attacks on shipping in the Red Sea.

    The Iranian response has been fairly muted. Why is that?

    Iran’s leadership is embroiled in a combination of economic, social and regional problems, perhaps the most serious situation since the mass protests after the disputed 2009 presidential election.

    Tehran’s projection of power has been shaken by the fall of its ally Bashar al-Assad in Syria, the decimation of Hezbollah in Lebanon last year, and an eroding position in Iraq, where Iran’s influence over the government of prime minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani is looking increasingly tenuous.

    The economy is in a parlous state. In early 2018, the exchange rate was 45,000 Iranian rial to the dollar. Now it is approaching 1 million to the dollar.

    Inflation is officially at 36%, but is far higher in reality, particularly for food and other essentials. Unemployment is rising and infrastructure is crumbling. There are shortages of electricity in a country that is the world’s seventh-largest oil producer.

    Having faced the “Woman, life, freedom” protests since September 2022, the regime is caught between making accommodations to public discontent and cracking down on rights. Some political prisoners have been released, but authorities are pursuing a draconian campaign against women who dare not to wear the hijab.

    Hardliners are trying to curb the centrist government, forcing out the economy minister, Abdolnaser Hemmati, and the foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif, who was central in the 2015 agreement that restricted Iran from developing nuclear weapons. Pursuing both that domestic campaign and confrontation abroad is a tall order.

    What does this mean for a new nuclear deal with Iran?

    Some Trump advisers may believe they can use the sledgehammer in Yemen to bludgeon Iran to the negotiating table and Trump’s photo opportunity with the supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, or Iran’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian.

    Good luck with that. Iran may be weakened, but Khamenei is not going to negotiate at the point of an American weapon. Responding to news of a Trump letter to Tehran that threatened, “There are two ways Iran can be handled: militarily, or you make a deal,” last week Khamenei dismissed the idea of talking with the Trump administration.

    He said: “When we know they won’t honour it, what’s the point of negotiating? Therefore, the invitation to negotiate … is a deception of public opinion.”

    Recent history is instructive. In 2013, Khamenei finally relented to nuclear deal talks when told by the then president, Hassan Rouhani, of an imminent economic collapse if Iran held out. More than five years later, however, the Iranian leadership was prepared to withstand Trump’s “maximum pressure” and withdrawal from the nuclear agreement.

    Iran’s idea for talks was based on a cautious process beginning with confidence-building measures on both sides. But a US approach predicated on bombing and bluster has effectively sidelined that.

    Scott Lucas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why has the Gaza ceasefire collapsed? Why has the US launched aistrikes in Yemen? Middle East expert Q&A – https://theconversation.com/why-has-the-gaza-ceasefire-collapsed-why-has-the-us-launched-aistrikes-in-yemen-middle-east-expert-qanda-252532

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: British Rail wasn’t all bad. Sixty years after the brand launched we should remember its marketing successes

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lewis Smith, Lecturer in Marketing, Brunel Business School, Brunel University of London

    Jon_Ritchie/Shutterstock

    In 2025 Britain is marking the 200th anniversary of the modern railway. Many will be quick to celebrate the legacy of steam engines and the old red lion railway logo, but there’s one bit of Britain’s railway that perhaps doesn’t get enough praise – British Rail. Abbreviated to BR, the brand is 60 this year.

    BR officially began trading in 1965 and ended with the privatisation of the railways in 1997. But despite the brand coming to the end of the line, many of its iconic elements remain on the railways today. These include the “double arrow” logo, the font known as Rail Alphabet and a whole palette of colours and styles.

    State-owned Great British Railways, which is replacing Network Rail as the operator of most of Britain’s rail infrastructure as well as taking over the privatised franchise system, will unveil a logo in May. This may well incorporate the double arrow. The messaging is about the hope of “restoring pride” in Britain’s rail network.

    BR as an organisation, on the other hand, has an often controversial legacy. Those who remember it are quick to complain of late-running trains, high fares and a poor standard of service – including the soggy British Rail sandwich. This legacy is often politicised. One could equally argue that it was a cutting-edge business that served the people in times of dire economic crises, with recessions in the 1970s and 80s as well as the decline in manufacturing that led to widespread unemployment.

    The railways were nationalised under the 1947 Transport Act and managed by “British Railways”. Back in the 1950s, the railway had a poor reputation. As one survey respondent described, the railway was a “big, monolithic institution, not at all concerned with the welfare of the individual”.

    Trains were often late and dirty, the result of a lack of investment combined with the dying days of the steam era. Coupled to this, British Railways was hesitant about outside intervention, whether from managers, government officials or even passengers. Efforts to improve the railway began with the 1955 modernisation plan, which made a number of strategic recommendations. But by 1960 it had failed to deliver any financial benefits.

    For all nationalised industries in Britain, the 1960s were different. With the release of a government white paper in 1961, all the state-owned industries including gas, electricity and airways were set financial targets.

    One of the outcomes of this for the railways was Dr Richard Beeching’s Reshaping of British Railways plan published in 1963. It included a number of changes, including slashing the number of unprofitable routes.

    My recent research has examined BR marketing in the 1960s and 1970s, and found that this period represented one of great change in the history of marketing the railways.

    This included the introduction of the “British Rail” brand, with the publication of a corporate identity manual in July 1965. This represented management slowly opening up to recruit marketing and PR experts from the private sector, including from consumer giants like L’Oréal.

    Compared to other operators in Europe, BR received one of the lowest government subsidies. Over its operational life, BR fought hard to innovate in the market with the support and resources it had.

    It used new methods to locate and identify consumers, targeted advertising and services, and teamed up with private-sector giants like Kellogg’s and Persil with offers for discounted tickets. It also created new pricing structures, including Awaydays, Weekend Returns and Railcards.

    A fierce competitor

    As a nationalised railway, it might be easy to assume that BR had a monopoly and therefore did not have to compete. But this couldn’t be further from the reality. The car business was booming, with cheaper, more reliable models on offer. And, thanks to government infrastructure policy, more roads, car parks and fuel stations were being built.

    Other domestic transport like coaches (the National Bus Company was formed in 1968) applied constant pressure. And British Airways launched its domestic “shuttle” services between London and other UK cities in 1975, promising passengers they could just “turn up and go” without the need to book.

    This also marked a point at which marketing experts shifted their focus from places to people, identifying not only who wanted to travel but why. This included focusing on specific market segments by gender.

    In the 1970s, BR’s InterCity launched a TV campaign with the slogan “Travel Inter-City Like the Men Do”, which focused efforts on middle-aged women looking to travel to get away from their domestic duties.

    Rail travel could be a feminist issue too.

    Similarly, messaging for business travellers tightened. Before the 1960s, business travel was about luxury. Now it was about economic efficiency, where businessmen could work, eat and sleep on the train in advance of their meetings (none of which you could do if you were driving to a meeting).

    In the 1980s, before his horrifying crimes came to light, BR brought in TV star Jimmy Savile as the face of rail travel. Although hard to believe today, given what the public now knows about Savile, it was a coup at the time because of his media and business profile.

    But today, the railways are at a turning point. The government’s plans to nationalise railway franchises has prompted excitement from organisations like passenger group Bring Back British Rail.

    Let’s be clear: nationalisation on its own is not a silver bullet, though the BR case shows that it should be possible to have a nationalised industry that can serve the public interest and compete within the wider economy. Crucially, BR was an innovative marketer. What follows next should endeavour to be the same.

    Lewis Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. British Rail wasn’t all bad. Sixty years after the brand launched we should remember its marketing successes – https://theconversation.com/british-rail-wasnt-all-bad-sixty-years-after-the-brand-launched-we-should-remember-its-marketing-successes-251759

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The UK has closed its flagship sustainable farming scheme, choosing short-term cuts over long-term security

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Emma Burnett, Honorary Research Associate, TABLE, University of Oxford

    EMJAY SMITH / shutterstock

    The UK government’s decision to abruptly close all applications for its flagship nature-friendly farming scheme has shocked many of the country’s farmers and environmentalists.

    The sustainable farming incentive (SFI) is one of a series of schemes which pays farmers in England to nurture the soil and wildlife and improve water quality. It is far from perfect.

    People have criticised its complexity and lack of clarity, its financial viability or its impact on how farms operate and how this would change the balance between producing food and reaching environmental goals.

    It’s too early to tell if these critics were correct, but the SFI certainly provided some stability for British farmers after EU farm subsidies ended post-Brexit. It seemed poised to make some positive impact.

    The government says a revised version will be announced in the coming months, but it will be hard to regain the trust of farmers. The decision to close the scheme for now throws a stark light on a broader issue: the tendency to prioritise immediate financial needs over the long-term health of both the farming sector and the environment.

    This is a classic example of what economists call “future discounting”, and it’s a dangerous game to play when it comes to vital services.

    Essentially, future discounting means we value things more in the present than we do in the future. If you are promised £100 today, or £110 in two months, which would you take? Sometimes there’s no right or wrong answer – do what you think is right for you with that £100. But sometimes… well, sometimes there is a right answer.

    The value of now, the value of the future

    The SFI scheme offers vital support for sustainable practices that, while crucial, often require upfront investment. This includes cover cropping, for example, where a crop is grown simply to cover a field rather than to be harvested.

    Cover cropping can help rejuvenate soils and is good for insects, but there are costs attached to purchasing the seeds, sowing them, and missing out on income by not growing a commodity crop.

    Other investment examples might involve creating grassland or ponds and ditches to hold back rainwater and prevent floods. These things have an immediate impact on farm output and activities, but with an eye to longer-term benefit.

    Investment in soil health might lower yields in the short run, but should pay off in the long run.
    William Edge / shutterstock

    The sudden closure of the scheme creates an immediate financial vacuum for those who missed the (unannounced) window. Thankfully, farmers with existing agreements will continue within the scheme, and applications that had been submitted prior to the sudden closure will still be assessed.

    However, even for those who are currently enrolled, this about-face instils fear that support will be withdrawn in the years to come – long before something like an expanded woodland has come to fruition.

    The government says that it has run out of money for the current budget cycle. Rather than celebrating the fact that so many farmers want to be involved, want to do adopt better farming practices and act as custodians of nature, it instead panicked and shut people out.

    Too much demand for a nature-friendly future, not enough cold hard cash. And now we can see how the discounting works – the perceived urgency of cashflow today overshadows the long-term benefits of healthy soil, thriving biodiversity, and a resilient ecosystem.

    There are specific actions that SFIs are meant to support, including soil health, water quality, biodiversity and pest management. Each of these requires investment to manage, and to rectify when things go wrong (see the huge fines for water companies).

    For example, it is easier to address issues of water quality by supporting better land use – reduced agri-chemicals, more grassland, tree cover, and so on – than to treat poor water quality downstream.

    But farmers operate both within tight financial margins and on long time-scales. They need security of income to plan land use, including whether they can afford to implement alternative strategies. But they do want to. That’s why there’s been so much demand for SFIs.

    A false economy

    Sympathy could be rustled up for the government, trying to manage complex budgets in a complicated time. But it has made one misstep after another in relation to both food and farming (farmer protests over inheritance tax, for instance) and the environment (such as the planned Heathrow airport expansion)).

    So while immediate fiscal prudence is important, ignoring the long-term consequences of environmental degradation is a false economy. We have a responsibility to value the future as much as the present. Failing to do so will have serious consequences for our environment, our food security, and the well-being of future generations.

    Rather than discounting futures, we should be doing the opposite – negative futures discounting. It sounds upside-down, but it boils down to this: we should value the future more, not less.

    In particular, we should be focused on nurturing good farming and environmental protection. These should take centre stage as mission critical things that we need, and not just for now, but always.

    The sustainable farming incentive shutdown is another chance to reflect on the fact that farming and environmental sustainability are not luxuries, but necessities. We cannot afford to continually discount the future, sacrificing the future of farming and the environment for the sake of short-term finance. It’s time to re-evaluate our priorities.

    Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?

    Get a weekly roundup in your inbox instead. Every Wednesday, The Conversation’s environment editor writes Imagine, a short email that goes a little deeper into just one climate issue. Join the 40,000+ readers who’ve subscribed so far.

    Emma Burnett has previously received funding from sankalpa. She also works as a sustainability researcher for a whisky company.

    – ref. The UK has closed its flagship sustainable farming scheme, choosing short-term cuts over long-term security – https://theconversation.com/the-uk-has-closed-its-flagship-sustainable-farming-scheme-choosing-short-term-cuts-over-long-term-security-252326

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Winter’s Tale at The Tobacco Factory, Bristol – a marvellous production with much to say about the modern world

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jo Lindsay Walton, Principal Research Fellow in Arts, Climate and Technology, University of Sussex

    The first half rips your heart out. The second attempts, tenderly, to put it back again. This is The Winter’s Tale, currently being performed at The Tobacco Factory, Bristol.

    In Shakespeare’s tragicomedy, King Leontes of Sicilia, in a fit of jealous paranoia, falsely accuses his wife Queen Hermione of adultery with their friend, King Polixenes of Bohemia. Quickfire catastrophe unfolds.

    Before you know it, the couple’s newborn daughter, Perdita, has been abandoned on a Bohemian hillside, left to the mercy of wolves and ravens. Sixteen years later, raised by the mercy of Bohemian shepherds instead, Perdita falls in love with Polixenes’ son. There are disguises. There are japes. And, astonishingly, there is reconciliation.

    It’s a marvellous production, directed by Heidi Vaughan, and it marks a welcome return of Shakespeare to The Tobacco Factory after a hiatus. With a cast drawn from Bristol’s deep talent pool, the connections on stage feel secure, energetic, and richly nuanced.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    Hermione and Paulina are two of Shakespeare’s most intriguing roles for women, and Alice Barclay and Rose Wardlow do them justice. Barclay is stunning as the stunned Hermione, while Wardlow brings layers of vulnerability and sarkiness to Paulina’s righteous fury. Many of the smaller and medium roles shine. Amy Loughton (Perdita’s shepherdess mum) and Bill Ward (Polixenes) find organic situational comedy in moments that could easily have been merely functional.

    King Leontes’ tyranny, which dominates the first half, is played by Felix Hayes as a kind of psychotic episode. I’m torn. Hayes has a strong stage presence, with a whiplash switch from gentle loveliness to shuffling, brooding, whimpering monstrosity.

    It’s a spellbinding breakdown. But I was left wondering – might a less unhinged portrayal have better exposed the complicity of the court?

    The costume and set design also feel a little elusive. This ambiguity means the nature of Leontes’ authority is hard to pin down, as is the misogyny that shapes his tyranny. With androgynous-suited courtiers and soft furnishings, it’s hard to pin down the time or place, unless it’s the soft play area at Wacky Warehouse.

    The choice seems deliberate, leaning into that timeless fairytale quality. But The Winter’s Tale is specifically about time, including a particular time – now.

    What The Winter’s Tale can tell us in 2025

    The play celebrates the healing power of time, nature and the turn of the seasons. But the seasons themselves are not immune to tyranny. In other words, The Winter’s Tale is about responses to tyranny, as well as tyranny itself.

    Paulina (Wardlow) attempts to bloody well sort it out. She directly confronts both Leontes (“this most cruel usage of your queen, / not able to produce more accusation / than your own weak-hing’d fancy, something savours / of tyranny”) and the cowardly court (“such as you, /
    that creep like shadows by him, and do sigh / at each his needless heavings”).

    But how about the others? Camillo (Dorian Simpson) pragmatically scurries for the hills to bide his time. Cleomenes (Amy Loughton) musters some flustered bravery. Antigonus (Stu McLoughlin), let’s be frank, deserves to be eaten by a bear. It’s lucky there’s one handy.

    The Winter’s Tale can be tricky to stage in the round. It’s a story filled with centripetal forces – characters beg, vow, comfort, cling, smother – yet the space encourages just the opposite: centrifugal forces, outward motion, striding away, lobbing repartee over a shoulder, performers unfolding like a clockwork mechanism. The round staging comes into its own, however, in beautiful scenes of revelry, song, and dance, which are also scenes of healing.

    Someone once told me that boredom is an important part of healing. The lengthy pastoral scenes of the First Folio Winter’s Tale seem to bear that out. But for this production, Robin Belfield has given the script a tight edit, shortening many of these scenes.

    Ultimately, I’m grateful for the judicious cuts – people do, after all, need to leave the theatre eventually, and the two halves feel equally balanced.

    The Winter’s Tale proposes that real healing comes from remorse, time, and distance. It also comes from the company of those less wrapped up in the trauma. Your wounds will define you until you learn to relinquish the lead role in your own tragedy, and accept a supporting role in somebody else’s comedy.

    By the end of the play, Leontes feels remorse – but is it enough to provide healing for those he has hurt? Or is something more missing – some more explicit reckoning or reparative justice? I don’t know. The Winter’s Tale won’t resolve the question of whether healing is ever truly complete. It only asks whether we are willing to live with the weight of what cannot be undone.

    Jo Lindsay Walton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Winter’s Tale at The Tobacco Factory, Bristol – a marvellous production with much to say about the modern world – https://theconversation.com/the-winters-tale-at-the-tobacco-factory-bristol-a-marvellous-production-with-much-to-say-about-the-modern-world-251944

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Exploring the link between school exclusion and crime – new research

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Iain Brennan, Professor of Criminology, University of Hull

    The rate of children permanently excluded from school in England rose against last year and is higher than before the pandemic.

    A recent BBC documentary by actor Idris Elba pointed out that being excluded from school can be a tipping point that pushes a child towards serious violence. This observation is backed up by convincing evidence.

    Data in a joint report by the Ministry of Justice and Department for Education shows that the risk of being cautioned or charged for a serious violence offence by age 18 is 15 times higher in children who had been excluded from school.

    Crucially, though, exclusion and violence have many risk factors in common. Children who have special educational needs, have grown up in deprivation or have been in care, for instance, are more at risk both of being excluded from school and of committing a violent offence.

    This makes the job of teasing out the impact of exclusion on violence challenging. Research needs to account for the contribution of these other factors.

    We carried out research to isolate the effect of school exclusion on serious violence, trying to do so in a way that just focused on the impact of exclusion.

    The best way to know whether or not something has caused a change is to split a group of people at random and give one group something and not the other, be that a medicine, a programme or anything else. This is known as a randomised controlled trial.

    Finding a cause

    By randomly splitting the group, any other risk factors – ones that we know about and ones that we don’t – are shared equally across the two groups, so if we see a difference between the groups, the only explanation is the difference introduced by the researchers.

    However, there are lots of situations where randomisation would be unethical. We could never randomise people to start smoking to test if it causes a disease, nor could we randomise skydivers to not wear parachutes. School exclusion is a situation like this. Excluding some children but not excluding others in the name of science would be a dangerous experiment.

    Instead of this unethical coin toss, we used a new technique from medical research, known as a target trial emulation. This approach seeks to mimic the circumstances of a randomised controlled trial.

    It does so by ensuring that the study only includes people who meet the “eligibility” criteria for the study, that the two groups are as similar as possible and that they are followed up for identical periods.

    It is important to define who is “eligible” for exclusion. While in theory, any children can be excluded, they are only truly eligible if they have done something “exclusion-worthy”.

    There are many common risk factors for exclusion and violence.
    polya_olya/Shutterstock

    Finding groups of people who meet these criteria and where some have been excluded and others have not is challenging. Fortunately, in 2020, the Department for Education linked the records of over 15 million people to criminal records held by the Ministry of Justice and anonymised them. This data set is just the type of “big data” we need for this question.

    We identified every record of a child who had been excluded between 2006 and 2016 – over 20,000 children. We then matched these records against those of other children from the same data set who had the same background, educational experience and history of suspensions and (non-violent) offending, but who, crucially, were never excluded.

    Following those cases from the time of the exclusion and comparing them, we found that, within a year, the excluded children were more than twice as likely to commit serious violent crime than their not excluded peers.

    A doubling of risk of the most serious violence in an already high-risk group points to exclusion being an important factor in youth violence.

    But because we cannot rule out other factors and because we can’t know if the comparison group were truly “eligible” for exclusion, this may be as close as we can get to understanding the causal influence of exclusion.

    Cut back on exclusions?

    The evidence on a link between exclusion and future violence might suggest that it would be a good idea to limit exclusions from schools. But this is an extremely contentious issue.

    Limiting or preventing exclusions risks schools having to spend a great deal of precious resources keeping a small number of children in school. The Department for Education and many teachers state that exclusions are necessary when a child’s behaviour becomes a risk to their classmates and teachers or harms the potential to learn.

    On the other hand, continuing with increasing rates of exclusions risks letting down the most vulnerable and traumatised children – as well as potentially creating victims of crime and heaping pressure on prisons later on.

    Critics of exclusions argue that, as well as increasing risk of offending, exclusions unfairly target children from ethnic minorities and children with special educational needs, and should be avoided as much as possible.

    We may never truly know the causal effect of exclusion on violent offending. But perhaps we do not need to. Addressing the common causes of exclusion and violence should be the greater priority.

    The warning signs for a child’s exclusion and violence will have been clear in many cases but too often schools and teachers lack the time and resources to help and include a child showing these signs, falling back on disciplinary policies that may be doing more harm than good.

    It would be better to introduce an inclusive system that views schools as being part of a system that does not just respond to violence but can prevent it. However, although exclusion from school may be a trigger and a predictor of serious violence, preventing such violence cannot be the responsibility of schools alone.

    Iain Brennan receives funding from Economic and Social Research Council, Home Office, College of Policing, Youth Endowment Fund and the Office of the Police and Crime Commissioner for Humberside.

    Rosie Cornish receives funding from the UK Medical Research Council, the Economic and Social Research Council, the Youth Endowment Fund, the Home Office and the Avon and Somerset Violence Reduction Partnership.

    – ref. Exploring the link between school exclusion and crime – new research – https://theconversation.com/exploring-the-link-between-school-exclusion-and-crime-new-research-252122

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: An artist traces her choices under Putin’s Russia – from resistance to retreat to exile – one mural at a time

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Stephen Norris, Professor of History; Director of the Havighurst Center for Russian and Post-Soviet Studies, Miami University

    ‘Atlases,’ Victoria Lomasko’s mural at Miami University Used by permission of Victoria Lomasko

    Victoria Lomasko, a graphic artist and muralist, has spent her career documenting how authoritarianism took hold in Vladimir Putin’s Russia. What she has illustrated – as well as the personal journey she has taken – affords a chance to see how dictatorship can develop and strengthen across a decade.

    In 2019, I invited Lomasko – who goes by Vika for short – to Miami University, where I teach Imperial Russian and Soviet history. The Havighurst Center for East European, Russian and Eurasian Studies was holding a semester-long series on “Truth and Power” that also included two other Russian dissidents: Leonid Volkov, then chief of staff for opposition leader Alexei Navalny; and Mikhail Zygar, who helped found the independent news station TV Rain in 2010.

    I asked Lomasko to paint a mural illustrating the consequences of telling the truth in Putin’s Russia – a theme she has explored in all her works. Her completed mural, “Atlases,” depicted the struggle individuals face between desires to protest or to turn inward under authoritarianism.

    Taking action

    Lomasko first gained acclaim for “Other Russias,” which was published in English in 2017. The book is a collection of what she terms “graphic reportage”: comic-style art combined with current events.

    In it, she covered Russians who are largely invisible: activists, sex workers, truckers, older people, provincial residents, migrants and minorities. She wanted to represent them as “heroes” in their own lives, giving them agency and visibility.

    Her heroes came into the public spotlight in 2011 and 2012, when mass protests began in Russia after fraudulent elections and Putin’s return to the presidency. Lomasko attended the protests and sketched the participants. The rallies of 2012 seemed to signify that Russian citizens from a wide range of backgrounds could unite to resist creeping authoritarianism.

    A protester in Moscow asks a police officer, ‘Are the police with the people?’ in an illustration from ‘Other Russias.’
    Used by permission of Victoria Lomasko

    In addition to publishing her drawings, Lomasko also exhibited her work in Moscow and St. Petersburg – a seeming sign that censorship could not prevent an artist or ordinary citizen from voicing their frustration.

    This hope did not last long. Over the next few years, the Kremlin passed a series of laws that designated organizations, then media outlets and eventually individuals as “foreign agents” if they received any funding from abroad.

    Led by then Minister of Culture Vladimir Medinsky, who was appointed by Putin in 2012, the Russian state also began to demand “patriotic” culture supporting the government, and label anyone who resisted as “unpatriotic.”

    In these years, Lomasko documented how protests shrunk to local levels – truckers who decried a new tax, Muscovites who lamented the destruction of local parks, and urban activists who protested plans to tear down Soviet-era apartments. She still depicted participants as everyday heroes, yet she also noticed how protesters’ brief sense of power through collective action faded into disillusionment after the Kremlin went ahead with its plans.

    An illustration from ‘Other Russias’ of a truckers protest camp in 2016 in Khimki.
    Used by permission of Victoria Lomasko

    Changing tack

    “Other Russias” introduced Lomasko to a worldwide audience. By the time the book came out in 2017, however, she began to question the very basis of her graphic reportage.

    The protests that had inspired hope in 2011 and 2012 had not prevented a more aggressive, more oppressive form of Putinism from taking hold. After the protests, the Kremlin further concentrated power and employed propaganda to stifle dissent, becoming what the scholars Sergei Guriev and Daniel Triesman have called “spin dictators.”

    Was it enough for an artist to document social change? Lomasko concluded that the answer was no – art should offer solutions. She decided to paint murals that would move beyond graphic reportage.

    This new trajectory informed her Miami University project. By the time she arrived in March 2019, Lomasko had completed her first two murals: one for a gallery in England and a second in Germany.

    The first, “The Daughter of an Agitprop Artist,” featured her father, who had worked as a propaganda poster artist in her hometown of Serpukhov in the 1980s. In the mural, her father gazes at his work, the rituals of government-sponsored marches, and Lenin posters plastered everywhere. Young Vika stands with her back to her father, holding a red balloon. She stares at her future self, a woman covering the grassroots protests of 2012.

    Victoria Lomasko’s mural at the Arts Centre HOME in Manchester, England.
    Used by permission of Victoria Lomasko

    “Our Post-Soviet Land,” her second mural, depicted the ways some former Soviet states, particularly Ukraine, were distancing themselves from their communist past after independence – while others, particularly Russia itself, seemed to be increasingly nostalgic for the Soviet era.

    Two paths

    Lomasko spent two weeks on campus at Miami University here in Ohio, completing a mural that built on these themes.

    The central feature are two figures representing contemporary versions of Atlas, the titan who held up the world in Greek mythology. One faces left, toward a group of people praying in front of an Orthodox icon of Jesus. Here Lomasko depicts one path Russians took in response to the oppressive nature of Putinism: turning inward, retreating to a spiritual life.

    The second Atlas gazes upward, holding an artist’s brush. Below this figure a series of people take to the streets, protesting. They hold flags and banners representing a number of causes, including the 2011 “Occupy” movement in the United States. Lomasko’s message seems clear: This is a second path to take to resist authoritarianism – one that might succeed if participants see themselves connected across borders.

    Victoria Lomasko stands with her mural ‘Atlases’ at Miami University.
    Stephen Norris

    Art in exile

    After unveiling “Atlases,” Lomasko mentioned that she was still trying to retain hope for her country and for humanity. Once again, it did not last long.

    During the first two terms of Putin’s presidency, and that of Dmitry Medvedev, the government had largely left citizens’ speech alone, though it controlled information through state media. In 2018 and 2019, however, Russia passed laws that clamped down on internet access and mobile communication.

    Lomasko could no longer exhibit her work in Russia and was increasingly unable to find paid work as an artist. As she told me, the state considered her unvarnished depictions of ordinary Russians to be distasteful, while publishers and gallery owners considered her works politically dangerous.

    When the country began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, these changes allowed the government to criminalize opposition. Lomasko made the difficult decision to flee Moscow. She took her cat and as many artworks as she could carry, but she had to abandon most of her possessions. She documented this new journey the only way she knew: through a series of art panels titled “Five Steps.”

    “Isolation” encapsulates how Lomasko and dissidents like her grew ever more cut off from the rampant patriotism espoused by Putin. “Escape” shows her leap into the unknown, fleeing her country because she feared arrest, while others are caught up in war and political repression.

    “Exile” depicts Lomasko starting anew in a different country. “Shame,” the most powerful, seeks to capture her emotions at having to flee, as well as the shame she felt for what Russia was doing to Ukraine. “Humanity” retains the artist’s attempt to preserve her optimism – her sense that humans have more in common than they have differences, and that seeing oneself within a larger, global community might give power to the invisible.

    ‘Humanity,’ by Victoria Lomasko.
    Used by permission of Victoria Lomasko

    Tens of thousands of Russians have left the country since the start of the war, many of them artists and activists. Zygar and Volkov – the two other Russian citizens on campus for our university’s 2018-19 series – have also had to flee.

    Lomasko’s art helps trace how authoritarianism took hold in Russia across the past decade. I believe her responses to Putin’s dictatorship, including her decision to flee her homeland, offer us all something to ponder.

    Stephen Norris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. An artist traces her choices under Putin’s Russia – from resistance to retreat to exile – one mural at a time – https://theconversation.com/an-artist-traces-her-choices-under-putins-russia-from-resistance-to-retreat-to-exile-one-mural-at-a-time-250486

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Social movements constrained Trump in his first term – more than people realize

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Kevin A. Young, Associate Professor of History, UMass Amherst

    Donald Trump’s first term as president saw some of the largest mass protests seen in the U.S. in over 50 years, from the 2017 Women’s March to the 2020 protests after George Floyd’s murder.

    Things feel different this time around. Critics seem quieter. Some point to fear of retribution. But there’s also a sense that the protests of Trump’s first term were ultimately futile. This has contributed to a widespread mood of despair.

    As The New York Times noted not long ago, Trump “had not appeared to be swayed by protests, petitions, hashtag campaigns or other tools of mass dissent.” That’s a common perspective these days.

    But what if it’s wrong?

    As a historian, I study how our narratives about the past shape our actions in the present. In this case, it’s particularly important to get the history right.

    In fact, popular resistance in Trump’s first term accomplished more than many observers realize; it’s just that most wins happened outside the spotlight. In my view, the most visible tactics – petitions, hashtags, occasional marches in Washington – had less impact than the quieter work of organizing in communities and workplaces.

    Understanding when movements succeeded during Trump’s first term is important for identifying how activists can effectively oppose Trump policy in his second administration.

    Quiet victories of the sanctuary movement

    Mass deportation has been a cornerstone of Trump’s agenda for more than a decade. Yet despite his early pledge to create a “deportation force” that would expel millions, Trump deported only half as many people in his first term as Barack Obama did in his first term.

    Progressive activists were a key reason. By combining decentralized organizing and nationwide resource-sharing, they successfully pushed scores of state and local governments to adopt sanctuary laws that limited cooperation with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.

    When the sociologist Adam Safer examined thousands of cities and dozens of states, he found that a specific type of sanctuary law that activists supported – barring local jails and prisons from active cooperation with ICE – successfully reduced ICE arrests. A study by legal scholar David K. Hausman confirmed this finding. Notably, Hausman also found that sanctuary policies had “no detectable effect on crime rates,” contrary to what many politicians allege.

    Another important influence on state and local officials was employers’ resistance to mass deportation. The E-Verify system requiring employers to verify workers’ legal status went virtually unenforced, since businesses quietly objected to it. As this example suggests, popular resistance to Trump’s agenda was most effective when it exploited tensions between the administration and capitalists.

    The ‘rising tide’ against fossil fuels

    In his effort to prop up the fossil fuel industry, Trump in his first term withdrew from the Paris climate agreement, weakened or eliminated over 100 environmental protections and pushed other measures to obstruct the transition to green energy.

    Researchers projected that these policies would kill tens of thousands of people in just the United States by 2028, primarily from exposure to air pollutants. Other studies estimated that the increased carbon pollution would contribute to tens of millions of deaths, and untold other suffering, by century’s end.

    That’s not the whole story, though. Trump’s first-term energy agenda was partly thwarted by a combination of environmental activism and market forces.

    His failure to resuscitate the U.S. coal industry was especially stark. Coal-fired plant capacity declined faster during Trump’s first term than during any four-year period in any country, ever. Some of the same coal barons who celebrated Trump’s victory in 2016 soon went bankrupt.

    CBS News covered the bankruptcy of coal firm Murray Energy, founded by Trump supporter Robert E. Murray.

    The most obvious reasons for coal’s decline were the U.S. natural gas boom and the falling cost of renewable energy. But its decline was hastened by the hundreds of local organizations that protested coal projects, filed lawsuits against regulators and pushed financial institutions to disinvest from the sector. The presence of strong local movements may help explain the regional variation in coal’s fortunes.

    Environmentalists also won some important battles against oil and gas pipelines, power plants and drilling projects. In a surprising number of cases, organizers defeated polluters through a combination of litigation, civil disobedience and other protests, and by pressuring banks, insurers and big investors.

    In 2018, one pipeline CEO lamented the “rising tide of protests, litigation and vandalism” facing his industry, saying “the level of intensity has ramped up,” with “more opponents” who are “better organized.”

    Green energy also expanded much faster than Trump and his allies would have liked, albeit not fast enough to avert ecological collapse. The U.S. wind energy sector grew more in Trump’s first term than under any other president, while solar capacity more than doubled. Research shows that this progress was due in part to the environmental movement’s organizing, particularly at the state and local levels.

    As with immigration, Trump’s energy agenda divided both political and business elites. Some investors became reluctant to keep their money in the sector, and some even subsidized environmental activism. Judges and regulators didn’t always share Trump’s commitment to propping up fossil fuels. These tensions between the White House and business leaders created openings that climate activists could exploit.

    Worker victories in unlikely places

    Despite Trump self-promoting as a man of the people, his policies hurt workers in numerous ways – from his attack on workers’ rights to his regressive tax policies, which accelerated the upward redistribution of wealth.

    Nonetheless, workers’ direct action on the job won meaningful victories. For example, educators across the country organized dozens of major strikes for better pay, more school funding and even against ICE. Workers in hotels, supermarkets and other private-sector industries also walked out. Ultimately, more U.S. workers went on strike in 2018 than in any year since 1986.

    This happened not just in progressive strongholds but also in conservative states like West Virginia, Oklahoma and Kentucky. At least 35 of the educators’ strikes defied state laws denying workers the right to strike.

    In addition to winning gains for workers, the strike wave apparently also worked against Republicans at election time by increasing political awareness and voter mobilization. The indirect impact on elections is a common side effect of labor militancy and mass protest.

    Quiet acts of worker defiance also constrained Trump. The early months of the COVID-19 pandemic featured widespread resistance to policies that raised the risk of infection, particularly the lack of mask mandates.

    Safety-conscious workers frequently disobeyed their employers, in ways seldom reflected in official strike data. Many customers steered clear of businesses where people were unmasked. These disruptions, and fears they might escalate, led businesses to lobby government for mask mandates.

    This resistance surely saved many lives. With more coordination, it might have forced a decisive reorientation in how government and business responded to the virus.

    Labor momentum could continue into Trump’s second term. Low unemployment, strong union finances and widespread support for unions offer opportunities for the labor movement.

    Beyond marches

    Progressive movements have no direct influence over Republicans in Washington. However, they have more potential influence over businesses, lower courts, regulators and state and local politicians.

    Of these targets, business ultimately has the most power. Business will usually be able to constrain the administration if its profits are threatened. Trump and Elon Musk may be able to dismantle much of the federal government and ignore court orders, but it’s much harder for them to ignore major economic disruption.

    While big marches can raise public consciousness and help activists connect, by themselves they will not block Trump and Musk. For that, the movement will need more disruptive forms of pressure. Building the capacity for that disruption will require sustained organizing in workplaces and communities.

    Kevin A. Young does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Social movements constrained Trump in his first term – more than people realize – https://theconversation.com/social-movements-constrained-trump-in-his-first-term-more-than-people-realize-248843

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Water cooperation is essential when countries share lakes and rivers – yet it’s been deteriorating in many places, with serious consequences

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Susanne Schmeier, Associate Professor of Water Law and Diplomacy, IHE Delft

    Lake Chad once provided adequate livelihoods for 20 million people in Africa, but it lost 90% of its surface area in 30 years. AP Photo/Christophe Ena

    Just over half the world’s population shares a river or lake basin with at least one other country. To sustainably manage those water resources for the health of people, ecosystems and economies, neighboring countries must work together.

    However, many countries have been less willing to cooperate in recent years, even to protect a resource as vital as freshwater.

    This trend away from multilateralism isn’t unique to water. The world is seeing a decline in the general willingness of countries to jointly solve many interstate, regional and global challenges. It shows as countries, like the U.S., pull out of the global institutions, such as the World Health Organization, and drop their support for global climate goals.

    The breakdown in cooperation can have severe consequences. If one country takes more water than agreed upon, and builds dams or pollutes the water, its neighbors and their people, cities, agriculture, energy production and wildlife can suffer. That can ultimately destabilize local communities, deteriorate relations between countries and endanger regional peace and stability.

    Water flowing into Africa’s Nile River affects several countries. A large dam being built by Ethiopia has led to concerns and disputes in the region.
    AP Photo/Amr Nabil

    We conduct research and work with governments and international organizations on environment and water law, policy and governance. The shift we’re seeing away from multilateral cooperation and rules-based order to more nationalistic tendencies, in which a country prioritizes itself to the detriment of all others, is raising concerns about the future.

    Thousands of years of water cooperation paid off

    More than 4,000 years ago, two Sumerian city-states – Lagash and Umma – were engaged in a fierce war over a strip of fertile land and a canal fed by the Tigris River in what today would be southern Iraq.

    The conflict ended in 2550 B.C. with the first known precursor to an international water treaty. The Mesilim Treaty included payments and agreements on collaborative water use. It didn’t hold the peace permanently, but it created a model that lasted.

    Conflict still occurs over shared waters; however, since the late 1800s, and particularly since the end of World War II, cooperation has been the dominant interaction between countries in the world’s 313 surface water basins, 468 transboundary aquifers and more than 300 transboundary wetlands.

    In Europe, for example, countries have worked together through treaties, data sharing and joint projects to improve water quality, including in the Rhine and Danube rivers.

    Nine countries work closely to protect the health of the Rhine River, which each depends on. In 2018, that cooperation became essential as water levels dropped to levels that interrupted ship travel.
    AP Photo/Martin Meissner

    Having cooperative processes in place also helps when disagreements arise. In Southeast Asia, negotiations and technical exchanges between countries that share the Mekong River have helped to ease tensions over the construction of dams in Laos.

    Unilateralism is rising

    Despite the proven benefits from cooperating over water resources, we’re seeing a troubling trend: Countries are increasingly taking actions that undermine water cooperation.

    Even in the Columbia River Basin, often considered a model of cross-border cooperation, the status of an updated treaty between the U.S. and Canada is in question after the Trump administration paused talks in March 2025.

    Since 1964, the U.S. has paid Canada to control the river’s flow to prevent flooding and to serve U.S. hydropower plants. The updated deal has been agreed to in principle, but is not signed. That’s raising questions about what will happen if the interim agreements expire in 2027 before the new treaty comes into force.

    Another example is in the Zambezi River Basin in southern Africa, where countries increasingly disregard agreements to notify one another before building projects that will affect the water flow. Similar behavior happens in the Nile and Aral Sea regions, among others.

    Ethiopia’s construction of a large hydroelectric damage on the Blue Nile has upset its downstream neighbors.

    As unilateral actions over shared water resources become more frequent, the willingness of governments to enter into agreements and establish joint institutions to guide that cooperation is declining. The rate of establishing multilateral agreements has significantly slowed since the 2010s. Only around 10 agreements have been signed since 2020, and only two joint institutions have been established. A large proportion of basins have no agreements or institutions at all.

    The few recent attempts to establish cooperative mechanisms have stalled or failed. The formal establishment of an organization to manage Lake Kivu and the Ruzizi River basin, shared by Congo, Rwanda and Burundi, was never formally ratified by its member countries. That left the once-promising organization a zombie.

    Even when institutions already exist, some governments are withdrawing from them. But moves made for short-term gain can have long-term repercussions.

    An example involves the Aral Sea, which has shrunk dramatically since the 1960s due to a combination of water demand for cotton crops and climate change drying the region.

    The International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea, IFAS, was created in 1993 by five countries to support projects designed to ensure water use remains possible along its rivers. However, in 2016, Kyrgyzstan froze its membership, arguing that the organization wasn’t taking Kyrgyzstan’s national interests into account. Kyrgyzstan contributes about 25% of water flowing into the region. Its frozen participation limits IFAS’ effectiveness.

    The Aral Sea in Central Asia has been shrinking since the 1960s, but dramatically lost water each year over the past two decades. The top left image is from 2000.
    NASA

    Similarly, Egypt and Sudan froze their participation in the Nile Basin Initiative in 2010 over a cooperative agreement that they saw as violating their historical water rights – established in colonial 1929 and 1959 agreements – in favor of governance centered on “equitable water allocations.” While Sudan resumed participation in the Nile Basin Initiative in 2012, Egypt’s participation remains frozen.

    Erosion of multilateralism

    The changes we’re seeing with water agreements and institutions reflect a broader decline in countries’ willingness to address shared problems through multilateral cooperation — a trend that seems to be rapidly increasing.

    In the United States, the Trump administration is pursuing expansionist foreign policies and protectionist trade policies. The administration has also publicly wavered on the U.S. commitment to NATO and announced it was leaving the World Health Organization.

    Argentina also announced it would withdraw from the WHO. Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have withdrawn from the Economic Community of West African States, which promotes economic and political cooperation in the region.

    The environment has been particularly affected by this trend. The U.S. move to withdraw from the Paris climate agreement and the difficulty of reaching a global plastics treaty also reflect the growing difficulty in reaching cooperative solutions to benefit future generations.

    Harm to ecosystems, people and countries

    As climate change shrinks freshwater resources, and growing populations lead to overexploitation of water supplies, countries will increasingly need multilateral cooperation to avoid conflict.

    These agreements and institutions provide forums for communication and cooperation. Losing them can lead to less well-governed water resources, declining environmental, economic and health benefits, and increasing conflict.

    Lake Chad is a cautionary example. The Lake Chad Basin Commission was established in 1964 by Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria to oversee its water and other natural resources and coordinate projects related to the lake. But the countries never fully committed to cooperating.

    Since then, the lake has shrunk by around 90%, which has increased poverty by reducing people’s access to vital water resources to support their livelihoods. And that has created optimal conditions for terrorist group Boko Haram’s violent insurgency to succeed in recruiting young men who had limited livelihood options left.

    People collect water from a branch of Lake Chad in Ngouboua, Chad, which has been attacked by the terrorist group Boko Haram. People depend on the lake for water, but it has been shrinking.
    Philippe Desmazes/AFP via Getty Images

    We believe this decline in countries’ commitment to multilateral cooperation should be a wake-up call for everyone. If the world’s most precious resource is not managed cooperatively and sustainably across international boundaries, more than just water is at risk.

    Melissa McCracken has not received funding related to this article.

    Susanne Schmeier does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Water cooperation is essential when countries share lakes and rivers – yet it’s been deteriorating in many places, with serious consequences – https://theconversation.com/water-cooperation-is-essential-when-countries-share-lakes-and-rivers-yet-its-been-deteriorating-in-many-places-with-serious-consequences-251864

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A brief history of Medicaid and America’s long struggle to establish a health care safety net

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ben Zdencanovic, Postdoctoral Associate in History and Policy, University of California, Los Angeles

    President Lyndon B. Johnson, left, next to former President Harry S. Truman, signs into law the measure creating Medicare and Medicaid in 1965. AP Photo

    The Medicaid system has emerged as an early target of the Trump administration’s campaign to slash federal spending. A joint federal and state program, Medicaid provides health insurance coverage for more than 72 million people, including low-income Americans and their children and people with disabilities. It also helps foot the bill for long-term care for older people.

    In late February 2025, House Republicans advanced a budget proposal that would potentially cut US$880 billion from Medicaid over 10 years. President Donald Trump has backed that House budget despite repeatedly vowing on the campaign trail and during his team’s transition that Medicaid cuts were off the table.

    Medicaid covers one-fifth of all Americans at an annual cost that coincidentally also totals about $880 billion, $600 billion of which is funded by the federal government. Economists and public health experts have argued that big Medicaid cuts would lead to fewer Americans getting the health care they need and further strain the low-income families’ finances.

    As a historian of social policy, I recently led a team that produced the first comprehensive historical overview of Medi-Cal, California’s statewide Medicaid system. Like the broader Medicaid program, Medi-Cal emerged as a compromise after Democrats failed to achieve their goal of establishing universal health care in the 1930s and 1940s.

    Instead, the United States developed its current fragmented health care system, with employer-provided health insurance covering most working-age adults, Medicare covering older Americans, and Medicaid as a safety net for at least some of those left out.

    Health care reformers vs. the AMA

    Medicaid’s history officially began in 1965, when President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the system into law, along with Medicare. But the seeds for this program were planted in the 1930s and 1940s. When President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s administration was implementing its New Deal agenda in the 1930s, many of his advisers hoped to include a national health insurance system as part of the planned Social Security program.

    Those efforts failed after a heated debate. The 1935 Social Security Act created the old-age and unemployment insurance systems we have today, with no provisions for health care coverage.

    Nevertheless, during and after World War II, liberals and labor unions backed a bill that would have added a health insurance program into Social Security.

    Harry Truman assumed the presidency after Roosevelt’s death in 1945. He enthusiastically embraced that legislation, which evolved into the “Truman Plan.” The American Medical Association, a trade group representing most of the nation’s doctors, feared heightened regulation and government control over the medical profession. It lobbied against any form of public health insurance.

    This PBS ‘Origin of Everything!’ video sums up how the U.S. wound up with its complex health care system.

    During the late 1940s, the AMA poured millions of dollars into a political advertising campaign to defeat Truman’s plan. Instead of mandatory government health insurance, the AMA supported voluntary, private health insurance plans. Private plans such as those offered by Kaiser Permanente had become increasingly popular in the 1940s in the absence of a universal system. Labor unions began to demand them in collective bargaining agreements.

    The AMA insisted that these private, employer-provided plans were the “American way,” as opposed to the “compulsion” of a health insurance system operated by the federal government. They referred to universal health care as “socialized medicine” in widely distributed radio commercials and print ads.

    In the anticommunist climate of the late 1940s, these tactics proved highly successful at eroding public support for government-provided health care. Efforts to create a system that would have provided everyone with health insurance were soundly defeated by 1950.

    JFK and LBJ

    Private health insurance plans grew more common throughout the 1950s.

    Federal tax incentives, as well as a desire to maintain the loyalty of their professional and blue-collar workers alike, spurred companies and other employers to offer private health insurance as a standard benefit. Healthy, working-age, employed adults – most of whom were white men – increasingly gained private coverage. So did their families, in many cases.

    Everyone else – people with low incomes, those who weren’t working and people over 65 – had few options for health care coverage. Then, as now, Americans without private health insurance tended to have more health problems than those who had it, meaning that they also needed more of the health care they struggled to afford.

    But this also made them risky and unprofitable for private insurance companies, which typically charged them high premiums or more often declined to cover them at all.

    Health care activists saw an opportunity. Veteran health care reformers such as Wilbur Cohen of the Social Security Administration, having lost the battle for universal coverage, envisioned a narrower program of government-funded health care for people over 65 and those with low incomes. Cohen and other reformers reasoned that if these populations could get coverage in a government-provided health insurance program, it might serve as a step toward an eventual universal health care system.

    While President John F. Kennedy endorsed these plans, they would not be enacted until Johnson was sworn in following JFK’s assassination. In 1965, Johnson signed a landmark health care bill into law under the umbrella of his “Great Society” agenda, which also included antipoverty programs and civil rights legislation.

    That law created Medicare and Medicaid.

    From Reagan to Trump

    As Medicaid enrollment grew throughout the 1970s and 1980s, conservatives increasingly conflated the program with the stigma of what they dismissed as unearned “welfare.” In the 1970s, California Gov. Ronald Reagan developed his national reputation as a leading figure in the conservative movement in part through his high-profile attempts to cut and privatize Medicaid services in his state.

    Upon assuming the presidency in the early 1980s, Reagan slashed federal funding for Medicaid by 18%. The cuts resulted in some 600,000 people who depended on Medicaid suddenly losing their coverage, often with dire consequences.

    Medicaid spending has since grown, but the program has been a source of partisan debate ever since.

    In the 1990s and 2000s, Republicans attempted to change how Medicaid was funded. Instead of having the federal government match what states were spending at different levels that were based on what the states needed, they proposed a block grant system. That is, the federal government would have contributed a fixed amount to a state’s Medicaid budget, making it easier to constrain the program’s costs and potentially limiting how much health care it could fund.

    These efforts failed, but Trump reintroduced that idea during his first term. And block grants are among the ideas House Republicans have floated since Trump’s second term began to achieve the spending cuts they seek.

    Protesters in New York City object to Medicaid cuts sought by the first Trump administration in 2017.
    Erik McGregor/LightRocket via Getty Images

    The ACA’s expansion

    The 2010 Affordable Care Act greatly expanded the Medicaid program by extending its coverage to adults with incomes at or below 138% of the federal poverty line. All but 10 states have joined the Medicaid expansion, which a U.S. Supreme Court ruling made optional.

    As of 2023, Medicaid was the country’s largest source of public health insurance, making up 18% of health care expenditures and over half of all spending on long-term care. Medicaid covers nearly 4 in 10 children and 80% of children who live in poverty. Medicaid is a particularly crucial source of coverage for people of color and pregnant women. It also helps pay for low-income people who need skilled nursing and round-the-clock care to live in nursing homes.

    In the absence of a universal health care system, Medicaid fills many of the gaps left by private insurance policies for millions of Americans. From Medi-Cal in California to Husky Health in Connecticut, Medicaid is a crucial pillar of the health care system. This makes the proposed House cuts easier said than done.

    Ben Zdencanovic does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A brief history of Medicaid and America’s long struggle to establish a health care safety net – https://theconversation.com/a-brief-history-of-medicaid-and-americas-long-struggle-to-establish-a-health-care-safety-net-251776

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Plastic pyrolysis − chemists explain a technique attempting to tackle plastic waste by bringing the heat

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Kevin A. Schug, Professor of Analytical Chemistry, University of Texas at Arlington

    Large proportions of plastic waste don’t get recycled. Westend61 via Getty Images Plus

    In 1950, global plastic production was about 2 million tons. It’s now about 400 million tons – an increase of nearly 20,000%.

    As a material, it has seemingly limitless potential. Plastic is inexpensive to produce while being lightweight and sturdy. Its applications range from food and beverage packing to clothing and health care.

    When a plastic item ends its useful life, it can take a very long time to decompose, up to 500 years in some cases. Even then, the plastic pieces don’t disappear entirely – instead, they break down into smaller and smaller pieces, eventually becoming microplastics that end up in the soil where we grow food, the water we drink and the air we breathe.

    Research has linked these microplastics to health issues such as diabetes, heart disease and low male fertility.

    For years, local governments and manufacturers have relied on recycling as the answer to keep plastic waste from accumulating. However, despite their efforts to sort and separate recyclables, most plastics still end up in landfills – or worse, in green spaces and waterways.

    According to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, the overall recycling rate for plastics is 8.7%. About a third of milk jugs and plastic bottles are recycled – a higher rate than other types of plastic.

    Because plastic is so commonly used, finding new ways to manage and recycle plastic waste is becoming ever more important. Plastic waste pyrolysis is one technology that could help address this issue.

    This is a relatively new technique, so researchers still have only a limited knowledge of the pyrolysis process. As analytical chemists, we strive to understand the composition of complex mixtures, especially new creations from sources such as plastic waste pyrolysis.

    What is plastic pyrolysis?

    Plastic pyrolysis is a chemical process that involves chemically breaking down plastics into other molecules by heating the plastics to extremely high temperatures in the absence of oxygen.

    Plastics are fed into the pyrolysis reactor, where they get hot and turn to oil. The oil moves to another vat where it’s boiled and distilled.
    Alexander Kaplitz and Kevin A. Schug

    Unlike traditional plastic recycling, pyrolysis theoretically isn’t limited to specific types of plastic. It could be made to accommodate many of them, although current technology is limited to a few types – polyethylene and polypropylene, used in food containers and bottles – at an industrial scale.

    So, plastic pyrolysis could help handle the waste from consumer products such as plastic bags, bottles, milk jugs, packaging materials, wet wipes and even discarded children’s toys. Pyrolysis can also handle more complex plastic waste such as tires and discarded electronics, although solid waste handlers and recyclers avoid certain plastic types in pyrolysis, such as polyvinyl chloride – or PVC, which is found in pipes and roofing products – and polystyrene, used in packaging, as these can create harmful byproducts.

    During pyrolysis, the plastic polymers are broken down into smaller molecules, resulting in the production of liquid oil, fuel source gases such as methane, propane and butane, and char.

    Char is the solid residue left at the end of the pyrolysis process. It can be used as a carbon-rich material for various applications, including adding it to soil to make it healthier for farming, as it increases soil moisture and pH, benefiting nutrient absorption. Char also has the ability to absorb harmful carbon gases from the air, which can help prevent climate change.

    The main downside of char is if it’s used too much it can increase soil alkalinity, which may hinder plant growth.

    Plastic pyrolysis uses heat to break down plastic, with the intent to convert plastic waste into usable materials.

    How pyrolosis works

    The plastic pyrolysis process typically involves several key steps.

    In the first step of pyrolysis, community recyclers collect the plastic waste and clean it to remove any contaminants. The plastic then gets shredded into smaller pieces to facilitate the pyrolysis process. Unlike traditional recycling, it needs only minimal sorting.

    Chemical recyclers operating pyrolysis plants feed the shredded plastic into a pyrolysis reactor, where they heat it to temperatures ranging from 600 to 1,600 degrees Fahrenheit (315 to 871 degrees Celsius). Without oxygen, plastics in the reactor don’t catch fire and emit fumes into the air. Instead, this high-temperature environment causes the plastic polymers to break down into smaller hydrocarbon molecules. These smaller molecules can be further refined.

    The high temperature turns some molecules into vapors, which condense into liquid oil. Chemical companies can further refine this oil to be used as fuel or as a raw material to make other chemicals or plastics.

    In addition to liquid oil, the pyrolysis process generates natural gases, such as methane, ethane, butane and propane. Pyrolysis operators then capture these gases, and they can sometimes use them as a source of energy to power the pyrolysis reactor or other industrial processes.

    Plastic pyrolysis generates oil, which engineers can use to create new materials or fuels.
    BASF, CC BY-NC-ND

    Benefits of pyrolysis

    When done effectively, plastic pyrolysis offers several benefits.

    By expanding recycling beyond just plastic bottles and milk jugs, pyrolysis could reduce the amount of plastic waste pollution that ends up in landfills and oceans.

    Additionally, converting plastic waste into usable products could help lower the production demand for new plastics from petroleum hydrocarbons. The byproducts could get used in recycled plastics.

    Some researchers are also testing pyrolysis oils to see whether they can use them instead of gasoline to fuel vehicles. The gases produced during pyrolysis can even generate energy that fuels the pyrolysis reactor, making the process more self-sustaining and reducing the need for external energy sources.

    Currently, about 15% to 20% of the pyrolysis products are recycled into new propylene and ethylene, while most – about 80% to 85% – becomes diesel fuel, hydrogen, methane and other chemicals.

    While plastic pyrolysis holds some promise, it also faces challenges. The cost of setting up and operating pyrolysis plants is high. How profitable the process is depends on the availability of suitable plastic waste, the market demand for the oils and gases produced, and the costs of energy and staff necessary to operate the reactor.

    Another issue is quality control. Most plastic types can undergo pyrolysis, but different plastics create oils with different chemical makeups. Scientists will need to understand the composition of these oils before industry can determine which plastic types to focus on and how each oil could create new materials.

    Pyrolysis oils have unique chemical compositions depending on the type of plastics used to create them.
    Alexander Kaplitz and Kevin A. Schug

    Researchers like us at The University of Texas at Arlington and our international colleagues are studying new chromatography-based oil-separation techniques that can successfully identify some types of pyrolysis oils. Chromatography is the process of separating components in a mixture by passing them through a stiff material.

    Different components in the mixture are attracted to this material to different degrees. So, they exit the chromatography system at different times, which separates them from one another.

    With more research into the technique’s efficiency and technological advancements to scale up pyrolysis, this technique could be one part of a sustainable solution to plastic waste management. In the meantime, pyrolysis is being used now, with one report estimating the market for pyrolysis plants at US$40 billion in 2024 and predicting it to grow to $1.2 billion by 2033.

    Kevin A. Schug receives funding from the National Science Foundation, the National Institutes for Health, ExxonMobil, and Weaver Consultants Group. He is affiliated with VUV Analytics, Inc. and Infinity Water Solutions as a member of their scientific advisory boards. Lummus Technology, LLC provided the funding for research on plastic waste pyrolysis oils at UT Arlington.

    Alexander Kaplitz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Plastic pyrolysis − chemists explain a technique attempting to tackle plastic waste by bringing the heat – https://theconversation.com/plastic-pyrolysis-chemists-explain-a-technique-attempting-to-tackle-plastic-waste-by-bringing-the-heat-234453

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: High soybean prices in Zambia and Malawi may make chicken costly too: lack of competition is to blame

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Arthur Khomotso Mahuma, Economist and Researcher at the Centre for Competition, Regulation and Economic Development, University of Johannesburg

    Poultry is one of the cheapest protein sources for the growing population of the east and southern Africa region. That makes soybeans critical to food security in the region, as they are an important input in chicken feed.

    Soybean pricing and production dynamics have been challenging for Zambia and Malawi, threatening poultry production in the region.

    Poultry feed makes up 60%-70% of the total cost of poultry production. Soybean prices directly affect the affordability of poultry and the ability of producers to be competitive. Small-scale independent poultry producers in particular have a hard time because they buy feed from the open market and are too small to determine prices. Large producers source feed from their own operations and determine soybean prices.

    Figure 1: From soybeans to poultry

    Zambia and Malawi are the key soybean producers in east and southern Africa. Both countries were hit hard in 2024 by climate change related weather and by the behaviour of players in the soybean market, including processors and traders.

    Zambia’s soybean production fell by 74% because of poor rains and also because of farmers being squeezed. Large buyers had negotiated very low prices in previous years, so farmers planted less.

    Malawi’s production also fell (20%), but much less than Zambia’s. Yet the surge in soybean prices in Malawi by 48% between May 2024 and November 2024 was out of proportion with the drop in production, and even surpassed Zambian prices (Figure 2). Malawian prices were the highest in the region, even though it produced enough to export.

    We are economists at the African Market Observatory, which monitors prices of staple foods and conducts research on market dynamics. We analyse market concentration and barriers to entry, within and across countries in east and southern Africa, and we do in-depth field work.

    Our work shows that competition issues, such as the ability of large buyers to influence prices and high margins, are at the heart of the surge in prices and low production in Malawi and Zambia. The climate-related weather effects are an additional factor.

    Figure 2: Soybean prices in Zambia, Malawi and South Africa (benchmark) (3-month moving averages)

    Market outcomes

    In Zambia, dominant buyers of soybean offered farmers very low prices during the 2023 season – well below US$400/t and the South African benchmark (Figure 2). This meant that farmers planted less than half the 2023 crop in the 2024 season.

    Crops were also affected by poor rainfall. Malawi’s 2024 production fell by 20% because of the worst drought in 100 years. The drop in production was lower than expected, demonstrating that farmers can adapt to weather changes. Prices still rose, however, driven by the highly concentrated soybean trading and processing market.

    Cheapest source of proteins

    Poultry is one of the cheapest sources of protein and has one of the lowest environmental impacts. It is essential that the value chain works well from feed to chicken rearing and becomes more resilient to extreme weather events.

    The experience of 2024 shows what can go wrong.

    Poultry demand in sub-Saharan Africa is expected to grow more than fourfold by 2050. Producers will need affordable feed.

    Among them are many small-scale independent producers who rely on competitive markets for their inputs. Yet we found that with the escalating soybean and feed prices in Malawi from late 2021, and higher prices for day-old chicks, small independent producers had negative margins, meaning they made a loss in the second half of 2021. High feed prices undermine the competitiveness of Malawi’s poultry industry.

    Aside from South Africa (which relies on genetically modified soybean), Zambia and Malawi have been the largest producers in the region. These countries have been exporting around half of their production (including soycake) to neighbouring countries with larger populations such as Tanzania and Kenya.

    Zambia’s production plummet

    Between 2020 and 2023, Zambia’s soybean production grew from 297,000 tonnes to 650,000 tonnes (Figure 3). In 2024, its production collapsed by 74% to 170,000 tonnes. This sharp decline was primarily due to farmers opting to plant less soybean because of the low prices offered from processors in 2023 (Figure 2). Farmers bought 50% less soybean seed for the 2024 season than the 2023 season.

    Figure 3: Soybean production in Zambia and Malawi

    With limited storage facilities available for farmers in most countries in the region, including Zambia, farmers typically have to sell to traders and processors shortly after harvest.

    In Zambia, soybeans are produced by many small farmers, so they compete to sell their crop to a few main processors in a concentrated market. As a result, these processors have greater power to influence the terms of trade, such as price. This was especially evident in 2023 when processors offered farmers lower prices (Figure 2).

    Poor rainfall linked to the 2023/24 El Niño phase of the El Niño Southern Oscillation, which is the warming of the central to eastern tropical Pacific Ocean, causing drought in southern Africa while inducing heavy rainfalls and floods in eastern Africa, did have an impact across southern Africa, including Malawi and Zambia. While Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania recorded above average rainfall, their soybean output is low.

    Resilience to climate change impacts requires deepening and diversifying agriculture production across countries and regional trade to meet demand.

    Soybean prices in Malawi remain high but Zambia’s prices stabilise

    Malawi’s prices increased rapidly to over US$700/tonne in June 2024, surpassing Zambia’s, and continued to rise to almost $900/tonne at the end of the year, far above other countries in the region. The reason couldn’t be reduced production from poor rainfall, because production still exceeded local demand. This happened even as the Malawi government put export restrictions on soybeans (but not soymeal). The price surge raises competition concerns in Malawi, where trading and processing is highly concentrated. In theory, highly concentrated markets are characterised by high prices, due to a lack of price competition.

    By comparison, Zambia’s prices moderated because of imports. In addition, the low soybean prices offered to farmers in 2023 also meant that processors had crushed surplus soybeans, thereby building up soymeal stock. This reduced the demand for soybeans, as did power cuts in Zambia, which limited crushers’ operations.

    Urgent next steps

    Soybean developments over 2024 show the need to consider how competition issues within and across borders can undermine the resilience of regional food markets and hinder the ability of small producers to compete. Zambia is currently conducting a commercial poultry market inquiry. But a regional approach in monitoring markets and tackling anti-competitive conduct is necessary to support poultry production.

    Arthur Khomotso Mahuma works for the African Market Observatory (AMO), an initiative of the Centre for Competition, Regulation and Economic Development (CCRED) at the University of Johannesburg. He is also a Competition Expert for the Shamba Centre for Food and Climate which has provided funding for CCRED’s for research on African Food Markets.

    Namhla Landani works for the African Market Observatory (AMO), an initiative of the Centre for Competition, Regulation and Economic Development at the University of Johannesburg. The AMO receives funding from the Shamba Centre for Food and Climate for research on African Food Markets.

    – ref. High soybean prices in Zambia and Malawi may make chicken costly too: lack of competition is to blame – https://theconversation.com/high-soybean-prices-in-zambia-and-malawi-may-make-chicken-costly-too-lack-of-competition-is-to-blame-250322

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Surf therapy for children with disabilities: how it’s changing lives in South Africa

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Roxy Davis, Doctor of philosophy, University of Cape Town

    Children with disabilities face significant challenges in South Africa. Firstly there are delayed diagnoses which can lead to complications. The high cost of healthcare and little financial support for their families can limit their access to healthcare services altogether.

    There is also little access to rehabilitation services. Inadequate facilities and a shortage of trained personnel are just some of the obstacles.

    I started thinking about ways to get over these obstacles when I noticed that people with disabilities weren’t well represented in my sport.

    As a competitive surfer and instructor, I had always celebrated the ocean’s ability to inspire confidence and resilience.

    Every day, the beach was alive with activity – surfers, families and ocean lovers. Yet among them, I rarely saw people with disabilities in the water.

    I began to notice that the beachfront itself, the infrastructure, the culture, and even my own surf school, weren’t actively creating space for inclusivity.

    This would eventually become the cornerstone of the Roxy Davis Foundation, established in 2019, and later my doctoral research focusing on ocean-based therapy for children with disabilities.

    I found surf therapy enhanced the mental, emotional, and physical well-being of these children.

    New therapy

    Surf therapy teaches people with disabilities to surf to promote psychological, physical and psychosocial well-being.

    The first peer reviewed publication on surf therapy appeared in 2010 and focused on Aboriginal children in Australia. It was about mitigating the inter-generational trauma suffered as a result of the government-sanctioned removal of Aboriginal children from their families, a policy that only ended in the 1970s.

    In 2020 a review of a 10-year period included 29 studies into war veterans and young adult cancer survivors, among others.

    One such study focused on children with autism spectrum disorder. The study took place in the north-west of Ireland. Children said they felt happier and free, while their parents said they were more relaxed and confident.

    A South African study with children with autism spectrum disorder explored the feasibility and unique benefits of an existing surf therapy programme and reported largely positive results.

    My own research involved an adapted surf therapy programme for children with a range of disabilities.

    Five children aged between 12 and 16 were enrolled. Altogether there were 35 participants including parents, counsellors, volunteers, physiotherapists and surf instructors.

    Four of the five children were from under-resourced communities in South Africa’s Western Cape province and all had either a physical, sensory, intellectual or cognitive impairment.

    None of the children had taken part in ocean sports before.

    Getting into the water

    For six weeks the children took part in a three-hour surf therapy session on a Friday afternoon.

    The first goal was to get the kids in the water. We used mobility mats, surfboards with handles and amphibious beach wheelchairs to help.

    Each child was taught now to surf according to their pace of learning and ability.

    There was also a “surfers’ circle” with a discussion topic for each session.

    After six weeks we conducted follow-up interviews to see what changes the children had experienced, and if these had any influence on their lives outside surfing.

    We also asked parents and counsellors to identify the most significant changes in the children.

    ‘I felt free and confident’

    Final interviews were completed one year later.

    Charlie, aged 12, with cerebral palsy: “If my brothers want to go surfing I don’t have to stay behind and just watch them, I can go surf with them. It is so cool to surf with my dad and my brothers.”

    Charlie’s teacher: “His self-awareness level and how he sees himself in the world has really improved.”

    Tala, aged 15, with cerebal palsy: “Once I started surfing, I felt free and confident. Even in other spaces, when I’m not surfing, like, ‘Yeah I can surf, I can do something like surfing that I didn’t know that I could do before.’ ”

    Tala’s school psychologist: “She went into this feeling very insecure, nervous and anxious. She said she will always remember who she was and how she felt before she went to the programme and how she came out of it … to be able to use that feeling and apply it to a different situation, that’s huge for her.”

    Princess, aged 15, with spina bifida: was determined to “wean” herself off using nappies after gaining confidence through surf therapy.

    Princess’s guardian described her experience as similar to “winning a gold medal … She was more confident in herself than ever. She is off that nappy completely now.”

    Thabo, aged 14, a leg amputee: “Before session one, I was feeling nervous and excited, but as soon as I got in the sea, the nerves disappeared. You look and realise you can actually do that. I feel like I belong in the ocean.”

    After the final session he said: “I can relax, I can be in control of my urges and my temper. I’m now not always thinking about what people think about me. I can be myself in many ways.”

    Rowan, aged 15, a quadruple amputee: “Before I started surfing, I was thinking I can’t do it until I tried it and just being there was like beyond being able to speak in my wildest dreams. I couldn’t believe I could surf in the ocean riding some waves.

    “On my first session, I was like ‘If I can do it, I can do it for the rest of my life’.”

    In his second interview he said: “My goal is to become a national champion and to become a Paralympic champion.”

    One year after the surf therapy programme he entered a provincial parasurfing competition, which he won. He was then selected to participate in the South African Para Surfing Championships in 2022, where he came second. Later that year he was selected to represent South Africa at the World Para Surfing Championships in California. Nineteen months after starting surfing, in December, on his 16th birthday, he competed in the World Championships and was placed 17th.

    Surf therapy demonstrates what’s possible when we focus on ability rather than limitation.

    Roxy Davis is affiliated with the Roxy Davis Foundation.

    – ref. Surf therapy for children with disabilities: how it’s changing lives in South Africa – https://theconversation.com/surf-therapy-for-children-with-disabilities-how-its-changing-lives-in-south-africa-245290

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ethiopia’s war may have ended, but the Tigray crisis hasn’t

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Assefa Leake Gebru, Assistant Professor of Political Science and Strategic Studies , Mekelle University

    For over 20 years, Ethiopia was led by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition of four ethnic-based political parties representing Tigray, Amhara, Oromo, and Southern nations, nationalities and peoples. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front was the most influential party within the coalition. However, in 2018, when the Prosperity Party came into power, the front lost its important role in government.

    On 4 November 2020, the federal government launched an attack on Tigray, terming it a military offensive against political aggression from the Tigrayan front. This sparked a war that lasted two years, and caused severe damage to people and resources. The African Union’s lead mediator in the crisis, Olusegun Obasanjo, estimated about 600,000 civilians were killed. This makes it one of the most destructive conflicts of the 21st century.

    On 2 November 2022, the Ethiopian government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front signed a peace deal in South Africa, the Pretoria agreement. More than two years later, however, Tigray still faces immense political and humanitarian challenges. Assefa Leake Gebru, who has studied post-war Tigray, explains what’s happening.

    What’s the current situation in Tigray?

    The 2022-2022 war and its lingering effects have thrown the Tigray region into chaos. People are grappling to get basics like food, water and medicine. The regional economy was devastated by the war. There have been no rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts so far. Humanitarian aid is limited. Imagine if your local grocery store ran out of everything and couldn’t restock – that’s the situation I have witnessed and studied in Tigray, which is affecting millions of residents.

    Additionally, the leaders of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front are now fighting among themselves for power. The division is mainly between two factions: one led by former regional president Debretsion Gebremichael and the other by Getachew Reda, who heads the interim administration.

    In January 2025, leaders of Tigray’s military forces supported calls from the Debretsion faction for new regional leadership. The interim administration opposed this, calling it a soft coup. The federal government considers the political faction led by Debretsion illegitimate. The military leaders’ decision also sparked public protests, with Tigrayans calling for a separation between the military and politics.

    This internal division has weakened the interim administration, which was installed as part of the Pretoria agreement in March 2023.

    Given this situation, the interim administration remains fragile amid serious humanitarian concerns and security threats facing the region. The interim government and dysfunctional law enforcement institutions aren’t strong enough to fix things.



    Read more:
    What is federalism? Why Ethiopia uses this system of government and why it’s not perfect

    Economically, jobs remain scarce. A 2024 survey found a youth unemployment rate of 81%. This situation has been created by economic collapse, asset plunder during the war and the absence of a functioning government.

    Socially, people are stressed and hurting, like a community still reeling from a major fallout. It’s a pile-up of problems that are making life incredibly tough.

    What, exactly, is the Pretoria agreement?

    The Pretoria agreement is an important peace deal between Tigray’s political leaders and the federal government. It was signed in Pretoria, South Africa, on 2 November 2022. The African Union facilitated the peace talks hosted by South Africa.

    The goal of the agreement? End the violence that began in 2020, keep people safe by calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities, allow aid like food trucks to roll in, disarm Tigray fighters and set up an interim government to restore order.

    It also aimed to re-establish the Ethiopian government’s control over federal installations in Tigray.

    What has been implemented and what hasn’t?

    There has been some positive progress. The Pretoria agreement established the interim government. Some everyday services are back, like banks reopening and planes flying again. A few Tigray fighters have put down their weapons.

    But here’s where it gets messy. Soldiers from Eritrea – which supported the Ethiopian army in the Tigray war – and militias from another Ethiopian region, Amhara, are still hanging around Tigray, raising security threats. They’re preventing internally displaced persons from going back home.

    The plan to fully disarm Tigrayan fighters hasn’t been completed either. This threatens regional stability, undermines peace efforts and increases the risk of renewed violence.

    What are the implications of not fully executing the Pretoria agreement?

    First, the region’s humanitarian crisis could worsen. An estimated one million displaced people are grappling with high levels of food insecurity, and thousands of schools remain closed. A weak interim government and the continued occupation of parts of Tigray by armed groups has hindered the restoration of services and stifled economic progress.

    Second, the division within the Tigray People’s Liberation Front makes it hard to lead the region under an interim administration. A lack of consensus on power-sharing has hindered effective governance, undermining the intended transitional authority.

    Third, a weak interim government can’t keep civilians safe, which was a pillar of the Pretoria agreement. Economically, the lack of jobs and skyrocketing prices are hitting Tigrayans hard. Socially, everyone’s on edge.

    Finally, there’s a risk of igniting further conflict in the region along the political fault lines between Debretsion and Getachew. There is a high chance of this situation being manipulated by Eritrean forces, who weren’t involved in the negotiations that led to the Pretoria agreement. The fractures in the interim government provide an opportunity for neighbouring Eritrea to support one faction against the other, which could escalate into war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front has been one of Eritrea’s bitterest enemies. The antagonism between the two led to the 1998-2000 war between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

    If these tensions keep up, Tigray will remain stuck in an awful cycle. The African Union and international community must address these issues to prevent a spiral into further chaos.

    Assefa Leake Gebru does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ethiopia’s war may have ended, but the Tigray crisis hasn’t – https://theconversation.com/ethiopias-war-may-have-ended-but-the-tigray-crisis-hasnt-251846

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: People say they prefer stories written by humans over AI-generated works, yet new study suggests that’s not quite true

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Martin Abel, Assistant Professor of Economics, Bowdoin College

    Artificial intelligence is expected to generate a growing share of the world’s creative work. karetoria/Moment via Getty Images

    People say they prefer a short story written by a human over one composed by artificial intelligence, yet most still invest the same amount of time and money reading both stories regardless of whether it is labeled as AI-generated.

    That was the main finding of a study we conducted recently to test whether this preference of humans over AI in creative works actually translates into consumer behavior. Amid the coming avalanche of AI-generated work, it is a question of real livelihoods for the millions of people worldwide employed in creative industries.

    To investigate, we asked OpenAI’s ChatGPT 4 to generate a short story in the style of the critically acclaimed fiction author Jason Brown. We then recruited a nationally representative sample of over 650 people and offered participants US$3.50 to read and assess the AI-generated story. Crucially, only half the participants were told that the story was written by AI, while the other half was misled into believing it was the work of Jason Brown.

    After reading the first half of the AI-generated story, participants were asked to rate the quality of the work along various dimensions, such as whether they found it predictable, emotionally engaging, evocative and so on. We also measured participants’ willingness to pay in order to read to the end of the story in two ways: how much of their study compensation they’d be willing to give up, and how much time they’d agree to spend transcribing some text we gave them.

    So, were there differences between the two groups? The short answer: yes. But a closer analysis reveals some startling results.

    To begin with, the group that knew the story was AI-generated had a much more negative assessment of the work, rating it more harshly on dimensions like predictability, authenticity and how evocative it is. These results are largely in keeping with a nascent but growing body of research that shows bias against AI in areas like visual art, music and poetry.

    Nonetheless, participants were ready to spend the same amount of money and time to finish reading the story whether or not it was labeled as AI. Participants also did not spend less time on average actually reading the AI-labeled story.

    When asked afterward, almost 40% of participants said they would have paid less if the same story was written by AI versus a human, highlighting that many are not aware of the discrepancies between their subjective assessments and actual choices.

    Why it matters

    Our findings challenge past studies showing people favor human-produced works over AI-generated ones. At the very least, this research doesn’t appear to be a reliable indicator of people’s willingness to pay for human-created art.

    The potential implications for the future of human-created work are profound, especially in market conditions in which AI-generated work can be orders of magnitude cheaper to produce.

    Even though artificial intelligence is still in its infancy, AI-made books are already flooding the market, recently prompting the authors guild to instate its own labeling guidelines.

    Our research raises questions whether these labels are effective in stemming the tide.

    What’s next

    Attitudes toward AI are still forming. Future research could investigate whether there will be a backlash against AI-generated creative works, especially if people witness mass layoffs. After all, similar shifts occurred in the wake of mass industrialization, such as the arts and crafts movement in the late 19th century, which emerged as a response to the growing automation of labor.

    A related question is whether the market will segment, where some consumers will be willing to pay more based on the process of creation, while others may be interested only in the product.

    Regardless of how these scenarios play out, our findings indicate that the road ahead for human creative labor might be more uphill than previous research suggested. At the very least, while consumers may hold beliefs about the intrinsic value of human labor, many seem unwilling to put their money where their beliefs are.

    The Research Brief is a short take about interesting academic work.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. People say they prefer stories written by humans over AI-generated works, yet new study suggests that’s not quite true – https://theconversation.com/people-say-they-prefer-stories-written-by-humans-over-ai-generated-works-yet-new-study-suggests-thats-not-quite-true-251347

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Spanish speakers in Philadelphia break traditional rules of formal and informal speech in signs around town

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel Guarin, Adjunct professor, Temple University

    Spanish-language signs in Philadelphia contradict the grammar lessons most of us were taught. Daniel Guarin Buitrago, CC BY-ND

    I’ve discovered something fascinating about how Spanish speakers in Philadelphia address each other and communicate through public signs.

    The discovery is part of my research on language patterns in Philadelphia – and it challenges what many students learn in Spanish class.

    Remember those lessons where you learned to use the formal “usted” with strangers and “tú” with friends? Well, the signs on Philadelphia’s streets show that Spanish speakers actually use pronouns differently.

    In Spanish, unlike modern English, speakers must choose between different ways of saying “you” when addressing someone. Some Spanish dialects use up to four different forms – “tú,” “usted,” “vos” and the Colombian “sumercé” – but the Spanish speakers writing signs in Philadelphia have settled on just two: “tú” and “usted.”

    But here’s where it gets interesting: In Philadelphia, the choice between these forms doesn’t follow the traditional rules we all thought we knew.

    What the signs tell us

    After analyzing 250 signs across three neighborhoods with a significant number of Spanish speakers – the Golden Block, in North Philadelphia; Olney, in North Philadelphia; and South Philadelpha’s Italian Market corridor – and online spaces such as social media from different Hispanic organizations in the city, I found some surprising patterns in how these forms are used.

    Bilingual signs written in both Spanish and English tend to use the verb form associated with formal “usted” – imagine a store window announcing, “Please wear a mask / Por favor, utilice una mascarilla.” But signs written only in Spanish often use the informal “tú,” even when addressing strangers. This challenges the common assumption that we should always use formal language with people we don’t know.

    My study suggests the purpose of the message matters more than formality. When signs make requests, they typically use “usted.” But when they’re trying to persuade or invite people to do something, “tú” is more common. A sign saying, “Please wait to be seated” typically uses “usted,” while one saying “Join us for our grand opening!” uses “tú.”

    A city’s changing voice

    Philadelphia’s Spanish-speaking history stretches back to the late 1800s, with waves of migration bringing distinct varieties of the Spanish language to the city.

    Puerto Rican communities arrived in the 1940s and ‘50s, followed by Colombians in the ’70s and ’80s, and more recently, Mexican and Central American immigrants in the early 2000s.

    What’s particularly noteworthy is the absence of “vos” in these signs, despite Philadelphia’s significant Salvadoran population who traditionally use this form. This suggests newer communities are adapting their language in signs to match the more established Spanish-speaking groups in the city.

    Why this matters

    These findings tell us something important about language in immigrant communities.

    Rather than creating an entirely new dialect, Philadelphia’s Spanish speakers are finding common ground in how they communicate. It’s a reminder that language rules are often more flexible than we think, shaped by real-world use rather than textbook guidelines.

    The next time you’re walking through Philadelphia’s Spanish-speaking neighborhoods, pay attention to the signs around you. They’re not just giving directions or advertising services – they’re showing us how language evolves when different communities come together in a new home.

    Read more of our stories about Philadelphia.

    Daniel Guarin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Spanish speakers in Philadelphia break traditional rules of formal and informal speech in signs around town – https://theconversation.com/spanish-speakers-in-philadelphia-break-traditional-rules-of-formal-and-informal-speech-in-signs-around-town-249444

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Long, unplanned stay in space will have taken a toll on minds and bodies of stranded astronauts

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Craig Jackson, Professor of Occupational Health Psychology, Birmingham City University

    US astronauts Sunni Williams and Barry Wilmore have been stranded in low earth orbit onboard the International Space Station for nine months. They are now finally due to return to Earth. Their planned return from their one week mission was abandoned due to concerns with the return vehicle, the Boeing Starliner-1, and this resulted in them being in space for 290 days.

    Wilmore and Williams do not hold the record for the longest stay in orbit, which belongs to cosmonaut Valeri Polyakov, who spent 437 continuous days on the Soviet Mir space station. Nine other US astronauts have spent more than 200 days each in orbit during a single spaceflight – but Wilmore and Williams do hold the record for the longest unplanned spaceflight among US astronauts. Could the unplanned nature of their extended trip produce effects not seen in other planned long-term spaceflights?

    The risks and hazards of space flight are well understood by Nasa and referred to as “RIDGE” – short for Radiation, Isolation and confinement, Distance from Earth, Gravity effects and hostile Environments. Aerospace medicine takes such issues seriously.

    Some physical effects include blood clots and pooling, reductions in bone density, poor digestion, lower nutrient absorption, musculoskeletal atrophy (muscle and bone loss), and poorer cardiovascular function due to reduced blood pumping in zero gravity. Other impacts include changes to the eyeballs due to the pooling of fluids, pooled cerebrospinal fluid around the skull area, and a semi-permanent feeling of congestion.

    The reduced sense of smell may be a blessing, as many space capsules develop an unpleasant smell. Physical effects from fluids can be improved, but not entirely negated, by cuff compression (a fabric sleeve that compresses an area of the body) to relieve pain and swelling. Musculoskeletal atrophy can be reduced with the help of an aerobic treadmill and resistive exercises to help maintain the muscles and cardiovascular function.

    Exposure to radiation is a serious concern, and longer exposures can increase the likelihood of astronauts developing some cancers later in life. The health of Wilmore and Williams will be monitored for many years to come.

    While stranded, Wilmore and Williams will have been providing vital data to help measure the impacts of prolonged stays – every bladder and bowel movement they had will have been weighed and checked for any signs of illness and to monitor changes brought about by their unplanned extension.

    On their return to Earth, they will require gentle physiotherapy to regain muscle function and strength, and for cardiovascular rehabilitation, paced carefully due to the physical fatigue and limitations they will suffer for a few weeks. Dizzy spells, reduced muscle function, and visual disturbances will be common and even walking will take some practice. Their skin will be “baby soft” after nine months of not having their clothes rub against their bodies.

    Of more interest may be the psychological challenges they face, from their concerns over the “near miss” by not returning to Earth in the vehicle they arrived in because Nasa decided it was too risky, through to having to live in confined quarters with others for so long, with a lack of privacy, and enforced companionship.

    Confinement in restricted space, isolation and prolonged separation from family means it is more likely that behavioural problems or psychiatric conditions may develop.

    Problem solving mentality

    Behaviour in others that was initially a minor annoyance can quickly become serious sources of stress and irritation during enforced confinement. Astronauts are selected and screened based on temperament, personality, aptitude and their ability to cope when things go wrong. A problem solving mentality and a will to live, coupled with an ability to follow commands and maintain order in the most difficult of circumstances are what makes astronauts better than most of us.

    They are trained to cope under any situation, such as crash-landings in deserts, or technical failures on board the spacecraft. But despite excellent training, human fallibility and failings will emerge given time.

    Astronaut training also instils the importance of resilience, despite the most trying circumstances, and they will have been trained to keep their fears and anxieties hidden for the benefit of the mission. It might only be after their return that Wilmore and Williams may express their relief. Depression and anxiety can be common after returning to Earth according to others who have been there, with Buzz Aldrin admitting it happened to him and others in his 1973 autobiography Return to Earth.

    Keeping busy will have helped keep worries away.
    Nasa

    They may have experienced feelings of abandonment and questioned why they could not be rescued sooner, or may have developed an understandable lack of trust in technology, and a lack of faith in their fellow mission crew members. They will no doubt have missed important dates with their families, experienced homesickness and possibly even questioned if they could last until rescued.

    Video-link contact with family will have kept them going but will have also been painful and difficult at the same time. Knowing that their families are worried about them, yet equally unable to do anything about it must have been particularly difficult. Although keeping themselves busy as a distraction will have helped, there would have been downtime when their worries must have been almost overwhelming.

    Sleep disturbances and the inability to get regular sleep to allow their brains to rest will have led to cumulative fatigue – both physical and mental. Some astronauts struggle to ever get used to sleeping in space – resulting in lack of performance in the sufferer.

    Being stranded on the ISS and unable to get back home while being able to see home fly by with every rotation of the Earth presents a unique form of frustration. One positive effect reported by many astronauts is the “overview effect” where a sense of peace and oneness with the planet is experienced when viewing the Earth from a whole new perspective. The overview effect seems to have a permanent impact, staying with astronauts for the rest of their lives.

    A complication in understanding any psychological effects of spaceflight is that many astronauts hope to continue their careers and have more missions, and therefore may not be honest about any negatives they experienced. With Nasa planning missions to Mars at some point in the future, the unique experiences of Wilmore and Williams will be useful to behavioural scientists planning such future missions and trying to understand the best psychological characteristics for selecting astronauts for long term spaceflights.

    Craig Jackson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Long, unplanned stay in space will have taken a toll on minds and bodies of stranded astronauts – https://theconversation.com/long-unplanned-stay-in-space-will-have-taken-a-toll-on-minds-and-bodies-of-stranded-astronauts-252528

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Donald Trump and Elon Musk are waging a deep and wide ‘uncivil war’

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eli Sopow, Associate Professor, MBA Faculty of Leadership & People Management, University Canada West

    Never mind concerns about how the United States seems on the brink of another civil war. Thanks to President Donald Trump and his consigliere, Elon Musk, it’s now sinking wide and deep into what historical patterns show is an ugly “uncivil” war.

    Historians and neuro-scientists show there are well-established psychological patterns that explain how personal fear fosters anger that leads to a need for action to eliminate the fear.

    This dynamic has been evident in much of my 40 years of experience and research on public protests, including my doctorate on public order policing and subsequent ongoing analysis.

    Google Trends offers a scientifically valid rating of global search engine topics rated on a weighted scale of 100. In the U.S. on March 10, 2025, for example, the search topic “I am so angry all the time” hit the top of the 100 index, the highest in more than 20 years.

    The widespread public reaction to staffing cuts under Musk’s direction is receiving high domestic and international blowback from not only natural political critics, but Trump’s own Republicans. The reaction follows that tried-and-true trajectory of public dissent and protest escalating from fear to anger to action.

    This is evident in the reactions currently ranging from street-level public protests, a litany of court challenges and online outrage to U.S. government departments refusing to respond to the latest missive from Musk’s team demanding employees prove their worth or quit.

    Mad as hell?

    In the powerful 1976 movie Network, actor Peter Finch — playing a volcanic TV newscaster — goes berserk, rises from his desk and yells, “I’m a human being, goddamn it! My life has value … I’m mad as hell and I’m not going to take this anymore!” In response, thousands go to their windows and scream his rallying cry.

    A clip of the famous scene in Network when Peter Finch proclaims ‘I’m as mad as hell and I’m not going to take this anymore!’

    In perhaps a similar vein, leaders at the Pentagon, Federal Bureau of Investigation, the State Department, the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Energy recently instructed federal workers not to reply to a weekend email from the Office of Personnel Management with the subject line: “What did you do last week?”

    The fear-anger-action dynamic is now unfolding in America.

    Republican Sen. John Curtis of Utah told CBS news:

    “If I could say one thing to Elon Musk, it’s ‘Please put a dose of compassion in this. These are real people. These are real lives …. It’s a false narrative to say we have to cut, and you have to be cruel to do it, as well. We can do both.”

    The response from Musk and Trump to the outrage follows a proven pattern of action and anti-action my colleagues and I have termed the “4-D defense” of deny, divert, delay and destroy. We discovered this pattern through many years of research on public activism for both industry and government agencies, and it was the focus of my PhD dissertation.

    We analyzed the content of thousands of traditional news stories, public opinion surveys and the socio-demographics of fearful groups that were angry they were being impacted by actions that were unfair, unlawful, dangerous and arbitrary.

    We found that the defensive 4-D reaction works like this:

    • First deny there’s a problem.

    • When proven true, then divert the cause to someone else.

    • When proven you’re the cause, agree to remedies but delay the process as long as possible through promises and endless consultations.

    • When this is unacceptable, then destroy those protesting by besmirching their credibility and reputations with erroneous and confusing counter-facts and entangled lawsuits.

    Trump prefers the ‘destroy’ part

    Trump is quick to jump to the “destroy” part of 4-D defense through threats that have included bullying and crushing tariffs.

    Another example of this Trump tendency was a recent heated Truth Social post in which he vowed to “imprison or deport students who participate in certain protests” against his attacks on education.

    Musk responded on his social media site, X, that reactions by frightened and angry employees to arbitrary firings was “EXTREMELY troubling that some parts of government think this is TOO MUCH!! What is wrong with them?”



    Read more:
    Musk’s ruthless approach to efficiency is not translating well to the U.S. government

    Musk appears to be embracing the 1911 “scientific management” style of Frederick Taylor, an American inventor and engineer who is known as the father of scientific management. He argued that the “greatest evil” in the workplace was lazy employees who were simply “replaceable cogs on a wheel.”
    When Musk asks “what is wrong with them?” in reference to the fear, anger and demands for protective action from hundreds of thousands of federal employees, he should perhaps watch Network.

    It seems they’re “mad as hell and not going to take it anymore.”

    Eli Sopow does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How Donald Trump and Elon Musk are waging a deep and wide ‘uncivil war’ – https://theconversation.com/how-donald-trump-and-elon-musk-are-waging-a-deep-and-wide-uncivil-war-251538

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Israel-Hamas ceasefire didn’t resolve any deep-seated issues. Now, it’s shattered

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Marika Sosnowski, Postdoctoral research fellow, The University of Melbourne

    When a ceasefire in the war between Hamas and Israel finally came into effect on January 19, the world breathed a collective sigh of relief.

    However, that ceasefire agreement, and its associated negotiations, have now been cast aside by new Israeli attacks on Gaza.

    A statement from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said the strikes came after Hamas’ “repeated refusals” to “release our hostages”, and the group’s rejection of all proposals presented by US President Donald Trump’s Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff.

    Even before Israel cut off all humanitarian aid and electricity to Gaza in the past two weeks, Hamas claimed it had not met the levels of humanitarian aid, shelter and fuel it agreed to provide in the terms of the ceasefire. However, this is a distraction from a larger issue.

    This ceasefire was always more like a strangle contract than a negotiated agreement between equal parties. Israel, as the party with far greater military and political power, has always had the upper hand.

    And while the first phase of the ceasefire, which lasted 42 days, saw the successful release of 33 hostages held by Hamas in exchange for nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners, the ceasefire also enabled Israel to use it for its own political and military ends.

    Buying time

    The most common conventional concern about ceasefires is that the parties to a conflict will use them for their own ends.

    Typically, the worry is that non-state armed groups, such as Hamas, will use the halt in violence to buy time to regroup, rearm and rebuild their strength to continue fighting.

    But states such as Israel have this ability, too. Even though they have standing armies that might not need to regroup and rearm in the same way, states can use this time to manoeuvre in the international arena – a space largely denied to non-state actors.

    Trump’s rise to power in the US has seemingly given the Israeli government carte blanche to proceed in ways that were arguably off limits to previous US presidents who were also largely supportive of Israel’s actions.

    This includes the plan of forcing Gaza’s population out of the strip. This plan was raised earlier in the war by Trump advisor Jared Kushner and Israeli officials as a supposed humanitarian initiative.

    Trump has now repeated the call to relocate Palestinians from Gaza to Egypt and Jordan – or possibly other parts of Africa – and for the US to take “ownership” of the coastal strip and turn it into the “Riviera of the Middle East”.

    On the face of it, this plan would be a war crime. But even if it is never fully implemented, the fact it is being promoted by Trump after many years of domestic Israeli and international opprobrium shows how political ideas once thought unacceptable can take on a life of their own.

    Political and military maneouvering

    Israel has also used the ceasefire to pursue larger political and military goals in Gaza, the West Bank, southern Lebanon and Syria.

    Even though the ceasefire did reduce overall levels of violence in Gaza, Israel has continued to carry out attacks on targets in the strip.

    It has also escalated the construction of settlements and carried out increasingly violent operations in the West Bank. In addition, there have been egregious attacks on Palestinian residents in Israel.

    And though nearly 1,800 Palestinian prisoners were released during the ceasefire, Israel was holding more than 9,600 Palestinians in detention on “security grounds” at the end of 2024. Thousands more Palestinians are being held by Israel in administrative detention, which means without trial or charge.

    During the ceasefire, Israel also accelerated efforts to evict the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, from its headquarters in East Jerusalem. And the Israeli government has also proposed increasingly draconian laws aimed at restraining the work of Israeli human rights organisations.

    On the military front, the ceasefire arguably alleviated some pressure on Israel, giving it time to consolidate its territorial and security gains against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon and in Syria.

    In the past two months, two deadlines for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from southern Lebanon passed. Israel has instead proposed establishing a buffer zone on Lebanese territory and has begun destroying villages, uprooting olive trees and building semi-permanent outposts along the border.

    In a speech in February, Netanyahu also demanded the “complete demilitarisation of southern Syria” following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. And Defence Minister Israel Katz said this month Israel would keep its troops in southern Syria to “protect” residents from any threats from the new Syrian regime.

    Be careful what you wish for

    While Palestinians are known for their sumud – usually translated as steadfastness or tenacity – there is a limit to what humans can endure. The war, and subsequent ceasefires, have created a situation in which Gazans may have to put the survival and wellbeing of themselves and their families above their desire to stay in Palestine.

    There is a general assumption that ceasefires are positive and humanitarian in nature. But ceasefires are not panaceas. In reality, they are a least-worst option for stopping the violence of war for often just a brief period.

    A ceasefire was never going to be the solution to the decades-old conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. Instead, it has turned out to be part of the problem.

    Marika Sosnowski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Israel-Hamas ceasefire didn’t resolve any deep-seated issues. Now, it’s shattered – https://theconversation.com/the-israel-hamas-ceasefire-didnt-resolve-any-deep-seated-issues-now-its-shattered-249944

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘It’s not a vaccine, it’s a shot’: uncovering a new trend in vaccine scepticism

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Elena Semino, Distinguished Professor in Linguistics and English Language, Lancaster University

    It has long been recognised that attitudes towards vaccines may be vaccine-specific, so that people may take up some, but not others.

    On July 26 2021, the following statement was posted on Twitter (later renamed X) about the COVID-19 vaccine:

    It’s not even a real vaccine. You can catch Covid and also spread it if you are vaccinated. You don’t catch polio or MMR after you are vaccinated.

    My colleagues and I came across this comment and many like it while analysing a nine-million-word dataset consisting of tweets about the COVID and MMR vaccines posted between 2008 and 2022, to learn more about vaccine scepticism. We discovered that the author of this tweet is not alone in questioning the status of the COVID-19 vaccines as vaccines, and comparing it to others.

    Vaccines (but not as you know them)

    Our study also investigated how, in the years of the pandemic, people compared the COVID-19 vaccines unfavourably with the MMR vaccine. Many described a perception that the COVID vaccines were not very effective at preventing infection:

    Yes because the covid vaccine is just like the MMR vaccine. NOT. MMR vaccine provides 99.8% protection from catching measles, mumps or rubella. Covid vaccine does NOT stop you from catching covid. Vaccinate away but it’s not going to stop covid.

    Some people go one step further and state that, therefore, the COVID-19 vaccines are not vaccines:

    How about we start with the fact that it’s not a vaccine, it’s a therapeutic. True vaccines immunize you from the virus. The COVID “vaccine” still allows you to catch COVID just with lesser symptoms. Not the same with polio, MMR, etc.

    In some tweets, posters use the term “shot” in contrast with “vaccine”, to suggest an inferior intervention, despite the fact they mean the same thing:

    Stop calling it a vaccine. It’s a shot.

    Over 20 years ago a discredited but still influential claim that the MMR vaccine may cause autism caused a wave of vaccine scepticism. But this is a new type of vaccine-specific scepticism.

    In our data, there is almost no evidence before 2020 of people claiming that some vaccines are not in fact vaccines. In the period 2020-2022, this form of scepticism increased rapidly in relation to the COVID-19 vaccines, and also applied to the flu vaccine:

    Can you tell me more about this “vaccine” for the flu that allows tens of thousands of deaths? That’s not a vaccine, it’s a flu shot. Much different than say a polio vaccine or MMR vaccine. I would argue that we do NOT have a flu vaccine.

    How can we explain this?

    Experts were already aware that some diseases, such as measles, are vaccine-preventable: if you are vaccinated, you are extremely unlikely to be infected. In contrast, other diseases, including influenza and COVID-19, are vaccine-modifiable: if you are vaccinated, you may still be infected, but you are much less likely to become seriously ill or die.

    This is not to do with the quality of the vaccines, never mind their status as vaccines, but with differences between, for example, more stable viruses and viruses that mutate over time, and between different rates at which immunity wanes.

    Nonetheless, definitions of vaccination by, for example, the World Health Organization and the UK’s National Health Service, tend to focus on the prevention of disease.

    Up until the pandemic, these definitions were mostly consistent with people’s experiences of vaccination. Even with flu, there was no easy access to tests that could show that you had been infected with the strain you had been vaccinated against.

    The COVID-19 pandemic changed all that. It became a common experience to test positive for COVID-19 even after receiving one or more vaccine doses. Our research found that for some people, this did not undermine confidence in the status of the COVID-19 vaccines as vaccines. For others it did.

    This probably explains the new type of scepticism my colleagues and I discovered. It is a scepticism that may be shared by people who normally take up vaccines, for themselves and for their children. The use of informal alternatives to the term “vaccine”, such as “shot”, in public health messaging may unintentionally contribute to this confusion about what counts as a vaccine.

    If left unaddressed, this new scepticism may affect the take up of seasonal flu and COVID-19 vaccines, as well as confidence in vaccines in future pandemics.

    Elena Semino receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council, part of UK Research and Innovation (grant number: ES/V000926/1).

    – ref. ‘It’s not a vaccine, it’s a shot’: uncovering a new trend in vaccine scepticism – https://theconversation.com/its-not-a-vaccine-its-a-shot-uncovering-a-new-trend-in-vaccine-scepticism-251938

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Theft, daydreaming and everything in between: most of us are a bit ‘deviant’ at work

    Source: The Conversation – France – By Brad Harris, Professor of management, associate dean of MBA programs, HEC Paris Business School

    We usually think of workplace deviance as linked to “bad apples”–the troublemakers who egregiously slack off, steal from the company or openly clash with coworkers. But what if deviant behaviour was also more subtle–daydreaming, taking long coffee breaks or cracking an edgy joke in a meeting? It turns out most employees engage in quieter patterns of minor misbehaviours, and it’s changing how we think about deviance on the job.

    Traditionally, research has kept deviance in neat boxes: bad behaviours are either interpersonal (aimed at coworkers) or organisational (targeted against the company). But most employees don’t fall into rigid categories of “good” or “bad”, nor do they engage only in one type of misbehaviour. Instead, many show a mix of minor, less disruptive behaviours that don’t seem to fit the bad-apple narrative.

    Breaking down misconduct

    Our research explored different patterns or “classes” of workplace misbehaviours. We meta-analysed responses from more than 6,000 employees across 20 primary studies in the US and elsewhere, and conducted multiple follow-up studies across different countries and industries.

    Using statistical modelling techniques, our analysis of previous studies found evidence for five unique classes of “deviants” at work, with several of these falling clearly outside the traditional good/bad or person/organisation dichotomies. We then conducted a second study with 553 participants that found similar evidence, and showed how behaviours linked to these classes related to job satisfaction, turnover intentions and other work outcomes.

    Here’s a breakdown of the five types of workplace “troublemakers” we identified in our follow-up studies:

    Withdrawn workers (39% of the participants in the study)

    You won’t see these workers causing a big scene, but then again, you might not see them much at all. Far from classic troublemakers, these workers act out by withholding effort, coming in late and withdrawing from the action in sometimes remarkable ways. The prevalence of this class, which is not well captured in prior deviance research, supports the phenomenon of “quiet quitting” that was popularized in recent years.

    Slacking jerks (9%)

    This group exhibits the low productivity and withdrawal of the previous class, but with an edge. They avoid tasks, work slowly, take long breaks and are often rude to coworkers.

    Stagnant workers (21%)

    Disengaged but not overtly harmful, these employees daydream and occasionally show up late without causing obvious disruptions. They don’t stand out on a typical day, but when things get rough you might notice they aren’t pulling their weight. These workers can stifle efforts at organisational change and slowly erode a positive culture.

    Elevated deviants (4%)

    The classic “bad apples”, people in this group engage in all the various disruptive behaviours described above, likely due to high job dissatisfaction.

    Minimal deviants (27%)

    Members of this group avoid most deviant behaviour and are generally good citizens at work. Even if this percentage is inflated–social desirability bias, or the inclination people have to present themselves well, may have affected study participants’ willingness to admit every act of deviance–its relatively modest size is still telling: a vast majority of workers in our sample say they are misbehaving in some way.

    Our data show that workplace deviance isn’t always about major rule-breaking; in fact, it rarely is! While serious actions like theft (e.g., stealing property or falsifying a receipt) and overt aggression are rare, smaller things like daydreaming, taking extra breaks and making snarky remarks happen rather frequently. These mundane forms of deviance can be written off because they fail to evoke visceral reactions from managers or peers. But they can also add up, eroding positive cultures in ways that aren’t seen until a major event occurs.

    What drives these behaviours?

    People often act out at work because they feel wronged by a person or situation, or because they have deeper motivations, linked to their personality traits, that are more conducive to deviance. Our study backs up this idea and offers some additional clarity. As expected, when employees feel wronged–by a demanding boss, unhelpful coworkers or a lack of support from the organisation–they’re more likely to push back with some type of misconduct. Having an abusive supervisor makes it more likely that employees will be members of the “elevated deviant” class, whereas experiencing ostracism makes membership in the “stagnant worker” class more likely.

    One could argue about which comes first–being abused or being the abuser–but the pattern we found aligns with prior work that shows causality between injustice and deviance.

    Looking beyond the work environment, we also found that certain personality traits can predict what type of “deviant” a worker is most likely to be. Agreeableness, for example, is associated with less overt deviance classes such as “stagnant workers” and “withdrawn workers”. Interestingly, while conscientiousness was predictive of belonging to the “minimal deviant” class, our data suggest that highly conscientious people do occasionally act out, usually with a mix of withdrawal and rudeness (like the “slacking jerks”).

    In short, highly conscientious people have high expectations for their own and others’ work, and they may sometimes react to stress or slights in ways that make their unmet expectations known.

    Impacts on performance

    Deviant behaviour impacts team performance and turnover. Our study shows that employees in the “minimal deviants” group generally perform well, are supportive of their teammates and are satisfied with their work, whereas those in high-deviance groups are often poorer performers who do not often behave supportively toward their coworkers. Yet, while our findings support the idea of a “bad apple” dragging down an entire team, deviance and its effects can be more complicated in some cases.

    Consider the relatively mild deviance classes of “stagnant workers” and “withdrawn workers”, whose members express relatively high intentions to quit and, accordingly, perform lower than those of other classes. These employees may fly under the radar while silently eroding an organisation’s potential.

    Workers in the “slacking jerks” class exhibit contradictory behavioural patterns: they are willing to withdraw from some parts of their job and act out rudely toward some coworkers, while also maintaining relatively higher levels of performance and even going out of their way to help other colleagues. As a result, managers are frequently navigating grey zones: what trade-offs are palatable, and where is the line between reasonable expression and outright violation?

    Our findings show that most employees engage in minor misdemeanors, like taking extra-long breaks or daydreaming, rather than major actions like theft. Many don’t just dabble in one or two types of deviance, but exhibit complex patterns in their behaviour at work that can be reliably predicted by personality-based factors and situational attributes. Without careful attention, their minor acts, which often emerge as a response to burn-out or low morale, may go unnoticed or untreated, and can accumulate into big problems for organisations.

    Beyond bad intentions

    Our findings also challenge the belief that rule-breaking is driven by a few “bad apples” intent on causing trouble, and contribute to a growing line of inquiry that shifts from asking merely “who acts out at work?” to “why do people engage in these behaviours?” For many employees, minor slip-ups are likely less about causing harm and more about coping with everyday stress.

    Motives for breaking rules can differ substantially. For instance, some workers who are withdrawn might be stepping back quietly to deal with health issues, while others stepping back may be evincing a low level of commitment. Understanding their different reasons could open the door to better ways of addressing their behaviours.

    While deviance has traditionally been viewed as something rare, our study shows a more complicated picture. On the one hand, only 4% of respondents reported high levels of all forms of deviance, which, on the surface, would support the rarity of workplace deviance. However, on the other hand, only about a quarter (27%) of employees reported that they steer clear of deviance entirely. That leaves more than two thirds (69%) of employees exhibiting milder and more nuanced patterns of misbehavior.

    This helps us understand deviance as a more common part of work life. It also complicates how managers think about, penalise and discourage it. Without levers that help employees reduce stress or make up for uncontrollable work factors (such as company-wide salary freezes), managers may feel pressure to accept some forms of deviance as “the cost of doing business” while remaining vigilant toward the most egregious and overt infractions.

    Brad Harris ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

    – ref. Theft, daydreaming and everything in between: most of us are a bit ‘deviant’ at work – https://theconversation.com/theft-daydreaming-and-everything-in-between-most-of-us-are-a-bit-deviant-at-work-247936

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Robert F. Kennedy Jr says vitamin A protects you from deadly measles. Here’s what the study he cites actually says

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Evangeline Mantzioris, Program Director of Nutrition and Food Sciences, Accredited Practising Dietitian, University of South Australia

    RobsPhoto/Shutterstock

    Robert F. Kennedy Jr, who oversees the health of more than 340 million Americans, says vitamin A can prevent the worst effects of measles rather than urging more people to get vaccinated.

    In an opinion piece for Fox News, the US health secretary said he was “deeply concerned” about the current measles outbreak in Texas. However, he said the decision to vaccinate was a “personal one” and something for parents to discuss with their health-care provider.

    Kennedy mentioned updated advice from the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) to treat measles with vitamin A. He also cited a study he said shows vitamin A can reduce the risk of dying from measles.

    Here’s what the vitamin A study actually says and why public health officials are so concerned about Kennedy’s latest statement.

    Why is a measles outbreak so worrying?

    Measles is a highly contagious disease caused by a virus. It spreads easily including when an infected person breathes, coughs or sneezes.

    Measles initially infects the respiratory tract and then the virus spreads throughout the body. Symptoms include a high fever, cough, red eyes, runny nose and a rash all over the body.

    Measles can also be severe, can cause complications including blindness and swelling of the brain, and can be fatal. Measles can affect anyone but is most common in children.

    The Texan health department has confirmed 150-plus cases of measles and one death of an unvaccinated child during the current outbreak. While this is by far the largest measles outbreak in the US in 2025, the CDC has reported smaller outbreaks in several other states so far this year.

    Why vitamin A?

    Vitamin A is essential for our overall health. It has many roles in the body, from supporting our growth and reproduction, to making sure we have healthy vision, skin and immune function.

    Foods rich in vitamin A or related molecules include orange, yellow and red coloured fruits and vegetables, green leafy vegetables, as well as dairy, egg, fish and meat. You can take it as a supplement.

    Vitamin A can also be used therapeutically. In other words, doctors may prescribe vitamin A to treat a deficiency. Vitamin A deficiency has long been associated with more severe cases of infectious disease, including measles. Vitamin A boosts immune cells and strengthens the respiratory tract lining, which is the body’s first defence against infections.

    Because of this, the CDC has recently said vitamin A can also be prescribed as part of treatment for children with severe measles – such as those in hospital – under doctor supervision.

    One key message from the CDC’s advice is that people are already sick enough with measles to be in hospital. They’re not taking vitamin A to prevent catching measles in the first place.

    The other key message is vitamin A is taken under medical supervision, under specific circumstances, where patients can be closely monitored to prevent toxicity from high doses.

    Vitamin A toxicity can cause birth defects and increase the risk of fractures in elderly people. Vitamin A and beta-carotene (which the body turns into vitamin A) from supplements may also increase your risk of cancer, especially if you smoke.

    Taking too much vitamin A can lead to toxicity and cause birth defects.
    ChameleonsEye/Shutterstock

    How about the study Kennedy cites?

    Kennedy cites and links to a 2010 study, a type known as a systematic review and meta-analysis. Researchers reviewed and analysed existing studies, which included ones that looked at the effectiveness of vitamin A in preventing measles deaths.

    They found three studies that looked at vitamin A treatment by specific dose. There were different doses depending on the age of the children, measured in IU (international units). Having two doses of vitamin A (200,000IU for children over one year of age or 100,000IU for infants below one year) reduced mortality by 62% compared to children who did not have vitamin A.

    The 2010 study did not show vitamin A reduced your risk of getting measles from another infected person. To my knowledge no study has shown this.

    To be fair, Kennedy did not say that vitamin A stops you from catching measles from another infected person. Instead, he used the following vague statement:

    Studies have found that vitamin A can dramatically reduce measles mortality.

    It’s easy to see how a reader could misinterpret this as “take vitamin A if you want to avoid dying from measles”.

    We know what works – vaccines

    The World Health Organization recommends all children receive two doses of measles vaccine.

    The CDC states two doses of the measles vaccine (measles-mumps-rubella or MMR vaccine) is 97% effective against getting measles. This means out of every 100 people who are vaccinated only three will get it, and this will be a milder form.

    But these facts were missing from Kennedy’s statement. Should we be surprised? Kennedy is well known for his vaccine sceptism and for undermining vaccination efforts, including for the measles vaccine.

    As Sue Kressly, president of the American Academy of Pediatrics, told the Washington Post:

    relying on vitamin A instead of the vaccine is not only dangerous and ineffective […] it puts children at serious risk.

    Evangeline Mantzioris is affiliated with Alliance for Research in Nutrition, Exercise and Activity (ARENA) at the University of South Australia. Evangeline Mantzioris has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council, and has been appointed to the National Health and Medical Research Council Dietary Guideline Expert Committee.

    – ref. Robert F. Kennedy Jr says vitamin A protects you from deadly measles. Here’s what the study he cites actually says – https://theconversation.com/robert-f-kennedy-jr-says-vitamin-a-protects-you-from-deadly-measles-heres-what-the-study-he-cites-actually-says-251465

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Beatings, overcrowding and food deprivation: US deportees face distressing human rights conditions in El Salvador’s mega-prison

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Mneesha Gellman, Associate Professor of Political Science, Emerson College

    Shackled and bent over – some of the 250-plus deportees arriving in El Salvador. El Salvador Presidency / Handout/Anadolu via Getty Images

    El Salvador President Nayib Bukele framed his offer to house “dangerous American criminals” and “criminals from any country” as a win-win for all.

    The fee for transferring detainees to a newly built Salvadoran mega-prison “would be relatively low” for the U.S. but enough to make El Salvador’s “entire prison system sustainable,” Bukele wrote in a post on the social media platform X dated Feb. 3, 2025.

    What was left unsaid is that the individuals would be knowingly placed into a prison system in which a range of sources have reported widespread human rights abuses at the hands of state forces.

    A first transfer of U.S. deportees from Venezuela has now arrived into that system. On March 16, the U.S. government flew around 250 deportees to El Salvador despite a judge’s order temporarily blocking the move. Bukele later posted a video online showing the deportees arriving in El Salvador with their hands and feet shackled and forcibly bent over by armed guards.

    As experts who have researched human rights and prison conditions in El Salvador, we have documented an alarming democratic decline amid Bukele’s attempts to conceal ongoing violence both in prisons and throughout the country.

    We have also heard firsthand of the human rights abuses that deportees and Salvadorans alike say they have suffered while incarcerated in El Salvador, and we have worked on hundreds of asylum cases as expert witnesses, testifying in U.S. immigration court about the nature and scope of human rights abuses in the country. We are deeply concerned both over the conditions into which deportees are arriving and as to what the U.S. administration’s decision signals about its commitments to international human rights standards.

    Eroding democratic norms

    Bukele has led El Salvador since 2019, winning the presidency by vowing to crack down on the crime and corruption that had plagued the nation. But he has also circumvented democratic norms – for example, by rewriting the constitution so that he could be reelected in 2024.

    For the past three years, Bukele has governed with few checks and balances under a self-imposed “state of exception.” This emergency status has allowed Bukele to suspend many rights as he wages what he calls a “war on gangs.”

    The crackdown manifests in mass arbitrary arrests of anyone who fits stereotypical demographic characteristics of gang members, like having tattoos, a prior criminal record or even just “looking nervous.”

    As a result of the ongoing mass arrests, El Salvador now has the highest incarceration rate in the world. The proportion of its population that El Salvador incarcerates is more than triple that of the U.S. and double that of the next nearest country, Cuba.

    Safest country in Latin America?

    Bukele’s tough-on-gangs persona has earned him widespread popularity at home and abroad – he has fostered an immediate friendship with the new U.S. administration in particular.

    But maintaining this popularity has involved, it is widely alleged, manipulating crime statistics, attacking journalists who criticize him and denying involvement in a widely documented secret gang pact that unraveled just before the start of the state of exception.

    Bukele and pro-government Salvadoran media insist that the crackdown on gangs has transformed El Salvador into the safest country in Latin America.

    But on the ground, Salvadorans have described how police, military personnel and Mexican cartels have taken over the exploitative practices previously carried out by gangs like MS-13 and Barrio 18. One Salvadoran woman whose son died in prison just a few days after he was arbitrarily detained told a reporter from Al Jazeera: “One is always afraid. Before it was fear of the gangs, now it’s also the security forces who take innocent people.”

    Torture as state policy

    Bukele’s crackdown on gangs has come at a huge cost to human rights – and nowhere is this seen more than in El Salvador’s prison system.

    Bukele has ordered a communication blackout between incarcerated people and their loved ones. This means no visits, no letters and no phone calls.

    Such lack of contact makes it nearly impossible for people to determine the well-being of their incarcerated family members, many of whom are parents with young children now cared for by extended family.

    Despite the blackout, scholars, international and national rights’ groups and investigative journalists have been able to build up a picture of conditions inside El Salvador’s prisons through interviews with victims and their family members, medical records and forensic analysis of cases of prison deaths. What they describe is a hellscape.

    Incarcerated Salvadorans are packed into grossly overcrowded cells, beaten regularly by prison personnel and denied medicines even when they are available. Inmates are frequently subjected to punishments including food deprivation and electric shocks. Indeed, a U.S. State Department’s 2023 country report on El Salvador noted the “harsh and life-threatening prison conditions.”

    The human rights organization Cristosal estimates that hundreds have died from malnutrition, blunt force trauma, strangulation and lack of lifesaving medical treatment.

    Often, their bodies are buried by government workers in mass graves without notifying families.

    Although El Salvador is a signatory to the United Nations’ Convention Against Torture, Amnesty International concluded after multiple missions to the country and interviews with victims and their families that there is “systemic use of torture” in Salvadoran prisons.

    Likewise, a case-by-case study by Cristosal, which included forensic analysis of exhumed bodies of people who died in prison, determined in 2024 that “torture has become a state policy.”

    ‘At risk of irreparable harm’

    What makes this all the more worrying is the scale of potential abuse.

    El Salvador now houses a prison population of around 110,000 – more than three times the number of inmates before the state of exception began.

    To increase the country’s capacity for ongoing mass incarceration, Bukele built and opened the Terrorism Confinement Center mega-prison in 2023. An analysis of the center using satellite footage showed that if the prison were to reach its full supposed capacity of 40,000, each prisoner would have less than 2 feet of space in their cells.

    It is to this prison that deportees from the U.S. have been taken.

    President Donald Trump invoked the 1798 Alien Enemies Act in transferring the detainees. The wartime act has been invoked only three times, including to justify Japanese internment during World War II.

    There are serious concerns over both the process and the legality of transferring U.S. prisoners to a nation that has not protected the human rights of its detained population.

    El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center mega-prison.
    El Salvador Presidency/Handout/Anadolu via Getty Images

    While Trump said the deportees were members of the gangs Tren de Aragua and MS-13, the incarcerated individuals did not receive a hearing to contest allegations of their gang membership, eliciting questions as to the viability of that claim.

    Moreover, the agreement through which the Trump administration is seeking to moving migrants detained in the U.S. to El Salvador faces scrutiny under international law, given what is known about the country’s prison conditions.

    International human rights is governed by laws that prohibit nations from transferring people into harm’s way, be it returning foreign nationals to countries where “there are substantial grounds for believing that the person would be at risk of irreparable harm,” or transferring detainees to jurisdictions in which they are at risk of being tortured or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.

    The efforts of human rights organizations, journalists and scholars to document prison conditions point to an unequivocal conclusion: El Salvador does not meet the terms necessary to protect the human rights of deported and incarcerated migrants.

    To the contrary, the government of El Salvador has repeatedly been accused by rights groups of committing crimes against humanity, including against its prison population.

    Mneesha Gellman received funding from Emerson College’s Faculty Development Fund. She is the Director of the Emerson Prison Initiative.

    Sarah C. Bishop has received research funding from the Fulbright Organization, The Waterhouse Family Institute for the Study of Communication and Society at Villanova University, the Robert Bosch Stiftung Foundation, and the Professional Staff Congress at the City University of New York. She serves on the board of directors of the nonprofit organization Mixteca.

    – ref. Beatings, overcrowding and food deprivation: US deportees face distressing human rights conditions in El Salvador’s mega-prison – https://theconversation.com/beatings-overcrowding-and-food-deprivation-us-deportees-face-distressing-human-rights-conditions-in-el-salvadors-mega-prison-250739

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Americans care so much about egg prices – and how this issue got so political

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Clodagh Harrington, Lecturer in American Politics, University College Cork

    The price of eggs has risen dramatically in recent years across the US. A dozen eggs cost US$1.20 (92p) in June 2019, but the price is now around US$4.90 (with a peak of US$8.17 in early March).

    Some restaurants have imposed surcharges on egg-based dishes, bringing even more attention to escalating costs. And there are also shortages on supermarket shelves.

    In the coming months, the US plans to import up to 100 million of this consumer staple. Government officials are approaching countries from Turkey to Brazil with enquiries about eggs for export.

    Agriculture secretary Brooke Rollins, who previously said that one option to the crisis was for people to get a chicken for their backyard, suggested in the Wall Street Journal that prices are unlikely to stabilise for some months. And Donald Trump recently shared an article on Truth Social calling on the public to “shut up about egg prices”.

    The main cause of the problem is an outbreak of avian flu that has resulted in over 166 million birds in the US being slaughtered. Around 98% of the nation’s chickens are produced on factory farms, which are ripe for contagion.

    According to the Centers for Disease Control, the flu has already spread to several hundred dairy cattle and to one human. The USDA recently announced a US$1 billion plan to counter the problem, with funding for improved bio-security, vaccine research and compensation to farmers.

    In January 2025, Donald Trump’s White House press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, blamed the previous administration for high egg prices. It is true that birds were slaughtered on President Joe Biden’s watch, but this was and remains standard practice at times of bird flu outbreaks and had also been the case during the Obama and first Trump administrations.

    However, this points to the way the rising price of eggs has become a political touchstone. It was referred to regularly in campaign speeches and press briefings as a sign of things going wrong and a symbol of the US economy faced. Donald Trump promised to fix the price of eggs swiftly if elected, but so far the issue shows no sign of going away.

    Prices are still trending up. Even when prices suddenly drop, as they have this week, the public know how much cheaper they used to be until recently, and do not tend to feel better.

    There are a number of reasons why egg prices have become an important to US politicians. First, almost everyone buys eggs. So the shortage and subsequent price rise is newsworthy and affects consumers in all income brackets.

    Secondly, they are a measure of broader economic vulnerabilities, so egg-related problems tend to be part of a larger story about how weak the economy is. And thirdly, egg prices are political because of Trump’s promise to bring them down.



    Read more:
    US inflation has increased since Trump took office – why prices are unlikely to come down soon

    Polls showed that the economy and inflation were key factors in voter choice on election day 2024. In February 2025, Donald Trump did an interview with NBC News in which he said he won the election on the border and groceries.

    On immigration, voters often base their opinions on what they perceive to be true. For example, tough rhetoric on building a wall may equate with a sense of feeling that the president is taking strong action, whether anything tangible actually materialises or not.

    With groceries, reality trumps perception. The price of eggs is printed on the box and the cost is paid directly by voters.

    Donald Trump on what he’s doing on egg prices and the economy.

    Then there are the egg producers. US farmers tended to overwhelmingly support Trump on election day, so it is prudent for him to feel their pain, or at least appear to. Farming areas voted for him increasingly in his three election efforts, even increasing their support for him in 2020 after trade wars and price increases which would have negatively impacted them.

    Another factor that may push up egg prices is that an estimated 70% of the factory farm workforce is immigrant labour, and as many as 40% are undocumented. Should the administration’s plans for high tariffs and mass deportations come to fruition, the industry would struggle to function.

    Further food price increases will be inevitable, with potential exacerbation via the funding freezes for some USDA programmes that Trump has enacted. As of March 2025, US$1 billion in cuts has been announced, the consequences of which are already being felt by farmers. The “pain now for gain later” message is a tricky political sell.

    Even in the current era of international turbulence, elections are largely won on more pedestrian matters. Specifically, “kitchen-table” economics is relatable to every voter, regardless of how grand, or not, their table is.

    Americans will be aware that in neighbouring Canada, egg prices have not risen dramatically and there have not been shortages. But prices in Canada have been traditionally higher than the US, this is in part at least because farming standards differ.

    The US does not have high welfare standards for agricultural workers or animals, and this shortcoming needs to be addressed in order to help reduce future risk of flu, but this is likely to also raise prices.

    Blaming the previous incumbent is not a durable stance for Donald Trump. As former president Harry Truman might remind him: “The buck stops here.” Right at his desk.

    Clodagh Harrington does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why Americans care so much about egg prices – and how this issue got so political – https://theconversation.com/why-americans-care-so-much-about-egg-prices-and-how-this-issue-got-so-political-251752

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Fungi are among the planet’s most important organisms — yet they’re overlooked in conservation strategies

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jonathan Cazabonne, Doctorant en mycologie et écologie des vieilles forêts, Université du Québec en Abitibi-Témiscamingue (UQAT)

    Fungi are among the most important organisms on Earth. Even though most of the world’s described 157,000 fungal species are only visible with a microscope, these organisms are essential to our ecosystems, our societies and economies.

    They break down organic matter and interact with all groups of organisms — including other fungi. They’re key actors in forest carbon storage, nutrient cycling, as well as plant growth and resistance to environmental stress.

    Fungi are also important to human cultures — including as a source of food, medicine and art. Economically, fungi also support a growing economy centred around mycotourism — with a growing number of travellers visiting Canada and Spain each year to forage for wild mushrooms.



    Read more:
    Rural communities in Québec are embracing ‘mushroom tourism’ to boost local economies

    All the benefits fungi provide to humans are estimated to be worth the equivalent of US$54.57 trillion. This is why it’s an understatement to say that the world’s ecosystems and human societies are shaped by fungi.

    And yet fungi continue to be an important but overlooked element of conservation strategies.

    Why fungi are forgotten

    Conservation efforts have long focused on protecting well-studied animals and plants. This is reflected in the number of species that have been assigned a conservation status by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN).

    Around 84 per cent of known species of vertebrates have received an IUCN conservation status. But just 0.5 per cent of all described fungi — 818 fungal species — are currently present on the IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. Considering scientists estimate that there could be around 2.5 million fungal species in the world — of which we currently only know about six per cent of them — this means just 0.03 per cent of all fungi have been assigned a conservation status.

    Several factors explain this alarming reality.

    Fungi are difficult to study in both nature and under experimental conditions. This is because of many species’ microscopic size, their short lifespan and the hidden habitats they call home — such as soils, the tissues of other organisms and dung deposits.

    Many species of fungi are difficult to study because of their microscopic size.
    (Shutterstock)

    Fungi are also considered “uncharismatic” — meaning they don’t have the level of human appeal that some other species have. Much of their diversity is cryptic, as well. This means that while many fungi were once considered to be a single species, in reality they’re made up of multiple species that may look similar but are genetically distinct from one another. Because of this, conservation projects for fungi are poorly funded and do not easily capture public interest.

    Protecting the unknown

    In recent years, there’s been momentum within the scientific community to recognise fungi as a distinct kingdom within conservation strategies — one that’s on equal footing with animals and plants.

    A significant milestone in this movement has been the adoption of the term “funga,” which mirrors “fauna” and “flora”. This designates the fungal diversity within a given environment or habitat.

    Another important advancement was the recent pledge for fungal conservation that was presented at the 2024 Conference of Parties (COP16) in Colombia. This pledge urged parties to make fungal conservation a priority given fungi are central to achieving the biodiversity targets set out by the Kunming-Montréal Global Biodiversity Framework.

    More local initiatives are also emerging. In Québec, over 70 mycologists and biologists signed an opinion letter encouraging the government to integrate fungi into its legislative framework.

    Such progress is not trivial and may help correct misconceptions about fungi that continue to be present among the public, economic sectors and policymakers. For example, the misconception that fungi are plants is something that still persists to this day. Allowing this misconception to continue being perpetuated is harmful to the field of mycology, and may be preventing it from becoming a standalone discipline that deserves dedicated funding and specialists.

    Still, there’s much we don’t know about these unique, important organisms. And in order for us to be able to protect and preserve the planet’s fungi, we need to begin by formally identifying areas where knowledge is lacking and close these gaps.

    Last year, researchers used Laboulbeniomycetes — a class of poorly understood microfungi — as a case study to understand what biodiversity and conservation shortfalls continue to affect funga. This group of fungi includes species that rely on arthropods to disperse their spores or act as hosts for them. Many of these fungi live as minute parasites on the surface of insects such as cockroaches and ladybirds.

    The case study uncovered four major biodiversity shortfalls that are undermining the conservation of funga. These include knowledge gaps in species diversity, distribution, conservation assessments and species persistence.

    Part of conservation

    Failing to protect fungi means, by extension, failing to protect the roles they play in our ecosystems and daily lives.

    This is especially timely, as fungi, like animals and plants, are also facing numerous threats. Habitat degradation, pollution, invasive species and climate change may all increase their risks of extinction.

    And, as recently exemplified in vertebrates, many undescribed species of fungi may be even more at peril than we might know. This is because they’re most likely to be found in remote geographical regions — such as tropical rainforests — and thus heavily susceptible to human-induced changes.

    A key priority to better integrate fungi into conservation biology is to accumulate data on species diversity. But in order to accumulate data and understand how we can better protect fungal species worldwide, we need to fund research on fungi and make mycology a more attractive field for young scientists.

    One thing remains certain: the more we explore, the more we realise just how little we know.

    Jonathan Cazabonne is financially supported by a B2X doctoral research fellowship from the Fonds de Recherche du Québec – Nature et technologies (FRQNT).

    Danny Haelewaters receives funding from the Czech Academy of Sciences (Lumina Quaeruntur Fellowship LQ200962501).

    – ref. Fungi are among the planet’s most important organisms — yet they’re overlooked in conservation strategies – https://theconversation.com/fungi-are-among-the-planets-most-important-organisms-yet-theyre-overlooked-in-conservation-strategies-250483

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump is using the Alien Enemies Act to deport immigrants – but the 18th-century law has been invoked only during times of war

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel Tichenor, Professor of Political Science, University of Oregon

    Prison guards transfer alleged Venezuelan gang members to a detention center in Tecoluca, El Salvador, on March 16, 2025. El Salvador presidential press office via AP

    As President Donald Trump often promised during his 2024 presidential campaign, on March 15, 2025, he invoked an obscure 18th-century law called the Alien Enemies Act to justify deporting 137 Venezuelans he says are associated with a Venezuelan gang.

    A federal judge swiftly blocked the deportations and ordered the planes carrying Venezuelans heading to El Salvador to return. But the White House, which has appealed the ruling, said that the court order came too late on a Saturday night, after it had already sent the Venezuelan immigrants to El Salvador.

    The Justice Department has appealed the federal judge’s decision and is arguing that the en-route planes carrying the immigrants to El Salvador were outside of the judge’s jurisdiction.

    “Oopsie. Too late,” Nayib Bukele, president of El Salvador, posted on the social media platform X on March 16, in a message that U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio reposted.

    Legal analysts were trying to determine where the planes carrying the Venezuelans were shortly before 7 p.m. on March 15, when the judge issued the order stopping their removal, in an attempt to determine if the Trump administration had violated the judge’s order.

    The Alien Enemies Act empowers presidents to apprehend and remove foreign nationals from countries that are at war with the United States. U.S. presidents have issued executive proclamations and invoked this law three times: during the War of 1812, World War I and World War II. All three instances followed Congress declaring war.

    Why bother dusting off a 227-year-old law?

    Invoking the Alien Enemies Act could make it far easier for the Trump administration to quickly apprehend, detain and deport immigrants living without legal authorization in the U.S. That’s because the law lets presidents bypass court review of the deportation.

    U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio meets with El Salvador President Nayib Bukele at his residence at Lake Coatepeque in El Salvador, on Feb. 3, 2025.
    AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein, Pool

    Repressive origins and populist backlash

    The Alien Enemies Act traces back to the late 1700s, when the Federalists, an early political party, controlled Congress. The Federalists wanted strong national government as well as harmonious diplomatic and trade relations with Great Britain.

    The Federalists became outraged when the French government began seizing U.S. merchant ships in the Caribbean that were trading with Britain, which France was waging war against at that time.

    The opposing Democratic-Republican Party, led by Thomas Jefferson, supported France in its fight against Great Britain.

    The Federalists in Congress considered Jefferson’s pro-France position to be against U.S. interests. They also were troubled that the Democratic-Republicans were backed by thousands of French and Irish immigrants who had some political clout in big cities such as Philadelphia and New York.

    So in 1798, the Federalists tried to quell domestic opposition by passing the Alien and Sedition Acts, a series of controversial laws that banned political dissent by limiting free speech. The laws also made it harder for immigrants to become citizens.

    One of these laws was the Alien Enemies Act, which gave presidents broad authority to control or remove noncitizens ages 14 or older if they had ties to foreign enemies during times of a declared war.

    The Alien and Sedition Acts elicited a firestorm of criticism soon after they were passed, including from Jefferson and James Madison, who asserted that states have the right and duty to declare some federal laws unconstitutional. The populist backlash against the Alien and Sedition Acts helped propel Jefferson and Democratic-Republicans to victory in the 1800 presidential election. Nearly all of the Alien and Sedition Acts were then either repealed or allowed to expire.

    Only the Alien Enemies Act, a law enacted without an expiration date, survived.

    History of the Alien Enemies Act

    Madison, the fourth U.S. president, first invoked the Alien Enemies Act during the War of 1812 with Great Britain, which was sparked for several reasons, including trade and territorial control of North America.

    Madison invoked the act in 1812 by proclaiming that “all subjects of His Britannic Majesty, residing within the United States, have become alien enemies.”

    But rather than imposing mass deportations, Madison’s administration simply required British nationals living in the U.S. to report their age, home address, length of residency and whether they applied for naturalization.

    More than 100 years later, President Woodrow Wilson invoked the Alien Enemies Act during World War I in April 1918.

    Wilson used the Alien Enemies Act to impose sweeping restrictions on the residency, work, possessions, speech and activities of foreign nationals from places that the U.S. was at war with – Germany, Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria. U.S.-born women married to any people born in these places were also deemed “enemy aliens.”

    The U.S. Marshals Service carefully monitored about half a million Germans in the U.S. to make sure they followed Wilson’s restrictions.

    Another 6,000 German “enemy aliens” were arrested and sent to internment camps in Georgia and Utah, where they were confined until after an armistice was signed between the Allies and Germany in November 1918.

    Two decades later, President Franklin D. Roosevelt notoriously used the Alien Enemies Act in World War II.

    In 1941, Roosevelt authorized special restrictions on German, Italian and Japanese nationals living in the U.S. More than 30,000 of these foreign nationals, including Jewish refugees from Germany, spent the war imprisoned at internment camps because the government considered them potentially dangerous. The U.S. government released these detainees after World War II ended.

    The vast majority of the 110,000 Japanese American men, women and children interned during the war were not held under the Alien Enemies Act. The government used a separate executive order during World War II to intern most people of Japanese descent, some of whom were born in the U.S.

    Donald Trump speaks about immigration at Montezuma Pass, Ariz., along the U.S.-Mexico border, on Aug. 22, 2024.
    Olivier Touron/AFP via Getty Images

    What’s very old is new again

    Civil liberties and immigrant rights groups pledged to fight Trump’s use of the act by filing legal challenges if Trump invoked it.

    The Trump administration wrote in its order that the Venezuelan criminal organization Tren de Aragua is “conducting irregular warfare and undertaking hostile actions against the United States.”

    The American Civil Liberties Union and another legal nonprofit, Democracy Forward, filed a lawsuit on March 15, the same day the Trump administration announced it was invoking the act.

    The Alien Enemies Act’s text and history present formidable legal hurdles for the Trump administration proving that Tren de Aragua is at war with the U.S. While the organization is primarily based in Venezuela, Tren de Aragua members in the U.S. have been arrested in Pennsylvania, Florida, New York, Texas and California for crimes including shooting New York police officers.

    The 1798 law is clear that an “invasion or predatory incursion” must be undertaken by a “foreign nation or government” in order for it to be invoked.

    Yet Congress has not declared war on any country, including Venezuela, in over 80 years, nor has another government launched an invasion against U.S. territory.

    And drug cartels are not actual national governments running Latin American countries, so they don’t meet the criteria in the Alien Enemies Act.

    In the past, Trump’s senior advisers have said with no clear evidence that the administration can justly claim that some Latin American governments, such as Mexico and Venezuela, are run by drug cartels that are attacking U.S. security.

    Whatever the argument, the tenacious problem that the Trump administration will face is that neither the letter of the law nor historical precedents support peacetime use of the Alien Enemies Act.

    None of these textual and historical realities will matter, however, if the courts ultimately decide that a president – simply saying that the country is being invaded by a foreign nation – is sufficient to legally invoke the act and is not subject to judicial review.

    This makes it impossible to automatically dismiss blueprints for using an 18th-century law, however dubious, and it appears the Venezuelan deportations case appears headed for the Supreme Court. If Trump succeeds at invoking the Alien Enemies Act, I believe it would add another chapter to the Alien Enemies Act’s sordid history.

    This is an updated version of a story originally published on Dec. 11, 2024.

    Daniel Tichenor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump is using the Alien Enemies Act to deport immigrants – but the 18th-century law has been invoked only during times of war – https://theconversation.com/trump-is-using-the-alien-enemies-act-to-deport-immigrants-but-the-18th-century-law-has-been-invoked-only-during-times-of-war-252434

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Cells lining your skin and organs can generate electricity when injured − potentially opening new doors to treating wounds

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Sun-Min Yu, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Polymer Science and Engineering, UMass Amherst

    Your skin cells can generate electricity when wounded. Torsten Wittmann, University of California, San Francisco/NIH via Flickr, CC BY-NC

    Your cells constantly generate and conduct electricity that runs through your body to perform various functions. One such example of this bioelectricity is the nerve signals that power thoughts in your brain. Others include the cardiac signals that control the beating of your heart, along with other signals that tell your muscles to contract.

    As bioengineers, we became interested in the epithelial cells that make up human skin and the outer layer of people’s intestinal tissues. These cells aren’t known to be able to generate bioelectricity. Textbooks state that they primarily act as a barrier against pathogens and poisons; epithelial cells are thought to do their jobs passively, like how plastic wrapping protects food against spoilage.

    To our surprise, however, we found that wounded epithelial cells can propagate electrical signals across dozens of cells that persist for several hours. In this newly published research, we were able to show that even epithelial cells use bioelectricity to coordinate with their neighbors when the emergency of an injury demands it. Understanding this unexpected twist in how the body operates may lead to improved treatments for wounds.

    Discovering a new source of bioelectricity

    Don’t laugh: Our interest in this topic began with a gut feeling. Think of how your skin heals itself after a scratch. Epithelial cells may look silent and calm, but they’re busy coordinating with each other to extrude damaged cells and replace them with new ones. We thought bioelectric signals might orchestrate this, so our intuition told us to search for them.

    Almost all the vendors we contacted to obtain the instrument we needed to test our idea warned us not to try these experiments. Only one company agreed with reluctance. “Your experiment won’t work,” they insisted. If we made the attempt and found nothing worthwhile to study, they feared it would make their product look bad.

    But we did our experiments anyway – with tantalizing results.

    We grew a layer of epithelial cells on a chip patterned with what’s called a microelectrode array – dozens of tiny electric wires that measure where bioelectric signals appear, how strong the signals are and how fast they travel from spot to spot. Then, we used a laser to zap a wound in one location and searched for electric signals on a different part of the cell layer.

    Microelectrode arrays detect electrical signals in cells.
    Kwayyy/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    Several hours of recording confirmed our intuition: When faced with the emergency need to repair themselves, bioelectrical signals appear when epithelial cells need a quick way to communicate over long distances.

    We found that wounded epithelial cells can send bioelectric signals to neighboring cells over distances more than 40 times their body length with voltages similar to those of neurons. The shapes of these voltage spikes are also like those of neurons except about 1,000 times slower, indicating they might be a more primitive form of intercellular communication over long distances.

    Powering the bioelectric generator

    But how do epithelial cells generate bioelectricity?

    We hypothesized that calcium ions might play a key role. Calcium ions show up prominently in any good biology textbook’s list of major molecules that help cells function. Since calcium ions regulate the forces that contract cells, a function necessary to remove damaged cells after wounding, we hypothesized that calcium ions ought to be critical to bioelectricity.

    To test our theory, we used a molecule called EDTA that tightly binds to calcium ions. When we added EDTA to the epithelial cells and so removed the calcium ions, we found that the voltage spikes were no longer present. This meant that calcium ions were likely necessary for epithelial cells to generate the bioelectric signals that guide wound healing.

    We then blocked the ion channels that allow calcium and other positively charged ions to enter epithelial cells. As a result, the frequency and strength of the electrical signals that epithelial cells produce were reduced. These findings suggest that while calcium ions may play a particularly crucial role in allowing epithelial cells to produce bioelectricity, other molecules may also matter.

    Further research can help identify those other ion channels and pathways that allow epithelial cells to generate bioelectricity.

    Epithelial cells line your large intestine.
    Choksawatdikorn/Science Photo Library via Getty Images

    Improving wound healing

    Our discovery that epithelial cells can electrically speak up during a crisis without compromising their primary role as a barrier opens doors for new ways to treat wounds.

    Previous work from other researchers had demonstrated that it’s possible to enhance wound healing in skin and intestinal tissues by electrically stimulating them. But these studies used electrical frequencies many times higher than what we’ve found epithelial cells naturally produce. We wonder whether reevaluating and refining optimal electric stimulation conditions may help improve biomedical devices for wound healing.

    Further down the road of possibility, we wonder whether electrically stimulating individual cells might offer even more healing potential. Currently, researchers have been electrically stimulating the whole tissue to treat injury. If we could direct these electrical signals to go specifically to where a remedy is needed, would stimulating individual cells be even more effective at treating wounds?

    Our hope is that these findings could become a classic case of curiosity-driven science that leads to useful discovery. While our dream may carry a high risk of failure, it also offers potentially high rewards.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Cells lining your skin and organs can generate electricity when injured − potentially opening new doors to treating wounds – https://theconversation.com/cells-lining-your-skin-and-organs-can-generate-electricity-when-injured-potentially-opening-new-doors-to-treating-wounds-252255

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Researchers created sound that can bend itself through space, reaching only your ear in a crowd

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jiaxin Zhong, Postdoctoral Researcher in Acoustics, Penn State

    For your ears only. Cinefootage Visuals/iStock via Getty Images Plus

    What if you could listen to music or a podcast without headphones or earbuds and without disturbing anyone around you? Or have a private conversation in public without other people hearing you?

    Our newly published research introduces a way to create audible enclaves – localized pockets of sound that are isolated from their surroundings. In other words, we’ve developed a technology that could create sound exactly where it needs to be.

    The ability to send sound that becomes audible only at a specific location could transform entertainment, communication and spatial audio experiences.

    What is sound?

    Sound is a vibration that travels through air as a wave. These waves are created when an object moves back and forth, compressing and decompressing air molecules.

    The frequency of these vibrations is what determines pitch. Low frequencies correspond to deep sounds, like a bass drum; high frequencies correspond to sharp sounds, like a whistle.

    Sound is composed of particles moving in a continuous wave.
    Daniel A. Russell, CC BY-NC-ND

    Controlling where sound goes is difficult because of a phenomenon called diffraction – the tendency of sound waves to spread out as they travel. This effect is particularly strong for low-frequency sounds because of their longer wavelengths, making it nearly impossible to keep sound confined to a specific area.

    Certain audio technologies, such as parametric array loudspeakers, can create focused sound beams aimed in a specific direction. However, these technologies will still emit sound that is audible along its entire path as it travels through space.

    The science of audible enclaves

    We found a new way to send sound to one specific listener: through self-bending ultrasound beams and a concept called nonlinear acoustics.

    Ultrasound refers to sound waves with frequencies above the human hearing range, or above 20 kHz. These waves travel through the air like normal sound waves but are inaudible to people. Because ultrasound can penetrate through many materials and interact with objects in unique ways, it’s widely used for medical imaging and many industrial applications.

    In our work, we used ultrasound as a carrier for audible sound. It can transport sound through space silently – becoming audible only when desired. How did we do this?

    Normally, sound waves combine linearly, meaning they just proportionally add up into a bigger wave. However, when sound waves are intense enough, they can interact nonlinearly, generating new frequencies that were not present before.

    This is the key to our technique: We use two ultrasound beams at different frequencies that are completely silent on their own. But when they intersect in space, nonlinear effects cause them to generate a new sound wave at an audible frequency that would be heard only in that specific region.

    Audible enclaves are created at the intersection of two ultrasound beams.
    Jiaxin Zhong et al./PNAS, CC BY-NC-ND

    Crucially, we designed ultrasonic beams that can bend on their own. Normally, sound waves travel in straight lines unless something blocks or reflects them. However, by using acoustic metasurfaces – specialized materials that manipulate sound waves – we can shape ultrasound beams to bend as they travel. Similar to how an optical lens bends light, acoustic metasurfaces change the shape of the path of sound waves. By precisely controlling the phase of the ultrasound waves, we create curved sound paths that can navigate around obstacles and meet at a specific target location.

    The key phenomenon at play is what’s called difference frequency generation. When two ultrasonic beams of slightly different frequencies, such as 40 kHz and 39.5 kHz, overlap, they create a new sound wave at the difference between their frequencies – in this case 0.5 kHz, or 500 Hz, which is well within the human hearing range. Sound can be heard only where the beams cross. Outside of that intersection, the ultrasound waves remain silent.

    This means you can deliver audio to a specific location or person without disturbing other people as the sound travels.

    Advancing sound control

    The ability to create audio enclaves has many potential applications.

    Audio enclaves could enable personalized audio in public spaces. For example, museums could provide different audio guides to visitors without headphones, and libraries could allow students to study with audio lessons without disturbing others.

    In a car, passengers could listen to music without distracting the driver from hearing navigation instructions. Offices and military settings could also benefit from localized speech zones for confidential conversations. Audio enclaves could also be adapted to cancel out noise in designated areas, creating quiet zones to improve focus in workplaces or reduce noise pollution in cities.

    A sound only you can hear.
    Daly and Newton/The Image Bank via Getty Images

    This isn’t something that’s going to be on the shelf in the immediate future. For instance, challenges remain for our technology. Nonlinear distortion can affect sound quality. And power efficiency is another issue – converting ultrasound to audible sound requires high-intensity fields that can be energy intensive to generate.

    Despite these hurdles, audio enclaves present a fundamental shift in sound control. By redefining how sound interacts with space, we open up new possibilities for immersive, efficient and personalized audio experiences.

    Yun Jing receives funding from NSF.

    Jiaxin Zhong does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Researchers created sound that can bend itself through space, reaching only your ear in a crowd – https://theconversation.com/researchers-created-sound-that-can-bend-itself-through-space-reaching-only-your-ear-in-a-crowd-252266

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –