Source: The Conversation – UK – By Cannelle Tassin de Montaigu, Research Fellow, Ecology & Evolution, University of Sussex
Toxic substances used in flea and tick treatments pet owners give to their dogs and cats have been detected in birds’ nests, according to new UK research.
Fipronil and imidacloprid, two common insecticides distributed by vets in pipettes to kill or stunt fleas, were previously found in nearly all English rivers. These chemicals are known to harm aquatic insects, which has repercussions for the species that eat them. Birds are also known to ingest these insecticides in their food and water.
Our study now raises the risk of direct skin contact, as veterinary drugs were the most common insecticides colleagues and I found in bird nests. How do they get there – and what are they doing?
Many birds, including garden visitors such as blue tits and great tits, nest in tree hollows and nest boxes. To keep their eggs and chicks warm, these birds line their nests with soft materials such as fur. In fact, around 74% of European bird species use fur as nest insulation.
Across the UK, pet owners and wildlife enthusiasts leave brushed pet fur outside for birds to collect. But with around 80% of the country’s 22 million cats and dogs receiving regular flea and tick treatments, this well-meaning act can inadvertently expose birds to harm.
A previous study in the Netherlands found that insecticides used in flea treatment were appearing in birds’ nests. The study I led with colleagues is the first to identify the problem in the UK.
Banned on farms, used in homes
We examined 103 nests of blue tits and great tits and found the residue of 17 out of 20 insecticides commonly used as flea treatments in the UK. The most prevalent were fipronil, which we found in every single nest, imidacloprid and permethrin, which were both detected in 89% of nests.
All three of these chemicals are banned for use as pest control on EU farms due to their harmful effects on wildlife. Studies have shown that these insecticides can damage the nervous and reproductive systems of birds, and threaten their overall health. Yet they remain widely used in veterinary medicine.
We collected nests months after the breeding season, and so the concentrations of chemicals we found are likely to be lower than what was present in the nests during spring, when birds gather material for nests. This suggests that eggs and chicks were exposed during the whole breeding season.
The nests we found with higher concentrations of insecticides contained more unhatched eggs and dead chicks. Other factors could explain these deaths, such as predation. But the known dangers of these chemicals should make us question their wider impact on the environment. While more research is needed to fully understand their risks, the evidence already suggests that exposure could be harming nestlings, which are at a critical stage of development.
Flea and tick treatments either kill insects or halt their development. Nick Alias/Shutterstock
Scientists and conservationgroups are urging the UK government to conduct a more thorough environmental risk assessment of veterinary treatments, particularly those used on dogs and cats.
Public awareness will also be key to addressing the problem. Many pet owners do not know that their routine flea treatments affect wildlife. Small changes could help reduce this impact. For example, year-round flea treatment is not necessary, particularly in winter when fleas and ticks are less active.
If treatment is required then tablets could be a better choice as they do not involve direct skin contact for birds and would not wash away every time a pet swims or is bathed either. They may be excreted in faeces and contaminate the soil, however – that’s why a thorough environmental risk assessment is necessary.
Pet owners who enjoy helping birds can still leave out fur as nesting material, perhaps by saving the brushed fur from untreated pets during winter and putting it out the following spring.
As awareness of this issue grows, pet owners, scientists and policymakers can ensure that veterinary treatments do not come at the cost of the UK’s wildlife.
Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?
Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Brandon Marc Finn, Research Scientist at the School for Environment and Sustainability, University of Michigan
Lubumbashi is a city in the mineral-rich Katanga region in the south of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).
Many people might not have heard of it, but Lubumbashi and its surrounding region have been at the centre of global geopolitics since the start of the 20th century. The area provided immense sources of copper, a metal that helped electrify the planet in the 1900s. It was also the source of all the uranium for the atom bombs used in the second world war.
The global demand for these minerals came at a great price. Lubumbashi grew as a divided city where housing and labour were spatially and racially segregated. Congolese workers were exploited, abused and taxed as urban and mining strategies were used to reshape society.
History is repeating itself. Neocolonialism now shapes the extraction of DRC resources.
Today, the southern DRC produces over 70% of the world’s cobalt. Cobalt is a mineral essential to decarbonisation – a strategy to reduce harmful carbon dioxide emissions. Cobalt is present in batteries in electric vehicles, mobile phones, laptop computers and renewable energy storage systems.
We are academics who research urbanisation, mining and sustainability as well as urban planning and environmental management. Our recent paper addresses the fact that African cities like Lubumbashi are at the heart of events that have shaped the modern world, yet they are woefully neglected in global urban theory (thinking about how cities form and develop) and urban geography.
Focusing on the global north and neglecting the south leads to major data gaps and contributes to mismatched and outdated urban policy.
We also argue that the human rights abuses and perils of today’s cobalt mining are new forms of old colonial practices. They strip the land and people of resources without proper pay. They offer green minerals to the global north at the cost of lives in the global south.
Sustainable cities and global decarbonisation are essential if we are to reduce cities’ carbon footprints and decarbonise economies in the face of the climate crisis.
Lubumbashi’s history, therefore, can offer a fuller understanding of the human and historical costs of minerals that shape cities – and the world.
A brief history of Lubumbashi
Lubumbashi was originally called Elisabethville. It was established by colonial Belgium in 1910 precisely to extract copper for global markets. This was done through a company named Union Minière du Haut Katanga (UMHK).
Concessionary companies made enormous profits in the Congo Free State between 1885 and 1908. The entire country stood under the private ownership of King Leopold II of Belgium. These companies were given the right to extract minerals and rubber through taxes imposed on local people.
The Belgian Compagnie du Katanga (which later founded UMHK) had the task of establishing the physical and economic infrastructure of the region. In exchange for laying the groundwork for the extractive industries, soon to be headquartered in Elisabethville, the company was given a third of all unoccupied land in Katanga. The Belgians established a copper smelter and constructed roads. Temporary headquarters were established to supervise Elisabethville’s expansion.
One initial method of controlling the local rural people was a “hut tax” that had to be paid to live in Lubumbashi. Later, a “head tax” was introduced to raise funds for colonial management. It forced people into labour as the only means to pay off their newly acquired debt to the colonial state.
Elisabethville served as the device to assert effective occupation. It also staved off the possibility of British occupation of the territory. The Belgians planned Elisabethville by reproducing the urban forms and racial segregation of Bulawayo’s grid in Southern Rhodesia (part of today’s Zimbabwe) and Johannesburg in South Africa.
UMHK dominated the colonial economy as demand for copper increased worldwide. UMHK also stipulated which seeds would be planted where for agriculture. It dissolved local markets and whipped labourers.
Copper was in such high demand because it is a non-corrosive material that conducts electricity well. It lined telegraph and electrical transmission cables across the globe.
Copper mining acted as a springboard from which UMHK could spread its influence. It developed railways, cities, labour camps and mining sites throughout Katanga.
This allowed UMHK access to the extraction of another resource that would shape the global geopolitical landscape: uranium – extracted from the Shinkolobwe mine in Katanga.
It was the Belgian colonial presence that allowed the US to have access to uranium deposits as they sought to beat Germany in the race to build atomic weapons. All the uranium used in the two nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki came from Katanga.
This highlights the global significance of, but a neglected focus on, the impacts of mineral supply chains in the global south. Control over Lubumbashi’s minerals cannot be underplayed in this global historical event.
Katanga seceded from the Congo for three years, 11 days after the country gained independence from Belgium in 1960. The fight to gain control over Katanga’s resources led to the US and Belgian-backed assassination of the first independence leader, Patrice Lumumba. He was intent on reunifying Congo.
Mobutu Sese Seko became president of Zaire (today’s DRC) after a coup in 1965. He nationalised UMHK a year later. Mobutu served as president for almost 32 years, and his regime was characterised by autocratic corruption and economic exploitation.
Cobalt and global decarbonisation
The growth of modern technology relies, at least in part, on the extraction of cobalt in the DRC before it is shipped, mainly to China.
Cobalt is extracted as a byproduct of copper mining. Artisanal and small-scale mining and child labour remain a salient feature of cobalt extraction in the DRC. These miners receive little to no support and reflect the historical structural marginalisation created in the region.
Lubumbashi serves as the mining headquarters of the southern DRC, and other cities, like Kolwezi, have grown rapidly in response to the surge in cobalt demand. Spatial and labour-related inequalities from the past are being replicated and expanded on in the present.
The DRC’s impoverishment continues apace as South African, Kazakh, Swiss and, with increasing influence, Chinese mining companies maintain their practice of exclusionary extraction, social displacement and political corruption.
Why this matters
Our research shows the importance of understanding the history of extraction and urban settlement in the region to shed light on new forms of old practices associated with decarbonisation. We see this as a continuing form of colonial power – as neocolonialism.
Contemporary debates around global inequalities associated with decarbonisation highlight how African populations must endure poor living conditions while the global north transitions to low-carbon technologies. We must find ways to move away from carbon-based economies that do not reproduce colonial inequalities.
Lubumbashi demonstrates the importance of African cities and resources in understanding critical global developmental and geopolitical issues.
For decarbonisation to be socially and environmentally just, it must contend with the people, places, and environments on which the future of low-carbon technology is based. Lubumbashi’s history shows how challenging this task will be.
Brandon Marc Finn has received funding from the University of Michigan and Harvard University to conduct this research.
Patrick Brandful Cobbinah has received research funding from the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. He is a member of the Planning Institute of Australia.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Anna Triandafyllidou, Canada Excellence Research Chair in Migration and Integration, Toronto Metropolitan University
U.S. President Donald Trump has threatened to launch 25 per cent tariffs on most Canadian exports in a month’s time after weeks of persistently provoking both Canadian leaders and citizens with his repeated calls to make Canada the 51st state.
Such calls have led to significant outrage, prompting Canadian leaders that include Justin Trudeau, Chrystia Freeland and Doug Ford to respond that Canada is not for sale and that Canada is a country by choice.
Opposed to joining the U.S.
If there was any suggestion that being a “post-national” state would lead to an openness to join the U.S., recent polls show the opposite: 90 per cent of Canadians reject that scenario.
Two thirds of Canadians polled in 2021 felt that Canada is faring better than the U.S. on most counts, including quality of life, protection of rights, standards of living and opportunities to get ahead.
This percentage had significantly grown compared to the 1980s or 1990s.
So how does a feeling of being an inclusive, post-national state reconcile with a firm sentiment of patriotism that is growing stronger by the day? And what are the contradictory currents in Canadian identity today?
Contemporary Canadian identity
I have been studying nationalism for 30 years, with a special focus on how immigration, migration and national identity interact. My work suggests there are a few elements that buttress and support Canada’s identity today.
National identity is not a closed container of cultural elements. It develops interactively. As we’re seeing today, amid uncertainty, geopolitical competition as well as close socio-economic interdependence, national identity can emerge with a renewed force.
This nationalism is plural not because it acknowledges diversity as a fact, but because it makes a commitment to engage with diversity.
But dealing with new challenges and increasing diversity may also lead to rejecting “the other.” I use the term tribal to emphasize that this type of nationalism, regardless of whether the in-group is defined in territorial-civic or blood-and-belonging terms, is predicated on an organic, homogenous conception of the nation.
In this situation, the nation is represented as a compact unit that does not allow for variation or change. The only way to deal with challenges of mobility and diversity is to close rank, resist and reject it.
Neo-tribal nationalism is not static. It is dynamic and interactive too — although its reaction to new challenges and to diversity, from within or from outside, involves closure and rejection.
It is neo-tribal because it develops and thrives in a world that is ever more interconnected. Social media platforms play an important role here as their algorithms create neo-tribal digital ecochambers where everyone is closed within their digital bubble of like-minded people.
COVID-19 experiences
Challenged by the COVID-19 pandemic crisis, Canada faced important dilemmas. For instance, should temporary residents be encouraged to return home or or stay when the pandemic broke out and borders closed around the world? Canada opted for the latter.
Unlike Australia — where temporary workers and international students were encouraged to go home — the Canadian government stated that temporary migrants whose “effective residence” was in the country would be supported to stay.
The term “effective residence” defined membership on the basis of habitual residence; where people lived, worked, sent their kids to school and paid taxes. Living together formed a sense of common fate, reinforcing an expansive and inclusive view of who is a Canadian.
In addition, recognizing the essential work performed by many temporary residents, such as asylum-seekers employed in senior care homes, Canada introduced special measures to facilitate their transition to permanent status.
Mendicino emphasized that the behaviour of these workers qualified them as Canadians; their important contribution in “caring for the other” was defined as a very special element in the national identity.
National unity bolstered by diversity
The Canadian patriotism that is emerging today in the face of Trump’s actions — and in the words of almost all Liberal, Conservative and NDP leaders — builds on solid ground.
Canadian nationalism has not just been about being polite, but rather builds on decades of positive confrontation with challenges.
National unity is strengthened by internal diversity. The looming trade war and threats of annexation by Trump may be having a beneficial impact in reminding Canadians of the values that unite them and that Canada is indeed “a country by choice.”
Anna Triandafyllidou receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) and the Tri-Agency Council of Canada.
While often considered harmless or fun, memory features on smartphones can have the opposite effect.(Shutterstock)
In contemporary digital society, remembering is automated. Social media platforms and smartphones often offer features like iPhone’s and Facebook’s “Memories” that resurface users’ past posts and photographs.
For many people, these reminders of the past are a source of joyful reminiscence. For others — like survivors of gender-based violence (GBV) — they can be harmful.
These nostalgia-driven Memories features enact what I call “platform violence:” unintended but harmful consequences, caused by automated features, designed to profit tech companies without adequately considering users’ well-being.
Algorithmic recall
Algorithms select and retrieve images from users’ digital archives, with the supposed goal of reminding users of happy moments. Introduced in 2018, Memories was promoted by Facebook’s product manager, Oren Hod, as a tool for improving mood and connection with others.
Yet these algorithms can get it wrong by bringing up painful, or even traumatic, memories instead. Writing about the feature in Forbes Magazine, Amit Chowdhry acknowledges that “memories … are not all positive.”
While Facebook’s algorithm attempts to filter out negative memories using keywords and feedback from users’ reactions, these safeguards are often inadequate. As my research has found, resurfaced photos of abusers can trigger emotional, psychological and even physiological distress for survivors of GBV.
When iPhone Memories draws images from a user’s Photos cache to create slideshows, smartphone users can be similarly triggered. The fact that these slideshows are set to cheerful music is something survivors find particularly “creepy,” as images of abusive exes scroll by.
Unexpectedly being presented with photographs from a phone archive can re-traumatize survivors. (Shutterstock)
Particularly relevant to my research, in at least 80 per cent of cases, the perpetrator is someone the survivor knows, such as a partner, friend or family member. This makes it likely that survivors once shared social media connections or posted images with their abuser, increasing the risk these photos will resurface as a memory.
For survivors, encountering a photo of their abuser can be as traumatic as seeing them in person. In interviews with 15 survivors, all reported intense emotional reactions including panic, upset and physical symptoms like nausea and a racing heart. Those with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) were particularly vulnerable to being triggered.
For instance, one participant, Nyla (names have been changed), described experiencing “full panic mode” and emotional shutdown for days after seeing a photo of her abusive ex-partner. Kelly, another participant, felt her “heart race” and avoided her smartphone and social media altogether. Other participants’ responses included feelings of social disconnection, fearfulness when out in public and mistrust of their own judgment of others. This presented barriers to forming new, healthy relationships.
Nancy, a survivor of an abusive relationship, recalled photos from the period when she was planning her escape.
“I look into my eyes in those photos and know I was secretly planning on leaving my partner,” she said. The resurfaced images were a “surreal” reminder of the facade she maintained during the final years of her marriage.
Mobile phones and social media are essential to daily life, and limiting their use can have a negative impact. (Angelo Moleele/Unsplash), CC BY
Inclusive, safe design
Survivors often lack the familiarity with platforms’ settings to pre-emptively block or delete potentially triggering content. Even when settings exist, they are often buried in menus, hard to navigate or require survivors to manually confront and delete painful memories or photographs.
Once the survivor has been triggered, they often no longer have the emotional capacity to take the steps needed to delete or remove the upsetting memory at the time.
Recommendations like telling survivors to leave their device at home or deactivate their social media accounts place responsibility for addressing abuse on survivors, rather than perpetrators. Mobile phones and social media are essential to daily life, including for work, social interaction and access to safety-related services. Advising survivors to simply log off or avoid their devices shifts responsibility onto survivors and distracts from the underlying issues: society’s high rates of GBV and the need for safer, more inclusive design.
And inclusive design is needed: nostalgia-producing algorithms, as they currently function, disproportionately harm communities exposed to higher rates of violence, including women and LGBTQ+ and BIPOC individuals.
Opt-in rather than out
Interview subjects suggested that platforms require users to opt in if they wish to have their past resurfaced, rather than being forced to opt out, often after being triggered.
Tech developers, often from privileged backgrounds, fail to account for marginalized users’ experiences when designing features.
By recognizing the unintended consequences of algorithmically driven nostalgia, tech companies can take steps toward creating platforms that empower all users.
Nicolette Little receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
From the aroma of freshly ground spices to the rhythmic sounds of a mortar and pestle, food evokes strong sensory memories, making it a powerful tool in dementia care.(Shutterstock)
As dementia rates rise globally, families and care partners are seeking ways to maintain meaningful connections with loved ones experiencing memory loss. In many cultures, food is central to cultural identity and family life.
In South Asian cultures, food is deeply intertwined with identity, memory and relationships. From the aroma of freshly ground spices to the rhythmic sounds of a mortar and pestle, food evokes strong sensory memories, making it a powerful tool in dementia care.
When it comes to supporting people with dementia, food and cooking can be culturally relevant ways to enhance well-being, strengthen inter-generational bonds and preserve identity — making them an increasingly important tools in dementia care.
My research focuses on understanding the experiences of people living with dementia and their care partners in South Asian communities, and the importance of culturally inclusive care for dementia.
Food and memory
The connection between food and memory is well-documented. For individuals living with dementia who often experience memory loss and disorientation, familiar foods can trigger memories of specific events, places or people. For example, the scent of ghee-laden parathas or the sight of turmeric-coloured curries may evoke memories of childhood kitchens, family celebrations or community gatherings.
In South Asian communities, food is a cornerstone of cultural identity. Dishes are often tied to regional traditions, religious practices, and family legacies. For individuals living with dementia, preparing or consuming familiar foods can provide a sense of stability and continuity.
A person with dementia may find comfort in the ritual of making chai, even if they forget other aspects of their daily routine. Similarly, they might find joy in tasting the traditional foods of their region.
Dementia care often involves strategies that engage the senses to improve quality of life. Food offers a multi-sensory experience — taste, smell, touch, sight and even sound. For South Asian older adults, the act of rolling dough for rotis, smelling fragrant basmati rice or hearing the crackle of mustard seeds in hot oil can stimulate the senses and provide therapeutic benefits.
Engaging individuals in food preparation can also help maintain fine motor skills and foster a sense of purpose. Even simple tasks like peeling garlic, mixing spices or stirring a pot can provide opportunities for engagement and connection. Importantly, these activities do not need to be perfect — the process itself is valuable.
In cultures around the world, meals are rarely solitary. Food is inherently social, often prepared and shared among family members. For individuals living with dementia, mealtime can be an opportunity to strengthen familial bonds and reduce feelings of isolation. Sharing a meal allows care partners and family members to engage in meaningful interactions, even if verbal communication is limited.
Inter-generational cooking can be particularly engaging. Grandparents living with dementia can pass on recipes to their grandchildren, creating moments of joy and preserving cultural heritage. These interactions help younger generations understand dementia while fostering empathy and appreciation for their elders.
Adapting for dementia care
While traditional South Asian dishes can be comforting, they may need to be adapted for individuals living with dementia. For example, finger foods like pakoras or stuffed parathas can be easier to handle than dishes requiring utensils. Similarly, simplifying recipes with fewer ingredients or steps can make the cooking process more manageable for individuals living with dementia.
Nutritional considerations are also crucial. Many South Asian dishes are rich in fats, carbohydrates and spices, which may not align with the dietary needs of older adults. Modifying recipes to include more vegetables, lean proteins and lower salt levels can ensure that meals are both nutritious and culturally familiar.
Despite its benefits, using food as a tool for dementia care is not without challenges. Care partners often face time constraints, lack of resources or their own emotional burdens, which may limit their ability to engage in food-based activities. Additionally, some families may struggle to adapt traditional recipes, especially if they lack culinary skills or are unfamiliar with healthy substitutions.
Community support organizations can play a pivotal role in overcoming these barriers. Cooking workshops, memory cafés with food themes or culturally tailored resources can empower families to incorporate food into dementia care. For instance, community centres can organize events where older adults and care partners come together to prepare traditional meals, share recipes and build support networks.
Inter-generational cooking can be particularly engaging. Grandparents living with dementia can pass on recipes to their grandchildren, creating moments of joy and preserving cultural heritage. (Shutterstock)
Culturally tailored dementia care
Integrating food into dementia care underscores the importance of culturally tailored approaches. Incorporating cultural elements like food acknowledges the holistic needs of individuals and their families. Health-care providers and community organizations must prioritize cultural humility, recognizing the unique role that food plays in the lives of South Asian families living with dementia.
In the journey of dementia care, food is more than a tool for nourishment. For South Asian communities, it is a source of connection, identity and healing. By integrating food into care practices, families and care partners can unlock its potential to evoke memories, strengthen relationships and improve the well-being of individuals living with dementia.
With culturally sensitive support and resources, food can become a powerful ally in navigating the complexities of dementia care, one bite, one memory and one story at a time.
Navjot Gill-Chawla does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Dr Liezille Jacobs’ book explores the experiences of South Africa’s first generation of post-apartheid Black psychologists.Photo by Dirk Pieters/cover concept Antonio Erasmus, CC BY-NC-ND
When apartheidended in 1994, South Africa underwent significant social and political transformation. A key aspect of this shift was the push for greater inclusion and representation of Black South Africans across all sectors – including psychology.
Dr Liezille Jacobs was part of a pioneering generation of Black psychologists who started their training in 1995. Now she has written a book, Rocklands: On becoming the first generation of Black psychologists in post-apartheid South Africa. In it she explores the barriers she and her colleagues faced and unpacks misconceptions around what psychology is and does. She also argues that critical (and African) psychology can both “address the legacies of apartheid and heal the relational traumas caused by systemic oppression”. The Conversation Africa asked her about the book and her work.
What is the book about?
I wrote Rocklands to address the widespread misconceptions that both first-year psychology students and the general public often hold about what it truly means to be a psychologist. It’s common for people to oversimplify the profession. They view it merely as talking to people or offering quick-fix solutions to problems. The reality is far more complex.
I wanted to challenge these superficial ideas and provide a more layered and accurate representation of the field. The process of becoming a psychologist is not just about acquiring theoretical knowledge. It’s also about developing emotional intelligence, critical thinking, and a strong ethical foundation. Psychologists must balance empathy with objectivity, personal insight with professional boundaries, all while navigating the vast complexities of human emotions, relationships, and societal influences.
The goal of the book is to make psychological knowledge and expertise more accessible to the public.
Rocklands is also an account of resilience and personal growth in the face of adversity. The first chapter reflects on my early experiences growing up in Rocklands, Mitchell’s Plain. Rocklands was established during apartheid as part of a government plan to segregate communities. Non-white South Africans were moved to areas like Mitchell’s Plain under the Group Areas Act. Over time, Rocklands grew into a working-class neighborhood, shaped by its apartheid-era history.
The ensuing chapters provide a detailed account of my unique and often difficult journey. I’ve traversed a path less travelled but it’s ultimately led to personal and professional fulfilment.
Why did you decide to study psychology?
I initially dreamed of becoming a journalist. However, my parents encouraged me to explore other career options. The results of a career assessment suggested I should consider social work, occupational therapy or psychology.
Psychology truly caught my attention. As someone with an introverted personality I was drawn to the idea of understanding human behaviour and thought processes on a deeper level. At the time, I envisioned myself working as a clinical psychologist, helping individuals one-on-one.
Everything shifted when I began my formal studies in 1995. I quickly realised that the field of psychology in South Africa – especially in the context of its history – had much more work to do. I saw the gaps in the system and became acutely aware of how psychology had, in many ways, been complicit in perpetuating social injustices. In 1995, as a first year psychology student, I was made aware of the field’s struggle with its apartheid legacy and psychology’s unfinished business.
Hendrik Verwoerd was the architect of the racist policies and segregation system that became known worldwide as “grand apartheid”. He was also a psychologist by training.
Psychology in South Africa has made efforts to adapt to a diverse society. But there are still challenges. These include a disconnect between academic training and professional practice, and the lingering effects of apartheid-era inequalities.
South Africa desperately needed (and still does today) Critical Psychologists. Critical psychology challenges traditional psychological theories by examining the social, political, and historical contexts that shape psychological issues. It critiques mainstream psychology for overlooking power structures. And it aims to use psychology as a tool for social change and addressing inequalities.
Critical psychologists challenge the dominant narratives of the past, address the legacies of apartheid, and have access to the tools to heal the relational traumas caused by systemic oppression. I knew I wanted to contribute to the transformation of the profession – to make it more inclusive, socially responsible, and oriented towards healing the wounds left by historical injustices. This shift in perspective has shaped my entire career. It’s guided my studies, research and teaching practice.
Have South Africa’s universities changed how they teach psychology?
The academic transformation project continues and universities are striving to adapt to a more diverse student body. But the pace and extent of this change can vary between institutions.
There has been a growing recognition globally that psychology, as a discipline, needs to move beyond its traditional western-centric, individualistic frameworks. It must engage more deeply with local contexts and diverse ways of knowing and experiencing the world.
I was the head of the Psychology Department at Rhodes University in South Africa’s Eastern Cape province from 2022 to 2024. The department has incorporated indigenous knowledge systems such as African philosophical perspectives and non-western psychological practices into our teaching.
For example, community-based service-learning strategies are emphasised in the undergraduate courses I teach. Community-based service-learning combines community service with academic learning. This gives students the opportunity to engage in real-world problems and contribute to the community while applying psychological theories, concepts and methods. Students learn how to become engaged citizens.
We also use a variety of teaching materials – case studies, texts by African scholars, multimedia – that resonate with students’ lived experiences.
In a society as culturally and racially diverse as South Africa it is crucial for people to see themselves reflected in the professionals they turn to for help. This can play a role in lowering barriers to mental health services.
South Africa has a legacy of collective struggle and community resilience. Psychology stands to gain from a greater understanding of collective identities, community dynamics and social justice. Psychologists from diverse backgrounds can offer more nuanced, holistic interventions that address systemic issues rather than focusing solely on individual pathology.
Liezille Jacobs receives funding from the Future Professors Programme for the Book publication.
Imagine: You’re in charge of marketing for a major automaker, and your biggest competitor just recalled thousands of vehicles. Now customers are worried about the safety of cars like yours. Do you seize the moment and ramp up advertising to steal market share? Or do you pull back on ads, fearing that customers will connect your brand with the bad press?
For what marketing professors like me call “substitute brands,” this sort of dilemma pops up all the time. Whether it’s a product recall, a customer data breach or a scandal, bad news for one brand can shake customers’ confidence in an entire product category.
The big question: Should competitors respond by increasing or decreasing their advertising? And will these adjustments help or hurt sales?
At first glance, the answer might seem obvious. More ad spending should mean bigger market share, right? But the reality is more complex. In a recent study looking at how 62 car brands responded to a 2014 recall, my colleagues and I found that, on average, when a rival brand issues a recall, its competitors cut their ad spending in half. In other words, most brands treat a rival’s crisis as a threat rather than an opportunity.
And when we looked at the ads’ content, we saw something even more interesting. When a rival brand stumbled, we found substitutes boosted their price-focused advertising by 25% on average, likely in an attempt to attract deal seekers. At the same time, they cut quality-focused advertising by 71%, possibly to avoid drawing unwanted comparisons.
And here’s the kicker: This strategy works.
We found, on average, a rival’s recall raises a substitute’s monthly sales by 35.3% – and the more a brand pulls back on ad spending, the greater the effect. So, when a competitor falters, the best response isn’t necessarily to shout louder. Instead, the data suggests a smarter play: Spend strategically, focus on price messaging, and avoid drawing attention to quality comparisons.
How we did our work
To understand how brands respond when a competitor faces a crisis, we focused on a real-world case: Volkswagen’s recall of nearly half a million cars branded under the Sagitar model in October 2014. This provided the perfect opportunity to study how rival brands adjusted their advertising strategies.
We identified Sagitar’s substitute models – 62 other sedans in the A-class category, sold by more than 30 manufacturers – and collected data on sales and ad spending across 308 media markets in the months before and after the recall. We then did a statistical analysis, controlling for several other variables that could influence ad spending.
Why it matters
Prior research offers mixed guidance on how a substitute brand should adjust its ad spending after a rival’s marketing crisis. Anecdotal evidence from the automotive and consumer goods industries is also mixed. For example, after Samsung recalled its Galaxy Note 7 in 2016 due to faulty batteries, competing phonemakers aggressively ramped up their advertising in an attempt to increase their market share.
But my team’s research suggests that this sort of strategy might not be the best one. Sometimes, saying less actually says more.
The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.
Vivek Astvansh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Consider a typical case: A 6-month-old child has suffered a severe brain injury following cardiac arrest. A tracheostomy, ventilator and feeding tube are the only treatments keeping him alive. These intensive treatments might prolong the child’s life, but he is unlikely to survive. However, the mother – citing her faith in a miracle – wants to keep the child on life support. The clinical team is distressed – they feel they’re only prolonging the child’s dying process.
Often the question the medical team struggles with is this: Are we obligated to continue life-supporting treatments?
Bioethics, a modern academic field that helps resolve such fraught dilemmas, evolved in its early decades through debates over several landmark cases in the 1970s to the 1990s. The early cases helped establish the right of patients and their families to refuse treatments.
But some of the most ethically challenging cases, in both pediatric and adult medicine, now present the opposite dilemma: Doctors want to stop aggressive treatments, but families insist on continuing them. This situation can often lead to moral distress for doctors – especially at a time when trust in providers is falling.
Consequences of lack of trust
For the family, withdrawing or withholding life-sustaining treatments from a dying loved one, even if doctors advise that the treatment is unlikely to succeed or benefit the patient, can be overwhelming and painful. Studies show that their stress can be at the same level as people who have just survived house fires or similar catastrophes.
In the clinic, mistrust can create an untenable situation. Families can feel isolated, lacking support or expertise they can trust. For clinicians, the situation can lead to burnout, affecting quality and access to care as well as health care costs. According to the National Academy of Medicine, “The opportunity to attend to and ease suffering is the reason why many clinicians enter the healing professions.” When doctors see their patients suffer for avoidable reasons, such as mistrust, they often suffer as well.
At a time of low trust, families can be especially reluctant to take advice to end aggressive treatment, which makes the situation worse for everyone.
Ethics of the dilemma
Physicians are not ethically obligated to provide treatments that are of no benefit to the patient, or may even be harmful, even if the family requests them. But it can often be very difficult to say definitively what treatments are beneficial or harmful, as each of those can be characterized differently based on the goals of treatment. In other words, many critical decisions depend on judgment calls.
Consider again the typical case of the 6-month-old child mentioned above who had suffered severe brain injury and was not expected to survive. The clinicians told the ethics review committee that even if the child were to miraculously survive, he would never be able to communicate or reach any “normal” milestones. The child’s mother, however, insisted on keeping him alive. So, the committee had to recommend continuing life support to respect the parent’s right to decide.
Physicians inform, recommend and engage in shared decision-making with families to help clarify their values and preferences. But if there’s mistrust, the process can quickly break down, resulting in misunderstandings and conflicts about the patient’s best interests and making a difficult situation more distressing.
Moral distress in health care.
Moral distress
When clinicians feel unable to provide what they believe to be the best care for patients, it can result in what bioethicists call “moral distress.” The term was coined in 1984 in nursing ethics to describe the experience of nurses who were forced to provide treatments that they felt were inappropriate. It is now widely invoked in health care.
Numerous studies have shown that levels of moral distress among clinicians are high, with 58% of pediatric and neonatal intensive care clinicians in a study experiencing significant moral distress. While these studies have identified various sources of moral distress, having to provide aggressive life support despite feeling that it’s not in the patient’s interest is consistently among the most frequent and intense.
Watching a patient suffer feels like a dereliction of duty to many health care workers. But as long as they are appropriately respecting the patient’s right to decide – or a parent’s, in the case of a minor – they are not violating their professional duty, as my colleagues and I argued in a recent paper. Doctors sometimes express their distress as a feeling of guilt, of “having blood on their hands,” but, we argue, they are not guilty of any wrongdoing. In most cases, the distress shows that they’re not indifferent to what the decision may mean for the patient.
But with the right support, we also argued, feelings of moral distress can be an opportunity to reflect on what they can control in the circumstance. It can also be a time to find ways to improve the care doctors provide, including communication and building trust. Institutions can help by strengthening ethics consultation services and providing training and support for managing complex cases.
Difficult and distressing decisions, such as the case of the 6-month-old child, are ubiquitous in health care. Patients, their families and clinicians need to be able to trust each other to sustain high-quality care.
Daniel T. Kim does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jonas Gamso, Associate Professor and Deputy Dean of Knowledge Enterprise for the Thunderbird School of Global Management, Arizona State University
My recent research doesn’t tackle Sen’s central argument – premised on the belief that democratic leaders prioritize food security because they cannot win reelection if the most basic needs of their constituents are not met – head on. Instead, I explored an auxiliary question: Do democratic governments cope better than their autocratic counterparts when their countries are confronted by sudden drops in food aid?
The answer is a resounding “yes.”
I came to that conclusion by analyzing food insecurity data from 110 countries from 2000 to 2020.
Food aid – a form of international assistance in which donors give food, or funds to buy food, to low- or middle-income countries – has recently fallen, reaching fewer people in 2024 than in 2023, according to estimates from the World Food Program, a United Nations agency. Major donors like Germany and the United States have reduced or suspended aid, citing budgetary constraints or concerns about theft, including to some of the neediest countries, such as Afghanistan, Haiti and Ethiopia. Adding to concerns, the Trump administration has signaled that it may move to “close down” the U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID, the largest provider of global food assistance.
At the same time, the world has faced a significant hunger crisis since 2019 due to a combination of factors, including the impacts of civil conflict, climate change and stubbornly high prices.
I wanted to determine whether food aid cuts and rising hunger are connected, and if democracy matters. I started by cataloging instances when countries had experienced significant reductions in food aid inflows. I then looked at whether those “aid shocks” were followed by upticks in food insecurity, using data from the U.N.’s Food and Agricultural Organization. Finally, I assessed whether the relationship between aid shocks and food insecurity varied across countries and political systems.
The results indicate that autocracies experience heightened food insecurity when sharp cuts to international food assistance occur, whereas democracies keep their people fed.
For example, autocratic Eswatini, an absolute monarchy in southern Africa that was formerly known as Swaziland, experienced a food aid shock in 2010 that was followed by a 2 percentage point uptick in the prevalence of undernourishment. In contrast, when Mongolia, a robust democracy, experienced an aid shock in 2007, undernourishment actually declined by about 3 percentage points.
On the one hand, this isn’t entirely surprising, as democratic leaders – unlike their autocratic counterparts – have to face the public in national elections, and winning is difficult when people are experiencing widespread hunger. Because leaders in a democracy are more accountable to their citizens, they make more of an effort to make up for the lost aid or cushion the adverse effects of food aid shocks on their populations.
On the other hand, democracies often struggle to move quickly, due to their complex policymaking processes and checks and balances. This may lead some to conclude that it is harder for them to move nimbly during a foreign aid crisis.
Why it matters
While many question the effectiveness of aid, including food aid, my findings suggest that cutting it – as some critics suggest – will have negative effects on the health and well-being of vulnerable people around the world. Already, food systems experts have expressed fears over the Trump administration’s proposed aid freezes and the potential breaking up of USAID.
For this reason, donor nations should be cautious about halting or rapidly shifting their foreign giving.
At the same time, donor governments, which are mostly Western democracies, have often used aid as a tool for promoting democratic institutions, at times cutting off aid to autocratic countries that abuse human rights. While this practice seems sensible to donors that wish to punish or discourage autocrats, my findings raise a significant concern: People living in autocratic countries may be left starving when aid is withdrawn.
And donor nations could take further steps to support democratization and democratic resilience, particularly in countries that are vulnerable to food insecurity. For example, donors can engage with civil society groups in aid-recipient nations, empowering them with tools and techniques to promote, protect and preserve democratic institutions. This way, countries will be more resilient and less likely to fall into crisis levels of hunger if and when aid cuts occur.
What’s next
While there is a tendency to treat governments as either “democratic” or “autocratic,” that approach obscures a good deal of nuance. Democracies vary in terms of their rules, procedures and governing structures. Likewise, autocracies can differ greatly from one another, with military regimes, personalist dictatorships and party-based autocracies each having unique characteristics.
Moving forward, I hope to dig into these varieties of democracy and autocracy to see how countries representing each respond to aid shocks.
The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.
Jonas Gamso does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Daniel Freedman, Dean of the College of Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics & Management, University of Wisconsin-Stout
The colors of rubies and emeralds are so striking that they define shades of red and green – ruby red and emerald green. But have you ever wondered how they get those colors?
I am an inorganic chemist. Researchers in my field work to understand the chemistry of all the elements that make up the periodic table. Many inorganic chemists focus on the transition metals – the elements in the middle of the periodic table. The transition metals include most of the metals you are familiar with, like iron (Fe) and gold (Au).
One feature of compounds made with transition metals is their intense color. There are many examples in nature, including gemstones and paint pigments. Even the color of blood comes from the protein hemoglobin, which contains iron.
Investigating the colors of compounds containing transition metals leads you into some really amazing science – that’s part of what drew me to study this field.
Rubies and emeralds are great examples of how a small amount of a transition metal – in this case, chromium – can create a beautiful color in what would otherwise be a fairly boring-looking mineral.
Both rubies and emeralds are minerals, which is a type of rock with a consistent chemical composition and a highly ordered structure at the atomic level.
With a theory developed by physicists in the 1920s called crystal field theory, scientists can explain why rubies and emeralds have the colors they do. Crystal field theory makes predictions about how a transition metal ion’s structure is affected by the other atoms surrounding it.
Rubies are mainly made up of the mineral corundum, which is composed of the elements aluminum and oxygen in a regular, repeating array. Each aluminum ion is surrounded by six oxygen ions.
A crystal of corundum looks like this at the atomic level, with the aluminum ions shown as red balls and the oxygen ions shown as white balls. Each aluminum ion is surrounded by six oxygen ions, and each oxygen by four aluminums. Eigenes Werk/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA
Emeralds are mainly made up of the mineral beryl, which is made from the elements beryllium, aluminum, silicon and oxygen. Beryl’s crystal structure is more complicated than corundum’s because of the additional elements in the formula, but each aluminum ion is again surrounded by six oxygen ions.
Pure corundum and beryl are colorless. The brilliant colors of rubies and emeralds come from the presence of very small amounts of chromium. The chromium replaces about 1% of the aluminum in the corundum or beryl crystal when a ruby or emerald forms underground at a high temperature and pressure.
But how can one element – chromium – create the red color of a ruby and green color of an emerald?
Color science
Rubies and emeralds have the colors they do because, like many substances, they absorb some colors of light. Most visible light, like sunlight, is composed of all the colors of the rainbow: red, orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo and violet. These colors make up the visible light spectrum, which is easy to remember as ROY G BIV.
Objects absorb some visible light wavelengths and reflect others, which is why we see them as having a color. Fulvio314/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA
One of the main reasons why objects have a color is because they absorb one or more of these visible colors of light. If a substance absorbs, for instance, red light, it means that the red light gets trapped in the substance and the other colors reflect back to your eyes. The color you see is the sum of the remaining light, which will be in the green-to-blue range. If a substance absorbs blue, it will look red or orange to you.
Unlike the colorless aluminum ion, the chromium ion absorbs blue and green light when surrounded by the oxygen ions. The red light is reflected back, so that’s what you see in rubies.
In an emerald, even though the chromium is surrounded by six oxygen ions, there is a weaker interaction between the chromium and the surrounding oxygen ions. That’s due to the presence of silicon and beryllium in the beryl crystal. They cause the emerald to absorb blue and red light, leaving the green for you to see.
The ability to tune the properties of transition metals like chromium through changing what is surrounding it is a core strategy in my field of inorganic chemistry. Doing so can help scientists understand the basic science of metal-containing compounds and the design of chemical compounds for specific purposes.
You can take delight in the amazing colors of the gemstones, but through chemistry, you can also see how nature creates those colors using an endless variety of complex structures made with the elements in the periodic table.
Daniel Freedman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Lee Rafuse Haines, Associate Research Professor of Molecular Parasitology and Medical Entomology, University of Notre Dame
The _Aedes_ mosquito is a vector of several viral diseases, including eastern equine encephalitis, or EEE, and West Nile fever.Lee Haines, CC BY-ND
Humans have an exceptional ability to deal with viruses. In most cases, your immune system is able to fight an infection. On the other hand, your body provides a spa-like environment that is temperate and stable, optimal for viruses to replicate. Human behavior, including close contact with animals and frequent travel, also increases the likelihood of becoming infected.
From the perspective of viruses spread by insects, or arboviruses, making the evolutionary leap from insects to humans is a tough battle. Viruses cannot replicate very well in humans, which means transmission from mosquitoes is often very difficult.
One might think arboviruses continually evolve in ways that enable them to infect more species. But do they?
We are a virologist and an entomologist who study insect-borne and viral diseases and how human and insect immune systems respond to invading pathogens. Our work provides insights on the complex journey of an arbovirus as it cycles between insect and vertebrate hosts.
As an example, let’s use a Togavirus, the mosquito-transmitted arbovirus that causes eastern equine encephalitis, or EEE. This rare but serious disease can cause a potentially fatal neurological condition in humans and horses. Although EEE is primarily endemic to the eastern United States, its incidence in recent years has increased in regions farther north, with several reported cases in states such as Michigan, Massachusetts and New York.
While rare, a EEE infection in people can lead to severe complications or death.
From animals to mosquitoes
A female mosquito’s inner workings – particularly its guts and salivary glands – create the perfect environment for a virus to flourish.
When a mosquito bites an infected nonhuman host, such as a sick bird, the virus is transported with freshly ingested blood into the mosquito’s midgut – the equivalent to the human stomach and intestines where food is stored and digested. The virus quickly infects midgut cells to avoid a hostile digestive environment and quietly replicates without activating the mosquito’s immune pathways.
Within days, the virus will be released by damaged midgut cells to migrate to the mosquito’s salivary glands, where it will be positioned for transmission. Now, each time the mosquito feeds, it will pump virus-saturated saliva into its new animal host and continue the disease transmission cycle.
This image shows a tissue section of the salivary gland of a mosquito infected with EEE. The virus particles are colored red. Fred Murphy and Sylvia Whitfield/CDC
It is easy for the virus to avoid detection by the mosquito’s relatively primitive immune system. Compared with humans, the immune system of mosquitoes can launch only a generalized and overall less effective attack on pathogens. This means an arbovirus can usually establish a persistent, lifelong, almost symbiotic infection without damaging the mosquito’s health, perfect for the virus to disseminate itself.
Mosquitoes have evolved over millions of years to become tolerant to arboviral infections. This relationship has allowed the mosquito to maintain viral populations without having to launch energy-expensive immune responses. However, this does not mean mosquitoes are just passive virus carriers. An arbovirus can change how infected mosquitoes behave or reproduce.
For example, viruses can manipulate mosquitoes in two ways: by making them feed more frequently, and by increasing their attraction to infected hosts. However, this behavior puts the mosquito at greater risk of being killed by irritated hosts who notice the repeated biting attempts. Arboviruses can also affect mosquito reproduction by sometimes reducing the number of eggs a female mosquito produces and increasing the length of time it takes for the eggs to mature. In some cases, these viruses can even sterilize female mosquitoes.
Arboviruses have evolved to expertly use mosquitoes as both transportation vehicles and breeding grounds. By spreading and multiplying without severely harming their insect hosts, these viruses ensure their own survival and continued transmission.
From mosquitoes to humans
The virus must overcome several barriers to successfully colonize a human host.
The initial step for successful disease transmission – the virus’s ultimate goal – is perhaps the easiest: The EEE virus infects humans when a virus-infected female mosquito has an unquenchable appetite for warm blood. From the moment the virus is deposited under the skin through the mosquito’s infected saliva, a tough battle ensues.
The first battle for the virus is to adapt to a typically much hotter setting than the ambient environment – the human body temperature of around 98.6 degrees Fahrenheit (37 degrees Celcius) or higher.
Then, the virus must evade the host’s immediate defenses, which includes physical barriers, such as layers of skin and mucosa, as well as immune cells that detect and attack invading microbes. Once in the bloodstream, the virus faces the adaptive arm of the human immune system, which is capable of targeting specific viral components with exquisite precision, like a biological sniper.
Once the EEE virus reaches the central nervous system – the brain and spinal cord – the immune system can overreact to the infection and inadvertently cause inflammation and damage nerve cells. This can lead to serious long-term effects, such as cognitive impairment.
To persist in this hostile human environment, the virus uses various survival strategies. One technique is creating new mutations on its surface and shape-shifting to avoid immune detection. Another strategy is to hijack human cells to replicate itself, such as using the cell’s machinery to synthesize new viral components and altering how the cell regulates division.
As viruses adapt to overcome immune defenses, both humans and mosquitoes evolve countermeasures to fight infection. The greater complexity of the human immune system makes it especially challenging for viruses to survive and spread between human hosts.
From human to human?
Like many other arboviruses, the EEE virus cannot be transmitted from person to person, which effectively limits its spread among human populations. Your body keeps the virus contained. Consequently, when the EEE virus infects people via the bite from an infected mosquito, it is considered a dead end, as it cannot escape its human host or infect another bloodthirsty mosquito.
So, what does the virus that causes EEE gain by infecting people? Not likely anything. A mosquito-borne virus like the Togavirus that causes EEE prefers its established transmission cycle between mosquitoes and birds. Human infections occur only when a mosquito deviates from its typical menu of birds.
EEE spreads more easily between mosquitoes and birds than it does in humans, which helps explain why human infections don’t happen very often. Thankfully, human bodies simply aren’t the virus’s currently preferred environment.
Pilar Pérez Romero is affiliated with the spin-off company Vaxdyn SL as a founding partner.
Lee Rafuse Haines does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
While this temporary reprieve provides some breathing room, the long-run question of how Canada should handle Trump and the American descent into authoritarianism remains.
Reducing Canada’s dependence on the U.S. economy is necessary in our current moment, as I’ve previouslyargued. But it will impose significant costs on Canadians and require a fundamental readjustment in how we think about our economy and society.
The Third Option, revived
This current crisis isn’t taking place in a historical vacuum. More than 50 years ago, similar concerns about Canada’s dependence on the U.S. led to a policy discussion centred on what became known as the “Third Option.”
In 1972, then-Secretary of State for External Affairs Mitchell Sharp wrote a paper called “Canada-US Relations: Options for the Future.” At the time, international politics were in a moment of transition, and the U.S. was recalibrating its understanding of its national interest.
Sharp proposed reconsidering the Canada-U.S. relationship. He observed that while Canadians recognized the benefits of ties with the U.S., they were increasingly wary of the direction of the relationship and in support of measures to “assure greater Canadian independence.”
Echoing today’s concerns, Sharp argued that the central question for Canada was whether its interdependence with the U.S. would “impose an unmanageable strain on the concept of a separate Canadian identity, if not on the elements of Canadian independence.”
The options that Sharp proposed are the same ones on offer today:
The First Option: Maintain Canada’s current relationship with the U.S. with minimal policy adjustments
The Second Option: Move toward closer integration with the U.S.
The Third Option: Pursue a long-term strategy to strengthen the Canadian economy and reduce vulnerability
From three options to one
Sharp’s analysis is clear on the costs and benefits of free trade. In terms of benefits, economic prosperity would be easier to attain. In fact, this proved decisive in 1988, when Canada embraced the Second Option — closer integration through the 1988 Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement.
But, as Sharp warned presciently, a free-trade agreement would be a “well-nigh irreversible option for Canada” because it would tie the country so closely to the U.S., raising the cost of disentanglement.
Meanwhile, the U.S. would always be free to redefine the relationship for any reason. This is what happened in 2001 when the U.S. prioritized security over prosperity in response to the 9/11 attacks. It’s what’s happening now.
Already, Canada is struggling to recruit American allies to fight against the tariffs because U.S. businesses and politicians are afraid to stand up to Trump. Choosing to more deeply integrate would only worsen Canada’s position, making it a part of the U.S. economy while losing even more political influence.
Autocratic governments, as Trump’s administration is demonstrating with his ultimatums against Canada and Mexico, are bullies who will always push the advantage. Taking their demands at face value is a surefire way to surrender Canadian autonomy one piece at a time. So, the First Option — maintaining the status quo — is also off the table.
Which leaves the Third Option.
The mortal peril facing Canada
The Third Option has become more appealing across the political spectrum mainly because the U.S. is forcing Canada’s hand. The uncertainty Trump has injected into the relationship, even in the presence of a trade agreement, has made it more costly for businesses to engage in cross-border trade.
If Trump’s tariff threat remains, and his attack on the rule of law continues, the U.S. market will become even more unattractive, not least because of the toxic uncertainty Trump has injected into the relationship.
But his actions also underscore the new, extreme danger Canada now faces.
As Sharp recognized in 1972, shared social values were the bedrock of successful Canada-U.S. relations. He understood that, for the Third Option to work, the relationship needed to be “harmonious.” Even as he considered ways to reduce Canada’s dependence, he never doubted Canada and the U.S. were “broadly compatible societies.”
That shared foundation — “based on a broad array of shared interests, perceptions and goals” — made it possible for Canada to chart its own path while maintaining a productive relationship with the U.S.
This is the needle Canadian politicians have to thread. By geography alone, Canada must continue to have a relationship with the U.S. But the absence of shared values makes it incredibly difficult to have any kind of healthy, productive relationship.
The cost of democracy
As Sharp recognized, there is a cost to following the Third Option. It will require a “deliberate, comprehensive and long-term strategy” on a scale not seen since the 1960s — meaning higher taxes, more government intervention and a level of global engagement Canada hasn’t undertaken in quite a while.
This must all be done in a landscape where Canada and the U.S. no longer share values — a shift even ardent Canadian nationalists recognized was necessary for Canadian independence — while pursuing policies that do not antagonize the U.S.
For the Third Option to be viable today, Canadians must embrace an independent Canadian identity based on respect for democracy, pluralism, the rule of law and human rights. It likely requires consensus that U.S. authoritarianism is wholly unacceptable to Canada.
Canada is being pushed toward the Third Option as the least worst approach. But, as was true in Sharp’s time, the Third Option come at a cost. Independence and democracy don’t come for free.
Blayne Haggart does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Bruce Campbell, Adjunct Professor, Faculty of Environmental and Urban Change, York University, Canada
Before assessing the impact of United States President Donald Trump’s climate and energy policies, some context about the current state of the planet is in order. United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres recently called the world’s fossil fuel addiction “a Frankenstein’s monster sparing nothing and no one.”
The 2024 Lancet Countdown on Health and Climate Change report found that climate-related global health threats are reaching new records, including heat-related deaths, food insecurity and the spread of infectious diseases.
The U.S. is the largest oil producer and oil consumer, accounting for almost one-quarter of global production and more than 20 per cent of consumption in 2022. Canada is the fourth-largest oil producer and the ninth-largest consumer, and also has the highest per-capita CO2 emission levels of any country.
The world’s 60 largest banks, meanwhile, earmarked US$6.9 trillion over the last eight years to enable the fossil fuel industry.
According to an Oxfam International report, the richest one per cent of the world’s population, most of whom live in developed countries, are responsible for more than twice as much carbon pollution each year as the poorest 50 per cent of humanity. Low-income countries that make up nearly 60 per cent of the world’s population, on the other hand, account for less than 15 per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions.
At COP 29 in Azerbaijan last year, developed countries, including Canada, pledged to triple their financial support for poor climate-vulnerable countries to $300 billion a year by 2035 to help them mitigate emissions, adapt to climate threats and help pay for loss and damage.
But this is far from the $1.3 trillion demanded by Global South countries. Their pledges bear little resemblance to global fossil fuel subsidies that totalled an estimated $7 trillion in 2022.
Trump’s climate-related actions
Ahead of Trump’s recent inauguration, and under sustained pressure by Republicans, major American and Canadian banks withdrew from the Net-Zero Banking Alliance (NZBA) originally led by Canada’s Mark Carney as the United Nations’ Special Envoy for Climate Action.
The oil and gas industry donated more than $75 million to Trump’s campaign, though donations provided by those with links to fossil fuels were estimated to be five times greater than that.
· Withdrew the U.S. from the Paris Climate Agreement, which he called one-sided, joining only three other petro-states — Iran, Libya and Yemen — that are not signatories to the Agreement.
Elon Musk, among Trump’s closest billionaire allies, has been silent on the president’s 2025 exit from the Paris Climate Accord.
This is noteworthy because after Trump’s first withdrawal from the accord in 2017, Musk announced he was leaving presidential advisory councils, stating: “Climate change is real, leaving Paris is not good for America or the world.”
What’s ahead
Notwithstanding the Trump fossil fuels embrace, there are some silver linings.
Although the Trump snub of the COP climate conferences is generally seen as a setback, stronger climate action may now be possible without the U.S. at the table. Furthermore, many American states and municipalities will continue to push forward with aggressive emissions reduction measures. And thousands of climate lawsuits against U.S. governments and corporations are underway.
A global movement of governments, elected officials, organizations and individuals has endorsed the Canadian-founded Fossil Fuels Non-Proliferation treaty initiative. Modelled on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, it sets clear deadlines for the global phaseout of fossil fuels.
He warned that climate change will lead to financial crises and falling living standards unless the world’s biggest economies do more to ensure their companies come clean about their current and future carbon emissions.
Payam Akhavan, an Iranian-born Canadian human rights lawyer, served as legal counsel to the Commission of Small Island States at the recent International Court of Justice climate hearings where these nations presented evidence about the devastating impact of climate change on their citizens.
In an interview with CBC Ideas, Akhavan said: “What’s happening to the small island states today is going to happen to all of us tomorrow.”
Ultimately, the writing is on the wall for fossil fuels. It’s not a matter of if the world moves away from them dramatically, but when.
Bruce Campbell was awarded a Community Leadership in Justice fellowship from the Ontario Law Foundation in 2016. He is a voluntary member of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, the Rideau Institute for International Affairs, and the Group of 78.
Philadelphia Eagles quarterback Jalen Hurts’ innovative plays demonstrate ‘brain connectivity at its finest,’ the author writes.Mitchell Leff via Getty Images
The Super Bowl is one of the world’s most significant single-day sporting events.
It attracts over 100 million U.S. viewers and [tens of millions of international viewers], making it an entertainment phenomenon. For Eagles fans who are not making the trip to the Superdome in New Orleans, there will be plenty of places to watch in Philadelphia – including rowdy bars, living rooms and even home tailgates, all while the city is lit in Eagles green.
For me, the Super Bowl is a real-life laboratory. As a sports scientist, neuropsychology professor and the former athletic director at Drexel University in Philadelphia, I investigate how high-performance athletes prepare cognitively and psychologically for a winning performance on game day.
When the stakes are at their highest, what can psychology reveal about who is mentally prepared to win the Super Bowl?
Professional athletes work incredibly hard and are disciplined, well organized, goal-oriented, reliable and generally sociable.
A new focus in personality research in competitive athletes is on creativity and, specifically, being open to experience, which includes being receptive to new ideas and being flexible.
Openness has become increasingly important in the modern blueprint for winning football games. Daniel Memmert, a sports scientist at German Sport University Cologne, calls this “tactical creativity.” It is a cognitive style that allows one to be imaginative and engage in divergent thinking – which is an ability to think flexibly outside of routines and devise multiple solutions – even in real-time competitive situations.
Divergent thinking in high-performance sports includes focusing on the task at hand and paying attention to relevant information while ignoring irrelevant information in the athletic arena. The creative athlete knows when and where to look in order to win a play or avoid a costly error.
Creative and cool under pressure
Creativity is essential in unscripted football plays – when a planned play has not been executed properly, like a fumble or an interception.
Intentionally distracting your opponent has become an important part of sports competition. It is why quarterbacks often change the play at the line of scrimmage. But it becomes even more critical during improvised offensive plays when everything is unscripted. In a sport where milliseconds matter, being creative and engaging in something your opponent doesn’t expect can be the difference between winning and losing.
When the Eagles won the Super Bowl in 2018, backup quarterback Nick Foles calmly executed a trick play on fourth-and-goal, becoming the first player in history to both throw and catch a touchdown pass in a Super Bowl. The play is now called the Philly Special.
To engage in tactical creativity, however, an athlete must be relaxed. That’s not easy when millions of people are watching your every move.
Philadelphia Eagles wide receiver Trey Burton fires a touchdown pass to quarterback Nick Foles, not pictured, on a trick play during Super Bowl LII in Minneapolis in 2018. Jim Davis/The Boston Globe via Getty Images
Brain connectivity at its finest
Performance anxiety is a leading cause of poor athletic performance. Research suggests an athlete’s competitive anxiety can be cumulative and maybe even be contagious, affecting teammates negatively.
That makes the Super Bowl as much a battle of nerves as it is about the physical execution of plays. So, how do professional athletes do it? The athlete practices how to think as much as they practice to play. Training is intentionally hard and uncomfortable to assist with preparing the body and mind.
For athletes, it is relatively easy to elevate their emotions to push the ball forward with a play like the Philadelphia brotherly shove – an almost unstoppable offensive play used by the Eagles in which the team pushes the quarterback through the opponent’s defense for a short gain when needed.
But calming those emotions to execute a synchronized, attacking, complex passing play is more challenging cognitively.
A successful football player must easily transition from being highly aroused to remaining composed on command within seconds.
This cognitive efficiency and fluidity requires many hours to master. I am fully aware that while watching the Eagles’ Jalen Hurts, I am not just observing a great, innovative quarterback; I am witnessing brain connectivity at its finest.
Philadelphia Eagles fans celebrated the team’s first Super Bowl win with a victory parade on Feb. 8, 2018. Corey Perrine via Getty Images
Psychology of Eagles fans
How fans experience Super Bowl Sunday is entirely different, psychologically speaking, from the players.
To perform at the highest level, the players are process oriented. They attempt to be present in real time and play without fear. On game day, it is advantageous for the competitor to play like a kid, full of joy and confidence.
Fans, on the other hand, are results oriented. And they are nervous wrecks, like parents watching their kids compete.
One remedy for managing this stress is watching the game with other fans. Philadelphians represent diverse socioeconomic and ethnic groups that often unite through sports. These social connections – which Germans, who were among the first settlers in the city, call Gemeinschaftsgefühl – are a hallmark of good psychological health.
I know I will never forget when the Eagles won Super Bowl LII: the game, the season and the parade.
And new research indicates why.
According to University of California, Berkeley psychology professor Dacher Keltner, these authentic “awe” moments are shortcuts to happiness. Football fans might experience awe when a seemingly unpredictable interception or touchdown has significant consequences.
In other words, the thrill of the game and the excitement of winning not only unite fans, but they can also transform them into happier versions of themselves.
Eric Zillmer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tom Chudley, Leverhulme Early Career Fellow, Department of Geography, Durham University
Tom Chudley
Observing Greenland from a helicopter, the main problem is one of comprehending scale. I have thought we were skimming low over the waves of a fjord, before noticing the tiny shadow of a seabird far below and realising what I suspected were floating shards of ice were in fact icebergs the size of office blocks. I have thought we were hovering high in the sky over a featureless icy plane below, before bumping down gently onto ice only a few metres below us.
Crevasses – cracks in the surface of glaciers – are the epitome of this baffling range of scales. Formed by stresses at the surface, their direction and size tell us how the ice sheet is flowing towards the ocean. Inland, far away from the fast-flowing glaciers that discharge hundreds of gigatonnes of icebergs a year into fjords, crevasses can be tiny cracks only millimetres wide.
As the ice speeds up, they can be metres in diameter, sometimes covered by deceptive snow bridges that require suitable safety equipment and rescue training to traverse. Finally, where the ice meets the ocean and no scientist would ever dare to stand, they can be monsters over 100 metres from wall to wall. And across Greenland, they are growing.
Cracks you could fly a helicopter through. Tom Chudley
It shouldn’t be particularly surprising to scientists that crevasses are getting larger across Greenland. As the ocean warms, the ice sheet has sped up in response, increasing the stresses acting upon its surface. However, observations from satellites and in-person fieldwork are so poor that to date, we had no idea how extensively or quickly this process has been occurring.
Mapping cracks
In a new study, my colleagues and I mapped crevasses across the entirety of the Greenland ice sheet in 2016 and 2021. To do this, we used the “ArcticDEM”: three-dimensional surface maps of the polar regions based on high resolution satellite images. By applying image-processing techniques to over 8,000 maps, we could estimate how much water, snow or air would be needed to “fill” each crevasse across the ice sheet. This enabled us to calculate their depth and volume, and examine how they evolved.
We found that from 2016 to 2021, there were significant increases in crevasse volume across fast-flowing sectors of the Greenland ice sheet. In the southeast of the ice sheet, an area that has been particularly vulnerable to ocean-induced acceleration and retreat in the past few years, crevasse volume increased by over 25%.
In most Greenland glaciers that flow into the ocean, scientists found crevasses are increasing in size and depth. Chudley et al / Nature Geoscience
However, against our expectations, crevasse volume across the whole ice sheet increased by only 4.3%. That’s much closer to an overall balance than the extremes observed in certain sectors. What had happened? In fact, the significant increases elsewhere were being offset by a single source: an outlet glacier known as Sermeq Kujalleq (Danish: Jakobshavn Isbræ).
Sermeq Kujalleq is the fastest-flowing glacier on the planet, reaching speeds of nearly 50 metres a day and providing an outsized proportion of Greenland’s total sea-level rise contribution. In 2016, responding to an influx of cold water from the north Atlantic ocean, the glacier slowed and thickened. As it did this, the crevasses on the surface began to close – offsetting increases across the rest of the ice sheet.
This slowdown was short-lived. Since 2018, Sermeq Kujalleq has once again reverted to acceleration and thinning in response to ongoing warming. We won’t be able to rely on it to offset ice-sheet-wide increases in crevassing in the future.
Cracks grow into icebergs
Crevasses play an integral part in the life cycle of glaciers, and as they grow they hold the potential to further accelerate ice-sheet loss. They deliver surface meltwater into the belly of the ice sheet: once inside, water can act to warm the ice or lubricate the bed that the glacier slides over, both of which can make the ice sheet flow faster into the ocean. Meanwhile, where the ice meets the sea, crevasses form the initial fractures from which icebergs can break off, increasing the output of icebergs into the ocean.
Where Sermeq Kujalleq, or Jakobshavn Glacier, meets the sea. That iceberg filled fjord is several miles wide. Copernicus Sentinel / lavizzara / shutterstock
In short, crevasses underpin the dynamic processes that occur across Greenland and Antarctica. However, these processes are very poorly understood, and their future evolution is the single largest uncertainty in our predictions of sea-level rise. Together, the increased discharge of ice holds the potential to add up to 10 metres of additional sea-level rise by 2300 (75% of all cities with more than 5 million inhabitants exist less than 10m above sea level). We need to better understand these processes – including crevasses – so that informed sea-level projections can form the basis of our responses to the global challenges that climate change presents.
Since 2023, an international coalition of polar scientists has been urging the world to limit warming to 1.5˚C to avoid the most catastrophic melt scenarios for global glaciers and ice sheets. Last month, the EU’s Copernicus Climate Change Service confirmed that 2024 was the first year in which average global temperatures exceeded this threshold.
Every fraction of a degree matters. We may still be able to save ourselves from the worst of the damage the climate change will bring – but we are desperately running out of time.
Tom Chudley received funding from the Leverhulme Trust.
Restless legs syndrome (RLS), also known as Willis-Ekbom Disease, is a neurological condition that affects about 7% of people.
Typical symptoms include an irresistible urge to move your legs, alongside sensations of aching, crawling, creeping, itching, pulling or throbbing. Until the age of 35, the condition is equally common in men and women, but after that age, RLS affects twice the number of women than men.
Each person’s condition is categorised as mild, moderate, severe or very severe according to the international rating scale, which measures the effects of RLS on limb discomfort and sleep disruption, as well as frequency of symptoms.
RLS symptoms have a 24-hour cycle known as a circadian rhythm. Symptoms tend to peak at night, coinciding with the body’s increase in melatonin release. Melatonin reduces dopamine – the brain chemical that affects movement and mood – to help us sleep but, because dopamine helps control muscles, low dopamine levels can cause involuntary movements.
There is no test for RLS. Diagnosis is based on symptoms and medical history. Primary RLS runs in families – there are genetic links to a number of chromosomes. RLS has an autosomal dominant inheritance pattern, meaning you only need one “defective” copy to present with symptoms. Some cases, however, develop with no known cause.
Age seems to be a risk factor for RLS. In 2000, a study found that 10% of adults aged 30 to 79 have RLS, increasing to 19% of those over the age of 80. However, understanding of the condition has improved since that study was conducted, so it’s likely these figures are higher – particularly in children, where some RLS symptoms have been confused with “growing pains” or ADHD in the past.
Pregnancy is another risk factor. The further you are through the trimesters, the higher your chance of being affected BY RLS – with 8%, 16% and 22% of women suffering through their respective first, second and third trimesters. Multiple pregnancies increase the risk of pregnancy-related RLS, and research has found that women who’ve given birth may have a higher incidence of RLS in later life, compared with women of the same age who haven’t given birth.
Obesity is also considered a risk factor for RLS. One study showed that each 5kg/m² increase in body mass index increased the likelihood of developing RLS by 31%.
Triggers and treatments
Research has shown smoking and alcohol consumption seem to make RLS worse, so lifestyle changes such as stopping smoking and drinking alcohol can help manage symptoms.
Research has also found that exercise and stretching is beneficial for symptom relief or reduction – although study participants suggest that morning exercise is more effective for improving symptoms, while evening exercise can make restless legs worse. Patients with secondary forms of RLS, lower BMI and less severe cases of the condition may benefit the most from lifestyle changes to manage symptoms.
Also, treatment of underlying issues can also alleviate or reduce some of the symptoms. For instance, iron deficiency anaemia reduces dopamine levels, which can lead to restless legs. Iron supplements may benefit some sufferers – but the evidence is mixed so supplements won’t help everyone.
In terms of medication, research has found that neurological therapies, such as the anticonvulsant Gabapentin – usually prescribed as a treatment for epilepsy – can improve symptoms and overall quality of life for those suffering with restless legs. These therapies target nerve cells in the brain, reducingtheir activity.
While there may not be a cure for RLS, there is hope for sufferers – and options for managing and reducing symptoms.
Adam Taylor does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gemma Cutler-Colclough, Lecturer in Theatre and Performance, University of Reading
The theatre has long staged and debated society’s most pressing concerns. But when protest moves beyond the script and into the theatre itself, the reaction can shift from applause to confusion, and even outrage.
Such was the case last week, when a Just Stop Oil demonstration interrupted a performance of The Tempest at The Theatre Royal, Drury Lane. Actor Sigourney Weaver sat aghast as protesters walked on stage and fired a confetti cannon, holding placards and announcing politely: “We’ll have to stop the show, ladies and gentlemen, sorry.”
Audience-members can be heard both booing and cheering in footage of the moment. But despite the shock of the crowd and actors, protest at the theatre has a long history.
The moment Just Stop Oil protestors invaded the stage during a performance of The Tempest.
Rather than interlopers like Just Stop Oil, these protests have often come from theatregoers themselves. In 1809, for example, riots erupted when the new theatre at Covent Garden in London raised its ticket prices, making theatre less accessible to working-class patrons.
For over two months, theatregoers disrupted performances with whistles, horns and placards, ultimately forcing a reversal of the price hikes. The message was clear: the theatre belonged to the people, not just the elite.
In more recent history, the feminist play The Vagina Monologues, has been the subject of protest and the vehicle for it in almost equal measure. Various groups have stood against its empowerment of women, and others have used it to fight for the very same thing.
And in 2004, the play Behzti (Dishonour) was shut down after just two days of performances at Birmingham Rep, following violent protests by members of the Sikh community.
The play, which depicted sexual abuse and murder inside a Sikh place of worship, sparked fierce opposition, with critics arguing it was deeply offensive to their faith. While the theatre was intended as a space for difficult conversations, protesters saw it as a site that needed to be defended from perceived harm.
Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.
Political theatre
Protest is not only something that happens at the theatre but an integral part of the art-form itself. Performance holds a mirror to society and asks us to look at ourselves.
As a result, political theatre has long shaped public discourse in England. Agitprop, for example, a highly politicised theatre movement that originated in 1920s Europe and aimed to educate and mobilise audiences.
More recently in 2018, participatory London theatre company Coney staged an intervention with their youth arm, Young Coneys at the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders (SMMT) annual dinner, blurring the line between activism and performance.
In a production called Codename Violet, young performers took on the role of activist agitators, posing as “very junior doctors”, informing guests of the health impact of diesel emission air pollution. “Is your event more important than a man’s life?” asked an actor calling out the industry’s role in the climate crisis.
Like the Just Stop Oil’s action at The Tempest, this protest captured attention. Yet, while political theatre is often praised for its boldness, real-world disruptions are usually met with hostility.
Perhaps the key difference is control. Audiences willingly engage with radical ideas when framed within a performance, but an uninvited protest strips them of choice. This is likely where the bewilderment arises over Just Stop Oil’s recent intervention. While theatre remains a space for political engagement, many still see it as a controlled environment, where the audience decides when and how to confront difficult and complicated truths.
The tension between theatre as protest and protest at the theatre reveals an ongoing struggle over who gets to dictate the terms of political discourse.
As long as theatre remains a mirror to society, the stage – and the spaces around it – will continue to be contested. Whether we see protest at the theatre as an intrusion or an extension of its radical tradition may depend on how willing we are to let performance spill into real life.
Gemma Cutler-Colclough does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Chinese people around the world have just celebrated lunar new year, which this year has run from January 28 to February 4. It is the biggest festival of the year in China, signalling the start of spring, and this is the year of the wood snake. According to Chinese astrology, the characteristics of the snake – renewal, potential, opportunity and wisdom – will affect the year ahead.
As we start the new lunar year, it feels like a good time to look ahead to look at the prospects for the Chinese economy through the prism of these characteristics.
Renewal of traditional economic drivers
China dominates global manufacturing – its manufacturing production is as large as the next seven largest competitors combined. This has earned China the title of the world’s manufacturing superpower – but it has come at a cost. The latest data shows that China is among the top 20 most polluted countries across the world.
Therefore, it’s likely that over the next 12 months, there will be a continued drive towards the renewal, or upgrading, of traditional industrial sectors that have historically driven growth in China but are also heavy polluters.
This is part of a broader push by China to improve its climate footprint and reduce emissions. These are goals outlined in the national climate action plan, referred to by the Paris climate agreement as the nationally determined contributions.
Potential for a surge into AI
China has identified the potential for adopting AI, robotics and 3D printing in transforming its manufacturing base. Meanwhile, the country’s next generation AI development plan sets out clear objectives to make AI the main driver of Chinese economic change and industrial development. Expect to see more progress towards this goal in 2025.
China’s machine-learning sector has experienced considerable growth, and is predicted to grow by an average of 34.8% a year over the next five years. While the US is the major competitor and commands the largest market size, the recent release of the R1 chatbot by DeepSeek has created a stir.
DeepSeek claims to have developed its latest R1 model at a cost of around US$6 million (£4.8 million), which is considerably less than its US competitors such as Open AI’s ChatGPT-4, which is reported to have cost more than US$100 million. It’s an indication of the strength of innovation which underlines the potential growth of China’s AI sector, and is likely to help narrow the gap with the US.
Opportunities for foreign investment
In addition to upgrading traditional industries, we can expect to see opportunities around new areas of growth in advanced technology sectors such as fintech and green tech. China will continue shifting its focus to industries in which its firms can add lots of value, such as in technology-related manufacturing.
Major investment is needed to fund these industries and two major changes have occurred in recent months, recognising that this cannot come only from domestic sources.
First, the changes to China’s A-share market, which went into effect in December 2024, will make it easier for a wider range of overseas investors to enter. For example, smaller amounts of capital are required, and foreign capital can now come from unlisted companies.
Second, in November 2024, China opened up its manufacturing sector to foreign capital by removing all access restrictions.
Over the next year, we can expect to see these changes increase the amount of foreign capital in China, and help realise these new areas of growth.
The wisdom of opening up
China continues to see the wisdom of opening its economy in terms of investment – and therefore that it is critically important to remain well-connected to the rest of the world.
The geopolitical tensions with the US are a challenge: the US president, Donald Trump, has said he will impose tariffs of 10% on imports from China. But on a more positive note, breaking protocol last month, Chinese vice-president Han Zheng was invited to, and attended, Trump’s inauguration ceremony.
It’s an indication of the current US administration’s view of the importance of America’s relationship with China.
The year ahead is also likely to bring opportunities for the UK to continue its efforts to reset its relationship with China. During the recent visit to Beijing by the chancellor of the exchequer, Rachel Reeves, there was a discussion of a “stable and balanced UK-China relationship”.
Few expect, or desire, a return to the “golden era” rhetoric of the likes of former UK chancellor George Osborne, who in a speech at the Shanghai Stock Exchange in September 2015 called for Britain and China to work together to ensure mutual prosperity: “Let’s stick together to make Britain China’s best partner in the west. Let’s stick together and create a golden decade for both of our countries.”
However, greater dialogue with China may be possible, while at the same time carefully managing the UK’s relationship with the new US administration.
China watchers will be keeping their eyes peeled for other economic developments over the year ahead – for example, the progress of Chinese fiscal reforms and their impact on local and regional finances and income distribution. Also, there is the matter of the real estate market. After significant falls in housing sales and investment during 2024, house prices are showing signs of stabilising.
China’s economy will face challenges in the year ahead. But there are also some clear opportunities for this manufacturing giant, particularly in the tech sector as it starts to narrow the gap with the US.
Karen Jackson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Dale Pankhurst, PhD Candidate, School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics, Queen’s University Belfast
In a major escalation in the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), rebels from the March 23 Movement – or M23 – have seized Goma, the capital city of North Kivu province. At least 773 people have been killed there since the M23 claimed to have won control on January 27, while rebels have also seized several other towns in North Kivu including Sake and Minova.
The rebels are now reportedly advancing towards Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu province. And Corneille Nangaa, who leads a rebel alliance of which M23 is the largest member, has vowed to march on the DRC’s capital in Kinshasa. Located 1,000 miles west of Goma, the capture of Kinshasa is unlikely. But the conflict still looks set to spread deeper into the DRC.
The speed of the M23 advance has taken many by surprise. The rebels captured Goma, a city of 2 million people, within just three days. But the conflict between the DRC and the M23, which takes its name from the 2009 date on which a deal was reached to end a revolt by members of the ethnic Tutsi group, has been grinding on intermittently for years.
Beginning in April 2012, when the M23 was formally created, the conflict has its roots in the same deep ethnic divisions that led to the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Following the genocide, where radical ethnic Hutus killed roughly 800,000 minority Tutsis, many Hutu extremists fled over the border into the DRC and settled in areas including North Kivu.
The M23 seeks to act as a self-defence force for Congolese Tutsis against discrimination both by the DRC and non-state actors. This includes targeting by the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, a Hutu-dominated rebel group that seeks to overthrow the Rwandan government. The group has in the past committed egregious acts of violence against civilians in North Kivu, including mass killings and sexual violence.
The seizure of Goma is crucial for several reasons. First, it means that a sizeable and strategically important border province of the DRC is now in rebel hands. North Kivu is an active volcanic region that is rich in various minerals such as coltan, which is used in electronic equipment and the aerospace industry.
In May 2024 the M23 seized Rubaya, a key mining town that produces 15% of the world’s coltan. Since then, the group has generated considerable income from controlling mineral production and trade. Indeed, the Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime labels the agendas of armed groups in the eastern DRC as “profit-driven”.
Second, the capture of Goma has exacerbated inter-state tension between the DRC and Rwanda, raising the prospect of another inter-state war. News of the prized seizure came hours after the DRC’s foreign minister, Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, accused Rwandan troops of invading Congolese territory.
A UN report from 2013 found that Rwanda not only supports the M23 group, but actively commands its troops. UN experts now estimate that there are up to 4,000 Rwandan troops fighting alongside the M23 in the DRC. Rwanda has denied backing the M23 despite ample evidence to the contrary.
The Congolese government says Rwanda’s involvement is part of a ploy to exploit North Kivu’s vast mineral resources. In a report from December 2024, a panel of UN experts wrote that “fraudulent [mineral] extraction, trade and export to Rwanda” benefited both the M23 “and the Rwandan economy”. According to the Rwandan government’s own figures, the country exports far more gold than it mines.
And third, the escalating conflict will deepen an already grave humanitarian crisis in the region. In March 2024, the UN reported that the number of internally displaced people in the DRC had reached 7.2 million – one of the largest such crises in the world. It is estimated that over 6 million civilians in the east of the DRC are now facing high levels of food insecurity.
What next
The DRC and Rwandan governments have already gone to war on two previous occasions, once in 1996 and then again in 1998 in what turned into a more protracted five-year conflict. The first war was triggered by Rwanda’s invasion of the DRC to target anti-Rwandan rebel groups seeking refuge there. The war soon drew in other states and became known as Africa’s first world war. Since 1996, conflict in the eastern DRC has killed approximately 6 million people.
Yet despite this increased tension, there are hopes that a diplomatic solution can be reached. In the past, warring factions in the eastern DRC have agreed to temporary ceasefires following intensive mediation by international institutions such as the East African Community and the African Union, as well as neighbouring countries like Angola.
However, previous ceasefires have also been violated by both sides. And the stakes are arguably higher this time, with the DRC losing further territory and control over strategic cities to the rebels.
The Congolese government may be reluctant to accept peace conditions until it regains control over lost portions of territory. Indeed, the Congolese president, Félix Tshisekedi, has already snubbed prospective peace talks to establish a ceasefire.
Western powers hold key leverage, and may be able to subdue the M23 insurgency. France has given its backing to the DRC government and has warned of the catastrophic humanitarian consequences should the situation deteriorate further.
The US and other major powers like the UK have also withdrawn state funding for Rwanda in the past over its support for the M23 insurgency. In 2013, for example, cuts to foreign aid forced Rwanda to scale back its support for the rebels, both through reduced military training and supply runs. The UK government has threatened to withdraw funding to Rwanda again following the M23’s capture of Goma.
Belgium, on the other hand, is leading calls for the EU to suspend a controversial minerals deal with Rwanda that boosts the bloc’s access to several elements in exchange for funding to help Kigali develop its mineral extraction infrastructure. When the deal was signed in 2024, Tshisekedi described it as “a provocation in very bad taste”.
In any case, a ceasefire between the DRC and the M23 is not enough. What is needed is a long-term, durable solution that addresses the root causes and fears that are driving the armed conflict.
Dale Pankhurst does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Peat swamp in Danau Sentarum National Park, West Kalimantan.(Bramanthya Fathi Makarim/Shutterstock)
Protecting and restoring peatlands and mangroves can strengthen Southeast Asian countries’ efforts to combat climate change, according to new findings from an international team of researchers.
Carbon-dense peatlands and mangroves comprise only 5% of Southeast Asia’s surface. Protecting and restoring them, however, can reduce approximately 770±97 megatonnes of CO2 equivalent (MtCO2e) annually. This is equal to more than half of the carbon emissions from land use in the region.
Conserving offers larger mitigation potential through reduced emissions from ecosystem loss in the region compared to gains from restoration. If optimally implemented, restoration can still play an important role in nature-based carbon sequestration.
Having peatlands and mangroves included in the new climate pledges (Nationally Determined Contributions 3.0) can help countries set higher emissions reduction targets for 2030 and 2035.
More benefits to offer
The study reports extensive climate benefits from conserving and restoring peatlands and mangroves. Therefore, they make effective natural climate solutions for Southeast Asian countries.
Both ecosystems protect organic matter from decay under natural conditions, acting as net carbon sinks. This means that carbon uptake exceeds carbon loss.
Net carbon gains are mainly accumulated in their soils instead of their vegetation. More than 90% of carbon stocks in peatlands and 78% in mangroves are in their soils.
At scale, protecting and restoring both types of wetlands also supports other valuable co-benefits. These include biodiversity preservation, water quality improvement, coastal protection, food security and rural development for millions of coastal people across Southeast Asian countries.
Challenges remain
Despite the benefits, many challenges and risks persist in conserving and restoring peatlands and mangroves.
When peatlands and mangroves are disturbed – commonly due to land use change – they release large quantities of carbon into the atmosphere. This release can later exacerbate climate change.
The new estimates suggest that changes in their land use for the past two decades (2001-2022) had caused the release of approximately 691±97 MtCO2e of excess emissions.
Indonesia accounts for the largest portion of the region’s emissions, accounting for 73%. Malaysia (14%), Myanmar (7%), and Vietnam (2%) follow. The other seven Southeast Asian countries generate the remaining 4% of emissions.
In Southeast Asia, mangroves and peatlands are often treated as unproductive land. Still, they have long been subject to agricultural land expansion planning.
Despite these challenges, government and corporate interest in developing conservation and restoration-based carbon projects for peatlands and mangroves is rapidly increasing.
That is why now is a good opportunity to recognise their vital roles — not only for climate change mitigation — but also for people and nature.
Implications for national emissions reduction targets
The new study addresses a critical gap in climate policy for Southeast Asian by providing annual climate change mitigation potentials from peatlands and mangroves.
Climate mitigation potential for national land-use emissions varies widely between countries.
The findings suggest that it could reduce national land-use emissions by up to 88% in Malaysia, 64% in Indonesia, and 60% in Brunei. Other countries include Myanmar at 39%, the Philippines at 26%, Cambodia at 18%, Vietnam at 13%, Thailand at 10%, Laos at 9%, Singapore at 2%, and Timor-Leste at 0.04%.
In its 2022 NDCs, Indonesia plans to reduce its annual emissions from FOLU by 2030 between 500-729 MtCO2e, depending on the level of external support. According to the study, this figure is within the same order of mitigation potential as peatlands and mangroves can collectively generate.
However, peatland and mangrove mitigation potentials are insufficient to avoid dangerous levels of climate change in the future.
Decarbonisation remains the most effective means of curbing climate change and its impacts, with peatland and mangrove protection enhancing these efforts.
Susan Elizabeth Page menerima dana dari University of Leicester, UK.
Dan Friess, David Taylor, Massimo Lupascu, Pierre Taillardat, Sigit Sasmito, dan Wahyu Catur Adinugroho tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.
For Canada, the tariffs on Canadian products will significantly affect Canada’s competitiveness in the U.S. market by driving up prices. Such tariffs could pose serious challenges for various sectors in Canada, given the country’s heavy reliance on the U.S. economy.
Effects on different sectors
The impact of U.S. tariffs on Canadian prices is likely to differ across sectors and products, depending on their reliance on the U.S. market.
Sectors with a higher dependence on U.S. trade are likely to experience more severe disruptions. If the tariffs make certain products uncompetitive, Canadian producers may struggle to secure alternative markets in the short term.
In the agricultural and forestry sector, wood and paper products, along with cereals, are among Canada’s largest exports to the U.S., with the U.S. accounting for 86 to 96 per cent of these exports, according to data from the World Integrated Trade Solution.
When examining the impact on different products, it’s not only the value of trade that matters, but also the share of trade. The share of trade indicates how reliant Canada is on the U.S. compared to other markets.
A high trade share with the U.S. suggests a product is particularly vulnerable to trade disruptions, as Canada depends heavily on the U.S. market for that product. Conversely, a lower share indicates that Canada has diversified suppliers, which reduces its dependence on the U.S.
For instance, in 2023, Canada’s top exports to the U.S. included vehicles and parts, nuclear machinery and plastics, according to data from the World Integrated Trade Solution. The U.S. accounted for 93 per cent of vehicle and parts exports, 82 per cent of nuclear machinery exports, and 91 per cent of plastics exports.
This data highlights Canada’s extreme dependence on the U.S. market, making these industries within the manufacturing sector highly susceptible to the tariff. This could harm jobs in the manufacturing sector, which is vital to employment in Canada, providing jobs for over 1.8 million people.
Canada’s reliance on the U.S. is also evident in imports. In 2023, vehicle imports totalled US$92 billion, with the U.S. accounting for 58 per cent of that amount.
The dependence is also evident in the agri-food and forestry sector, where Canada heavily relies on U.S. imports. This suggests that retaliatory tariffs on agricultural goods from the U.S. could have a substantial impact on food prices in Canada.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau says this includes immediate tariffs on $30 billion worth of goods as of Tuesday, followed by further tariffs on $125 billion worth of American products in 21 days’ time to “allow Canadian companies and supply chains to seek to find alternatives.”
This will include tariffs on “everyday items such as American beer, wine and bourbon, fruits and fruit juices, including orange juice, along with vegetables, perfume, clothing and shoes,” and also on major consumer products like household appliances, furniture and sports equipment, and materials like lumber and plastics.
Given Canada’s significant dependence on U.S. imports, the retaliatory tariffs will raise the cost of American goods entering the country, further driving up consumer prices and exacerbating inflation.
In its latest policy rate announcement, the Bank of Canada warned of the severe economic consequences of Trump’s tariffs, highlighting their potential to reverse the current downward trend in inflation.
What should Canada do now?
Canada must extend its economic diplomacy efforts beyond the Trump administration, engaging with the U.S. Congress and Senate to advocate for the reconsideration of tariffs on Canadian goods. The Canadian government should persist in leveraging this channel to push for a reversal of the tariffs. This kind of broader negotiation remains the most effective approach to mitigating trade tensions and ensuring stable economic relations with the U.S.
At the same time, Canada must reduce dependence on the U.S. market by adopting a comprehensive export diversification strategy. While the U.S. remains a convenient and accessible trade partner, expanding into emerging and developing markets would help mitigate risks and create more stable long-term trade opportunities.
One effective way to achieve export diversification is by expanding free trade agreements (FTAs) with emerging and developing economies. Currently, Canada has 15 FTAs covering about 51 countries, but there is room for expansion. However, signing FTAs alone is insufficient; Canada must ensure these agreements translate into tangible trade growth with partner countries.
International politics is increasingly shaping global trade, making it imperative for Canada to proactively manage diplomatic and trade relations. In recent years, tensions have emerged with key partners such as China, India and Saudi Arabia. These countries could all become potential markets for Canadian products. Given that China is Canada’s second-largest export destination, there is significant potential to expand trade ties.
Canada stands at a critical juncture in its trade relationship with the U.S. While diplomatic efforts remain essential to averting harmful tariffs, they cannot be the country’s only line of defence.
Boosting productivity is one of the most effective ways for Canada to improve its competitiveness in global markets. Canadian producers should prioritize innovation and the adoption of advanced technologies to enhance efficiency and maintain a competitive edge, particularly as they seek to expand beyond the U.S.
In response to potential U.S. tariffs, the Canadian government should implement a bailout strategy to provide short-term relief and mitigate revenue losses to firms that will be mostly affected. Additionally, Canada should leverage its embassies and consulates worldwide to promote exports and help affected firms identify and access new market opportunities.
By doing this, Canada can position itself as a more self-reliant and competitive player in the global economy — one less vulnerable to shifting U.S. policies.
Sylvanus Kwaku Afesorgbor receives funding from the OMAFRA and the USDA. He is affiliated with the Centre for Trade Analysis and Development (CeTAD Africa).
Naduni Uduwe Welage and Promesse Essolema do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Nonetheless, Canada’s closest ally is all but tearing up the Canada-U.S.-Mexico trade deal negotiated only seven years ago. The rationale behind what the Wall Street Journal editorial board has called “the dumbest trade war in history” isn’t even clear.
The pessimistic view is that if Canada doesn’t give Trump everything he wants, he will bulldoze the country with more tariffs, sanctions on banks, enhanced border inspections and even a travel ban — everything he recently threatened to do to Colombia.
Canada’s political class is scrambling because the U.S. has long been a cultural sibling and an economic partner. But now it is toxic, threatening and untrustworthy. Will Canada sign another trade deal with Trump in office? The chances recede the longer the tariffs remain in place.
Iron-fisted
It’s never been more clear that Trump is obsessive, seldom a bluffer and always iron-fisted. He seems to have planned and executed this tariff bomb to cause maximum pain and chaos. Now he says the European Union is next on his list.
Trump is counting on his new majorities in U.S. Congress to ram through his radical right populist agenda, forcing other countries to play a role in his melodrama.
In response to Trump’s charge that the U.S. subsidizes Canadian trade, former Conservative prime minister Stephen Harper pointed out that half of America’s imported oil comes from Canada, and its price is significantly discounted due to a lack of pipeline capacity. “It’s actually Canada that subsidizes the United States in this regard,” Harper said.
Nevertheless, Trump’s preferred foreign policy tactic is to hit first with economic sanctions and negotiate later. With his near total grip on U.S. government, he can now achieve all his aims through tariffs.
For example, America’s 19th-century navy of wooden sailing ships was purchased with tariffs. But it would be impossible to fund modern-day health care, student loans and $13 billion aircraft carriers with tariff revenues.
A recent study by the Peterson Institute for International Economics shows the math doesn’t add up. Tariffs are levied on imported goods and are worth about US$3 trillion. American income tax is levied on incomes and are worth more than US$20 trillion. Government would have to be much smaller, and tariffs would have to be so high they would choke American trade, for tariffs to make economic sense.
And yet Trump has a broad mandate. In the summer of 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Trump v. United States that presidents require a broadly defined “presumptive immunity from prosecution for … official acts.”
This decision has given Trump the legal clout to force the entire federal government to answer to the president himself.
Trump is using his vast new mandate to wage multiple wars simultaneously. These wars against the guardrails of liberal democracy require the punishment of his enemies inside his own party.
Republicans who have voted against Trump legislation during his first term faced high-profile challenges in the primaries as he funded their opponents. Today, the war is waged against those who are insufficiently loyal, including the highest ranks of the Coast Guard and the FBI.
The war against the administrative state involves the mass firing of independent inspectors, federal lawyers and thousands of civil servants to be replaced by foot soldiers personally loyal to the leader.
The Trump administration has sent out “deferred resignation” notices that invite the entire civil service to resign. This is the tactic Trump’s key adviser, Elon Musk, implemented at X, and it suggests a wave of firings will soon begin.
Nonsensical trade war
The trade war against Canada and Mexico is peculiar because neither country has expressed any willingness to abolish the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, which is among the achievements of Trump’s first administration.
Nevertheless, the paranoid Trump seems to be convinced that he got a raw deal in 2018, and so he wants to scrap the whole treaty and negotiate something tougher that brings more jobs home.
In 2024, the cars that were ranked most “American” in terms of their content and final assembly were made by Tesla, Honda and Volkswagen. By comparison, the best-selling the Dodge Ram 1500 pickup truck ranked No. 43 on the list. What Trump considers American and non-American isn’t clear, even to voters.
A new Bank of Canada forecast predicts that American tariffs may reduce Canadian GDP by six per cent. The federal government is planning an enormous bailout package to compensate for widespread job losses like the one offered to businesses and individuals during the pandemic.
Unsurprisingly, Trump divides Canada’s leadership. Alberta and Saskatchewan have publicly criticized the Team Canada approach. Alberta Premier Danielle Smith refused to sign the joint federal/provincial statement and played to her secessionist base.
Even so, former Alberta premier Jason Kenney recognizes the peril, arguing that Alberta needs to “be prepared to retaliate … we can’t be wusses about this; we have to have a spine.”
What’s next?
Canada is an export-led economy based on natural resources. Its strength lies not in refusing to buy California wine or Florida orange juice. Its main sources of leverage are oil and gas, potash and uranium, rare earth minerals, timber products and hydroelectric power. But of all these, oil, uranium, and hydro-electric power are Canada’s biggest guns.
It’s not yet clear how effective the Canadian government’s strategy will be. Previous rounds of retaliation after the steel and aluminum tariffs in Trump’s first term did not drive him to the negotiating table. It’s also unclear what the CEOs of Canada’s branch-plant multinational corporations will do when their loyalties are divided between Trump and Canada.
Furthermore, it’s anyone’s guess how much the dissent of western Canadian premiers has hurt Canada’s case with Trump. Certainly, his preferred tactic is to divide and conquer.
Finally, it’s unclear if Ontario Premier Doug Ford’s “Captain Canada” approach will earn the respect or disdain of Republicans — although, ultimately, it doesn’t matter what the rest of the American political class thinks because Trump and his inner circle are calling all the shots.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – USA – By Matthew Kriner, Director of Strategy, Partnerships and Intelligence at the Center on Terrorism, Extremism, and Counterterrorism, Middlebury Institute of International Studies
Once again, a presidential administration headed by Donald Trump is in the spotlight over allegations of hiddenfascist sympathies. This time, it’s precipitated by what one observer called a “stiff-armed salute” that presidential supporter and adviser Elon Musk did twice during inauguration festivities.
Musk turned the controversy over his gesture into something like a joke about Nazis. On X, he posted, “Don’t say Hess to Nazi accusations!” and “Bet you did nazi that coming.”
This is not the first time that Trump or someone close to him has been accused of sending fascist messages, even if they denied doing so. Nor even is it the first time a well-known figure endorsing Donald Trump has been accused of giving a Nazi salute.
As a scholar of far-right extremism, I regularly review instances of coded fascist symbols and other right-wing messages being sent by public figures and their supporters, some more obvious than others.
Laura Ingraham speaks and gestures at a Trump rally in 2016.
In 2021, the Conservative Political Action Conference set up its center stage in the shape of an odal rune. That is an ancient pagan symbol coopted by Germany’s Nazi regime and worn prominently during World War II on the uniforms of the brutal Waffen SS units. Social media erupted in outrage over the likeness, and columnists spilled much ink. Event organizers rejected the criticism, calling it “outrageous and slanderous.”
Trump himself has been reluctant to criticize white supremacists. In August 2017, he responded to a reporter’s statement that neo-Nazis had “started” the violence during and after a rally they held in Charlottesville, Virginia, by saying “(t)hey didn’t put themselves down as neo-Nazis. And you had some very bad people in that group. But you also had people that were very fine people on both sides.”
During the September 2020 presidential debate, Trump responded to a request from moderator Chris Wallace to condemn right-wing paramilitary groups by instead referencing one of them, saying, “Proud Boys, stand back and stand by.”
The night before the ‘Unite the Right’ rally in Charlottesville, Va., in August 2017, people carrying torches and chanting fascist slogans marched through the University of Virginia campus.
Coded messages
In other more abstract and lesser-known incidents, Trump may make his sympathies known without making direct statements himself. And I have personally observed white supremacists remark upon – and take encouragement from – these implied messages on Telegram channels dedicated to antisemitism and hate.
In June 2020, Facebook removed Trump campaign ads for iconography invoking Nazi concentration camp symbols that “violat(ed) our policy against organized hate.” A campaign official disputed the association, saying other groups, including Facebook and anti-fascist groups, used the same symbol.
In September 2024, pro-Trump CEO Mike Lindell’s company MyPillow ran a sale discounting a pillow from $49.98 to $14.88. Critics quickly pointed out that this aligned with the 14-word white supremacist slogan and the numerical reference “88” that white supremacists use to mean “Heil Hitler,” because H is the eighth letter of the alphabet. Lindell denied any connection between the price and right-wing messaging.
A list of the 14 people whose Jan. 6-related sentences President Donald Trump commuted. Screenshot of WhiteHouse.gov
Sending these sorts of fascist and white supremacist messages allow Trump and his supporters to court right-wing extremist supporters while claiming innocence in the face of public outrage.
If they deny the allegations of veiled fascism or white supremacy, Trump and his backers can claim their opponents are inflamed against them and conducting ideological witch hunts.
Family members and friends of people imprisoned for their actions on Jan. 6, 2021, wait outside the Washington, D.C., jail for their release on Jan. 22, 2025. Celal Gunes/Anadolu via Getty Images
But failure to directly deny allegations of fascism is a common strategy used by far-right and radical conservative movements seeking to obscure deeper links to extremist groups to avoid public backlash.
The lack of explicit admission can end up leaving these actions and symbols open to interpretation. Trump’s MAGA movement members, led by his inner circle of advisers and lieutenants, have consistently sought to use outrage and anger to generate additional momentum and attention for their agenda.
But as the old saying goes, “where there’s smoke there’s fire” – and in this case the smoke is probably closer to a book-burning bonfire in Berlin than a tiki torch carried in Charlottesville.
Matthew Kriner does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Carmela Cucuzzella, Dean, Faculty of Environmental Design, Université de Montréal, Full Professor School of Design, Université de Montréal
Those designing university courses should ensure issues of universal accessibility are embedded throughout a student’s academic journey.(Shutterstock)
People living with disabilities, ranging in severity, regularly face barriers. Oftentimes, built environments are designed in ways that fail to consider the needs of those in situations of disability. That can include improperly sized ramps for wheelchair users or public spaces that are not sensory friendly.
If our public spaces are not accessible to all, then they cannot be truly public. The first step in changing our built environment is to bring awareness to the different forms of disabilities that people in Canada experience.
As a professor in a school of design and the dean of the Faculty of Environmental Design at the Université of Montréal, I believe it’s urgently important to explore how faculties of architecture, design, landscape architecture and urbanism can inform design practices through the way we teach and conduct research.
Our objective must be to teach students how to make our built environment more inclusive and universally accessible through creative means rather than basic technological add-ons.
In 2022, the Canadian Survey on Disability showed that 27 per cent of Canadians aged 15 years and older had one or more disabilities that impacted their daily activities. (Shutterstock)
Standards exist for accessibility and inclusivity in Canada, but they are not systematically applied. Furthermore, when designing for universal accessibility, the emphasis is on conformity rather than experience, on separation rather than integration, and on functionality rather than fulfillment.
Take, for example, a multi-storey office building that provides separate entrances and facilities for people with disabilities. The building complies with the minimum accessibility requirements set by local building codes, but does so in a way that isolates people with disabilities rather than integrating their needs into the overall design. This building does not provide the same experience to all people and therefore separates rather than includes diverse populations.
The universal accessibility of public spaces and buildings is a complex design problem. It is especially difficult for retrofits, since solutions can quickly become costly, particularly in heritage buildings.
But if changes are managed carefully, costs can become manageable. Universal accessible design is also challenging for new buildings and spaces, but if universal design is prioritized right from the outset of a project, architects and developers can create inclusive environments that accommodate diverse needs without incurring substantial additional expenses.
Universities that offer teaching and research programs in universal accessible design can make a real difference. (Shutterstock)
How universities can help
Universal accessible design is not just a question of following a set of codes, but rather a question of designing for an equitable, qualitative accessible experience. This means ensuring that all people, regardless of their physical or mental situations, are offered equivalent spatial experiences.
Universities that offer teaching and research programs in a universal accessible design can make a real difference. But it’s integral that teaching is developed alongside the research, as understanding of needs and best practices are in continual renewal.
Faculties with such programs and courses could achieve this by enabling students through creative engagement of this difficult subject. Furthermore, being in these design environments allows students to understand these societal issues as leverage for innovative solutions, rather than just satisfying building codes.
Those designing university courses should ensure issues of universal accessibility are embedded throughout a student’s academic journey, and included in a way that helps empower the graduating students.
Students graduating from these programs will become the young professionals in the fields of design, architecture, urbanism or landscape architecture.
Unfortunately, the exact likelihood of students specializing in universal accessibility — and applying their knowledge in their careers — is challenging due to limited specific data. But there is an increasing recognition of the importance of accessibility in various sectors, leading to more roles that require expertise in universal design and inclusive practices.
Incorporating more discussion on universal accessibility in the classroom and in university research environments can help students apply their expertise in the design of our built environment throughout their careers.
By fostering dialogue between research, education and practice, universities can ensure a future where accessibility is seamlessly integrated into the every day.
Carmela Cucuzzella receives funding from FRQSC and SSHRC.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Takahiro Kubo, Senior Researcher in National Institute for Environmental Studies (NIES) & Visiting Researcher in ICCS, University of Oxford
Governments often use bans to protect wildlife that’s most threatened by trade. However, in our recent study we ask the question: could banning wildlife trade in one threatened species increase the trade in other threatened species?
The expansion of online markets has made it easier for people to buy and sell wildlife. This potential for larger-scale commercial trade creates a potential threat to wildlife, particular when populations are small, which is often the case for species that inhabit islands.
To deal with the risk of overexploitation, the government of Japan, one of the world’s largest wildlife markets, banned the trade of three threatened species: the giant water bug, the Tokyo salamander and the golden venus chub.
While the ban successfully halted legal sales of the policy-targeted species, it had an unintended consequence: an increase in the sales of similar, non-banned species, some of which are threatened.
This pattern, known as the “spillover effect”, suggests that when a species is no longer available, demand often moves to alternative species rather than disappearing entirely. However, these effects affected different species in different ways, with the spillover lasting for more than a year for water bugs, but disappearing over the same period for the salamanders and freshwater fish.
These spillovers can be problematic as they can drive buyers to seek exotic pet species from other countries or even continents. Based on past experience in Japan and elsewhere, we know that these are often then released into nature by those that can no longer keep them. This increases the pressure on native fauna through competition and the spread of disease which may threaten not only native wildlife but also human health. Our findings highlight the need for a more comprehensive approach to wildlife trade regulations – one that considers both direct conservation efforts and indirect global impacts.
Balancing bans
While wildlife trade bans can play an important step, their ability to address overexploitation on their own is limited. To conserve species, we need complementary strategies that can manage demand and monitor supply.
Prior to a ban, it is key to work to reduce the demand for the species to be targeted or redirect it to species that are well managed and not of conservation concern. This would be likely to minimise the effects of any unintended spillover after the trade ban comes into effect. If buyers understand why a species is at risk and are offered sustainable alternatives, they may be less likely to shift their interest to other vulnerable wildlife.
Governments also need to enforce stronger monitoring to be able to track which species are traded and in what amount. This may be hard to implement across all trade but is feasible when we talk about online legal trade, which represents a large part of the global wildlife trade. Instead of focusing only on banned species, authorities should keep an eye on similar species that could become the next target for trade.
For this to be effective, international cooperation, in the form of data sharing, for example, is critical since wildlife trade crosses borders. Countries need to work together to track and regulate trade so that bans don’t simply push demand to other regions.
Finally, promoting legal, ethical and sustainable alternatives – such as responsible captive breeding programs or well-managed wild source populations – can help meet consumer demand without harming wild species.
Our study serves as an important reminder: conservation has no silver bullets and we must be willing to embrace a multitude of tools if we are to deal with the different sides of an issue as complex as the wildlife trade. If we only focus on banning species without considering how the market will react, we risk simply moving the risk of extinction from one species to the next. A well-rounded approach – one that includes consumer behaviour change, improved monitoring and sustainable alternatives – offers the best chance of protecting wildlife for the long term.
Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?
Takahiro Kubo receives funding from Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS). He is a member of the IUCN SSC CEC Behaviour Change Taskforce.
Diogo Veríssimo is the Chair of the IUCN SSC CEC Behaviour Change Taskforce.
Taro Mieno does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Professors and students alike argue that unrestricted use of generative AI threatens the purpose of an education in disciplines like philosophy, history or literature. They say that, as a society, we should care about this loss of intellectual competencies.
But why is it important that traditional learning not become obsolete — as some predict?
Today, when corrupt leaders promote AI development, AI reflects repressive political biases. There are serious concerns about AI disinformation, so it’s critical to consider the original purpose of modern universities.
The German term Bildung captures this broad understanding of the educational process, denoting the activity of shaping yourself according to your inner purpose.
For the philosophers of Bildung, self-development couldn’t take place in isolation but required a community of equals where mutual recognition and critical engagement with each other unlocked everyone’s potential.
They envisioned the university as a community of learners where teachers facilitate the self-development of students by supporting their critical faculties instead of adapting them to fulfil predetermined roles for society. They believed education should prepare for lifelong learning about the self and world.
It was Humboldt who turned these lofty ideals into concrete reforms, laying the groundwork for the modern university and its research-led teaching model. For Humboldt, the realm of Bildung had political significance.
Living under Prussian absolutism, he feared the paternalism of the state that turned its citizens into loyal subjects under the pretence of furthering their spiritual and material welfare.
He was critical of the attempt of Frederick the Great, the Prussian king, to regulate economic life and to control private consumption. Humboldt saw such a concentration of power as a despotic tendency that all forms of government could succumb to, including oligarchy and democracy. He therefore insisted on spaces for individual expression and free association. Literary salons were the initial community space for Bildung, and were a model for the modern idea of universities.
A drawing by Georg Melchior Kraus depicts the salon of Duchess Anna Amalia, showing, among others, writer Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in discussion. The image suggests the important role of women and community in the Bildungs context. (Wikimedia)
The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen from 1789 restricted active citizenship to male property owners and did not abolish slavery. Advocacy for applying equal rights to all was soon taken up by members of oppressed groups to justify their emancipatory pursuits.
Early feminists in late 19th-century Germany, such as the philosopher and writer Hedwig Dohm, demanded access to educational institutions so that women could also “become who they are.”
We find a similar battle cry in the United States, where writer and educator Anna Julia Cooper regarded the higher education of Black women as a key step to social change.
I believe that the idea of Bildung still captures the value of humanities education. In-depth engagement with the complex manifestation of human cultures seen in philosophical ideas, forms of knowledge or literary texts fosters important skills necessary for self-development.
Students learn critical thinking, enabling them to question authorities and discern their own convictions from received values. They experience thinking as a process which takes time and demands the exploration of different points of view — similar to democratic decision-making.
Methods to understand others are therefore an important subject of the humanities. The humanities nurture the ability to connect and to develop solidarity with each other.
The classroom itself is a space where students experience understanding as a collaborative process by discussing with their peers and the instructor.
Instructors must actualize high-level pedagogical goals by creating concrete exercises through which intellectual skills can be learned and practised.
Assessing claims, justifying evaluations
Writing an essay has been the pinnacle of traditional humanities education, since it demands employing the full set of interpretative tools such as identifying sources, analyzing arguments, assessing claims and justifying evaluations independently. It also demands expressing oneself intellectually.
Basic analytic skills such as formulating an argument or giving an objection can be taught in class. But in-class assignments cannot replace pondering an issue over some time and expressing one’s interpretation of it.
The important exercise of individual study is deprived of its value when students use technological shortcuts to complete writing tasks. AI-driven chatbots undermine a key part of the learning process through which students improve their critical thinking. This happens through sustained engagement with complex issues, through which students grow by overcoming challenges and practising habits of thinking.
Relying on AI can undermine processes through which students improve their critical thinking. (Pexels/Cottonbro)
In the U.S., as seen recently in Donald Trump’s second presidential inauguration, the economic elite dominates the political system. Tech oligarchs have found a president who is using his vast powers to further their interests and is prepared to do so without checks and balances.
More than ever, we need citizens who have learned to think for themselves and developed capacities for paying attention to and caring about complex challenges in our ever-changing world.
At their best, the humanities are a laboratory to cultivate essential skills for critically assessing the status quo and imagining better alternatives in both political and economic life.
Johannes Steizinger does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
A nationwide plan to digitise immigration documents recently came into force. Since January 1, millions of foreign nationals who live in the UK must now use digital-only status documents, as all biometric residence permits expired at the end of 2024.
The Home Office says an online system will mean faster processing times and lower risk of fraud. However, the rollout has created significant problems for some migrants, with reports of non-citizens being denied entry to the UK after border agents did not accept their proof of status.
My recent work with colleagues at the Oxford Migration Observatory suggests this was predictable. When migration rules and processes change, non-citizens are less likely to understand the rules. This can have serious consequences, as their access to housing, employment and healthcare hinges on their ability to show they have a valid immigration status.
Even when migrants do understand the rules, they may still experience problems proving their status if the people they interact with – such as employers and landlords – do not, or if the processes are unclear. This has been the case for some Ukrainians in the UK, who have been unable to renew their tenancies and face losing their jobs because of uncertainty surrounding visa extensions.
Want more politics coverage from academic experts? Every week, we bring you informed analysis of developments in government and fact check the claims being made.
The results of an online survey by the Migration Observatory reveal non-UK citizens’ knowledge of the rights and conditions attached to their immigration status. The survey asked respondents which immigration status they held, a question not usually included in British surveys or the census.
Using this data, we compared the experiences and understanding of people who received their status under the EU Settlement Scheme (EU citizens and their family members who came to the UK under EU free movement rules) and those with “non-EUSS” statuses (typically non-EU citizens arriving on family, work or study visas).
We found that migrants were less likely to understand their rights and responsibilities when immigration rules related to their situation had recently changed.
There was, for example, no consensus among EUSS pre-settled status holders (people who arrived in the UK under EU free movement but have lived in the UK for fewer than five years) as to whether their status had an expiry date. While 72% said their status would not expire, 17% said they would need to reapply, and 11% did not know. For comparison, 99% of respondents with temporary immigration statuses – such as a work or family visa – knew their status had an expiry date.
One likely reason for the confusion is that the situation is genuinely a bit complicated and keeps changing. When the EU settlement scheme was introduced, pre-settled status lasted for only five years. People who did not upgrade to the more secure “settled status” would see their leave expire.
However, since December 2022, people with pre-settled status can stay in the UK indefinitely if they still meet the original eligibility criteria. Rules on permitted absences (the amount of time somebody can spend outside the UK without it affecting their immigration status) have also changed several times.
Similarly, almost a third of in-work pre-settled status holders did not know they were eligible for most benefits, such as universal credit. This is another area where the rules have evolved following several court cases. A surprisingly high share also did not know they were entitled to free NHS hospital treatment.
By contrast, pre-settled status holders were more likely to know they could work for any employer, an area where the conditions for access have been consistent. This suggests that some people who are not aware of what they are entitled to access may refrain from seeking support they require.
Changing immigration processes
To access the labour and housing markets, receive secondary healthcare, or get married, migrants must show they hold valid leave (permission to live in the UK). At the time of the survey, most non-EUSS status holders could show a physical document, such as a biometric residence permit.
Most EUSS status holders, however, had a digital eVisa. This is a relatively new addition to the immigration system. People with an eVisa prove their status by presenting a “share code” linked to gov.uk.
Most respondents from both groups – 92% – had not experienced issues proving their right to live and work in the UK. However, problems were more common among people with a digital-only status than with physical documentation.
In addition, this group faced different challenges — 48% of digital-only respondents who encountered an issue said it was because the person checking their status would not accept the proof provided, compared to 29% of people with physical documentation.
While most people with a digital-only status were confident they could generate a share code to demonstrate their status to an employer or landlord, a substantial minority of older respondents lacked this confidence. People who had experienced a problem proving their status in the past also lacked confidence, and they considered having a physical card to prove their status to be more important to them.
The challenges migrants face in navigating the UK immigration system are unlikely to disappear — rules and processes will continue to evolve in the years ahead in response to changes in UK migration patterns more broadly. However, policymakers cannot assume that everyone understands the rules, particularly when they keep changing.
Ben Brindle does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Have you ever bought a souvenir from a local market on holiday? Or tried to travel overseas with a guitar? If so, you may have been stopped at the airport if your item contains animal or plant parts. This is because most countries, and also the EU, implement Cites, the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora.
Cites is the main global agreement regulating international wildlife trade to ensure the protection of the 41,000 species covered by the convention. Under Cites, trade measures are established for species to ensure that international trade is legal and ecologically sustainable. For most species (96%), this comprises close regulation of trade. For more threatened species (3%), commercial international trade in wild animals and plants is banned (the remaining 1% refers to a third category of species protected in at least one country).
Under Cites, countries must prohibit international trade in violation of the convention. They are also encouraged to restrict or prohibit the collection of – and domestic trade in – Indigenous species included under Cites. Crucially, countries must enact laws to implement the convention. By design, Cites relies mainly on state-led law-enforcement to achieve its goals.
This year, as Cites marks its 50th anniversary, our new study evaluates the convention’s effectiveness. It asks whether it solves the problem for which it was designed, as well as outlining how it could be more effective.
Taking stock
Cites has had several successes. It can boast an effective system of international cooperation among 184 countries and the EU. Much international trade in Cites-listed species is legally permitted and has been determined to be sustainable. The convention has helped raise the profile of, and catalysed conservation action for, species threatened by international trade, such as pangolins and seahorses.
The convention has also supported the recovery of species, such as crocodiles and vicuña, a member of the camel family that lives in South America. Since 2010, Cites has generated awareness of, and coordinated action to address, illegal wildlife trade, most notably through the establishment of the International Consortium on Combating Wildlife Crime.
However, there are some major problems with the Cites approach. Illegal or unsustainable wildlife trade involving thousands of Cites-listed species occurred in at least 162 signatory countries from 2015 to 2021. This includes countries such as the US that are well resourced to deter it. A predominant focus on state-led law enforcement is therefore proving ineffective in many instances.
We find that many law enforcement agencies are not well enough resourced to deter illegal collection and trade of species. Simply creating laws does not necessarily mean that people or businesses will comply with them.
Also, regulating or prohibiting international wildlife trade does not necessarily reduce the threat to the species concerned. These measures may signal scarcity and lead to price increases, which could accelerate over-exploitation by incentivising speculative collection and stockpiling. In this context, there is much room for improvement.
What needs to change
Deciding on appropriate Cites trade measures for species relies primarily on biological criteria, such as population size. Typically, that process does not involve consultation with the people extracting or trading wildlife. Nor does it really consider insights from the social sciences, including economics, on the likely impact of trade measures on wildlife and people. Decisions by the world’s governments to establish these measures are therefore highly uncertain.
To better prevent species from being overexploited for international trade through Cites, countries need to have a greater understanding of how different species are traded. This would enable them to identify the most appropriate combination of rights, rules and decision-making procedures along supply chains, and then pre-test and implement interventions specific to these systems.
Countries therefore need to analyse how species are traded. This would include looking at the relevant property rights and other laws that affect people involved in the trade, as well as understanding factors such as incentives for people to harvest species, the extent to which trade contributes to peoples’ income, and market size for traded species and products.
Countries could then reconfigure rights and rules so that they are aligned along supply chains. This is needed to avoid creating loopholes and facilitating illegal trade. Where trade (both within countries and between countries) is taking place, these arrangements should support it to be legal and sustainable. That’s the ultimate aim of Cites. The relevant actors, including collectors and traders should also be consulted – or better yet involved in co-designing regulations – so that the rules are legitimate to them.
The most appropriate interventions will depend on each country’s analysis of its own trading situation and their role in the trade of given species. They may include devolving land or use rights to Indigenous peoples so that they manage and can benefit from the species. Or interventions may be programmes to reduce consumer demand or develop responsible markets for wildlife products as appropriate.
The approach we propose in our study has the potential to reduce reliance on state-led law enforcement along international supply chains. Pluralist regulatory approaches, including self-regulation, community monitoring or the engagement of appropriate third parties, could be used to support compliance with new rules at each stage of supply chains. Where property rights are appropriately assigned, clear and enforceable, this could mean less reliance on state law-enforcement. This is because local people with a sense of ownership of wildlife are more likely to help protect it rather than overexploit it.
How could Cites be more effective? By understanding the dynamic trade systems for species in greater detail. Then, identifying the most appropriate combination of rights, rules and decision-making procedures to achieve sustainability throughout supply chains. And, finally, integrating Cites trade measures within these broader systems.
Don’t have time to read about climate change as much as you’d like?
Dan Challender receives funding from the Global Challenges Research Fund through the Trade, Development, and the Environment Hub, the A. G. Leventis Foundation, and the Paul G. Allen Family Foundation. He serves as CITES Focal Point for the IUCN Species Survival Commission (SSC) Pangolin Specialist Group, and is a member of the IUCN Commission on Environmental, Economic, and Social Policy (CEESP)/SSC Sustainable Use and Livelihoods Specialist Group.
Michael ‘t Sas-Rolfes has consulted as a technical advisor to Rhinomics, an initiative working to develop an ethical and sustainable trading model for the benefit of rhino conservation. He serves on the IUCN Species Survival Commission (SSC) African Rhino Specialist Group, and is a member of the IUCN Commission on Environmental, Economic, and Social Policy (CEESP)/SSC Sustainable Use and Livelihoods Specialist Group.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sofia Nilsson Warkander, PhD Candidate, 17th-Century Literature, Stockholm University
José Lourenço’s film adaptation of German author Johann Wolfgang von Goethe’s epistolary novel The Sorrows of Young Werther opens with a line on screen stating it is “based on the smash hit 1774 novel of tragic romance”. Set in contemporary Canada, it revolves around Werther (Douglas Booth), who falls tragically in love with Charlotte (Alison Pill), who is already engaged to Albert (Patrick J. Adams).
Goethe’s “smash hit” was written in a new literary landscape, where both readers and writers increasingly belonged to the growing middle class. It was one of the most influential works of the Sturm und Drang movement, also called Geniezeit (the age of genius), which cultivated individual emotion and expression, rejecting antiquated class structures in favour of an “aristocracy of feeling”.
The movement’s interest in the individual’s inner life was revolutionary at the time. Today, it has become an integral part of western ideology and culture, and is arguably part of the reason that romantic comedy is such a popular genre.
Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.
In recent years, movie adaptations of early modern works have been made with a tongue-in-cheek style far removed from BBC adaptations of the 1990s. One notable example is Carrie Cracknell’s 2022 adaptation of Jane Austen’s Persuasion, where much of the original novel’s tone was changed for a strong flavour of the television series Fleabag. But still, successful reworkings generally show a director’s appreciation for the original.
Lourenço’s comedy, however, strips away much of the complexity of Goethe’s masterpiece. In I’ve Never Wanted Anyone More, the literary genius of The Sorrows of Young Werther is metamorphosed into tropes so contemporary that they already seem dated.
The jovial movie Werther is a trust-fund baby who loves gelato and bespoke tailoring. Instead of an artist, here he is an aspiring science-fiction writer. And although they share an enthusiasm for J.D. Salinger, the film’s Werther and Charlotte generally find more joy in sample sales and smoking joints than poetry.
The trailer for I’ve Never Wanted Anyone More.
The film also has a bizarre penis fixation. Werther’s confidant, Paul, has an obsession with semen, and his uncle repeatedly urges him to avoid condoms. In the moment of their greatest confrontation, Charlotte’s fiancé Albert and Werther agree that linden trees (a passing reference to the ones the literary Werther is buried between) smell like semen.
Apparently, after a fistfight, this is all two romantic rivals have to talk about. As the seminal male bond prevails, I can’t help feeling that the film would have been more credible without trying to be American Pie.
Adapting Goethe
Beyond passion, Goethe’s novel also depicts different social dilemmas. In the book, Werther leaves a promising bureaucratic career because he cannot overcome a sense of disgust at having to navigate social hierarchies with flattery and falseness. In fact, it often seems that it is this social order that he cannot survive, rather than his infatuation with Charlotte.
Unlike Werther, in the novel Charlotte can’t give in to her feelings, because of the expectations of female modesty of the time as well as her duty to provide for her younger siblings by marrying the well-to-do Albert.
In the film version, Charlotte is despondent about how much of her own life she has had to sacrifice to care for her family. The film’s exploration of this sacrifice, and her loneliness as Albert neglects her in favour of his work, shows the potential for a more nuanced characterisation of the heroine.
Unfortunately, I’ve Never Wanted Anyone More is typical of much contemporary screenwriting in its over-explanation of actions and desires, telling rather than showing.
Lourenço often appears inspired by Whit Stillman’s deftly crafted romantic comedies. Love and Friendship (2016), Stillman’s brilliantly funny adaptation of Jane Austen’s novella Lady Susan, could be a model for any attempt to rework centuries-old prose. However, I’ve Never Wanted Anyone More lacks the light touch and meticulous writing that made that adaptation glimmer, exposing original genius alongside the new version’s appeal.
Instead, the film turns both social analysis and tragedy into pat, moral lessons. The literary Werther’s reluctance to partake in a society still ruled by arbitrary privilege is excised from the movie. After being chastised by a friend for being unhappy instead of recognising the advantages he already possesses, Werther instead helps Albert and Charlotte improve their marital relationship.
This therapy speak seems oddly in touch with contemporary pop psychology touting the benefits of gratitude. Instead of suicide, in the film Werther’s despair is transmuted into an artistic breakthrough and an exultant trip to Berlin with Paul, as Charlotte and Albert settle into wedded bliss.
Touching on the novel’s social critique would have made for a more complex and satisfying adaptation. It also has its own interest in times of increasing income disparity and the eradication of the middle class. Keeping more such characteristic marks could have made this reworking stand out among blander cinematic fare.
I’ve Never Wanted Anyone More’s problem is that it cannot decide whether to be burlesque or emotional, whether it’s adapting a novel or its Sparknotes summary. Again, differences between model and adaptation might not be a work’s most important quality. But if the director wants to deviate so consistently, why choose a literary model at all?
Sofia Nilsson Warkander does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
It has taken decades for some to accept the devastating effects of climate change on our planet. Despite scientific evidence that was available years ago, many people were reluctant to make the connection between increasing use of fossil fuels, rising global temperatures and devastating weather events.
A key reason for this reluctance is the dislocation of cause and effect, both in time and geography. And here there are clear parallels with another deadly human activity that is causing increasing levels of suffering across the planet: the production, trafficking and consumption of illicit drugs. Here are some troubling “highlights” from the UN’s latest World Drugs Report:
Cocaine production is reaching record highs, with production climbing in Latin America coupled with drug use and markets expanding in Europe, Africa and Asia.
Synthetic drugs are also inflicting great harm on people and communities, caused by an increase in methamphetamine trafficking in south-west Asia, the near and Middle East and south-eastern Europe, and fentanyl overdoses in North America.
Meanwhile, the opium ban imposed by the de facto authorities in Afghanistan is having a significant impact on farmers’ livelihoods and incomes, necessitating a sustainable humanitarian response.
The report notes how organised criminal groups are “exploiting instability and gaps in the rule of law” to expand their trafficking operations, “while damaging fragile ecosystems and perpetuating other forms of organised crime such as human trafficking”.
Illicit drug use is damaging large parts of the world socially, politically and environmentally. Patterns of supply and demand are changing rapidly. In our new longform series Addicted, leading drug experts bring you the latest insights on drug use and production as we ask: is it time to declare a planetary emergency?
At every stage of the process of producing drugs such as cocaine, there are not only societal impacts but environmental ones too. An example of the interconnected relationship between climate change and drugs is demonstrated in the use of land.
Demand for cocaine has grown rapidly across many western countries, and meeting this can only be met by changing how land is used. Forests are cleared in South America to make way for growing coca plants. The refinement of coca into cocaine involves toxic chemicals that pollute the soil and nearby watercourses. This in turn compromises those living in these areas as access to clean water and fertile land is reduced.
Until this is reversed, these local communities will not be able to cultivate the land to earn an income or rely on water sources to live. And each year, some of their number will add to the hundreds of thousands of people around the world who die, directly or indirectly, as a result of illicit drug use.
People in the world with drug use disorders (1990-2021)
Having spent most of my career researching the human toll of drug use at almost every stage of the supply and consumption chain, I believe a complete shift in the way we think about the world’s drug problem is required.
We already have many years of evidence of the ways that drugs – both natural and (increasingly) synthetic – are destabilising countries’ legal and political institutions, devastating entire communities, and destroying millions of lives. My question is, as with climate change, why are we so slow to recognise the existential threat that drug use poses to humanity?
The disconnect between users and producers
For decades, problems with drugs have been viewed as a mainly western issue, affecting Europe, North America and Australasia in terms of drug taking. This perception was fostered in part by US president Richard Nixon’s “war on drugs” announcement in June 1971, when he declared drug abuse to be “public enemy number one”.
This western-centric focus has come at a cost – we still have little data and information about drug use and problems in Africa, for example. But we are beginning to see how far drugs and their associated devastation has reached beyond traditional western borders.
Illicit drug use has increased by 20% over the past decade, only partly due to population growth. Almost 300 million people are estimated to consume illicit drugs regularly, with the three most popular being cannabis (228 million users), opioids (60 million) and cocaine (23 million). According to the UN report:
The range of drugs available to consumers has expanded, making patterns of use increasingly complex and polydrug use a common feature in most drug markets. One in 81 people (64 million) worldwide were suffering from a drug use disorder in 2022, an increase of 3% compared with 2018.
There are multiple harmful consequences of drug use. The largest global burden of disease continues to be attributed to opioids, use of which appears to have remained stable at the global level since 2019, in contrast to other drugs.
In the same way that climate change has threatened whole populations, so too have drugs. Yet many of us remain disconnected from how they are produced and distributed – and the misery they cause throughout the supply chain, all over the world.
The production of cocaine, for example, is associated with violence and exploitation at every stage of the manufacturing process. Death threats to farmers and unwilling traffickers have all increased in parallel with the growing demand for cocaine in the US and Europe.
Global drug use disorder deaths by substance (2000-21):
Organised crime groups not only supply and distribute drugs but also trade in people, whether for the commercial sex trade or other forms of modern slavery. This makes sense as the infrastructure and contacts to move drugs are similar to those used to move humans across borders and even continents. Yet many cocaine users are oblivious – wilfully or otherwise – of the violence associated with how this drug is supplied to them. As the UK National Crime Agency points out:
Reducing demand is another critical factor in reducing the supply of illegal drugs. Many people see recreational drug use as a victimless crime. The reality is that the production of illegal drugs for western markets has a devastating impact in source countries in terms of violence, exploitation of vulnerable and indigenous people and environmental destruction.
While some of the suffering associated with the production of drugs like cocaine makes the headlines, it’s often overshadowed by the glamorisation of criminal drug gangs in films and on TV. To the extent that people worry about the impact of drugs, it’s usually focused on those in our immediate communities, such as people dependent on heroin who are sleeping rough and vulnerable to exploitation. But there have already been other victims before the drug reaches our streets.
Shifts in the global supply chain
Tracking heroin routes demonstrates the way that drug supply is an international effort which affects every community on its journey, from the Afghan farmer to officials who are bribed so the drug can cross borders or be let through ports without being seized, to the person injecting or smoking the finished product.
Much of Europe’s heroin is produced in Afghanistan by small farming operations growing opium, which is then transformed into the drug. Most Afghan farmers are simply surviving growing the crop, and don’t reap significant wealth from their harvest. It is those supplying and distributing the opium as heroin who can make serious money from it.
Meanwhile, following the return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan in August 2021, those farmers’ livelihoods have faced a new threat.
The Taliban is ideologically opposed to the production of opium. Soon after assuming control, its leaders issued a decree banning farmers from growing opium. They have enforced this by destroying crops when farmers have ignored the ban – although there is still believed to be a significant stockpile of heroin in the country, meaning that as yet, there has not been a big impact on supply to Europe and the UK. But this could change amid the emergence of more deadly synthetic alternatives, including nitazenes and other new synthetic opioids.
Heroin trafficking flows based on reported seizures (2019-22):
Either way, the drug gangs who traffic heroin won’t worry about the opium farmers’ wellbeing. As so often happens with changes in the availability of illicit drugs, when there is a shortage, these groups prove adaptable and nimble at providing alternatives quickly.
While gathering intelligence about organised crime gangs is difficult and potentially dangerous, the European Union Drugs Agency (EUDA) has provided some insights about who these groups are and how they operate. The Netherlands remains an important hub for the distribution of heroin, with several Dutch criminal groups involved in importing and distributing heroin from Afghanistan.
But others are involved too: the EUDA’s intelligence shows that criminal networks with members from Kurdish background are central to the wholesale supply and have control over many parts of the supply chain. These professional, well-organised groups have established legal businesses throughout the route of supply that facilitate their illicit activities – largely along the Balkan route with hubs in Europe.
Intermediate & final recipients of heroin shipments (2019-22):
Unlike these organised crime gangs, governments and law enforcement appear to respond to emerging threats slowly and lack the flexibility and ingenuity that the gangs repeatedly demonstrate.
As drug detection techniques have improved, organised crime has shown how inventive it can be. Taking advantage of the COVID-19 pandemic, dealers used consignments of surgical masks to conceal large quantities of cocaine being trafficked to China and Hong Kong from South America.
And as western markets for cocaine become saturated, organised crime gangs have exploited new markets in Asia, where cocaine seizures, a proxy for use of cocaine, have increased. But the shifting landscape is also reflected in changes in consumption, with use of the synthetic stimulant methamphetamine growing rapidly in Asia – reflected in record levels of seizures in the region in 2023.
For the organised crime gangs, production and supply of synthetic drugs is in many ways easier, as it is not reliant on an agricultural crop in the way that heroin and cocaine are and can be manufactured locally. This reduces the distribution logistics and distance needed for an effective supply chain. According to the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, organised crime gangs are exploiting gaps in law enforcement and state governance to both traffic large volumes of drugs and expand their production in the region.
Where there is destabilisation, there is opportunity for those who seek to profit from drug addiction. In Syria, Russia and Ukraine, war has made some people very rich.
Syria and Russia: the new drug hotspots
The wars in Syria and Ukraine bear testament to the way drugs provide solutions to people who are experiencing the worst of times – and to governments that are ready to exploit evolving situations.
As the war in Syria progressed, the Bashar Al-Assad regime actively developed a strategy to dominate the captagon market in the Middle East and North Africa. First produced in the 1960s in Germany to treat conditions such as attention deficit disorders and narcolepsy and other conditions, captagon is a stimulant that staves off hunger and sleep, making it ideal for military use – particularly in countries where food supplies are inconsistent. It has been referred to as the “drug of jihad” used by Islamic fighters in the region.
As the war progressed in Syria, the country and its leader became increasingly isolated, its economy crashed creating the perfect conditions to develop the trade in captagon. Rather than drug production leading to the collapse of law and order, it was the other way round.
Isolated by the west and with a historically strained relationship with its neighbours including Saudi Arabia, the Assad regime – under the guidance, reportedly, of Assad’s brother Maher al-Assad– ruthlessly positioned itself as the world’s main producer and distributor of this drug, then used this position to leverage its influence and try to reintegrate into the Arab world.
Video by TRT World.
Captagon also provided much-needed revenue for the Assad regime. The drug was estimated to be worth US$5.7 billion annually to the Syrian economy – at a time when western governments have placed severe sanctions on the country, restricting its ability to raise revenue. Saudi Arabia was one of the main countries being supplied captagon by Syria. Until the fall of Assad, it was the senior leadership in Syria that controlled the supply and distribution of the drug – giving rise to the label “the world’s largest narco state”.
The Assad government achieved this position by making captagon good value – a viable alternative to alcohol in terms of price and for those who don’t drink. Exploiting many of its own citizens, the regime encouraged individuals and businesses to participate in manufacturing and distributing the drug.
The fall of Assad and his hurried escape to Russia left the rebel fighters to pick up vast hauls of captagon and other drug ingredients. “We found a large number of devices that were stuffed with packages of captagon pills meant to be smuggled out of the country. It’s a huge quantity,” one fighter belonging to the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group told the Guardian. What this will do to drug production and supply in the region is unclear.
While the latest UN World Drug Report highlights “a rapid increase in both the scale and sophistication of drug trafficking operations in the region over the past decade”, it goes on to highlight that “one of the most striking changes worldwide in drug trafficking and drug use over the past decade has taken place in Central Asia, Transcaucasia [Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia] and eastern Europe”, where there has been a shift “away from opiates, mostly originating in Afghanistan – towards the use of synthetic stimulants, notably cathinones … There is hardly any other region where cathinones play such a significant role.”
This is part of “a groundbreaking shift in the global drug trade, pioneered in Russia and now spreading globally,” according to the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime. This shift is changing the nature of drug sales, using “darknet markets and cryptocurrency for anonymous transactions, allowing buyers to retrieve drugs from hidden physical locations or ‘dead drops’, rather than direct exchanges.”
The rise of Russia’s dead drop drug trade stems from several unique national factors: restrictive anti-drug policies, strained western trade relations, and a strong technological foundation. Enabled by these conditions, the dead drop model has reshaped how drugs are distributed in Russia.
Drug transactions now involve no face-to-face interactions; instead, orders are placed online, paid for with cryptocurrency, and retrieved from secret locations across cities within hours. This system, offering convenience and anonymity, has seen synthetic drugs – especially synthetic cathinones like mephedrone – overtake traditional imported substances like cocaine and heroin in Russia … These potent synthetic drugs are cheap, easy to manufacture, and readily distributed through Russia’s vast delivery networks.
The report notes that this shift in drug distribution has been accompanied by rising levels of violence including punishment beatings, and a public health crisis.
Podcast by the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime.
Yet officially, there is very little reliable data about drug use in Russia. Under the premiership of Vladimir Putin, Russia has no sympathy with those who are dependent, viewing them as weak and without value. And its invasion of Ukraine three years ago has had ramifications for Ukraine’s users too.
Prior to the war, Ukraine had demonstrated an increasingly progressive policy towards those who had problems with drugs, establishing treatment centers and encouraging access to treatment. Since Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, this strategy has been severely set back, with many people who need access to substitute treatments such as methadone unable to secure consistent supply of these drugs.
Another global blind spot is China, where, like Russia, little is known about the extent or type of problems that drugs are causing. Both regimes are ideologically opposed to recreational or problem drug use and, as far as we know, there is no state-funded rehabilitation provided in either country; the approach is to criminalise people rather than offer health-based interventions.
We shouldn’t be too critical as many western countries, including the UK, also need to pivot from a criminal approach to drug problems towards a health-focused one. Portugal made such a policy change several years ago, recognising that people who develop problems with drugs such as dependency need help rather than punishment.
This radical shift in thinking has made a significant change to the way those using drugs are treated, in the main offered help and specialist support rather than being arrested and sent to jail, only to be released and then repeat the same cycle of drug use, arrest and prison.
The evidence of this policy change is impressive: not only have drug-related deaths fallen, but population-level drug use is among the lowest in Europe. Nowhere is this policy shift more urgent than the US.
North America: epicentre of the opioid crisis
In the US, the synthetic opioids fentanyl and oxycodone have contributed to more than 100,000 fatal overdoses each year since 2021. While there are signs this deaths toll is at last beginning to fall, the harm and pain of addiction and overdose affects every strata of American society – as shown in moving portrayals of America’s opioid crisis such as Painkiller and Dopesick. Most fatalities are caused by respiratory depression where breathing is significantly slowed or stops altogether.
Official trailer for Painkiller (Netflix)
Fentanyl is an analgesic drug that is 50-100 times more potent than heroin or morphine. Where China used to be the principal manufacturer and supplier of fentanyl to the US, Mexico is now the primary source. In December 2024, Mexican authorities announced “the largest mass seizure of fentanyl pills ever made” – amounting to more than 20 million doses of fentanyl pills worth nearly US$400 million. The pills were found in Mexico’s Sinaloa state, home of the Sinaloa drug cartel and a hub of fentanyl production,
“This is what makes us rich,” one fentanyl cook recently told the New York Times. He was scathing about the idea that Donald Trump would be able to stamp out the supply of fentanyl from Mexico to the US by threatening Mexico’s government with tariffs. “Drug trafficking is the main economy here.”
However, the introduction of synthetic opioids to the US came not via organised crime but through a deliberate strategy of the pharmaceutical industry. Upon launching its prescription opioid painkiller OxyContin (a brand name for oxycodone) in 1996, Perdue Pharma, owned by the Sackler family, devised a plan to increase prescriptions of the drug by incentivizing and rewarding doctors to give these drugs to their patients. On a business level, this was a success; on a human level, it has been a disaster.
As patients quickly developed tolerance to drugs such as OxyContin, they had to take higher doses to avoid withdrawal symptoms or the positive feelings it gave them. Taking more of these opiates increases the risk of accidental overdose, many of which proved to be fatal. It has also driven those dependent on drugs to the black market, and into the hands of organised drug gangs, as they seek the drugs in greater quantities.
Dependency on fentanyl and other opioids is all-consuming. When not using these drugs, people are entirely focused on ensuring sufficient supply of the next dose. This includes funding supply which can take people to places they thought they would never be, for example breaking the law, shoplifting or getting involved in commercial sex to make enough money to buy drugs.
Synthetic opiates like OxyContin and fentanyl have proved to be classless, ageless and sex blind. The first-hand experience of addiction and fatalities have radically altered the way many Americans think about drugs and the problems they cause. Canada, too, is suffering a major crisis.
Compounding this tragedy is the failure of the state to provide interventions and treatment that could have reduced fatal and non-fatal overdoses. It is only now that evidence-based interventions are beginning to be made widely available, such as access to Naloxone – a drug that can reverse the effects of opiates and potentially save a life.
Of course, it isn’t just hospitals and health professionals that are challenged by the results of widespread use of opioids, but public services like the police and fire service. In some areas of the US, there have been so many daily overdoses that every service was called on to try and deal with it. Local mayors have made it a priority to train police and fire personnel to be trained as first responders, such is the scale of the problem.
But it is not just in North America that we see the failure of politicians and the state to act when faced with growing problems with drugs. In the UK, where record numbers are dying because of using drugs such as heroin, the government has not invested in overdose prevention strategies. At a time when fatal overdoses increase year on year, budgets for specialist treatment have been reduced. It remains to be seen what the recently elected Labour government will do, if anything, to tackle the tragic rise in drug related fatalities.
What connects both examples from the US and UK is the attitude and perception of drug use many of us have. Drug use and the heavy use of prescription painkillers is still heavily stigmatised. Many of us still view this as something individuals bring on themselves or have a choice about.
So, if we don’t care about what happens to people who develop problems with drugs, why should our elected representatives? In part, it is our bigotry that is enabling the lack of timely intervention, despite us possessing the knowledge and evidence of how drug harms can be minimised.
Latin America: breakdown of the rule of law
Under the last Conservative government, the UK Home Office asserted that people who used cocaine recreationally are supporting violence not only in the UK but in the countries that produce its raw ingredients. It’s not clear if this has made any difference to those using cocaine in the UK – personally, I doubt many people consider or are aware of how cocaine is produced or its provenance.
Perhaps if those using cocaine, mainly in western countries, realised the extent of violence and suffering that cocaine manufacture causes they might think again. Latin America has suffered enormously, with few countries there not touched in some way by the violence and breakdown of law associated with drug production and supply. According to the latest UN World Drugs Report:
Global cocaine supply reached a record high in 2022, with more than 2,700 tons of cocaine produced that year, 20% more than in the previous year … The impact of increased cocaine trafficking has been felt in Ecuador in particular, which has seen a wave of lethal violence in recent years linked to both local and transnational crime groups, most notably from Mexico and the Balkan countries.
Cocaine seizures and homicide rates increased five-fold between 2019 and 2022 in Ecuador, with the highest such rates reported in the coastal areas used for trafficking the drug to major destination markets in North America and Europe.
Cocaine trafficking flows based on reported seizures (2019-22):
As with opium production in Afghanistan, it is small-scale farmers in Colombia, Peru and Bolivia that grow the coca plant that will be turned into cocaine. Like their Afghan counterparts, they grow coca as it is more profitable than alternatives such as coffee. While it may be profitable in the short term, there are greater costs to them and their society.
Cocaine production brings with it violence as those further up the drug production chain try to control its trade. Few parts of these societies are unscathed, from bribing local politicians through to whole regions that are controlled by organised crime. Keeping control means that the use of firearms and violence increases. Against this backdrop, it is unsurprising that basic health and social services suffer.
So, while a coca grower may have more money, every other aspect of their life is negatively impacted. Whether it is regional or state institutions, both are compromised by the drug trade and those that control it. While this may not lead to the total collapse of law and order, it does create injustice and distorts the rule of law in many areas of Latin America and the Caribbean, where competition between gangs has also resulted in an increase in homicides.
The impact is on all sectors of society, now and into the future. For example, while historically the role of women has been largely underrepresented in research and drug policy, the UN report recognises that this is changing:
As women increasingly participate in economic activities, the role that women play in the drug phenomenon may become increasingly important. For example, a shift away from plant-based drug production may affect many women in rural households involved in opium poppy and coca bush cultivation.
The UN also identifies the specific risk to young people and the drugs trade, highlighting:
Long-term efforts to dismantle drug economies must provide socioeconomic opportunities and alternatives, which go beyond merely replacing illicit crops or incomes and instead address the root structural causes behind illicit crop cultivation, such as poverty, underdevelopment, and insecurity. They must also target the factors driving the recruitment of young people into the drug trade, who are at particular risk of synthetic drug use.
Meanwhile, demand for treatment in Europe due to problems with cocaine has risen significantly in recent years, since 2011 there has been an 80% increase in treatment presentations. This reflects the growing number of people using cocaine and the rise in purity of the drug.
Amid what may seem to be a story of unrelenting despair and hopelessness, there are local initiatives and even a few state-wide policies that provide optimism that change is possible.
In my roles both as clinician and scientist, I’ve often been amazed by how ingenious people can be when faced with the apparently impossible. For example, the way some people use heroin to dampen their psychotic symptoms, such as auditory and visual hallucinations – or the development of Naloxone, a drug that can temporarily reverse the effects of opioids, providing a short window for emergency services to treat people who have overdosed.
Early in my career, I witnessed the emergence of HIV in the UK in the 1980s. The speed at which this disease spread was not matched by our ability to treat it. Our response to HIV was undoubtedly hampered by prejudice and stigma towards marginalised groups in society, namely gay men and those using drugs (particularly injecting them).
However, unexpectedly and courageously, the Conservative government recognised those who were most at risk of contracting HIV, and organised a package of measures to contain the spread of infection. One part of this was a media campaign based on public health messaging designed to reduce the risk of contracting the disease. But the government also invested in treatment for those who had been infected and engaged with people at high risk, such as those intravenously injecting drugs.
I worked in specialist HIV clinics for those using drugs. At the time, methadone and diamorphine were provided as an alternative to heroin. Regulations and protocols that restricted the prescribing of these medical opioids were eased, so we could ensure patients attending these clinics were given sufficient oral and injectable opioids that they didn’t need to source street heroin.
This meant they had access to medical grade opioids and, crucially, were given regular supplies of sterile injecting equipment. It was this that reduced the risk of contracting HIV, as some people would share injecting equipment when using heroin.
This impressive policy ran counter to the Conservative party’s ideology at the time, which was to punish rather than help those using drugs like heroin. It showed me how, even with traditional mindsets, it is possible to shift policy thinking in the face of a health crisis. And make no mistake, the global drug problem is an ongoing health crisis. Today, the UN points to the risks that intravenous users of drugs still face:
An estimated 13.9 million people injected drugs in 2022, with the largest number living in North America and East and South-East Asia … The relative risk of acquiring HIV is 14 times higher for those who inject drugs than in the wider population globally.
There are, though, signs of positive change in the way some countries and regions are changing their drug policies. Scotland recently opened a drug consumption facility in Glasgow – a safe place for people to use their drugs, usually injecting drugs like heroin. Such spaces provide access to sterile injecting equipment, reducing the risk of blood-borne infections such as HIV or Hepatitis. At the same time, they offer the opportunity to engage with people who have not accessed traditional health services.
Portugal, as mentioned earlier, has made substantial changes to the way it approaches drug use and the problems associated with it. This policy shift since 2000 has saved lives and brought a more humane way of treating people who develop problems with drugs.
Contrast this with the wasted effort and resources ploughed into the war on drugs – initiated by Nixon and followed by so many western governments ever since. My plea to policymakers is simple: employ the same evidence-based science you use for health issues towards drugs and problem drug use.
Science and research can help in many ways, if given the chance. Some of it might seem radical, like providing safe drug consumption spaces. Some of it is more mundane, but vital – like tackling inequality, a clear driver of problem drug use across the world.
But while we often look to politicians to take the lead on change, it is people – us – that really hold the solution. By far the greatest threat to people and society from drugs is ignorance and bigotry. So many lives have been lost to drugs because of shame, either as a driver of drug use or a barrier to seeking help.
Beliefs are notoriously difficult to shift. As with climate change, the most powerful driver of change is personal experience. We know that when a family or community is affected by a drug overdose, their beliefs and perceptions change. But this is not the way any of us should want to see change happen.
To hear about new Insights articles, join the hundreds of thousands of people who value The Conversation’s evidence-based news. Subscribe to our newsletter.
Ian Hamilton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
.svg){kind=link}
