NewzIntel.com

Category: Reports

  • MIL-OSI Global: Six TV moments that changed British LGBTQ+ history – and what we can learn from them

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kate McNicholas Smith, Lecturer in Television Theory, University of Westminster

    The past two decades have seen a notable rise in LGBTQ+ representation on TV. Recent shifts, however, seem to threaten that progress. LGBTQ+ characters continue to meet tragic ends on screen – while off-screen, queer shows are being cancelled, media companies in the US have joined others in rolling back DEI initiatives and anti-LGBTQ+ violence is on the rise.

    At this critical moment, it feels apt to take a look back at some of the moments that made British LGBTQ+ TV history, exploring why they mattered and what we can learn from them.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    1. Man Alive (1967)

    In June 1967, the BBC documentary and current affairs series Man Alive focused two episodes on homosexuality. These episodes featured interviews with gay men and lesbian women about their lives and experiences, and how society treats them.

    The episode on “the women” featured an interview set in The Gateways club, a long-running lesbian nightclub on the Kings Road in west London (it closed in 1985). The Gateways also appeared in 1968 film, The Killing of Sister George, one of the first mainstream film representations of lesbian characters.

    ‘The Women’ episode of Man Alive.

    The month after the Man Alive documentaries aired, the Sexual Offences Act legalised homosexual acts between men over the age of 21 in England and Wales, so long as they took place consensually and in private.

    Documentaries such as these took an outside-looking-in approach to the subject matter, but nonetheless addressed the significant (albeit limited) shifts seen in this period.

    2. Girl (1974)

    In 1974, an episode of BBC Birmingham’s anthology series Second City Firsts featured the first kiss between two women on British television. The post-watershed television play portrayed a past relationship between Myra Francis’ army corporal, Chrissie, and Alison Steadman’s recruit Jackie. While this is no happily-ever-after romance, happier flashbacks do show the two women in bed together – a brief, but radical for its time, representation of queer intimacy.

    The broadcast was, unsurprisingly, controversial and was preceded by a special announcement from the controller of BBC. The rights of LGBTQ+ people in the military later became a major campaign, with the ban on openly gay and lesbian people serving lifted in the UK in 2000.

    Notably, fights for LGBTQ+ rights in the military demand equality, but also raise questions around the kinds of inclusions LGBTQ+ people are fighting for. As many activists and writers have argued, LGBTQ+ rights can be co-opted in ways that include some but exclude others, or justify other oppressive forces (for example in what is often referred to as pinkwashing).

    3. Lesbian activists protest Section 28 on the six o’clock news (1988)

    In May 1988, Margeret Thatcher’s Conservative government brought in Section 28: legislation that prohibited local authorities and schools from “promoting” homosexuality, reflecting the powerful anti-LGBTQ+ prejudice of the period.

    The lesbian protestors remember the moment they stormed the studio.

    The evening before the legislation was passed in parliament, a group of lesbian activists interrupted the live broadcast of the six o’clock news. As one of the protesters, Booan Temple, reflected: “By getting on the news, we would be the news.”

    The bill still passed, and Section 28 remained in place until 2000 in Scotland, and 2003 in England and Wales, but the power of LGBTQ+ resistance was palpable. Looking back today, there are worrying echoes of the moral panics of the 1980s to be found in the current climate.

    4. The Brookside kiss (1994)

    In 1985, Gordan Collins (Mark Burgess) came out on Channel 4’s popular soap opera, Brookside – making him the first openly gay character on a British television series. Five years later the soap featured the first pre-watershed kiss between two women, when Beth Jordache (Anna Friel) kissed Margaret Clemence (Nicola Stephenson).

    Anna Friel looks back on her lesbian kiss scene from Brookside.

    The kiss was so culturally significant that it later featured in Danny Boyle’s 2012 Olympics Opening Ceremony. Just one year after the episode, however, Beth died off screen in prison, an example of the “bury your gays” trope (where LGBTQ+ characters are frequently killed off in TV and film).

    Meanwhile, 1994 also saw Eastenders introduce Della Alexander (Michelle Joseph), the soap’s first lesbian and one of the first Black LGBTQ+ characters on British television. Della and girlfriend Binnie departed the soap a year later.

    Bisexual actor Pam St Clement, who played Eastenders matriarch Pat Butcher reflected: “Having given themselves that brief, they didn’t know what the fuck to do with it.”

    5. Coronation Street’s Hayley Cropper (1998)

    In 1998 it was Coronation Street’s turn to make LGBTQ+ TV history, when the ITV soap introduced Hayley Cropper (Julie Hesmondhalgh), a transgender woman initially intended for a comic “bad date” storyline.

    Julie Hesmondhalgh reflecting on Hayley Cropper’s ‘coming out’ scene many years later.

    Following criticism from trans activists, ITV recruited trans actress Annie Wallace as a research assistant to work with Hesmondhalgh on the role. In 2015, Wallace joined Hollyoaks, becoming the first transgender person to play a regular transgender character on a British soap opera.

    Hayley went on to exceed her problematic origins and win the hearts of audiences, educating them, as she did so, on the prejudices and legal barriers trans people faced. Hesmondhalgh, a trans ally and supporter of the charity Trans Media Watch, has, however, reflected that, as a cis actor, she “definitely wouldn’t take it” if the role was offered to her today.

    6. Queer as Folk (1999)

    Back on Channel 4, 1999 saw the broadcast of another groundbreaking show: Queer as Folk, written by Russell T Davies. Based around Manchester’s gay village, Queer as Folk broke boundaries with an unapologetic portrayal of the lives, loves and lusts of a group of queer characters.

    From explicit sex scenes to queer family making, the series’ represented LGBTQ+ lives in previously unseen ways. This radical visibility was, however, largely limited to white gay male characters – reflecting longstanding inequalities in media representation.

    The trailer for Queer as Folk.

    In later work, Davies has represented a more diverse spectrum of LGBTQ+ experience. Returning to Manchester’s queer scene again in 2015, anthology series Banana (2015) began with the story of Dean, a young Black gay man portrayed by British Nigerian actor Fisayo Akinade, and featured Bethany Black as the first trans actor to play a trans role in a British series (a few months before Annie Wallace joined Hollyoaks).

    The following years have seen more, and more diverse, examples of LGBTQ+ representation on TV. But tired tropes and exclusions continue, and the power of representation to shape possibilities, protections and prejudices is more pressing than ever.

    Kate McNicholas Smith does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Six TV moments that changed British LGBTQ+ history – and what we can learn from them – https://theconversation.com/six-tv-moments-that-changed-british-lgbtq-history-and-what-we-can-learn-from-them-258126

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: 3 things Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o taught me: language matters, stories are universal, Africa can thrive

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Charles Cantalupo, Distinguished Professor Emeritus of English, Comparative Literature, and African Studies, Penn State

    Ngũgi wa Thiong’o reads from his work in Mexico in 2017. He wrote across a huge variety of genres. Tania Victoria/Secretaría de Cultura CDMX/Flickr, CC BY-SA

    Celebrated Kenyan writer and decolonial scholar Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o passed away on 28 May at the age of 87. Many tributes and obituaries have appeared across the world, but we wanted to know more about Thiong’o the man and his thought processes. So we asked Charles Cantalupo, a leading scholar of his work, to tell us more.

    Who was Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o – and who was he to you?

    When I heard that Ngũgĩ had died, one of my first thoughts was about how far he had come in his life. No African writer has as many major, lasting creative achievements in such a wide range of genres as Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o. His books include novels, plays, short stories, essays and scholarship, criticism, poetry, memoirs and children’s books.



    Read more:
    Five things you should know about Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, one of Africa’s greatest writers of all time

    His fiction, nonfiction and plays from the early 1960s until today are frequently reprinted. Furthermore, Ngũgĩ’s monumental oeuvre is in two languages, English and Gĩkũyũ, and his works have been translated into many other languages.

    From a large family in rural Kenya and a son of his father’s third wife, he was saved by his mother’s pushing him to be educated. This included a British high school in Kenya and Makerere University in Uganda.

    When the brilliant young writer had his first big breakthrough at a 1962 meeting in Kampala, the Conference of African Writers of English Expression, he called himself “James Ngũgi”. This was also the name on the cover his first three novels. He had achieved fame already as an African writer but, as is often said, the best was yet to come.

    Not until he co-wrote the play I Will Marry When I Want with Ngũgĩ wa Mirii was the name “Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o” on the cover of his books, including on the first modern novel written in Gĩkũyũ, Devil on the Cross (Caitaani Mũtharaba-inĩ).

    I Will Marry When I Want was performed in 1977 in Gĩkũyũ in a local community centre. It was banned and Ngũgĩ was imprisoned for a year.

    And still so much more was to come: exile from Kenya, professorships in the UK and US, book after book, fiction and nonfiction, myriad invited lectures and conferences all over the world, a stunning collection of literary awards (with the notable exception of the Nobel Prize for Literature), honorary degrees, and the most distinguished academic appointments in the US, from the east coast to the west.

    Yet besides his mother’s influence and no doubt his own aptitude and determination, if one factor could be said to have fuelled his intellectual and literary evolution – from the red clay of Kenya into the firmament of world literary history – it was the language of his birth: Gĩkũyũ. From the stories his mother told him as a child to his own writing in Gĩkũyũ for a local, pan-African and international readership. He provided every reason why he should choose this path in his books of criticism and theory.

    Ngũgĩ was also my friend for over three decades – through his US professorships, to Eritrea, to South Africa, to his finally moving to the US to live with his children. We had an ongoing conversation – in person, during many literary projects, over the phone and the internet.

    Our friendship started in 1993, when I first interviewed him. He was living in exile from Kenya in Orange, New Jersey, where I was born. We both felt at home at the start of our working together. We felt the same way together through the conferences, books, translations, interviews and the many more literary projects that followed.

    What are his most important works?

    Since Ngũgĩ was such a voluminous and highly varied writer, he has many different important works. His earliest and historical novels like A Grain of Wheat and The River Between. His regime-shaking plays.

    His critical and controversial novels like Devil on the Cross and Petals of Blood. His more experimental and absolutely modern novels like Matigari and Wizard of the Crow.

    His epoch-making literary criticism like Decolonising the Mind. His informal and captivating three volumes of memoirs written later in life. His retelling in poetry of a Gĩkũyũ epic, The Perfect Nine, his last great book. A reader of Ngũgĩ can have many a heart’s desire.

    My book, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o: Texts and Contexts, was based on the three-day conference of the same name that I organised in the US. At the time, it was the largest conference ever held on an African writer anywhere in the world.

    What I learned back then applies now more than ever. There are no limits to the interest that Ngũgĩ’s work can generate anytime anywhere and in any form. I saw it happen in 1994 in Reading, Pennsylvania, and I see it now 30 years later in the outpouring of interest and recognition all over the world at Ngũgĩ’s death.

    In 1993, he had published a book of essays titled Moving the Centre: The Struggle for Cultural Freedoms. Focusing on Ngũgĩ’s work, the conference and the book were “moving the centre” in Ngũgĩ’s words, “to real creative centres among the working people in conditions of gender, racial, and religious equality”.

    What are your takeaways from your discussions with him?

    First, African languages are the key to African development, including African literature. Ngũgĩ comprehensively explored and advocated this fundamental premise in over 40 years of teaching, lectures, interviews, conversations and throughout his many books of literary criticism and theory. Also, he epitomised it, writing his later novels in Gĩkũyũ, including his magnum opus, Wizard of the Crow.

    Moreover, he codified his declaration of African language independence in co-writing The Asmara Declaration, which has been widely translated. It advocates for the importance and recognition of African languages and literatures.

    Second, literature and writing are a world and not a country. Every single place and language can be omnicentric: translation can overcome any border, boundary, or geography and make understanding universal. Be it Shakespeare’s English, Dante’s Italian, Ngugi’s Gĩkũyũ, the Bible’s Hebrew and Aramaic, or anything else, big or small.

    Third, on a more personal level, when I first met Ngũgĩ, I was a European American literary scholar and a poet with little knowledge of Africa and its literature and languages, much less of Ngũgĩ himself. He was its favourite son. But this didn’t stop him from giving me the idea and making me understand how African languages contained the seeds of an African Renaissance if only they were allowed to grow.

    I knew that the historical European Renaissance rooted, grew, flourished and blossomed through its writers in European vernacular languages. English, French, German, Italian, Spanish and more took the place of Latin in expressing the best that was being thought and said in their countries. Yet translation between and among these languages as well as from classical Latin and Greek culture, plus biblical texts and cultures, made them ever more widely shared and understood.



    Read more:
    Drama that shaped Ngũgĩ’s writing and activism comes home to Kenya

    From Ngũgĩ discussing African languages I took away a sense that African writers, storytellers, people, arts, and cultures could create a similar paradigm and overcome colonialism, colonial languages, neocolonialism and anything else that might prevent greatness.

    Charles Cantalupo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. 3 things Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o taught me: language matters, stories are universal, Africa can thrive – https://theconversation.com/3-things-ngugi-wa-thiongo-taught-me-language-matters-stories-are-universal-africa-can-thrive-258074

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The pursuit of eternal youth goes back centuries. Modern cosmetic surgery is turning it into a reality – for rich people

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Margaret Gibson, Associate Professor of Sociology, Griffith University

    The Conversation, CC BY-SA

    Kris Jenner’s “new” face sparked myriad headlines about how she can look so good at 69 years old. While she’s not confirmed what sort of procedures she’s undergone, speculation abounds.

    As a US reality TV personality, socialite and Kardashian matriarch, Jenner has long curated her on-screen identity. Her fame and fortune are intimately tied to a multinational cosmetics industry that has, for centuries, bartered in the illusion of timeless beauty.

    The pursuit of cosmetic enhancement can be traced back as far as Ancient Egypt, reminding us the desire to look younger is hardly new.

    But while many women try in vain to battle the ageing process, Jenner is an example of someone who’s actually succeeded, at least visually. What does that mean for the rest of us?

    Decades of surgeries

    Modern cosmetic plastic surgery has its roots in compassion. It was developed to help disfigured first world war soldiers rebuild their faces and identities.

    But this origin story has been sidelined. Today, aesthetic procedures are overwhelmingly pursued by women and marketed as lifestyle enhancements rather than medical interventions.

    Advancements in reconstructive surgery were made after both world wars with treatments on wounded soldiers.
    AFP/Getty Images

    Plastic surgery, once considered extreme or shameful, began to gain popularity in the 1960s, and is now widespread.

    Hollywood has long played a role in shaping these standards. During its Golden Age, stars like Marilyn Monroe and John Wayne are reported to have undergone cosmetic surgeries – rhinoplasty (nose jobs), chin implants, facelifts – to preserve their screen personas.

    Even before Instagram, before-and-after images were a cultural obsession, often used to shame or expose.

    From taboo to trend

    The digital age has further normalised cosmetic enhancements, with social media influencers and celebrities promoting procedures alongside beauty products.

    It’s estimated Jenner spent upwards of US$130,000 (around A$200,000) on cosmetic interventions, resulting in a look that some media outlets suggest places her in her 30s.

    There’s been similar speculation about Lindsay Lohan, Christina Aguilera and Anne Hathaway, though none of the women have confirmed anything themselves.

    On Jenner, social media users are split. Some offer aspirational praise (“If I had the money, I’d get it all done!”), while others criticise her rejection of “ageing gracefully”.

    Today, celebrities increasingly control the narrative. Jenner has embraced her past cosmetic transformations, sharing them openly on social media and in interviews. The taboo is evolving.

    Yet many stars, including Courtney Cox, Ariana Grande, and Mickey Rourke, have spoken openly about regrets and the psychological toll of these procedures. Even with agency, the pressure remains immense.

    Youth as a cultural ideal

    This obsession with agelessness reflects a deeper societal discomfort with visible ageing, particularly in women.

    Celebrities, with access to elite medical professionals and procedures, seem to cheat time.

    Yet the outcome of is often disorienting: when Jenner appears younger than her children, the generational lines blur.

    This erasure of age difference entrenches youth as an end in itself. It also destabilises how we perceive kinship and mortality.

    Supermodel Bella Hadid has said she regrets getting a rhinoplasty as a teenager. Of Palestinian descent, she said “I wish I’d kept the nose of my ancestors”.

    In my own research, I’ve argued cosmetic enhancement is tied to a cultural denial of death.

    The ageing isn’t the problem – it’s our refusal to accept it.

    The desperate clinging to youth reflects a collective resistance to change. Celebrity culture and consumer capitalism exploit this vulnerability, making age a problem to be solved rather than a life stage to be honoured.

    We should mourn our ageing, not erase it. In another world, we could witness it, share it, and celebrate its quiet, powerful beauty.

    So what about us?

    But that’s not the world many live in, and the pressure extends beyond Hollywood.

    With filters, apps, and social media platforms, ordinary people also curate and enhance their images, playing their part in a fantasy of perfection.

    A recent study looked at the way young Australians use selfie editing tools. It found the widespread use of such apps have a significant effect on the body image of young people.



    Read more:
    ‘Perfect bodies and perfect lives’: how selfie-editing tools are distorting how young people see themselves

    The line between self-care and self-deception has never been blurrier. We all want to present the best version of ourselves, even if reality slips into illusion.

    So while women have long tried to outrun visible ageing, whether that be through anti-wrinkle creams or more invasive means, Jenner is an example of something relatively rare: a woman who’s actually managed to do it.

    In doing so, she and her celebrity counterparts set a new youthful beauty standard in what ageing should (or shouldn’t) look like.

    And while that standard may be felt by a variety of women, few will be able to achieve it.

    Extremely wealthy beauty moguls like Kris Jenner can afford elite treatments, while most people face growing financial pressure and a cost-of-living crisis. The divide isn’t just aesthetic – it’s economic.

    Beauty, in this context, is both a product and a privilege.

    And of course, judgement of women’s appearances remains a powerful force for discrediting their political, social, and moral worth. For every bit of praise there is for Jenner’s “youthful” appearance, there are videos claiming she’s “ruined her face” and questioning of whether she should spend so much money on such a cause.

    As long as gender inequality persists and beauty remains a currency of value, the pressure to conform will endure.

    Margaret Gibson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The pursuit of eternal youth goes back centuries. Modern cosmetic surgery is turning it into a reality – for rich people – https://theconversation.com/the-pursuit-of-eternal-youth-goes-back-centuries-modern-cosmetic-surgery-is-turning-it-into-a-reality-for-rich-people-257969

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Dehorning rhinos tips the balance against poaching – new study

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Timothy Kuiper, Senior Lecturer – Biodiversity and Statistics, Nelson Mandela University

    Black and white rhino populations in the Greater Kruger (Kruger National Park and surrounding reserves) in South Africa have plummeted from over 10,000 rhinos in 2010 to around 2,600 in 2023. Hundreds of rhinos are killed each year by poachers for their horns. These are sold on the illegal global market.

    Nature reserve managers, rangers, international funders, and local non-profit organisations have invested millions of dollars in anti-poaching interventions. These include tracking dogs to track poachers, artificial intelligence-enabled detection cameras, helicopters to monitor reserves and, more recently, dehorning (removing rhinos’ horns reduces the incentive for poachers).

    To see if these were working, the Greater Kruger Environmental Protection Foundation set up a research project involving several reserve managers, rangers, and scientists from the University of Cape Town, Nelson Mandela University, University of Stellenbosch, and the University of Oxford.

    The South African National Parks, World Wildlife Fund South Africa, and the Rhino Recovery Fund were also involved.



    Read more:
    Why military and market responses are no way to save species from extinction

    Together, managers and scientists gathered seven years of rhino poaching data across 2.4 million hectares in the north-eastern region of South Africa and western Mozambique. During this time, we documented the poaching of 1,985 rhinos across 11 reserves in the Greater Kruger area. This number is about 6.5% of the rhino populations in these reserves annually.

    This landscape is a critical global stronghold that conserves around 25% of all Africa’s rhinos.

    Our study’s headline result was that dehorning rhinos to reduce incentives for poaching achieved a 78% reduction in poaching (average reduction across implementing reserves). This was based on comparison between sites with and without dehorning as well as changes in poaching before and after dehorning. Exactly 2,284 rhinos were dehorned across eight reserves over the seven years of our research – this was most of the rhino in the region.

    Our findings show that significant progress can be made against rhino poaching by reducing the reward attached to poaching (removing the horn). This is a strategic shift in focus away from purely focusing on increasing risks to poachers.



    Read more:
    Chopping off the rhino’s horn and the war on wildlife crime

    But we are being careful to note that dehorning is not a complete solution. Our research found that 111 rhinos were poached even though they had been dehorned. This is because up to 15cm of horn is left on the rhino when it is dehorned by veterinarians. This is to protect the growth plate at the base of the horn.

    Rhinos’ horns regrow over time. During our fieldwork, we also noticed that criminal syndicates remain willing to kill rhinos for their stumps, even if they do this at lower rates than before dehorning.

    It may be best to think of dehorning as a very effective but short-term solution that buys us time to address the more ultimate drivers of poaching: horn demand, socio-economic inequality, corruption, and organised criminal networks.

    A different approach to pinning down the problem

    Part of what made our study special was its strong focus on collaboration between managers and scientists. The project was first conceived by reserve managers at the frontline of rhino conservation and led by Sharon Haussmann, chief executive officer of the Greater Kruger Environmental Protection Foundation. They recognised the need to take a look at whether their investments into tracking dogs, artificial intelligence cameras and other anti-poaching interventions were paying off.

    Faced with a poaching crisis despite millions of dollars invested in law enforcement, security and technology, Sharon and the team were bold enough to ask: “Why are we still losing so many rhinos? What could we do differently?” These managers then began working closely with scientists to tackle this problem together through our research.

    Tragically, Sharon died unexpectedly on 31 May, less than a week before our research was published. We want to dedicate this research to her legacy.

    Detecting and arresting poachers alone is not enough

    The nature reserves we studied had invested US$74 million (R1 billion) in anti-poaching interventions between 2017 and 2021. Most of the investment focused on reactive law enforcement – rangers, tracking dogs, helicopters, access controls and detection cameras. This helped achieve over 700 poacher arrests. Yet we found no statistical evidence that these interventions significantly reduced poaching.

    Why? These interventions are a necessary element of the anti-poaching toolkit. But they were compromised by bigger challenges. For example, stark socio-economic inequality in the region creates the ideal conditions for crime to thrive, and criminal syndicates find it easy to recruit people willing to take the large risk of poaching rhino.



    Read more:
    Rhino poaching in South Africa has dipped but corruption hinders progress

    Entrenched corruption among police and reserve staff allowed offenders access to inside information on the locations of dogs, cameras and rhinos. This meant that poaching was not deterred as much as it could have been.

    Finally, ineffective criminal justice systems mean that arrested offenders often escape punishment, with evidence from the Greater Kruger of poachers who were multiple repeat offenders.

    What can be done differently?

    A range of interventions will be needed to complement dehorning, particularly as poaching for stumps would probably continue if there were no risk to poachers. There is also some evidence that dehorning rhino in one area means poachers may move to another area where rhino still have horns and poach there instead. (This has happened in South Africa’s second largest rhino stronghold in Hluhluwe-iMfolozi Park where rhino have not been dehorned.)



    Read more:
    The fight against poaching must shift to empowering communities

    Our findings challenge the conventional wisdom that detecting and arresting poachers is enough on its own. Instead, we recommend these measures:

    1. Give local people a voice and a stake. Many people affected by rhino conservation have no say and don’t share in the benefits of the industry.

    2. Disrupt transnational criminal networks outside protected areas through intelligence-led investigations (follow the money).

    3. Continue supporting dehorning in the short term. This will buy time to solve the biggest drivers of wildlife crime: inequality, horn demand, and corruption.

    4. Dehorning needs to be supported by other measures to protect the rhino.

    5. Support people first, then interventions. Rangers are key here – their welfare, wages, training and safety are not always given the attention or funding they deserve.

    6. Keep loving rhinos and buying your kids pyjamas with them on.

    Timothy Kuiper has received funding from the National Research Foundation in South Africa.

    – ref. Dehorning rhinos tips the balance against poaching – new study – https://theconversation.com/dehorning-rhinos-tips-the-balance-against-poaching-new-study-258315

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: ‘Godfather of AI’ now fears it’s unsafe. He has a plan to rein it in

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Armin Chitizadeh, Lecturer, School of Computer Science, University of Sydney

    fran_kie/Shutterstock

    This week the US Federal Bureau of Investigation revealed two men suspected of bombing a fertility clinic in California last month allegedly used artificial intelligence (AI) to obtain bomb-making instructions. The FBI did not disclose the name of the AI program in question.

    This brings into sharp focus the urgent need to make AI safer. Currently we are living in the “wild west” era of AI, where companies are fiercely competing to develop the fastest and most entertaining AI systems. Each company wants to outdo competitors and claim the top spot. This intense competition often leads to intentional or unintentional shortcuts – especially when it comes to safety.

    Coincidentally, at around the same time of the FBI’s revelation, one of the godfathers of modern AI, Canadian computer science professor Yoshua Bengio, launched a new nonprofit organisation dedicated to developing a new AI model specifically designed to be safer than other AI models – and target those that cause social harm.

    So what is Bengio’s new AI model? And will it actually protect the world from AI-faciliated harm?

    An ‘honest’ AI

    In 2018, Bengio, alongside his colleagues Yann LeCun and Geoffrey Hinton, won the Turing Award for groundbreaking research they had published three years earlier on deep learning. A branch of machine learning, deep learning attempts to mimic the processes of the human brain by using artificial neural networks to learn from computational data and make predictions.

    Bengio’s new nonprofit organisation, LawZero, is developing “Scientist AI”. Bengio has said this model will be “honest and not deceptive”, and incorporate safety-by-design principles.

    According to a preprint paper released online earlier this year, Scientist AI will differ from current AI systems in two key ways.

    First, it can assess and communicate its confidence level in its answers, helping to reduce the problem of AI giving overly confident and incorrect responses.

    Second, it can explain its reasoning to humans, allowing its conclusions to be evaluated and tested for accuracy.

    Interestingly, older AI systems had this feature. But in the rush for speed and new approaches, many modern AI models can’t explain their decisions. Their developers have sacrificed explainability for speed.

    Bengio also intends “Scientist AI” to act as a guardrail against unsafe AI. It could monitor other, less reliable and harmful AI systems — essentially fighting fire with fire.

    This may be the only viable solution to improve AI safety. Humans cannot properly monitor systems such as ChatGPT, which handle over a billion queries daily. Only another AI can manage this scale.

    Using an AI system against other AI systems is not just a sci-fi concept – it’s a common practice in research to compare and test different level of intelligence in AI systems.

    Adding a ‘world model’

    Large language models and machine learning are just small parts of today’s AI landscape.

    Another key addition Bengio’s team are adding to Scientist AI is the “world model” which brings certainty and explainability. Just as humans make decisions based on their understanding of the world, AI needs a similar model to function effectively.

    The absence of a world model in current AI models is clear.

    One well-known example is the “hand problem”: most of today’s AI models can imitate the appearance of hands but cannot replicate natural hand movements, because they lack an understanding of the physics — a world model — behind them.

    Another example is how models such as ChatGPT struggle with chess, failing to win and even making illegal moves.

    This is despite simpler AI systems, which do contain a model of the “world” of chess, beating even the best human players.

    These issues stem from the lack of a foundational world model in these systems, which are not inherently designed to model the dynamics of the real world.

    Yoshua Bengio is recognised as one of the godfathers of AI.
    Alex Wong/Getty Images

    On the right track – but it will be bumpy

    Bengio is on the right track, aiming to build safer, more trustworthy AI by combining large language models with other AI technologies.

    However, his journey isn’t going to be easy. LawZero’s US$30 million in funding is small compared to efforts such as the US$500 billion project announced by US President Donald Trump earlier this year to accelerate the development of AI.

    Making LawZero’s task harder is the fact that Scientist AI – like any other AI project – needs huge amounts of data to be powerful, and most data are controlled by major tech companies.

    There’s also an outstanding question. Even if Bengio can build an AI system that does everything he says it can, how is it going to be able to control other systems that might be causing harm?

    Still, this project, with talented researchers behind it, could spark a movement toward a future where AI truly helps humans thrive. If successful, it could set new expectations for safe AI, motivating researchers, developers, and policymakers to prioritise safety.

    Perhaps if we had taken similar action when social media first emerged, we would have a safer online environment for young people’s mental health. And maybe, if Scientist AI had already been in place, it could have prevented people with harmful intentions from accessing dangerous information with the help of AI systems.

    Armin Chitizadeh does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. ‘Godfather of AI’ now fears it’s unsafe. He has a plan to rein it in – https://theconversation.com/godfather-of-ai-now-fears-its-unsafe-he-has-a-plan-to-rein-it-in-258288

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Four years after a 15% global minimum tax deal, the world remains divided on how to implement it – podcast

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mend Mariwany, Producer, The Conversation Weekly Podcast, The Conversation

    Dilok Klaisataporn/Shutterstock

    In October 2021, 136 countries agreed to establish new tax rules requiring large multinational companies to pay at least 15% in corporate tax. Nearly four years later, this ambitious agreement is finally being implemented around the world, but its success faces big challenges.

    The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) tax framework aims to end the so-called race to the bottom, where corporations pit countries against each other to pay less tax and shift profits to jurisdictions with lower tax rates.

    In the second part of The 15% solution from The Conversation Weekly podcast, we examine progress towards implementing the global tax deal.

    The OECD’s two-pillar system fundamentally changes how multinationals are taxed. Pillar One determines where companies pay taxes. Pillar Two establishes how much they must pay: a minimum of 15% for any multinational with yearly revenues above US$850 million. The innovative aspect of the system is that it is self-enforcing. If a company pays less than 15% in any country, other nations where it operates can charge a supplementary tax to meet that minimum.

    However, implementation faces significant obstacles. So far around 140 countries have signed up. President Donald Trump withdrew the US from the negotiations in February 2025. China supports the framework in theory but is slow to fully implement it. And some low- and middle-income countries have also not signed up, citing technical complexity or bias toward higher-income countries.

    Martin Hearson, a research fellow at the Institute of Development Studies in the UK, explains that for countries with fewer legal and administrative resources, even good rules can be counterproductive due to their complexity. This has led some countries to look for alternatives, including a new UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, for which negotiations began in February 2025.

    Despite these challenges, the OECD expects that approximately 80% of profits previously taxed at low rates will now be appropriately taxed.

    Listen to part two of The 15% solution on The Conversation Weekly podcast. Part one is available here.

    This episode of The Conversation Weekly was written and produced by Mend Mariwany. Gemma Ware is the executive producer. Mixing and sound design by Eloise Stevens and theme music by Neeta Sarl.

    Newsclips in this episode from DW News, Arirang News, and Bloomberg.

    Listen to The Conversation Weekly via any of the apps listed above, download it directly via our RSS feed or find out how else to listen here. A transcript of this episode is available on Apple Podcasts.

    Martin Hearson’s research has been supported by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation, the Gates Foundation, the Intergovernmental Group of 24, the World Bank, the UN Department for Economic and Social Affairs, and ActionAid International.

    – ref. Four years after a 15% global minimum tax deal, the world remains divided on how to implement it – podcast – https://theconversation.com/four-years-after-a-15-global-minimum-tax-deal-the-world-remains-divided-on-how-to-implement-it-podcast-257695

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: African countries are bad at issuing bonds, so debt costs more than it should: what needs to change

    Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Misheck Mutize, Post Doctoral Researcher, Graduate School of Business (GSB), University of Cape Town

    Over the past two decades, African countries have increasingly turned to international capital markets to meet their development financing needs. For example, Kenya and Benin raised a combined US$2.5 billion through bond issuances during the first half of 2025. Proceeds were used to repay maturing bonds. This means new bonds, with unfavourable terms, are being issued to pay previous lenders.

    Yet African bonds are substantially mispriced, resulting in excessively high yields that are not justified by fundamentals – based on economic, fiscal and institutional strengths. Mispricing occurs when a country has high economic growth, stable institutions that support government policy implementation, rule of law and accountability, yet its bonds trade at higher yields than those of its peers. In other words, there will be every reason for investors to trust that the country will repay what it owes, but they still expect a higher return. This is happening because of lack of information and biases perpetuated by global entities that are facilitating bond sells in Africa.

    Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal have strong growth (5% to 6.5%), yet they face high yields on their bonds (7.8% to 8.2%) compared to Namibia and Morocco with approximately 3% growth and bond interest of 6%.

    This mispricing imposes a heavy debt servicing burden on already constrained public budgets.

    At the same time African countries face a puzzling paradox: while they’re paying more for the debt they’re raising, the demand for these bonds is much higher (oversubscribed). All bond issuances in Africa are subscribed by as much as over five times. This has only been common in Africa. It is puzzling why governments are not leveraging on the high demand to bargain for lower interest rates.

    In my view, based on my bond pricing modelling expertise, I believe that mispricing of Eurobonds in Africa – debt instruments issued by a country in a currency different from its own – is not a market anomaly. It shows internal capacity failures in African countries, structural market biases and insufficient understanding of the complex mechanics of global debt markets.

    Oversubscription of Eurobonds should be a source of power for African governments, not a missed opportunity. African countries can move from being price takers to price negotiators. They should be able to reduce debt costs, freeing up resources for development.

    But to get there African countries need to address the power imbalance in the markets.

    Governments need to invest in bond pricing expertise to increase their negotiating power.

    The false success signal of oversubscription

    There are several reasons why African bonds remain mispriced at a higher interest despite the oversubscriptions.

    Firstly, a lack of technical expertise in primary bond issuance in the debt management offices of the majority of African governments. Very few on the continent have intelligence systems for gathering information on financial markets and formal investor relations programmes. Neither do they have in-house quantitative analysts or pricing specialists capable of engaging investment banks on an equal footing during roadshows and negotiations.

    The debt management offices are unable to engage confidently and critically with financial intermediaries to challenge assumptions, simulate pricing scenarios and conduct their own comparative market analysis.

    After initial public offers, most governments don’t engage with holders of their bonds on the secondary market. Nor do they monitor bond post-issuance performance. The lack of interest in the secondary market has created a feedback loop where poor market intelligence has contributed to high coupons on new issuances.

    Secondly, advanced economies engage investors regularly through briefings, roadshows and timely reports. Communication by African governments is often ad hoc and usually limited to the period around a new bond issuance.

    This prevents investors from forming informed, long-term views. It leads to a default risk premium in pricing.

    Thirdly, debt issuance by African governments is often politically driven rather than strategically timed. Often this leads to rushed or ill-prepared entries.

    Sometimes it’s done when the cost of debt is rising globally, close to election cycles, or because governments are facing a financial crunch caused by falling reserves.



    Read more:
    African governments have developed a taste for Eurobonds: why it’s dangerous

    Fourth, African sovereigns often approach the Eurobond market with weak negotiating power. They are heavily reliant on a small pool of western investment banks as technical advisors to manage the bond issuance. These banks tend to be more inclined towards their own global investment client networks. Their incentives are not aligned with achieving the lowest possible yield for the issuers.

    African issuers often accept the initial price guidance from advisors and agree to high yields even in oversubscribed situations. Even when demand could support a lower yield, African issuers fail to negotiate pricing downwards. Issuing syndicates have no incentive to push for optimal pricing for the issuer as they receive transaction-based fees.



    Read more:
    African countries aren’t borrowing too much: they’re paying too much for debt

    The role of bond issuing syndicates is a major factor in the mispricing. In bond issuance, a syndicate is a group of financial institutions that structures the bond, price and market (also known bookbuilding), underwrite the unsold portion of the bond, sell the bond to their investors, and ensure compliance and documentation. These syndicates set coupon rates higher than necessary as a conservative hedge against perceived investor scepticism.

    African governments have become passive participants rather than active price-setters. African-based bond syndicates are systematically bypassed despite growing regional capacity and distribution networks. Bond issues are also allocated to offshore buyers, sidelining local institutional investors.

    Breaking the cycle of mispricing

    To correct the systemic Eurobond mispricing and reduce debt servicing costs, African countries must undertake reforms.

    First, governments should invest in debt management capacity.

    Second, they must actively monitor secondary market trading to identify opportunities such as bond buybacks and exchanges that could improve the debt profile. Real-time analytics on bond trading performance should inform future issuance terms and investor communication strategies.

    Third, governments must build institutional routines for submitting data, and proactively engage investors and rating agencies. This will challenge and influence risk assumptions. Investors need consistent assurances, especially on the ability to easily exit positions.

    Fourth, African countries need to maintain and monitor up-to-date benchmarks from peers with comparable pricing data. Without accurate comparisons, it is difficult to know whether the proposed bond pricing by syndicates is fair and accurate. They must stop solely relying on what investment banks recommends.

    Lastly, African governments should involve at least one African-based syndicate member, prioritise allocation to African institutional investors and promote regional arrangements with international banks to ensure knowledge transfer and equitable participation.

    Misheck Mutize is affiliated with the African Union as a Lead Expert on Credit Ratings

    – ref. African countries are bad at issuing bonds, so debt costs more than it should: what needs to change – https://theconversation.com/african-countries-are-bad-at-issuing-bonds-so-debt-costs-more-than-it-should-what-needs-to-change-257128

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: We tracked 13,000 giants of the ocean over 30 years, to uncover their hidden highways

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Ana M. M. Sequeira, Associate Professor, Research School of Biology, Australian National University

    Alexandra Vautin, Shutterstock

    Big animals of the ocean go about their days mostly hidden from view. Scientists know this marine megafauna – such as whales, sharks, seal, turtles and birds – travel vast distances to feed and breed.

    But almost a third are now at risk of extinction due largely to fishing, shipping, pollution and global warming.

    Protecting them can be difficult, because we don’t often know where these animals are.

    New research I led sought to shed light on the issue. My colleagues and I gathered 30 years of satellite tracking data to map hotspots of megafauna activity around the globe.

    We tracked 12,794 animals from 111 species to find out where they go. The results reveal underwater “highways” where megafauna crisscross the global Ocean. They also show where megafauna dwell for feeding and breeding. Now we know where these special places are, we have a better chance of protecting them.

    Satellite tracking reveals marine megafauna migration pathways and places of residence.
    Sequeira et al (2025) Science

    Pulling all the data together: a mega task

    For more than 30 years, marine biologists have tagged large animals in the sea with electronic devices and tracked their movements via satellite. The trackers capture data on everything from speed of travel, to direction of movement and where the animals spend most of their time.

    I put a call out to the global research community to bring together the tracking data. I hoped it would help scientists better understand the animals’ movements and identify their favourite places.

    Some 378 scientists from 50 countries responded. We assembled the world’s largest tracking dataset of marine megafauna. It includes species of flying birds, whales, fishes (mostly sharks), penguins, polar bears, seals, dugongs, manatees and turtles. They were tracked between 1985 and 2018, throughout the world’s oceans.

    Ana Sequeira swimming with a whale shark in Ningaloo Reef, Western Australia, to collect samples.
    Australian Institute of Marine Science

    Mapping reveals a lack of protection

    When we started analysing the data, it showed the tagged animals used some parts of the ocean more frequently than others. Most of them travelled to the central Indian Ocean, northeast Pacific Ocean, Atlantic north, and waters around Mozambique and South Africa.

    It’s likely this reflects a lack of data from elsewhere. However, these species are known to go to places where they are most likely to find food, so we expect some areas to be used more than others (including the areas we detected).

    Then we were able to identify the world’s most “ecologically and biologically significant areas” for the tracked animals.

    Currently only about 8% of the global ocean is protected. And only 5% of the important marine megafauna areas we identified occur within these existing marine protected areas.

    This leaves all of the other important marine megafauna areas we identified unprotected. In other words, the species using those areas are likely to suffer harm from human activities taking place at sea.

    More than 90% of the important marine megafauna areas we identified are exposed to high plastic pollution, shipping traffic or to intensifying global warming. And about 75% are exposed to industrial fishing.

    We also found marine megafauna tend to spend most of their time within exclusive economic zones. This area lies beyond the territorial sea or belt of water 12 nautical miles from the coast of each country, extending 200 nautical miles from shore. The presence of megafauna in these exclusive economic zones means individual countries could increase the protection afforded within their jurisdictions.

    About 40% of the important marine megafauna areas were located in these zones. But about 60% were on the high seas.

    The future of marine megafauna conservation

    The High Seas Treaty, recently adopted by the United Nations and signed by 115 countries, governs the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological biodiversity on the open ocean.

    Working alongside this treaty, the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework aims to protect 30% of the global ocean by 2030. This presents an opportunity to ensure important marine megafauna areas are well represented.

    We used an optimisation algorithm to identify the best areas to protect, when it comes to marine megafauna. We gave priority to areas that are potentially used for feeding, breeding, resting and migrating across all the different species.

    But even if important marine megafauna areas are selected when 30% of the ocean is protected, about 60% of these areas would still stay unprotected.

    Significant risks from human activities will remain. Management efforts must also focus on reducing harm from fishing and shipping. Fighting climate change and cutting down noise and plastic pollution should also be key priorities.

    Like for most megafauna on land, the reign of marine megafauna might come to an end if humanity does not afford these species greater protection.

    Ana M. M. Sequeira receives funding from the Australian Research Council and a Pew Marine Fellowship from the Pew Charitable Trusts. She is also affiliated with the University of Western Australia.

    – ref. We tracked 13,000 giants of the ocean over 30 years, to uncover their hidden highways – https://theconversation.com/we-tracked-13-000-giants-of-the-ocean-over-30-years-to-uncover-their-hidden-highways-254610

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Is black mould really as bad for us as we think? A toxicologist explains

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Ian Musgrave, Senior lecturer in Pharmacology, University of Adelaide

    Peeradontax/Shutterstock

    Mould in houses is unsightly and may cause unpleasant odours. More important though, mould has been linked to a range of health effects – especially triggering asthma.

    However, is mould exposure linked to a serious lung disease in children, unrelated to asthma? As we’ll see, this link may not be real, or if it is, it’s so rare to not be a meaningful risk. Yet we still hear mould in damp homes described as “toxic”.

    Indeed, mouldy homes can harm people’s health, but not necessarily how you might think.

    What is mould?

    Mould is the general term for a variety of fungi. The mould that people have focused on in damp homes is “black mould”. This forms unsightly black patches on walls and other parts of damp-affected buildings.

    Black mould is not a single fungus. But when people talk about black mould, they generally mean the fungus Stachybotrys chartarum or S. chartarum for short. It’s one of experts’ top ten feared fungi.

    The focus on this species comes from a report in the 1990s on cases of haemorrhagic lung disease in a number of infants. This is a rare disease where blood leaks into the lungs, and can be fatal. The report suggested chemicals known as mycotoxins associated with this species of fungus were responsible for the outbreak.

    What are mycotoxins?

    A variety of fungi produce mycotoxins to defend themselves, among other reasons.

    Hundreds of different chemicals are listed as myocytoxins. These include ones in poisonous mushrooms, and ones associated with the soil fungi Aspergillus flavus and A. parasiticus.

    The fungus typically associated with black mould S. chartarum can produce several mycotoxins. These include roridin, which inhibits protein synthesis in humans and animals, and satratoxins, which have numerous toxic effects including bleeding in the lungs.

    While the satratoxins, in particular, were mentioned in the report from the 90s in children, there are some problems when we look at the evidence.

    The amount of mycotoxins S. chartarum makes can vary considerably. Even if significant amounts of mycotoxin are present, getting them into the body in the required amount to cause damage is another thing.

    Inhaling spores in contaminated (mouldy) homes is the most probable way mycotoxins enter the body. For instance, we know mycotoxins can be found in S. chartarum spores. We also know direct injection of high concentrations of mycotoxin-bearing spores directly in the noses of mice can cause some lung bleeding.

    Stachybotrys chartarum mycotoxins have been blamed for lung issues after exposure to black mould.
    Kateryna Kon/Shutterstock

    But just because inhaling spores is the probable route of contamination doesn’t mean this is very likely.

    That’s because S. chartarum doesn’t release a lot of spores. Its spores are typically embedded in a slimy mass and it rarely produces the spore densities needed to replicate the animal studies.

    The original reports suggesting the US infants who were diagnosed with haemorrhagic lung disease were exposed to toxic levels of mycotoxins were also flawed.

    Among other issues, the concentrations of mould spores was calculated incorrectly. Subsequent correction for these issues resulted in the association between S. chartarum and this disease cluster basically disappearing.

    The American Academy of Asthma Allergy and Immunology states while there is a clear, well-established relationship between damp indoor spaces and detrimental health effects, there is no good evidence black mould mycotoxins are involved.

    But mould can cause allergies

    Moulds can affect human health in ways unrelated to mycotoxins, typically through allergic reactions. Moulds including black moulds can trigger or worsen asthma attacks in people with mould allergies.

    Some rarer but severe reactions can include allergic fungal sinusitis, allergic bronchopulmonary aspergillosis and rarer still, hypersensitivity pneumonitis.

    These can typically be controlled by removing the mould (or removing the person from the source of mould).

    People with impaired immune systems (such as people taking immune-suppressant medications) may also be prone to mould infections.

    In a nutshell

    There is sufficient evidence that household mould is associated with respiratory issues attributable to their allergic effects.

    However, there is no strong evidence mycotoxins from household mould – and in particular black mould – are associated with substantial health issues.

    Ian Musgrave has received funding from the National Health and Medical Research Council to study adverse reactions to herbal medicines and has previously been funded by the Australian Research Council to study potential natural product treatments for Alzheimer’s disease. He is currently a member of one of the Therapeutic Goods Administration’s statutory councils.

    – ref. Is black mould really as bad for us as we think? A toxicologist explains – https://theconversation.com/is-black-mould-really-as-bad-for-us-as-we-think-a-toxicologist-explains-258173

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s justifications for the latest travel ban aren’t supported by the data on immigration and terrorism

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By Charles Kurzman, Professor of Sociology, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

    Taliban fighters guard the former U.S. Embassy in Kabul, Afghanistan, on June 5, 2025. AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi

    The Trump administration on June 4, 2025, announced travel restrictions targeting 19 countries in Africa and Asia, including many of the world’s poorest nations. All travel is banned from 12 of these countries, with partial restrictions on travel from the rest.

    The presidential proclamation, entitled “Restricting the Entry of Foreign Nationals to Protect the United States from Foreign Terrorists and Other National Security and Public Safety Threats,” is aimed at “countries throughout the world for which vetting and screening information is so deficient as to warrant a full or partial suspension on the entry or admission of nationals from those countries.”

    In a video that accompanied the proclamation, President Donald Trump said: “The recent terror attack in Boulder, Colorado, has underscored the extreme dangers posed to our country by the entry of foreign nationals who are not properly vetted.”

    The latest travel ban reimposes restrictions on many of the countries that were included on travel bans in Trump’s first term, along with several new countries.

    But this travel ban, like the earlier ones, will not significantly improve national security and public safety in the United States. That’s because migrants account for a minuscule portion of violence in the U.S. And migrants from the latest travel ban countries account for an even smaller portion, according to data that I have collected. The suspect in Colorado, for example, is from Egypt, which is not on the travel ban list.

    As a scholar of political sociology, I don’t believe Trump’s latest travel ban is about national security. Rather, I’d argue, it’s primarily about using national security as an excuse to deny visas to nonwhite applicants.

    Terrorism and public safety

    In the past five years, the U.S. has witnessed more than 100,000 homicides. Political violence by militias and other ideological movements accounted for 354 fatalities, according to an initiative known as the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data, which tracks armed conflict around the world. That’s less than 1% of the country’s homicide victims. And foreign terrorism accounted for less than 1% of this 1%, according to my data.

    The Trump administration says the U.S. cannot appropriately vet visa applicants in countries with uncooperative governments or underdeveloped security systems. That claim is false.

    The State Department and other government agencies do a thorough job of vetting visa applicants, even in countries where there is no U.S. embassy, according to an analysis by the CATO Institute.

    The U.S. government has sophisticated methods for identifying potential threats. They include detailed documentation requirements, interviews with consular officers and clearance by national security agencies. And it rejects more than 1 in 6 visa applications, with ever-increasing procedures for detecting fraud.

    Members of the Yemeni community and others wave American and Yemeni flags as they gather on the steps of Brooklyn’s Borough Hall to protest President Donald Trump’s first travel ban on Feb. 2, 2017, in New York.
    AP Photo/Kathy Willens

    The thoroughness of the visa review process is evident in the numbers.

    Authorized foreign-born residents of the U.S. are far less likely than U.S.-born residents to engage in criminal activity. And unauthorized migrants are even less likely to commit crimes. Communities with more migrants – authorized and unauthorized – have similar or slightly lower crime rates than communities with fewer migrants.

    If vetting were as deficient as Trump’s executive order claims, we would expect to see a significant number of terrorist plots from countries on the travel ban list. But we don’t.

    Of the 4 million U.S. residents from the 2017 travel ban countries, I have documented only four who were involved in violent extremism in the past five years.

    Two of them were arrested after plotting with undercover law enforcement agents. One was found to have lied on his asylum application. One was an Afghan man who killed three Pakistani Shiite Muslim immigrants in New Mexico in 2022.

    Such a handful of zealots with rifles or homemade explosives can be life-altering for victims and their families, but they do not represent a threat to U.S. national security.

    Degrading the concept of national security

    Trump has been trying for years to turn immigration into a national security issue.

    In his first major speech on national security in 2016, Trump focused on the “dysfunctional immigration system which does not permit us to know who we let into our country.”

    His primary example was an act of terrorism by a man who was born in the U.S.

    The first Trump administration’s national security strategy, issued in December 2017, prioritized jihadist terrorist organizations that “radicalize isolated individuals” as “the most dangerous threat to the Nation” – not armies, not another 9/11, but isolated individuals.

    If the travel ban is not really going to improve national security or public safety, then what is it about?

    Protesters wave signs during a demonstration against President Donald Trump’s revised travel ban on May 15, 2017, in Seattle.
    AP Photo/Ted S. Warren

    Linking immigration to national security seems to serve two long-standing Trump priorities. First is his effort to make American more white, in keeping with widespread bias among his supporters against nonwhite immigrants.

    Remember Trump’s insults to Mexicans and Muslims in his escalator speech announcing his presidential campaign in 2015. He has also expressed a preference for white immigrants from Norway in 2018 and South Africa in 2025.

    Trump has repeatedly associated himself with nationalists who view immigration by nonwhites as a danger to white supremacy.

    Second, invoking national security allows Trump to pursue this goal without the need for accountability, since Congress and the courts have traditionally deferred to the executive branch on national security issues.

    Trump also claims national security justifications for tariffs and other policies that he has declared national emergencies, in a bid to avoid criticism by the public and oversight by the other branches of government.

    But this oversight is necessary in a democratic system to ensure that immigration policy is based on facts.

    Charles Kurzman has received funding for research on terrorism from the National Institute of Justice and the National Science Foundation.

    – ref. Trump’s justifications for the latest travel ban aren’t supported by the data on immigration and terrorism – https://theconversation.com/trumps-justifications-for-the-latest-travel-ban-arent-supported-by-the-data-on-immigration-and-terrorism-255471

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The proposed Strong Borders Act gives police new invasive search powers that may breach Charter rights

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Robert Diab, Professor, Faculty of Law, Thompson Rivers University

    The new Liberal government has tabled its first bill in Parliament, the Strong Borders Act, or Bill C-2. Buried within it are several new powers that give police easier access to our private information.

    The bill responds to recent calls to beef up the enforcement of our border with the United States. It gives customs and immigration officials new powers: to search items being exported, like potentially stolen vehicles, and to deport migrants believed to be abusing Canada’s refugee protections.

    New police powers

    But while facing pressure from the U.S. to act, the Canadian government is using the apparent urgency of the moment to give police and intelligence agents a host of new powers to search our private data — powers that have nothing to do with the border.

    Some of them are already controversial and will no doubt be tested in the Supreme Court of Canada, if and when they’re passed. But many have also been on the wish list of previous governments, as part of “lawful access” bills that would make it easier for police to obtain details about a person’s online activity in cases involving child pornography, financial or gang-related crime.

    Why now? Why make another attempt to lower the barriers to police access to private data? And what is the controversy over these new powers?

    Gaps in the law

    The Charter of Rights and Freedoms protects the right to privacy of anyone in Canada. Police need authority — explicit permission set out somewhere in the law — to carry out a search or seizure of our private data for an investigative purpose.

    A law that allows police to do this must itself be reasonable, in the sense of striking the right balance between law enforcement and individual privacy.

    For the first 20 years of the web, it wasn’t clear what the police could or couldn’t do to gather information about us online.

    The Supreme Court held in 2014 that when police ask Shaw or Telus to give them a name attaching to an online account, this amounts to a search. While a person’s name and address may not reveal much on its own, the court held, it opens a door to something very private: a person’s entire search history.

    But the court in that case did not decide what kind of power police needed to make this demand, only that police need permission in law to make it.

    In Canadian law, requesting a name and address attached to an online account amounts to a search.
    (Shutterstock)

    In 2024, the Supreme Court held that when police ask for an internet protocol (IP) address linked to a person’s online activity, even that is private because it can open a window onto a lot more personal information.

    Police have been using warrant provisions in the Criminal Code to make a demand for an IP address, or the name and address linked to an online account. To get a warrant, in most cases, they need to show a judge they have reason to believe a crime has been committed that is linked to the account — in other words, they must show probable cause.

    Police have complained about how difficult this can be in some cases. They’ve long been calling for more tools.

    Expansive new powers

    The Strong Borders Act makes it easier for police and other state agents in a few ways.

    It will be easier to get a warrant because the new bill allows police to ask service providers like Shaw or Telus — without a warrant — whether they have information about an IP address or a person’s account.

    To then obtain that information, police need a warrant — but on the lower standard of reasonable suspicion of a crime, instead of probable cause. This can also apply to foreign entities like Google or Meta.

    Canadian Security Intelligence Service agents can ask a provider like Shaw or Google whether they have information about an account holder on no grounds at all. But in this case, the person of interest can’t be a citizen or a permanent resident.

    Compelling providers

    More concerning are powers in the bill compelling companies like Google or Apple, along with Shaw and Telus, to assist police in obtaining access to private data.

    Any company that provides Canadians with a service that stores or transmits information in digital form — pretty much anything we do on a phone or computer — can be ordered to help police gain immediate access to our data.

    The bill does this by stipulating that a company can be told to install “any device, equipment or other thing that may enable an authorized person to access information.”

    There are important limits on this. Police can only gain access if they have a warrant or other lawful permission. And a service provider need not comply with any order that would “introduce a systemic vulnerability,” like compelling them to install a backdoor to encryption.

    But the point is that these new powers compel companies to implement “capabilities” for “extracting… information that is authorized to be accessed.” They turn the brands we have an intimate relationship with — gmail, iCloud, Instagram and many others — into tools of the state.

    Future challenges

    For some of us, the thought that Apple or Google can now be conscripted to serve as a state agent to facilitate ready access to private data is unsettling. Even if there are safeguards.

    Courts will have to decide at some point whether searches conducted under these new powers strike a reasonable balance between law enforcement and personal privacy. Courts have held that our privacy interest in personal data is high.

    Whether police interest in quicker and easier access to that data in certain cases is equally high is an open question. But one thing is clear: it doesn’t seem to have much to do with the border.

    Robert Diab does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The proposed Strong Borders Act gives police new invasive search powers that may breach Charter rights – https://theconversation.com/the-proposed-strong-borders-act-gives-police-new-invasive-search-powers-that-may-breach-charter-rights-258257

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Labubus, Sonny Angels and Smiskis: Are blind toy boxes just child’s play or something more concerning?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Eugene Y. Chan, Associate Professor of Marketing, Toronto Metropolitan University

    Collectible figurines on display at Pop Mart in Ivano-Frankivsk, Ukraine, on April 29, 2025. (Shutterstock)

    If you’ve seen videos of people tearing into tiny toy packages online, or noticed teens obsessing over pastel-coloured figurines at the mall, you’ve probably encountered the global craze for blind box toys.

    These small collectibles — usually figures of cartoonish characters — are sold in sealed packaging that hides which specific item is inside. You might get the one you want, or you might not. That uncertainty is part of the thrill.

    Unlike traditional toys, these figures are marketed as collectibles. Many are part of themed series, with some designs labelled as “rare” or “secret,” appearing in as few as one in every 144 boxes. This sense of exclusivity fuels repeat purchases and has spawned a resale market where rare figures can command hundreds of dollars.

    Popular among children and adults alike, blind box toys have grown into a billion-dollar industry. One of the more popular brands is Pop Mart, a Chinese toy company founded in 2010 known for its collectible designer toys sold in mystery packs.

    Gen Z consumers, in particular, have embraced blind box toys both as a nostalgic pastime and as a form of legitimate collecting. The proliferation of unboxing videos on platforms like TikTok and YouTube, where creators open dozens of blind boxes on camera, has added to their appeal.

    For many fans, these toys offer more than just cuteness: they also provide suspense, surprise and a rush of dopamine with every box opened. But how did this niche product become a global obsession?

    From Tokyo streets to western malls

    The origins of blind box toys trace back to East Asia. Capsule toy vending machines called gashapon originated in Japan in the 1960s. By the 1980s, they had become a cultural fixture. These machines dispense small toys in opaque plastic balls, with customers never quite sure which item they’ll receive.

    In the early 2010s, Chinese companies like Pop Mart adapted the gashapon model for the mainstream retail space. Instead of vending machines, they began selling artist-designed vinyl toys in blind boxes at dedicated boutiques.

    A tourist uses a gashapon machine in Osaka, Japan, in 2024. Gashapon machines are similar to the coin-operated toy vending machines seen outside grocery stores and other retailers in North America.
    (Shutterstock)

    Pop Mart’s success helped transform the blind box into a mainstream commercial phenomenon. Characters like Molly, Skullpanda and Dimoo became instant hits, combining Japanese kawaii esthetics with western pop art sensibilities.

    Pop Mart figures have since developed a cult-like following. Many consumers treat the toys as affordable art objects, displayed in cabinets, on purses or traded online.

    Today, blind box retail stores have expanded globally from Asia to Europe and North America. In October 2024, Pop Mart opened its first store in the Midwestern United States, located on Chicago’s Magnificent Mile at The Shops at North Bridge. The store offers exclusive products and taps into the growing demand for collectibles among American consumers.

    The psychology behind the mystery

    What makes blind box toys so hard to resist?

    Their success relies on a psychological principle known as variable-ratio reinforcement — the same reward pattern that makes slot machines so addictive.

    You never know exactly when you’ll score the item you’re after, but the possibility that the next box might contain it keeps people coming back. This unpredictability keeps people engaged, especially when the potential reward is framed as rare or valuable.

    Cconsumer psychology research also suggests that anticipation plays a major role. Studies show that dopamine, the brain’s reward chemical, spikes not just when we get what we want, but when we anticipate it. The sealed packaging, the suspense of unwrapping and the hope for a rare figure all heighten this effect.

    Sonny Angels on display in a store in Shenzhen, China, in March 2019.
    (Shutterstock)

    For younger collectors, the excitement of “the chase” can foster compulsive buying habits. This effect is amplified by the social influence of watching unboxings online or seeing friends complete their sets, and it becomes a powerful loop.

    Even when buyers don’t get the figure they want, the sunk cost fallacy — the feeling that they’ve already invested too much time or money to walk away — keeps them buying more.

    The hidden costs of blind boxes

    As blind box toys surge in popularity, they have drawn criticism from consumer advocates, psychologists and environmentalists alike.

    Some worry that blind boxes normalize gambling-like behaviours, especially among children. The randomness, excitement and promise of rare rewards closely mirror the mechanisms behind loot boxes in video games — another product that has sparked global concern over youth exposure to gambling psychology.

    Several countries, including Belgium and the Netherlands, have regulated loot boxes under gambling laws. Blind boxes, though currently unregulated, may be next in line for scrutiny.



    Read more:
    Blind bags: how toy makers are making a fortune with child gambling

    There are also environmental concerns. Many blind box toys come in excessive packaging — plastic wraps, foil bags, cardboard boxes — most of which is discarded immediately. The collectibles themselves are often made of non-recyclable plastics, raising questions about sustainability in an era of rising consumer awareness over waste.

    Even among adult fans, some critics question whether blind boxes are designed less to bring joy and more to trigger compulsive consumption. The joy of collecting, they argue, is increasingly overshadowed by the mechanics of engineered desire.

    What should we make of the blind box boom?

    Blind box toys are not inherently harmful, and for many, they’re a source of fun, nostalgia and self-expression. They also offer an accessible way for consumers to engage with designer art in a collectible, miniature form, as many of them are created by individual artists.

    But blind box toys also raise deeper questions about how modern marketing leverages psychological triggers associated with gambling, especially when it comes to children.

    As these toys continue to gain traction in the West, it’s worth asking more critical questions, like: are we buying into mystery or are we being sold obsession and compulsion?

    The blind box trend reflects broader shifts in how products are marketed, how value is perceived and how consumer behaviour is shaped in a digital, attention-driven economy. Understanding the forces at play may be the first step toward more informed — and perhaps more mindful — collecting.

    Eugene Y. Chan does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Labubus, Sonny Angels and Smiskis: Are blind toy boxes just child’s play or something more concerning? – https://theconversation.com/labubus-sonny-angels-and-smiskis-are-blind-toy-boxes-just-childs-play-or-something-more-concerning-257611

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How Trump’s ‘gold standard’ politicizes federal science

    Source: The Conversation – USA – By H. Christopher Frey, Glenn E. Futrell Distinguished University Professor of Environmental Engineering, North Carolina State University

    President Donald Trump holds up an executive order promoting coal production, with Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Lee Zeldin, left, and the secretaries of Interior and Energy behind him. AP Photo/Evan Vucci

    The first time Donald Trump was president, the head of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency developed a regulation known as the “science transparency” rule. The administration liked to call it the “secret science” rule.

    “Transparency” sounds positive, but this rule instead prevented the EPA from using some of the best available science to protect human health.

    For example, it required the EPA to ignore or downplay studies that established links between exposure to chemicals and health damage if those studies were based on confidential patient information that could not be released to the public. The problem: Many health studies, including those underpinning many U.S. pollution rules, rely on confidential patient information.

    A U.S. District Court struck down the rule on procedural grounds a few weeks after it was issued. But now, the idea is back.

    Trump’s so-called Restoring Gold Standard Science executive order of May 23, 2025, resurrects many features of the EPA’s vacated rule, but it applies them to all federal agencies.

    To many readers, the executive order might sound reasonable. It mentions “transparency,” “reproducibility” and “uncertainty.” However, the devil is in the details.

    What’s wrong with transparency and reproducibility?

    “Transparency” implies that scientists should adequately explain all elements of their work, including hypotheses, methods, results and conclusions in a way that helps others see how those conclusions were reached.

    “Data transparency” is an expectation that scientists should share all data used in the study so other scientists can recalculate the results. This is also known as “reproducibility.”

    Trump’s executive order focuses on reproducibility. However, if there are errors in the data or methods of the original study, being able to reproduce its results may only ensure consistency but not scientific rigor.

    More important to scientific rigor is “replicability.” Replicability means different scientists, working with different data and different methods, can arrive at consistent findings. For example, studies of human exposure to a set of pollutants at different locations, and with different populations, that consistently find relationships to health effects, such as illness and premature death, can increase confidence in the findings.

    Replicability doesn’t require releasing confidential health data, as reproducibility would. Instead, it looks for the same results broadly from other sources.

    During the first Trump administration, people in cities across the U.S. participated in marches for science, protesting the administration’s actions to cut the use of scientific evidence out of policymaking.
    Michael Siluk/UCG/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

    The science transparency rule in the first Trump administration was intended to limit the EPA’s ability to consider epidemiologic studies like those that established the health harms from exposure to secondhand smoke and to PM2.5, fine particles often from pollution.

    Many large-scale studies that assess how exposure to pollution can harm human health are based on personal data collected according to strict protocols to ensure privacy. Preventing policymakers from considering those findings means they are left to make important decisions about pollution and chemicals without crucial evidence about the health risks.

    These attempts to create barriers to using valid science echoed tactics used by the tobacco industry from the 1960s well into the 1990s to deny that tobacco use harmed human health.

    Uncertainty: A matter of balance

    Trump’s new executive order also emphasizes “uncertainty.”

    In the first Trump administration, the EPA administrator and his hand-picked science advisers, none of whom were epidemiologists, focused on “uncertainty” in epidemiological studies used to inform decisions on air quality standards.

    The EPA’s scientific integrity policy requires that policymakers “shall not knowingly misrepresent, exaggerate, or downplay areas of scientific uncertainty associated with policy decisions.”

    That might sound reasonable. However, in the final 2020 rule for the nation’s PM2.5 air quality standard, EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler stated that “limitations in the science lead to considerable uncertainty” to justify not lowering the standard, the level considered unhealthy. PM2.5 comes largely from fossil fuel combustion in cars, power plants and factories.

    In contrast, an independent external group of scientific experts, which I was part of as an environmental engineer and former EPA adviser, reviewed the same evidence and came to a very different conclusion. We found clear scientific evidence supporting a more stringent standard for PM2.5.

    Skepticism versus denial

    The executive order also requires that science be conducted in a manner that is “skeptical of its findings and assumptions.”

    A true skeptic can be swayed to change an inference based on evidence, whereas a denialist holds a fixed view irrespective of evidence. Denialists tend to cherry-pick evidence, set impossible levels of evidence and engage in logical fallacies.

    The first Trump administration stacked the EPA Clean Air Scientific Advisory Committee, which advises EPA on setting health-protective air quality standards, with opponents of environmental regulation, including people connected to industries the EPA regulates. The committee then amplified uncertainties. It also shifted the burden of proof in ways inconsistent with the statutory requirement to protect public health with an adequate margin of safety.

    The current administration has been dismantling science advisory committees in various agencies again and purging key EPA committees of independent experts.

    Who decides when politics trumps science

    According to Trump, “violations” of his executive order will be determined by a “senior appointee designated by the agency head.” This means a political appointee accountable to the White House. Thus, science in each federal agency will be politicized.

    The political appointee is required to “correct scientific information.”

    Anyone can file a “request for correction” regarding a published agency report. During the first Trump administration, chemical companies or their representatives repeatedly filed requests for changes to final EPA toxicity assessments on ethylene oxide and chloroprene. The administration delayed health-protective actions, which were finally addressed during the Biden administration for both chemicals.

    The request for correction process is intended to correct errors, not to bias assessments to be more favorable to industry and to delay protective actions.

    The bottom line on Trump’s ‘gold standard’

    While the language of the executive order may seem innocuous based on a casual reading, it risks undermining unbiased science in all federal agencies, subject to political whims.

    Setting impossible bars for “transparency” can mean regulators ignore relevant and valid scientific studies. Overemphasizing uncertainties can be used to raise doubt and unduly undermine confidence in robust findings.

    A politicized process also has the potential to punish federal employees and to ignore external peer reviewers who have the temerity to advance evidence-based findings contrary to White House ideology.

    Thus, this executive order could be used to deprive the American public of accurate and unbiased information regarding chemicals in the environment. That would prevent the development of effective evidence-based policies necessary for the protection of human health, rather than advancing the best available science.

    H. Christopher Frey receives funding from the California Air Resources Board via a research grant to North Carolina State University. He was on leave from NCSU to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency from 2021 to 2024. From 2021 to 2022, he served as Deputy Assistant Administrator of Science Policy. From 2022-20224, he served as the senate-confirmed Assistant Administrator of the Office of Research and Development and concurrently served as the EPA Science Advisor. He was a member of the EPA Clean Air Scientific Advisory Committee from 2008 to 2012, and chaired CASAC from 2012 to 2015.

    – ref. How Trump’s ‘gold standard’ politicizes federal science – https://theconversation.com/how-trumps-gold-standard-politicizes-federal-science-258277

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Canada needs a law that gives workers the right to govern their workplace

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Tom Malleson, Associate Professor of Social Justice & Peace Studies, Western University

    Democratic worker co-operatives are workplaces where workers collectively own the firm and elect the governing board. (Shutterstock)

    A major fault line in contemporary society is that while our political lives are governed by democratic principles, our economic lives largely are not.

    At the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, for example, Maple Leaf Foods experienced an outbreak in its Brandon, Man. factory. Not only were workers ordered to keep working in unsafe conditions, they were forced to work overtime.

    Walmart has long been accused of forbidding its cashiers from sitting down, even during long shifts.

    At one of its warehouses in Pennsylvania, Amazon allowed the temperature to reach an unbearable 102 F in 2011. When employees pleaded to open the loading doors to let in fresh air, management refused, claiming this would lead to employee theft. Instead, Amazon parked ambulances outside and waited for employees to collapse from heat stroke. Employees who were sent home because of the heat were given demerits for missing work, and fired if they accumulated too many.

    These examples reflect the fact that, in most workplaces, employees have no say in who manages them or how major decisions are made. Entering the workplace typically means leaving the freedoms of democratic society behind and entering a private domain unilaterally controlled by an employer. For most workers who are not in senior management, the main job of every job is to follow orders. Functionally speaking, workers are servants.

    In its governance structure, the modern workplace operates as a kind of mini dictatorship. Although workplace discipline isn’t enforced with physical violence, supervisors still have the power to discipline or punish those who dissent.

    But what if there were an actual legal right to workplace democracy?

    My research scrutinized the pros and cons of such novel legislation by drawing on decades of research comparing conventional, top-down firms with democratic worker co-operatives (where workers collectively own the firm and elect the governing board).

    Why workplace democracy matters

    In large American firms, the average CEO-to-worker pay ratio is now a jaw-dropping 351 to one. As CEO, Jeff Bezos made roughly 360,000 times more than Amazon’s minimum wage workers. This inequality ripples across society with significant consequences.

    By contrast, most worker co-ops maintain a pay ratio of three to one and only very rarely exceed 10 to one.

    There’s also a stark difference in how workers are treated. While conventional firms lay off workers whenever it’s profitable to do so, co-ops do everything in their power to save jobs.

    Top-down decision-making also breeds degradation and disrespect. A 2016 Oxfam report, for instance, documented how some Tyson Foods employees were prevented from using the bathroom to the point where some urinated themselves and other felt compelled to wear diapers to work.

    A Gallup survey from 2021 found that across the American economy as a whole, only 20 per cent of workers strongly agreed with the statement that “my opinions seem to count.”

    In co-ops, workers are generally treated with more respect and dignity. They typically participate more in decision-making, have higher job satisfaction and have less antagonism with management.

    In conventional workplaces, many employees hate or fear their boss. Roughly 17 per cent of the workforce opt for self-employment in order to get away from the tyranny of the boss, even though self-employed workers typically earn about 15 per cent less than their salaried counterparts and receive less than half the benefits.

    Worker co-operatives are typically less dominating than conventional firms because workers elect their managers and can create self-managing teams where workers have more autonomy over matters like scheduling and how tasks are carried out. Though co-ops are far from perfect, with workers often feeling that they aren’t able to participate in decision-making as much as they would like.

    Most workers are trapped in undemocratic jobs

    Most workers have no viable alternative to undemocratic work, and so no choice but to suffer its harms. While in theory, workers can quit and rely on welfare or social assistance, in practice, this isn’t viable because welfare rates are often too low to live on.

    Starting a business or becoming self-employed is another theoretical option, but it’s too financially risky to be a serious alternative for most.

    Joining a worker co-operative is the most promising alternative, but there were less than 400 worker co-ops in Canada in 2022, representing less than one per cent of employment.

    Converting an existing workplace into a co-op faces serious barriers too. Even if the workers desperately want a conversion, if the employer doesn’t, they’re out of luck; their employer owns the organization and can simply say no.

    So what’s the solution?

    Canada needs a new law to expand democracy by granting workers the legal right to collectively buy into the firms they work for. The process would resemble how unionization works today.

    It would start after a majority of employees sign a declaration stating their intent to form a worker co-operative. After this threshold is reached, a formal process would be triggered: employers would be required to disclose all relevant financial documents with the workers, and workers would receive education on the managerial, technical and legal requirements of co-ops. Co-op development bankers would provide loans and financing options.

    Once this is done, workers would hold a final vote. If a simple majority (50 per cent plus one) votes in favour, the employer would be paid the fair market value for the firm and the business would be restructured as a worker co-operative.

    Importantly, the law would allow this transition even if the employer is opposed, just as collective bargaining legislation allows workers to unionize without employer approval. It would also ensure owners are fairly compensated; owners shouldn’t lose their property, but they should lose the right to unilaterally govern other human beings in perpetuity, especially when those others are willing and ready to govern themselves.

    Of course, this law might bring some economic disruption. It’s possible that certain owners might oppose democratic ownership so strongly that they would rather shut down the business altogether than work as equals, but such cases would likely be rare.

    On the other hand, research shows that worker co-ops are just as productive as conventional firms (if not more so) and they have similar survival rates. This is highly reassuring for the overall well-being of the economy.

    Moreover, workers would need to invest significant amounts of their own money in order to buy out the firm, so conversions will occur only after serious consideration.

    The bottom line is that while the costs of this legislation would likely be modest, the benefits to workers and society at large would be substantial: reduced inequality and domination, increased job security and respect. Canada should establish a right to buy-in as soon as possible.

    Tom Malleson has received funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

    – ref. Why Canada needs a law that gives workers the right to govern their workplace – https://theconversation.com/why-canada-needs-a-law-that-gives-workers-the-right-to-govern-their-workplace-257776

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Inside Ukraine’s remarkable drone attack

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor

    You can generally tell when Vladimir Putin appears rattled by an adverse event in his war on Ukraine. He (or one of his proxies) ramps up the bloodcurdling rhetoric. And so it is with Ukraine’s “Spiderweb” drone attack on four airbases inside Russia, which reportedly destroyed or damaged as many as 40 warplanes, a good chunk of Russia’s fleet of strategic nuclear-capable bombers.

    These aircraft have been used during the war to deliver cruise missiles at targets within Ukraine and have been kept on airbases far enough from Ukraine to be well out of range of anything Kyiv could fire at them. So Ukraine’s secret intelligence service, the SBU, hatched a plot to send truckloads of home-grown drones in vans to locations close to airbases as far away as Irkutsk in Siberia and Murmansk close to the top of Finland.

    Technological savvy aside, perhaps the most remarkable thing about the plan was that it was 18 months in the making and yet the SBU managed to keep it a secret shared by only a few, including Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky. Significantly, the plan was reportedly kept from the US government.

    Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.

    An angry Putin is reported to have accused Ukraine of “organising terrorist attacks”, saying to aides: “How can we have meetings like this under these conditions? What is there to talk about? Who has negotiations with  … terrorists?”

    Nothing much has been revealed as to what was actually said about the drone attack when delegates for the two sides met on Monday, apparently for barely an hour, to continue their peace talks. But as Stefan Wolff and Tetyana Malyarenko suggest, the fact that both sides have continued to land blows against each other is hardly a sign of a sincere commitment to serious negotiations.

    As it is, both sides restated their maximalist positions. For Kyiv this means that any concessions over territory or sovereignty are out of the question. For Moscow this means Ukrainian and international recognition of Russian sovereignty over Crimea as well as four provinces it has partially occupied since 2014, no Ukrainian membership of Nato and limits to Ukraine’s armed forces.

    Wolff and Malyarenko, experts in international security and politics at the University of Birmingham and National University Odesa Law Academy, respectively, believe that little will change on the battlefield in the foreseeable future. A lot will now depend on Washington. And it should be noted that the US president had a lengthy chat with Putin on June 4, after which Trump delivered the Kremlin’s message that: “President Putin did say, and very strongly, that he will have to respond to the recent attack on the airfields.”

    We’ve already seen a blitz on the southern city of Kherson, where Russia launched glide bombs and attacked with drones and artillery this morning. But Trump’s envoy to Russia, Keith Kellog, among other senior officials have talked about the drone strike being an attack on part of Russia’s [nuclear] triad, impying the threat level is actually far greater.



    Read more:
    Ukraine ‘spiderweb’ drone strike fails to register at peace talks as both sides dig in for the long haul

    Ukraine gave up its nuclear arsenal in 1994 in return for an undertaking, signed by Russia, the US, UK and France, to guarantee the inviolability of Ukraine’s borders. So as Matthew Sussex of the Australian National University in Canberra writes, the drone attack was very much a case of a David striking a clever blow against a Goliath.

    Sussex says this and other missions, such as the targeting of the Kerch bridge – Putin’s pride and joy – and the relentless attacks on Russia’s power infrastructure, are an effective counter to Russia’s attritional style of warfare. This involves throwing as many men as possible at its objectives, something Ukraine cannot hope to compete directly with. The truth is, writes Sussex, that Kyiv “has focused on winning the war they are in, rather than those of the past”.



    Read more:
    The secret to Ukraine’s battlefield successes against Russia – it knows wars are never won in the past

    “This isn’t just asymmetric warfare, it’s a different kind of offensive capability,” concludes Michael A Lewis, an expert in autonomous vehicles at the University of Bath. Lewis notes that both sides have been using drones almost continuously on the frontlines of the war and each has developed their own strategy for countering the threat.

    But this operation combined the use of drones with smart intelligence planning. The key was getting the drones to where they could exploit vulnerabilities in Russia’s air defence systems. “In low-level airspace, visibility drops, responsibility fragments, and detection tools lose their edge,” he writes. “Drones arrive unannounced, response times lag, coordination breaks.”

    The attack will have defence planners around the world scratching their heads as to how to cope with this emerging threat. Lewis believes the operation exposed the problems with centralised airspace management which will require new and better detection systems and faster responses to counter. “Operation Spiderweb didn’t just reveal how Ukraine could strike deep into Russian territory,” he writes. “It showed how little margin for error there is in a world where cheap systems can be used quietly and precisely.”



    Read more:
    Ukraine drone strikes on Russian airbase reveal any country is vulnerable to the same kind of attack

    Not that Russia has exactly been standing still when it comes to drone warfare. As Marcel Plichta of the University of St Andrews writes, having initially relied on Iran for the supply of its Shahed drones, Russia has been quick to establish its own sizeable drone manufacturing industry. Plichta, a drone specialist and former US government intelligence analyst, walks us through some of the innovations that Russian-made drones are now employing, including Sim cards which can transmit data back to Russia via mobile networks, carbon coating to avoid radar detection, and enhanced incendiary and fragmentation warheads that can start fires or spread large volumes of shrapnel to make them more deadly.

    But also notable is the sheer volume of drones that Russia is deploying – 472 against Ukrainian cities on June 1, as well as large numbers of decoys – with the aim of simply exhausting Ukrainian air defences. Even if Ukraine manages to shoot down 80% as it claims, that still leaves enough to wreak utter havoc for the defenders.



    Read more:
    Russia has been working on creating drones that ‘call home’, go undercover and start fires. Here’s how they work

    From the Oval Office

    The latest controversial measure announced by the White House is the planned travel ban on people from 12 countries thought by the Trump administration to pose a threat. The ban is scheduled to come into effect on June 9.

    Less than a week later, the US will host – jointly with Mexico and Canada – the Fifa Club World Cup, which will feature players from some of these countries. Next year the US hosts the Men’s World Cup and in 2028 the Olympics are scheduled to be held in Los Angeles.

    The announcement of the ban said that “any athlete or member of an athletic team, including coaches, persons performing a necessary support role, and immediate relatives travelling for the World Cup, the Olympics, or other major sporting events as defined by the Secretary of State” will be exempted.

    But, as Eric Storm from Leiden University points out, this does not include fans who might have been planning to travel to these major sporting carnivals. Storm, a historian who has researched the intersection of politics and tourism, says that the way geopolitical tensions manifested themselves at big sporting events was a feature of the cold war, but that these sorts of tensions largely dissipated after 1991. Now we may see politics being played out on the pitch, once again.



    Read more:
    Trump’s travel ban casts shadow over the upcoming Fifa Club World Cup and other US-hosted sporting events

    South Korea’s new president

    Voters in South Korea backed the liberal candidate, Lee Jae-myung for the Democratic Party, by nearly 50% in the June 3 election. This gave the man who led the campaign to topple former president Yoon Suk Yeol a clear mandate in what is reported to have been the election with the highest turnout since 1997.

    But while women had been very prominent in the campaign to oust Yoon, there were no female presidential candidates and very little discussion of some of the massive gender issues besetting Korea, including structural inequality, harassment and domestic violence, write Ming Gao of Lund University and Joanna Elfving-Hwang of Curtin University, both experts in South Korean politics and society. In fact, some candidates actively campaigned in a manner they clearly hoped would engage with disenchanted young men who feel their position may be under threat from women.



    Read more:
    South Korea election: Lee Jae-myung takes over a country split by gender politics

    The new South Korean president will bring with him what he calls a “pragmatic” approach to foreign affairs. He has restated his commitment to the longstanding alliance with the US, but has also stressed the need for his country to improve relations with China and North Korea, believing that South Korea should not be wholly dependent on Washington.

    This, writes Christoph Bluth, could become a point of tension between Seoul and Washington. “The Trump administration has taken a hawkish approach towards China and wants its allies to do the same,” he says.

    Lee has made it quite clear that while Seoul’s relationship with Washington is the “basic axis of [South Korea’s] diplomacy,” the country “should not put all [its] eggs in one basket”. He has already signalled that he would resist any attempts by the US to draw South Korea into a conflict with China over Taiwan.



    Read more:
    Why South Korea’s new leader may be on a collision course with Trump

    Gaza: when aid is politicised

    There was yet more tragedy in Gaza this week as the new aid distribution scheme backed by Israel and the US got underway and quickly descended into chaos, with Israeli troops shooting at people it claimed were Hamas militants, resulting in the deaths of dozens of people.

    The new plan handed control of aid distribution to a private company called Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which established four depots, three in the very south of the Strip and one in the centre, close to Israeli checkpoints. As a result many people had to travel considerable distances to get desperately needed supplies.

    As Irit Katz of the University of Cambridge writes here, the GHF plan is similar in character to a scheme put forward last December by an Israeli veterans group that prioritises control over humanitarianism. She says the resulting chaos and violence should come as no surprise.



    Read more:
    Lethal humanitarianism: why violence at Gaza aid centres should not come as a surprise

    World Affairs Briefing from The Conversation UK is available as a weekly email newsletter. Click here to get updates directly in your inbox.

    – ref. Inside Ukraine’s remarkable drone attack – https://theconversation.com/inside-ukraines-remarkable-drone-attack-258326

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Japanese walking: the benefits of this fitness trend

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sean Pymer, Academic Clinical Exercise Physiologist, University of Hull

    A fitness trend known as Japanese walking is capturing attention online, promising major health benefits with minimal equipment and time.

    Based on interval-style bursts of fast and slow walking, Japanese walking was developed by Professor Hiroshi Nose and Associate Professor Shizue Masuki at Shinshu University in Matsumoto, Japan. It involves alternating between three minutes of walking at a higher intensity and three minutes at a lower intensity, repeated for at least 30 minutes, four times per week.

    The higher-intensity walking should be done at a level that is “somewhat hard”. At this level, it is still possible to talk, but holding a full conversation would be more difficult.

    The lower-intensity walking should be done at a level that is “light”. At this level, talking should be comfortable, though a little more laboured than an effortless conversation.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Japanese walking has been likened to high-intensity interval training or Hiit, and has been referred to as “high-intensity walking”, although it is less taxing than true Hiit and is performed at lower intensities.

    It is also easy to perform and requires only a stopwatch and space for walking. It requires little planning and is less time-consuming than other walking targets, such as achieving 10,000 steps a day. This makes it suitable for most people.

    What does the evidence show?

    Japanese walking offers significant health benefits. A 2007 study from Japan compared this method to lower-intensity continuous walking, with a goal of achieving 8,000 steps per day. Participants who followed the Japanese walking approach experienced notable reductions in body weight. Blood pressure also dropped – more so than in those following the lower-intensity continuous walking routine.

    Leg strength and physical fitness were also measured in this study. Both improved to a greater extent in those following the Japanese walking programme, compared to those completing moderate-intensity continuous walking.

    A longer-term study also found that Japanese walking protects against the reductions in strength and fitness that happen with ageing.

    These improvements in health would also suggest that Japanese walking can help people live longer, though this has not yet been directly studied.

    There are a few things to consider with this new walking trend. In the 2007 study, around 22% of people did not complete the Japanese walking programme. For the lower intensity programme, with a target of 8,000 steps per day, around 17% did not complete it. This means that Japanese walking may not be suitable for everyone, and it might not be any easier or more attractive than simple step-based targets.

    Achieving a certain number of steps per day has also been shown to help people live longer. For those aged 60 and older, the target should be around 6,000 to 8,000 steps a day and 8,000 to 10,000 for those aged under 60. Similar evidence does not appear to exist for Japanese walking… yet.

    So is this walking trend really the be-all and end-all? Or does it matter less about what exercise you do and more about how often and how hard you do it? The answer is likely to be the latter.

    Research tells us that people who regularly perform more bouts of moderate to vigorous physical activity live longer, regardless of how long each bout is.

    This means that we should focus on ensuring we perform regular moderate to vigorous physical activity and make it habitual. If that activity happens to be Japanese walking, then it’s a worthwhile choice.

    Sean Pymer receives funding from The National Institute for Health and Care Research.

    – ref. Japanese walking: the benefits of this fitness trend – https://theconversation.com/japanese-walking-the-benefits-of-this-fitness-trend-257302

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Dippy the dinosaur remains beloved, 120 years after arriving at the Natural History Museum

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Michael J. Benton, Professor of Vertebrate Palaeontology, University of Bristol

    Shutterstock/I Wei Huang

    Dippy – a complete cast of a diplodocus skeleton – is Britain’s most famous dinosaur. It has resided at the Natural History Museum in London since 1905 and is now on show in Coventry where it is “dinosaur-in-residence” at the Herbert Art Gallery & Museum.

    Dippy, the star attraction in the huge entrance hall of the Natural History Museum from 1979 to 2018, is now on tour around the UK, with Coventry as its latest stop. It had previously been shown in Dorchester, Birmingham, Belfast, Glasgow, Newcastle, Cardiff, Rochdale, Norwich and London.

    So what is it that makes Dippy so popular? I got a sense of the dino’s appeal in August 2021 when I gave a lecture under the Dippy skeleton in Norwich Cathedral.

    Looking for something good? Cut through the noise with a carefully curated selection of the latest releases, live events and exhibitions, straight to your inbox every fortnight, on Fridays. Sign up here.

    The lecture was about dinosaur feathers and colours. It highlighted new research that identified traces of pigment in the fossilised feathers of birds and dinosaurs. I wanted to highlight the enormous advances in the ways we can study dinosaurs that had taken place in just a century.

    Before arriving, I thought that Dippy would fill the cathedral – after all the skeleton is 26 metres long and it had filled the length of the gallery at the Natural History Museum. However, Dippy was dwarfed by the gothic cathedral’s scale. In fact, the building is so large that five Dippys could line up, nose to tail, from the great west door to the high altar at the east end.

    This sense of awe is one of the key reasons to study palaeontology – to understand how such extraordinary animals ever existed.

    I asked the Norwich cathedral canon why they had agreed to host the dinosaur, and he gave three answers. First, the dinosaur would attract lots of visitors. Second, Dippy is from the Jurassic period, as are the rocks used to construct the cathedral. Finally, for visitors it shared with the cathedral a sense of awe because of its huge size. Far from being diminished by its temporary home, visitors still walked around and under Dippy sensing its grandeur.

    Dippy at the unveiling ceremony at the Reptile Gallery of the Natural History Museum in 1905.
    WikiMedia

    Dippy arrived in London in 1905 as part of a campaign for public education by the Scottish-American millionaire Andrew Carnegie (1835–1919). At the time, there was a debate in academic circles about the function of museums and how far professionals should go in seeking to educate the public.

    There was considerable reticence about going too far. Many professors felt that showing dinosaurs to the public would be unprofessional in instances where they moved from description of facts into the realm of speculation. They also did not want to risk ridicule by conveying unsupported information about the appearance and lifestyle of the great beasts. Finally, many professors simply did not see such populism as any part of their jobs.

    Henry Fairfield Osborn in 1916.
    Wiki Commons

    But, at that time, the American Museum of Natural History was well established in New York and its new president, Henry Fairfield Osborn (1857-1935) was distinctly a populist. He sponsored the palaeo artist Charles Knight (1874-1953), whose vivid colour paintings of dinosaurs were the glory of the museum and influential worldwide. Osborn was as hated by palaeontology professors as he was feted by the public.

    Carnegie pumped his steel dollars into many philanthropic works in his native Scotland and all over America, including the Museum of Natural History in Pittsburgh. When he heard that a new and complete skeleton of a diplodocus had been dug up in Wyoming, he bought it and brought it to his new museum. It was named as a new species, Diplodocus carnegiei.

    On a visit to Carnegie’s Scottish residence, Skibo Castle, King Edward VII saw a sketch of the bones and Carnegie agreed to donate a complete cast of the skeleton to Britain’s Natural History Museum.

    The skeleton was copied by first making rubber moulds of each bone in several parts, then filling the moulds with plaster to make casts and colouring the bones to make them look real. The 292 pieces were shipped to London in 36 crates and opened to the public in May 1905. Carnegie’s original Dippy skeleton only went on show in Pittsburgh in 1907, after the new museum building had been constructed.

    Illustration of the Brontosaurus by Charles Knight (1897).
    Wiki Commons

    Carnegie had got the royal bug and donated further complete Dippy casts to the great natural history museums in Berlin, Paris, Vienna, Bologna, St Petersburg, Madrid, Munich, Mexico City and La Plata in Argentina. Each of these nations, except France, had a king or tsar at the time. The skeletons went on show in all these locations, except Munich, and Dippy has been seen by many millions of people in the past 120 years.

    Dippy’s appeal

    Dippy’s appeal is manifold. It’s huge – we like our dinosaurs big. It has been seen up close by more people around the world than any other dinosaur. It also opens the world of science to many people. Evolution, deep time, climate change, origins, extinction and biodiversity are all big themes that link biology, geology, physics, chemistry and mathematics.

    Also, since 1905, palaeontology has moved from being a largely speculative subject to the realms of testable science. Calculations of jaw functions and limb movements of dinosaurs can be tested and challenged. Hypotheses about physiology, reproduction, growth and colour can be based on evidence from microscopic study of bones and exceptionally preserved tissues, and these analyses can be repeated and refuted.

    Dippy has witnessed over a century of rapid change and its appeal is sure to continue for the next.

    Dippy is on display at the Herbert Art Gallery & Museum in Coventry until February 21 2026.

    Michael J. Benton does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Why Dippy the dinosaur remains beloved, 120 years after arriving at the Natural History Museum – https://theconversation.com/why-dippy-the-dinosaur-remains-beloved-120-years-after-arriving-at-the-natural-history-museum-209945

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Mel Stride promises the Tories won’t repeat the mistakes of Liz Truss – except they already have

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tim Bale, Professor of Politics, Queen Mary University of London

    It’s a mistake to think that, when it comes to the UK economy, the Conservatives have always been seen by British voters as a safer pair of hands than Labour. But, notwithstanding the damaging austerity imposed on the country by David Cameron’s chancellor, George Osborne, it was, by and large, the case between 2008 and 2022. This was a period bookended by the global financial crisis that occurred under Gordon Brown’s watch as Labour chancellor and then prime minister, and by Liz Truss’s disastrous 49-day stint in the top job.

    In reality, people were already beginning to lose faith in the Tories’ economic competence when Truss beat Rishi Sunak in the race to succeed Boris Johnson in Number 10. But she right royally trashed whatever reputation the party still had on that score and, as a result, set it on the road that led to its cataclysmic defeat at the polls last July.

    Another leadership race duly followed that election. But instead of using it as an opportunity both to conduct a thorough postmortem and issue a full-throated apology for the mess they’d made of things across a whole range of domestic policy, the candidates stayed largely in the party’s comfort zone.

    The country’s crumbling public services got hardly a mention, any acknowledgement of their dire state drowned out by discussion of immigration and taxation. The eventual winner, Kemi Badenoch, was apparently convinced that the Conservatives had lost because they “talked right but governed left”.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Clearly that message doesn’t seem to have persuaded the public. The Tories are now even more unpopular than they were at the general election. They rarely break 20% in the opinion polls and consistently finish behind not just a very poorly-regarded Labour government but a surging Reform UK.

    Cue the decision by Mel Stride, a cabinet minister in Rishi Sunak’s doomed government and now Badenoch’s shadow chancellor, to issue an apology of sorts. This was, however, not an apology for the mess the Conservatives made of the country during 14 (arguably wasted) years in office – but for the month and half in which they were led by Truss.

    Sir Mel (as he is now) was never much of a fan, but he’s now taking public potshots at the former prime minister in a very well trailed speech. Apparently it was only during this short period, when Truss delivered her now legendary “mini-budget” that derailed the economy, that it all went wrong.

    “For a few weeks,” he declared, “we put at risk the very stability which Conservatives had always said must be carefully protected. The credibility of the UK’s economic framework was undermined by spending billions on subsidising energy bills and tax cuts, with no proper plan for how this would be paid for.”

    “Never again,” he continued, “will the Conservative party undermine fiscal credibility by making promises that we cannot afford.” Stride here seemed to be conveniently forgetting that, at least in the judgment of the respected Institute for Fiscal Studies, that was exactly what he and his colleagues did when they presented their manifesto to the country at last year’s general election – long after Truss had departed Downing Street.

    As such, Stride’s speech is unlikely to impress anyone. Rather than a confession of collective guilt and an acknowledgement of a pattern of behaviour stretching over years, it seeks to deflect the blame onto a one-off event and onto one already-derided individual (or maybe two if one includes the man who actually delivered the bungled mini-budget, Kwasi Kwarteng).

    Moreover, such is the presidentialised nature of British politics these days, that, unless a message is delivered by the party leader, it won’t be seen as representing its official position. Nor will it cut through to voters.

    More profoundly, Stride’s “contrition” (the closest he got to actually saying sorry) is meaningless because rather than challenge any of his party’s underlying assumptions, it actually doubles down on them.

    To stand a chance of signalling to a sceptical public that they’ve truly changed, the Tories need to break out of their essentially Thatcherite-cum-culture-warrior comfort zone. But obsessed (and in some ways understandably so) as they are with the potentially existential threat posed to them by Reform UK, that currently seems like a very distant prospect. And so, therefore, does another Tory government.

    Tim Bale does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Mel Stride promises the Tories won’t repeat the mistakes of Liz Truss – except they already have – https://theconversation.com/mel-stride-promises-the-tories-wont-repeat-the-mistakes-of-liz-truss-except-they-already-have-258324

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: UK looks to military gap years to boost recruitment in the face of growing geopolitical tension

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sarah Mills, Professor of Human Geography, Loughborough University

    Harrogate, 2019. Steve Gill – Visuals/Shutterstock

    The UK government recently endorsed proposals in its strategic defence review to consider the creation of military gap years for young people in the UK.

    It would potentially be similar to a scheme offered by the Australian Defence Force. Young Australian citizens can spend 12 months doing paid work in a variety of roles in the Navy, Army or Air Force.

    In Australia in 2023, 664 young people enlisted in the gap year programme, and 374 of these transferred on to a role in the permanent Australian Defence Force. Like in Australia, the gap year model in the UK would be optional and for over 18s to get a “taste” of military life.

    These gap years would be a part of recruitment strategy. The proposal comes at a time of global geopolitical crisis, national youth unemployment and a shortage of soldiers (a global problem).

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Another key reason for the introduction of these gap years, highlighted in defence secretary John Healey’s oral statement on the review, is to “reconnect the nation with those who defend us”. Keir Starmer, in his speech, spoke of “a new spirit of service, flowing from every part of society … everyone benefiting, everyone playing their role”.

    Young people are seen as a key part of building these connections. Another avenue raised in the review is to increase the number of cadet forces, a voluntary uniformed national youth organisation for teenagers that can also be linked to schools.

    An evaluation of cadet forces in the UK has outlined significant positive outcomes for young people, including for their employment and career prospects.

    Air cadets at the Lord Mayor’s Show, London, 2021.
    Sandor Szmutko/Shutterstock

    The strategic defence review also proposed “working with the Department for Education to develop understanding of the armed forces among young people in schools”, but details of this are still unclear.

    These suggestions form part of a trend towards increasing military presence in children and young people’s lives. My research has found that, over the last decade, successive UK governments have encouraged programmes with a military ethos within schools and character education to foster grit and gumption.

    Watered-down national service?

    My research shows that calls to reintroduce some form of military service appear at times of political, social or economic crisis. It’s not surprising then, that in the last few years we have seen several proposals in this area. Most notable is previous prime minister Rishi Sunak’s election pledge in 2024 that school leavers would have to do a year of compulsory military or voluntary service.

    A voluntary gap year – national service “lite” – would be a more palatable approach compared to formal conscription, which is still active in several countries.

    Starmer has been keen to distance himself from the language of national service, especially as he has also committed to introducing votes at 16: compulsory national service doesn’t poll well with young people.

    The UK has also recently scrapped its voluntary National Citizen Service, a non-military, short-term youth programme centred on local community action that has cost over £1.5 billion since 2010.

    But the fact that two successive prime ministers in the space of one year have pitched some form of military experience for school leavers tells us that this is not necessarily about benefits for youth, but about the concerning geopolitical landscape and the urgent need to boost recruits.

    In 2025 compared to the last few decades, the state’s concern is less about youth crime, apathy or patriotism, but rather growing international security threats and the nation’s preparedness.

    It is important to remember that the debate about national service in the UK is fuelled by generational nostalgia. In the UK, formal national service ran from the late 1940s to early 1960s for men aged between 17 and 21. Ever since those final troops were discharged in 1963, there has been a debate about “returning” to national service.

    Research shows that those who were actually part of compulsory national service after the second world war generally don’t think we should bring it back. This debate is cyclical, and each time it happens, it reveals what the state and adults think about young people more generally, usually shaped by moral panics.

    Would a gap year be popular?

    Given the current economic climate, it could be that a paid short-term year of military service is more attractive to UK teenagers and their CVs than ever before. However, we must reflect on why it might be so attractive in the present moment and understand the wider, structural issues shaping the lives of children and young people today.

    The costs of austerity and inequality in the UK run deep for children and young people. These issues cannot be solved by a defence focused gap year and there are other pressing demands to support young people in this country. For example, youth sector representatives are urging the UK government to reverse the long-term decline in funding on youth services.

    The impetus for a military gap year in the report is strategic defence, not unemployment. But there is no guarantee the defence sector itself will be keen to embrace this idea.

    When Sunak proposed national service last year, defence experts and ministers raised concerns about the British Army and Navy’s current capacity and resources to deliver such a programme. They also highlighted the potential impact of such a scheme on the morale of professional, dedicated and highly-skilled force personnel.

    The actual feasibility of any new programme is uncertain, especially with the current fiscal situation. One thing my research suggests is certain though, is that this national debate will circle back around again and again.

    Sarah Mills has received research funding from UKRI (ESRC), the British Academy and the Royal Geographical Society. She is currently an unpaid member of the advisory ‘College of Experts’ group of researchers for the Department of Culture, Media and Sport (UK Government) https://www.gov.uk/government/groups/dcms-college-of-experts

    – ref. UK looks to military gap years to boost recruitment in the face of growing geopolitical tension – https://theconversation.com/uk-looks-to-military-gap-years-to-boost-recruitment-in-the-face-of-growing-geopolitical-tension-258207

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: UK brands are celebrating Eid – here’s what makes an effective and inclusive campaign

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Afshan Jalil, PhD Candidate in Consumer Behaviour and Muslim Fashion, University of the West of Scotland

    In the run-up to Eid al-Adha – a major Muslim festival that celebrates the prophet Ibrahim’s devotion and coincides with the end of the annual Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca – UK retailers are joining the celebrations.

    Big brands like Next have launched festive collections of clothing, accessories and gifts, sharing social media messages aimed at Muslim consumers. But while this growing recognition of Eid’s commercial importance reflects a welcome shift, some campaigns still fall flat.

    As a researcher of Muslim fashion and identity in the UK, I study how Muslim consumers express themselves through clothing and how brands respond to their values. Despite a rise in Eid-related marketing, much of it feels superficial or disconnected from the community it targets.

    So, what makes for effective marketing to Muslim consumers during Eid and where do brands go wrong?

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Muslims account for around 6.5% of the UK population, and their economic impact continues to grow. In 2019, they contributed an estimated £31 billion to the UK economy, a figure that is rising steadily. Eid, like other major holidays such as Christmas or Diwali, drives increased spending on clothes, food, gifts and travel.

    More brands are recognising this potential. From supermarkets offering special Eid meal deals, to fashion retailers launching modest clothing lines, corporate participation is becoming more visible. This is a step forward, signalling acknowledgement of British Muslims as both part of society and valuable customers.

    Why performative marketing fails

    However, visibility alone is not enough. Eid campaigns often lean on cliches, crescent moons, calligraphy or generic Eid Mubarak messages. These may show representation, but do not necessarily demonstrate genuine cultural understanding.

    Consumer culture theory helps explain why. It shows that consumption is not just about buying products, it’s about identity, belonging and self-expression. My ongoing PhD research into Muslim fashion consumption reveals that clothing during Eid is closely tied to how people see themselves: as British, Muslim, and as individuals navigating both identities.

    This is especially true for younger Muslims. Eid is more than a religious event, it’s a chance to express identity through fashion, celebration and community. The choices they make in what to wear and where to shop reflect their values and heritage.

    When brands treat Eid as an afterthought, Muslim consumers notice. Campaigns that feel rushed, last minute, out of touch or simply performative can come across as exploitative rather than inclusive.

    Customers are frequently motivated to express their dissatisfaction with fashion businesses on social media. A brand could face public criticism if it releases new collections without involving Muslim designers, for example. In 2023, fashion retailer PrettyLittleThing also came under fire for an Eid range of clothing deemed inappropriate by many Muslims for modest dressing for women (the company said it didn’t intend to cause offence and celebrated multiple holidays as part of its attempt “to build a community of everybody”).

    Authentic engagement begins with listening

    Successful campaigns are created locally by the community rather than being run by outsiders. Brands that collaborate with Muslim content creators, seek community input and consider Eid’s traditions and significance typically deliver messages that are well received.

    Timing and action matter. Companies which prepare for Eid in advance are more likely to develop effective marketing or successful partnerships. For example, Tesco’s “Everyone’s Welcome” campaign in the UK is well known for its inclusive approach. In 2023 it launched its special Iftar range that could be bought in store and cooked for the special evening meal that marks the end of a day’s fasting during Ramadan.

    Beyond celebrations and festivals, brands that think carefully about what Muslims need, for example in sport, will more likely succeed with their messaging, because they demonstrate an understanding of cultural and identity issues. The Nike campaign featuring a Muslim athlete is frequently praised for presenting an open narrative.

    Brands like Aab and Inaya have a lot of devoted clients since they were created by designers who follow modest fashion. Their success depends more on their trust and cultural awareness than just their products alone.

    Eid al-Adha is a powerful symbol of faith, identity and community that goes beyond just a commercial opportunity. While occasion messages or seasonal messages may seem like respectful gestures, when done without real understanding, they can come across as hollow or insincere marketing. Ultimately, this can harm a brand’s reputation as people may feel disappointed.

    Around Eid al-Adha and Eid Al-Fitr, which marks the end of Ramadan, businesses and brands must go beyond token gestures. Building trust with Muslim communities requires ongoing respect and cultural knowledge, with meaningful engagement throughout the year. Authenticity, not aesthetics, is the key to forming lasting relationships with Muslim customers.

    Afshan Jalil currently serves as the Volunteer Marketing Manager for Hamilton Women Club, a community initiative for Muslim women, associated with Hamilton Mosque, South Lanarkshire UK.

    – ref. UK brands are celebrating Eid – here’s what makes an effective and inclusive campaign – https://theconversation.com/uk-brands-are-celebrating-eid-heres-what-makes-an-effective-and-inclusive-campaign-258107

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Four myths about ‘low-skilled’ migration busted

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Gabriella Alberti, Professor of International Labour Migration, University of Leeds

    1000 Words/Shutterstock

    The UK government has outlined plans to reduce low-skilled migration to the country. A central aspect is linking skills and training to the immigration system. This, so the thinking goes, will mean that no industry is able to rely on immigration to fill skills gaps.

    Research I carried out with colleagues on employer strategies in the wake of Brexit shows that pitting legal routes for migrant workers against investment in the local workforce is based on flawed assumptions.

    Evidence from sectors historically reliant on migration, such as transport and storage, food manufacturing, hospitality and social care, debunks four myths about migration and the labour market that underpin the government’s immigration plans.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Myth 1: migration and training

    Under-investment in skills by both employers and the state is a long-term issue of the UK deregulated economy. But the idea that employers hire migrants instead of training local workers is, to say the least, contested.

    Our research shows that migration can benefit workplace learning and incentivise employers to invest in training. We undertook a survey of employers’ practices after Brexit. Firms investing more in training, or seeking diverse workforces, tended also to be those (usually larger firms) that have financial and HR capacity to deal with migration hurdles. For small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) especially, this system remains costly and bureaucratic.

    Previous research showed that employers that hired migrant workers after Brexit were also more likely to invest in the domestic workforce, or in technology. The government should view the recruitment of migrants as “supplementing, not supplanting” the domestic labour force.

    Myth 2: migrants v inactive youth

    The government’s plans, as well as other narratives, tend to play migrants against NEETs (young people who are not in education, employment or training). This suggests that the growing number of these young people is caused by employers using “low-skilled” migration.

    Engaging economically inactive people and complying with a workforce strategy that prioritises training local workers are set out as strict conditions for employers hoping to recruit from abroad. Yet the theory of replacing migrants with economically inactive people is a simplistic equation.

    One main finding of our research is that young people often refuse to work in these sectors because of poor conditions rather than because employers favour migrants. Our survey found that, despite marginal pay increases and other benefits to deal with staff shortages, pay across the four sectors remains benchmarked at the minimum wage.

    This fuels high staff turnover, intensive work and insecure contracts. These factors often make the jobs unattractive. But by introducing fair pay agreements in the care sector and by financially supporting local authorities and care providers, it should be possible to attract young people.

    Improving pay and conditions must be a priority, rather than closing the care worker visa, which could be devastating for the sector.

    Myth 3: temporary migration is a sustainable option

    The government proposes raising the skills threshold and including a “temporary shortage list”. For occupations with a skills requirement below degree level, employers will be able to use the immigration system only temporarily. This is not a substantive change from the occupational temporary schemes and tweaks to the skilled worker visa by the previous government.

    Our research shows that allowing migrants entry only through a limited number of schemes has led to the crowding of visa applications into one route (for example, the care worker visa). This contributed to abuse of the system, the proliferation of bogus employers and exploitative practices.

    Our research with migrant care workers who lost their sponsoring employer highlighted barriers to finding a new sponsor. Only a small number of care providers can guarantee full-time employment.

    Overall, reactive and temporary visa schemes have proven to be negative for both workers and businesses. This is confirmed by research on seasonal migration in other sectors like agriculture.

    Only a migration system that allows workers to stay and thrive in their jobs, bring their dependants and build stable lives can reduce labour turnover. This in turn can improve productivity and lead to a long-term workforce strategy.

    Myth 4: migration damages the economy

    The government’s newly unveiled immigration system risks putting the brakes on its plan for growth. Ministers have based their new plan on the assumption that increased net migration damages the UK, referring to the decrease in GDP per capita during the increase in net migration as a measure.

    But there is plenty of evidence that leaving the European common market and external shocks like the COVID pandemic and war in Ukraine have been the cause of UK economic decline. It recorded one of the largest slowdowns in productivity among the G7 in 2023.

    In contrast, our research shows that migrants are vital not just in sectors like social care, but also in those considered “low-skilled” by the government. Workers in logistics, hospitality and food manufacturing were treated as “essential” during COVID but soon forgotten and then apparently relegated to “low-value”.

    Once upon a time they were heroes.
    Lubo Ivanko/Shutterstock

    Our research calls for a re-evaluation of these foundational sectors, as they represent the backbone of industries considered pivotal by the government’s own industrial growth strategy.

    For a joined-up approach to be truly effective, employers associations, trade unions and migrant advocacy groups, together with national and local governments must contribute to longer-term migration plans. These should consider industry needs, migrant workers’ wellbeing as well as the viability of public services and other critical sectors affected by stricter migration requirements if numbers continue to decline.

    Telling firms they need to invest in the local workforce before they can hire from abroad appears blind to the reality. Training is not a quick fix, it requires time and investment from employers and the state. And ultimately, improved pay and working conditions are likely to make these sectors more attractive to the local population.

    Gabriella Alberti receives funding from the UKRI

    – ref. Four myths about ‘low-skilled’ migration busted – https://theconversation.com/four-myths-about-low-skilled-migration-busted-258046

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: How to protect yourself from narcissists’ weapon of choice – passive aggression

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Daniel Waldeck, Assistant Professor in Psychology, Coventry University

    Nicoleta Ionescu/Shutterstock

    Imagine asking a coworker to help you on a project, and although they agree, they
    suddenly “forget” whenever the deadline approaches. Or a friend saying “you look
    beautiful today, I barely recognised you,” after you show them your new haircut.

    Perhaps you know all too well the feeling of a parent or partner ignoring you following some perceived slight.

    On the surface this behaviour may seem relatively minor. But if it happens often, this could indicate a narcissist is using passive-aggressive behaviour to try and hurt you.

    To protect yourself, it helps to know where a narcissist is coming from.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    The term “narcissist” can refer to people with high levels of narcissism, not necessarily that they have a clinical diagnosis of narcissistic personality disorder. There are generally two types: grandiose and vulnerable.

    Grandiose narcissists usually view themselves as special and superior to others and are likely to brag about their achievements. Vulnerable narcissists tend to be self-conscious, sensitive to the slightest criticism and have an insatiable need for external appreciation.

    Both can be self-centred and prone to aggression, though passive-aggressive behaviour may be more often used by vulnerable narcissists.

    One explanation for their behaviour could be their motivation to become dominant and gain status. For example, they may feel like belittling their competition strengthens chances of getting a promotion at work. Another reason is that they can be thin-skinned. Any negative evaluation against them, like being left out of a work social event, may trigger a defensive reaction to attack another person to try and maintain their self-esteem.

    They also have a tendency to feel ostracised even when it’s not true. Research has shown that when narcissists are provoked, they tend to respond with aggression. Subtly undermining someone is more deniable than overt ways of expressing their anger and resentment.

    Here are some examples to help you spot when it’s happening:

    • social exclusion – avoiding eye contact, ignoring messages, excluding
      you from their social media account or withholding affection to punish you

    • hostile undertone – making fun of others through jokes, backhanded
      compliments or sending messages that suggest you are at fault while minimising their role in a conflict

    • indirect criticism – sharing embarrassing stories, or trying to undermine you by gossiping to others

    • sabotage – regularly leaving tasks that are their responsibility to
      complete to the last minute, and making it your problem.

    Narcissists can leave you feeling confused and hurt.
    Roman Samborskyi/Shutterstock

    Such behaviour on its own might not be much bother, but being exposed to
    it regularly could cause distress. As an example, repeatedly being socially excluded at work has been linked to emotional exhaustion and reduced wellbeing.

    Research on victims of narcissistic behaviours is limited, perhaps because passive-aggressive behaviour is often hidden. But the research we do have has shown people on the receiving end of narcissistic abuse experience anxiety, depression, low self-worth and a tendency to prioritise others’ needs over their own.

    How you can protect yourself

    Given that narcissists react aggressively to criticism, it’s probably best not to fight fire with fire. The following approaches may help.

    Set clear boundaries. Make it clear you will not tolerate such behaviour. You could say something like: “I noticed you are not responding. I am willing to chat with you when you are ready to talk respectfully.”

    Emotional detachment. Narcissists will probably throw digs or sarcastic comments your way to get a reaction. Once they get a reaction, the cycle escalates. One helpful technique may be “grey rocking”, where you keep your interactions and responses as brief and as uninteresting as possible. When a sarcastic comment is made, you could just say “yep” or “noted”.

    Look after yourself. Prioritise your own needs and your wellbeing. For instance, immerse yourself in hobbies you enjoy or have fun with friends. Try also to make space for reflection so you can avoid internalising their comments. It’s about them, not you.

    Seek support. Reaching out to people you trust or seeking professional support from a counsellor may help to strengthen your resilience. In the context of work, you may reach out to HR if the passive-aggressive behaviour is persistent, but remember to document everything and be factual. This may help minimise a narcissist’s efforts to gaslight you or others.

    Power imbalance

    Not everyone can easily create distance between themselves and that narcissistic person they know. Some people may be living with a narcissist, work with one, or they could be part of their social circle.

    Given that narcissists often crave status, there’s a good chance there may be a power imbalance between you. This can be tricky as you may feel intimidated if they persistently use passive-aggressive behaviour, if they are senior to you at work for instance.

    In this situation, it’s even more important to save important email chains, log conversations and seek support from HR if needed. If there’s a power imbalance with someone outside work, take extra care to set clear boundaries with them.

    Each situation is different, and some things will be beyond your control.

    What you can do though is focus on what’s within your control: your reactions, your wellbeing, and the support systems around you.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. How to protect yourself from narcissists’ weapon of choice – passive aggression – https://theconversation.com/how-to-protect-yourself-from-narcissists-weapon-of-choice-passive-aggression-258021

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: The Tories try to blame all their woes on Liz Truss, but Mel Stride’s mea culpa is destined to fall flat

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Tim Bale, Professor of Politics, Queen Mary University of London

    It’s a mistake to think that, when it comes to the UK economy, the Conservatives have always been seen by British voters as a safer pair of hands than Labour. But, notwithstanding the damaging austerity imposed on the country by David Cameron’s chancellor, George Osborne, it was, by and large, the case between 2008 and 2022. This was a period bookended by the global financial crisis that occurred under Gordon Brown’s watch as Labour chancellor and then prime minister, and by Liz Truss’s disastrous 49-day stint in the top job.

    In reality, people were already beginning to lose faith in the Tories’ economic competence when Truss beat Rishi Sunak in the race to succeed Boris Johnson in Number 10. But she right royally trashed whatever reputation the party still had on that score and, as a result, set it on the road that led to its cataclysmic defeat at the polls last July.

    Another leadership race duly followed that election. But instead of using it as an opportunity both to conduct a thorough postmortem and issue a full-throated apology for the mess they’d made of things across a whole range of domestic policy, the candidates stayed largely in the party’s comfort zone.

    The country’s crumbling public services got hardly a mention, any acknowledgement of their dire state drowned out by discussion of immigration and taxation. The eventual winner, Kemi Badenoch, was apparently convinced that the Conservatives had lost because they “talked right but governed left”.

    Get your news from actual experts, straight to your inbox. Sign up to our daily newsletter to receive all The Conversation UK’s latest coverage of news and research, from politics and business to the arts and sciences.

    Clearly that message doesn’t seem to have persuaded the public. The Tories are now even more unpopular than they were at the general election. They rarely break 20% in the opinion polls and consistently finish behind not just a very poorly-regarded Labour government but a surging Reform UK.

    Cue the decision by Mel Stride, a cabinet minister in Rishi Sunak’s doomed government and now Badenoch’s shadow chancellor, to issue an apology of sorts. This was, however, not an apology for the mess the Conservatives made of the country during 14 (arguably wasted) years in office – but for the month and half in which they were led by Truss.

    Sir Mel (as he is now) was never much of a fan, but he’s now taking public potshots at the former prime minister in a very well trailed speech. Apparently it was only during this short period, when Truss delivered her now legendary “mini-budget” that derailed the economy, that it all went wrong.

    “For a few weeks,” he declared, “we put at risk the very stability which Conservatives had always said must be carefully protected. The credibility of the UK’s economic framework was undermined by spending billions on subsidising energy bills and tax cuts, with no proper plan for how this would be paid for.”

    “Never again,” he continued, “will the Conservative party undermine fiscal credibility by making promises that we cannot afford.” Stride here seemed to be conveniently forgetting that, at least in the judgment of the respected Institute for Fiscal Studies, that was exactly what he and his colleagues did when they presented their manifesto to the country at last year’s general election – long after Truss had departed Downing Street.

    As such, Stride’s speech is unlikely to impress anyone. Rather than a confession of collective guilt and an acknowledgement of a pattern of behaviour stretching over years, it seeks to deflect the blame onto a one-off event and onto one already-derided individual (or maybe two if one includes the man who actually delivered the bungled mini-budget, Kwasi Kwarteng).

    Moreover, such is the presidentialised nature of British politics these days, that, unless a message is delivered by the party leader, it won’t be seen as representing its official position. Nor will it cut through to voters.

    More profoundly, Stride’s “contrition” (the closest he got to actually saying sorry) is meaningless because rather than challenge any of his party’s underlying assumptions, it actually doubles down on them.

    To stand a chance of signalling to a sceptical public that they’ve truly changed, the Tories need to break out of their essentially Thatcherite-cum-culture-warrior comfort zone. But obsessed (and in some ways understandably so) as they are with the potentially existential threat posed to them by Reform UK, that currently seems like a very distant prospect. And therefore, with or without Stride’s mea culpa, so does another Tory government.

    Tim Bale does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. The Tories try to blame all their woes on Liz Truss, but Mel Stride’s mea culpa is destined to fall flat – https://theconversation.com/the-tories-try-to-blame-all-their-woes-on-liz-truss-but-mel-strides-mea-culpa-is-destined-to-fall-flat-258324

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Do people really resemble their dogs?

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Renata Roma, Postdoctoral Fellow, Center of Behavioural Sciences and Justice Studies/Pawsitive Connections Lab, University of Saskatchewan

    Although people and their dogs sometimes resemble each other, research suggests that compatibility may be a key element to build a positive relationship with dogs. (Shutterstock)

    Many dog owners wonder whether they share similarities with their dogs, including characteristics like a calm temperament, a sociable personality or even a bit of stubbornness. The idea that people and dogs resemble each other is not just a joke. In fact, some researchers have explored this question.

    As a clinician and researcher who has been studying different aspects of the human–animal bond and works clinically with people grieving the loss of a pet, I understand how meaningful these relationships can be. I am particularly interested in how perceived similarities and emotional connections with dogs can shape the quality of the relationship.

    Understanding what is known so far about the similarities between people and dogs is crucial, as this can reveal whether perceptions of similar physical and personality traits play a role in the quality of the relationship people share with their dogs.

    What researchers says about it

    Research on perceived similarities between people and their dogs aims to understand whether such perceptions are accurate and how they affect the relationship between people and their dogs.

    A recent review synthesizes findings from 15 empirical studies that investigated similarities between dog-human pairs, both in appearance and personality. Regarding personality, the findings suggest that dogs and their guardians may have parallel traits, such as levels of extroversion, anxiety and sociability.

    Looking further, some people seem to choose dogs that physically resemble them, particularly when choosing a purebred dog. Interestingly, there seems to be a link between women’s hair length and their preference for dogs with similar ear length, while short-haired women seem to favour short-eared breeds.

    Another study suggests the similarity between guardians and their dogs may be particularly observed in the eye region. Other studies indicate a positive correlation between owners’ body mass index (BMI) and their dogs’ degree of overweight, possibly related to a shared lifestyle.

    Importantly, many of these studies use questionnaires that the guardians themselves answer. That could lead some people to argue the findings only reflect the perceptions of the guardians.

    However, a group of researchers asked participants who had never met the dog-guardian pairs to match photos of dogs and their guardians based on perceived similarities. Interestingly, the participants were able to correctly match most of the dog-guardian pairs. This finding suggests that similarity may not just be a matter of the guardian’s own perception.

    Comparison to our relationships with people

    But why does this happen? One hypothesis has to do with our evolutionary history, since we also tend to seek like-minded people.

    In evolutionary contexts, being in cohesive and predictable groups increased co-operation and survival. These patterns continue to influence our relationships with others, favouring connections with people who appear to align with our values, behaviours or even physical traits. Apparently, similar mechanisms influence how we relate to dogs.

    Similarities in are also observed for those living with purebred dogs. This might happen because people tend to choose breeds associated with certain behaviours and there is more behavioural predictability and stability in purebred dogs due to standardized breed characteristics.

    Other explanations for personality similarities may be linked to emotional exchanges between people and their dogs, mutual regulation, behavioural reinforcement and learning through observation and imitation.

    For example, people may reinforce certain behaviours in their dogs based on their own preferences or routines, and sometimes this may not even be intentional. At the same time, emotional exchanges between humans and dogs can also shape each other’s emotional states over time.

    More than a scientific curiosity, understanding how perceptions of similarity shape people’s relationships with their dog can help foster more fulfilling relationships for humans and dogs. Such perceptions can lead to greater emotional investment in the bond and may even influence how people interpret and manage challenging behaviours in their dogs. For example, they might be more tolerant of certain behaviours when they identify a similar pattern in themselves.

    On the other hand, while perceived similarities can strengthen the relationship, such perceptions may also shape people’s expectations, leading them to project human-like characteristics onto their dogs, rather than seeing them for who they truly are.

    Beyond similarity: What brings us together

    Even when the personalities of people and their dogs are not alike, they can still match perfectly. Imagine a dog who is playful and energetic, living with someone who may be more reserved or introverted.

    The dog’s energy can encourage the person to be more active, which can lead to healthier habits such as walking or spending time outdoors. Sharing moments of joy, frustration or even sadness with a beloved dog can also provide a sense of companionship and emotional support.

    Although people and their dogs sometimes resemble each other, research suggests that compatibility may be another key element to build a positive relationship with dogs. Factors such as attachment style and aspects of the human’s personality may be equally relevant.

    Also, the sense of similarity is not always immediate and may emerge through co-regulation and mutual reinforcement, similarly to what happens in close human relationships. In this context, compatibility can exist even when people and dogs are not alike.

    Just like in relationships between people, resemblance is not necessarily what holds us together. Although resemblance plays a role, sometimes the most meaningful bonds are not between those who are alike. What seems to matter the most is how well we connect, support each other, embrace potential differences and build mutual understanding.

    Renata Roma does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Do people really resemble their dogs? – https://theconversation.com/do-people-really-resemble-their-dogs-255088

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why South Korea’s new leader may be on a collision course with Trump

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Christoph Bluth, Professor of International Relations and Security, University of Bradford

    The new South Korean president, Lee Jae-myung, calls himself a foreign policy “pragmatist”. He says he is driven by South Korea’s national interest, rather than ideology, and has spoken of his desire to improve relations with China and North Korea.

    Under the former president, Yoon Suk Yeol, South Korea’s relationship with these countries came under increasing strain. Yoon adopted a confrontational stance toward North Korea, and openly sided with Washington in its rivalry with Beijing. Lee’s vision may bring his government into conflict with the Trump administration.

    On the campaign trail, Lee sought to dispel doubts about his commitment to the longstanding military alliance between the US and South Korea. He repeatedly described Seoul’s relationship with Washington as the “basic axis of our diplomacy”.

    But he signalled that there would be some rebalancing of relations under his leadership, stressing that South Korea should not rely solely on the US. This reflects the fundamental belief of liberal politicians in South Korea. While acknowledging the importance of ties with the US, they want a more balanced relationship with other regional powers like China.

    Lee says closer relations with China will occur within the framework of South Korea’s alliance with the US. But, with Washington and Beijing battling for global influence, this is still likely to become a major point of tension with the US. The Trump administration has taken a hawkish approach towards China and wants its allies to do the same.

    Lee, for his part, has stated that South Korea should not be forced to choose between the US and China, saying: “We should not put all our eggs in one basket”. And he has signalled that his government will resist efforts by Washington to draw South Korea into any conflict with China over Taiwan or territorial disputes in the South China Sea.

    The Lee government clearly has a delicate balancing act ahead when it comes to the two superpowers. Trump has previously criticised the amount South Korea pays for the US forces stationed on its soil, while recent reports suggest he is considering the withdrawal of about 4,500 US troops from the country.

    Relations with Pyongyang

    Another of Lee’s pressing foreign policy issues is how to deal with the North Korean threat. Yoon’s government avoided dialogue with the North and encouraged the spread of outside information across the border.

    Over the past decade, in response to North Korea’s improved nuclear and missile capabilities, public opinion in South Korea has shifted in favour of developing an independent nuclear weapons programme.

    This is not a strategy the Lee government will pursue. The Democratic party, of which Lee is a member, has historically advocated a policy of engagement and peaceful coexistence with North Korea.

    From 1998 to 2008, and then again from 2017 to 2022, liberal governments in South Korea pursued a so-called “sunshine policy” towards the North. The goal was to reduce tension through engagement, with the ultimate goal being to create the conditions for unification.

    In his inaugural address on June 4, Lee said his government would deal with North Korean aggression with “strong deterrence” – referring to the military alliance with the US. But he also elaborated on the need to again reopen channels of communication with North Korea to deliver peace through talks and cooperation. He added: “Peace is always cheaper than war”.

    In a signal of his intent for renewed engagement with the North, Lee has nominated the former unification minister, Lee Jong-seok, as chief of the National Intelligence Service. Lee Jong-seok was the architect of South Korea’s policy towards the North between 2003 and 2008, during the presidency of Roh Moo-hyun.

    However, the geopolitical landscape has changed in recent years. In January 2024, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un declared South Korea an “enemy” nation and said the North would no longer be working toward reunification. North Korea has since then stopped any contact with the South and has ceased any economic collaboration.

    South Korea’s sunshine policy had seen the development of projects such as the Kaesong Industrial Complex, which involved South Korean businesses establishing factories in North Korea and employing North Korean workers.

    North Korea is a foreign policy issue in which the Trump administration and the Lee government may pursue similar objectives. Trump has also signalled that he is seeking to renew dialogue with North Korea, and has hinted at the possibility of future summits to discuss a nuclear agreement.

    Trump’s first term saw him become the first US president to meet with a North Korean leader while in office, though he ultimately made no progress in restraining North Korea’s nuclear programme.

    Kim is very unlikely to be responsive to efforts by either country to engage in dialogue. North Korea has forged a close partnership with Russia in recent years, which has even seen it send troops to fight against Ukraine, and no longer considers engagement with the US or South Korea necessary.

    It is instead banking on making significant advances in military technology. Russian assistance has reportedly already contributed to improvements in North Korea’s missile guidance systems, while Russia has also supplied North Korea with advanced air defence systems.

    The new Lee government faces a very challenging international environment. The North Korean threat is growing, the US security guarantee is weakening, and it will have to resist Trump’s attempts to draw South Korea into a regional military network to contain China. How it meets all of these challenges will become clear in the months and years ahead.

    Christoph Bluth received funding from the Korea Foundation and the Academy of Korean Studies

    – ref. Why South Korea’s new leader may be on a collision course with Trump – https://theconversation.com/why-south-koreas-new-leader-may-be-on-a-collision-course-with-trump-258143

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: For both artists and scientists, slow looking allows surprising connections to surface

    Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Amanda Bongers, Assistant Professor, Chemistry Education Research, Queen’s University, Ontario

    Scientists need skills in visual analysis and critical thinking, but these skills aren’t being taught or practised nearly enough in our university classrooms.

    The fast pace and complex visuals in chemistry lectures can be overwhelming.
    (Lee Nachtigal/Flickr), CC BY

    One reason why science is hard to learn is because it relies on visuals and simulations for things we cannot see with the naked eye. In topics like chemistry, students struggle to translate complicated symbols to the atoms and molecules they are meant to represent.

    Surprisingly, most university chemistry classrooms are not helping students with these tasks. Students spend lectures passively viewing slides packed with images without engaging with them or generating their own. Relying on innate ability, rather than teaching visual thinking and analysis skills, leaves many students feeling lost in the symbols and resorting to arduous and unproductive memorization tactics.

    What can we do to help students analyze and learn from scientific visuals? Fortunately, we can look to the arts for inspiration. There are parallels between the skills learned in art history and those needed in science classrooms.

    Developing a trained eye

    Feeling baffled by a work of art is similar to the experience of many chemistry learners. In both scenarios, viewers might ask themselves: What am I looking at, where should I look and what does it mean?

    And while a portrait or landscape may seem straightforward in its message, these works of art are filled with information and messages hidden to the untrained eye.

    The longer a viewer takes to look at each image, the more information can be uncovered, and the viewer can ask more questions and explore further.

    For example, in the 18th-century painting Still Life with Flowers on a Marble Tabletop by Dutch painter Rachel Ruysch, looking beyond the flowers painted in full bloom reveals a swarm of insects, which art historians regard in a wider context of spiritual meditations upon mortality.

    Did you notice the insects in ‘Still Life with Flowers on a Marble Tabletop?’
    (Rijksmuseum)

    The field of art history is dedicated to exploring works of art, and emphasizes visual analysis and critical thinking skills. When an art historian studies a work of art, they explore what information may be contained within the work, why it was presented in that manner and what this means in a broader context.



    Read more:
    Mike Pence’s fly: From Renaissance portraits to Salvador Dalí, artists used flies to make a point about appearances

    Process of looking, asking questions

    This process of looking and asking questions about what you are looking at is needed at all levels of science, and is a useful general skill.

    The non-profit organization Visual Thinking Strategies has created resources and programs to support educators, from kindergarten to high school, in using art for discussion in their classrooms.

    These discussions about art help young learners develop skills for reasoning, communicating and coping with uncertainty. Another resource, “Thinking Routines” from Harvard’s Project Zero, includes more suggestions for leading engagement with art and objects to help students cultivate observation, interpretation and questioning.

    Critical viewing means slowing down

    Such approaches have also been embraced in medical education, where medical students learn critical viewing through close-looking activities with art, and explore themes of empathy, power and care.

    Viewing art can help teach people critical viewing, a skill essential for interpreting medical imaging.
    (Shutterstock)

    Medical humanities programs also help young professionals to respond to ambiguity. Learning how to analyze art changes how people describe medical images, such as photos of clinical interactions, and has been shown to improve their empathy scores.

    The skills needed for visual analysis of art works require us to slow down and let our eyes wander and brains think. Slow and deep looking involves taking four or five minutes to silently view a work of art, allowing surprising details and connections to surface. Students training in medical imaging in the field of radiology can learn this slow and critical viewing process by interacting with art.

    Students in classrooms

    Now imagine the difference between a leisurely setting like a gallery to a classroom, with the pressure to listen, look, copy and learn from visuals and prepare for exams.

    How long are students spending analyzing these complex chemistry diagrams? Research that colleagues and I conducted suggests very little.

    When we observed chemistry classrooms, we found that students either passively viewed images while the instructor discussed them, or copied visuals as the instructor drew them. In both cases, they are not engaging with the visuals or generating their own.

    When teaching chemistry, Amanda, the lead author of this story, has seen students feel pressure to find a “correct” answer quickly when solving chemistry problems, causing them to overlook important but less obvious information.

    Visual analysis in chemistry education

    Our team of artists, art historians, arts educators, chemistry teachers and students is working to bring arts-inspired visual analysis into university chemistry classrooms.

    Through mock lectures followed by in-depth discussions, our preliminary research has found intersections between the practices and teachings of the visual arts skills and the skills needed for chemistry education, and we’ve designed activities for teaching students these skills.

    A focus group with university science educators helped us refine the activities to work for educators’ classrooms and goals. Through this process, we’ve identified new ways of thinking about and engaging with visuals and as our research evolves, so may these activities.

    Example of a visual analysis activity pairing a work of art with a chemistry visual. Left: ‘Cubist Study of a Head’ by Elemér de Kóródy, 1913 (The Met). Right: Analysis of a cycloaddition reaction (Author provided).

    Many students in university science classrooms will not pursue a traditional career in science, and their programs rarely lead to a specific job, yet visual thinking skills are essential in the wide skill sets needed for their future careers.

    Visual analysis and critical thinking are becoming even more important in daily life now with the rise of AI-generated images and videos.

    Developing skills to slow down and look

    Integrating the arts into other disciplines can support critical thinking and introduce learners to new perspectives. We argue that the arts can help science students develop essential visual analysis skills by teaching them to slow down and simply look.

    “Thinking like a scientist” has come to mean asking questions about what you see, but this could easily be framed as thinking like an art historian:

    1. Look closely for details;

    2. Consider details together and in context (for example, by asking: “Who created this and why?”);

    3. Recognize the need for broad technical and fundamental knowledge to see the less obvious, and;

    4. Accept uncertainty. There may be more than one answer, and we may never know for sure!

    Amanda Bongers receives funding from SSHRC and NSERC.

    Madeleine Dempster receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council

    – ref. For both artists and scientists, slow looking allows surprising connections to surface – https://theconversation.com/for-both-artists-and-scientists-slow-looking-allows-surprising-connections-to-surface-252355

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Trump’s travel ban casts shadow over the upcoming Fifa Club World Cup and other US-hosted sporting events

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Eric Storm, Senior Lecturer in General History, Leiden University

    Donald Trump’s controversial announcement of a travel ban on people from 12 countries visiting the US, immediately sparked questions about the implications for the upcoming Fifa Club World Cup and next year’s men’s football World Cup, both hosted in the US, as well as the 2028 Olympics in Los Angeles.

    The Fifa Club World Cup starts on June 15 and is hosted at venues across the US including at stadiums in Miami, Los Angeles and New York. Teams will travel from across the world to the US for the tournament.

    The travel ban will start on June 9, just before the major tournament, which features some of the biggest football clubs in the world, will start.

    While the announcement says athletes competing will be exempt from the ban, it is not obvious that this will extend to fans. And further restrictions on who can enter the country may add to the fear many travellers are feeling of being stopped at the US border.

    The announcement states that “any athlete or member of an athletic team, including coaches, persons performing a necessary support role, and immediate relatives travelling for the World Cup, the Olympics, or other major sporting events as defined by the Secretary of State” will be exempted from the ban. There’s not yet a list of which sporting events will be included in the exemption, or clarification of how the phrase “support role” may be interpreted.

    Some teams that have qualified for the Club World Cup have players from countries listed in the travel ban, and Iran, which is listed, has already qualified for the 2026 World Cup. The countries listed in the travel ban are: Afghanistan, Myanmar, Chad, Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen. Nationals from Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, Turkmenistan and Venezuela may also face some restrictions.

    President Trump announces a travel ban on 12 countries.

    The US relationship with both of its co-hosts (Mexico and Canada) for the world cup in 2026 is already rather tense, because of the current geopolitics, rhetoric and US tariffs. There’s already been a significant downturn in Canadian travel to the US, and a boycott of US products, after Trump’s assertions that he could take over his northern neighbour. This has also resulted in some tension at sports matches.

    The rivalry against US teams is likely to be more intense than normal. And it’s possible that many foreign fans could take out their frustration with Trump on US sportspeople. The president, who chairs the taskforce for the 2026 footballing event, could take that personally. And hostilities between rival groups of fans might escalate during the event.

    In the current polarised atmosphere some artists may not want to participate in the opening ceremony, unless they are aligned with Trump’s politics.

    Historical sporting conflicts

    Historically, political tension has had some impact on international sporting events, and affected how they were carried out. During the cold war, 60 countries, including the US, boycotted the Moscow Olympic Games of 1980 in protest against the recent Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Four years later, 15 countries from the Soviet orbit responded by boycotting the Los Angeles games in 1984.

    After the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 brought an end to the cold war, international relations generally became more relaxed and this was also reflected in major sport events. Fifa sought to reconcile Japan and South Korea, who had a difficult shared history of colonisation and war-time exploitation, by pressuring them to host the 2002 World Cup together.

    The tournament became a great success, patching up relations between the two countries. Both national teams performed better than anticipated, leading to outbursts of feelgood patriotism. This was unprecedented for Japan, burdened by the memory of the second world war.

    Four years later, the world cup was held in a recently reunited Germany. Fans from around the world, dressed up in their national colours, were welcomed in the host cities. The German public threw off its generally restrained attitude – and celebrated by waving the national flag with enthusiasm. It was felt to be a symbol of a new positive phase of a reunified Germany.

    Since the reelection of Trump, the United States has signalled it is reviewing its support for many international organisations, and is largely disregarding traditional avenues for soft power, (influence through cultural means such as film, art or foreign aid). Trump has also shocked Nato partners by suggesting that the US may not be willing to defend them.

    In the shadow of these international events and the growing geopolitical tensions, the upcoming football world cups may find their atmosphere somewhat dampened.

    Eric Storm does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Trump’s travel ban casts shadow over the upcoming Fifa Club World Cup and other US-hosted sporting events – https://theconversation.com/trumps-travel-ban-casts-shadow-over-the-upcoming-fifa-club-world-cup-and-other-us-hosted-sporting-events-253496

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Harvard battle is Trump’s ‘Mao moment’: lessons from China’s state-sanctioned university crackdown

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Félix Valdivieso, Chairman of IE China Observatory, IE University

    Students, professors and staff protest against President Trump measures at the University of California, Berkeley.
    .     Phil Pasquini/Shutterstock

    During the 1966-1976 Cultural Revolution, Mao Zedong pushed for the closure of Chinese universities, seeing higher education as little more than a breeding ground for counterrevolutionary bourgeois intellectuals. After closing for a period, China’s universities reopened on a limited basis from 1970, with selection criteria based on class background, revolutionary devotion and connections to the communist party.

    It was not until 1977 that the national university entrance exam (gaokao) was reinstated and a merit system put back in place. This period had been China’s “Mao moment” in higher education, but Mao’s historic mistake appears to be repeating itself in the US today.

    Over 13 centuries of tradition

    Imperial China had a sophisticated system of examinations (kējǔ, 科举) for citizens to reach the status of civil servant, or mandarin. These tests date back to the 7th century, under the Sui dynasty (581-618), and lasted until 1905.

    Depending on the period, the exams lasted from one to three days. Candidates were locked in a room, identified by a number, and their tests were copied by a third party so that their identity could not be recognised by their handwriting. All this was to ensure a fair and impartial contest for candidates whose futures were at stake.

    MIT professor Yasheng Huang says that if he had to highlight one fundamental difference between China and other civilisations, it would be the existence of these imperial examinations. He adds that they were both a blessing and a curse.

    He also points out that they are directly to blame for the state’s ongoing monopolisation of human talent in China. Put simply, the best and brightest became mandarins under this system. By depriving society of access to the best talent, the state also denied its people the chance of having any kind of organised religion, commerce or intelligentsia.

    For Huang, the imperial examinations were a significant cause of the decline of collective social action in China, one of the distinctive features of a civil society. This is reflected in the title of his 2024 book “The Rise and Fall of the EAST”, where EAST is not a compass point but an acronym for China’s defining features: Exams, Autocracy, Stability and Technology.

    China prioritises universities

    “The ‘Chinese phenomenon’ is why this ancient civilization
    with a long history of more than 2,000 years has declined in the modern
    era. Why is it lagging behind the modern nations of the world?”

    This question was posed in 1991 by the Chinese politician and intellectual Wang Huning, in his book America against America.

    Ever since Deng Xiaoping came to power in 1978, it became increasingly clear to China that its progress depended on raising its population’s education level, especially after the ravages of the Maoist Cultural Revolution.

    To do this, China created the C9 League in 2009. Composed of nine universities and similar to the American Ivy League, its members account for 10% of China’s national research budget, 3% of its total number of researchers, and 20% of published studies.



    Leer más:
    US-China tensions are an opportunity – the EU could become the world’s third great power

    Defund Harvard?

    When I spoke of “barbarians” in my 2024 book China for the New Barbarians,(Nola editores, 2024), I did so to call attention to the fact that there is a certain ignorance when the West speaks about China. However, the Trump Administration’s ongoing attacks against Harvard, one of the world’s most renowned universities, can only be described as barbaric.

    Last week Harvard was barred from enrolling international students on the grounds of alleged leftist indoctrination and anti-Semitism. It has also revoked student visas and, as if that were not enough, it has demanded that universities hand over information on students who have participated in student protests.

    Students in Harvard protesting against president Donald J. Trump.
    Pietrorizzatoph/Shutterstock

    What the Trump Administration wants is for Harvard to cease foreign admissions, a move that would lock out 6,500 students. In addition to denying Harvard access to top international talent, it would also inflict enormous damage to the ever-weakening concept of the “American spirit”, made up of democratic values, freedom, generosity, equality of opportunity, universal education, courage and leadership.

    The measure has been temporarily blocked by a district judge, though this may not count for much – the Trump Administration has already set a precedent of disputing or ignoring court orders.

    The situation is so dire that Jerome Powell – the chair of the Federal Reserve who was appointed by Trump during his first term – has been unable to keep quiet. Addressing Princeton University students at the May 2025 commencement speech, he stressed that American universities are the envy of the world, and a crucial asset for the US to continue to lead in scientific innovation and economic dynamism.

    Powell’s speech to Princeton graduates in May 2025. Source: Princeton University, YouTube.

    Powell has himself been a target of Trump’s criticism. In response to Powell’s refusal to lower interest rates – which he has kept between 4.25% and 4.5% to contain inflation – the president has called him “Mr Too Late” and “Major loser”.



    Leer más:
    Harvard is suing the White House: here’s what Trump hopes to achieve by targeting universities

    What does the rest of the world think?

    The world watches in astonishment as the US federal administration attempts to dismantle the country’s university system, which for decades has been one of the US’ poles of attraction, and a bulwark of its economic and technological success.

    This was perhaps best expressed by Oriaku, a Nigerian taxi driver I met back in the nineties who ferried me and my colleague Juan Gordon around Lagos. He told us about his dream of sending his children to Harvard, and when Juan commented that this would be expensive he wisely replied “if you think education is expensive, try ignorance.” “Harvard, Harvard,” Oriaku continued, “that’s the only reason I work myself to the bone.”

    Moves are already being made elsewhere to pick up the slack and welcome academics. The Hong Kong government, for instance, has called on its universities to attract the foreign talent that the US now wants to reject.

    Meanwhile, the Chinese can only smirk: they already lived through Mao’s brutal onslaught against their universities during the Cultural Revolution and know that it will bring no benefits. America is living through its own “Mao moments”, but we may soon be able rename them “Trump moments”.

    Félix Valdivieso no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

    – ref. Harvard battle is Trump’s ‘Mao moment’: lessons from China’s state-sanctioned university crackdown – https://theconversation.com/harvard-battle-is-trumps-mao-moment-lessons-from-chinas-state-sanctioned-university-crackdown-258127

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: A two-state solution is gaining momentum again for Israel and the Palestinians. Does it have a chance of success?

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Andrew Thomas, Lecturer in Middle East Studies, Deakin University

    As Israel’s devastating war in Gaza has ground on, the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was thought to be “dead”. Now, it is showing signs of life again.

    French President Emmanuel Macron is reportedly pressing other European nations to jointly recognise a Palestinian state at a UN conference in mid-June, focused on achieving a two-state solution. Macron called such recognition a “political necessity”.

    Countries outside Europe are feeling the pressure, too. Australia has reaffirmed its view that recognition of Palestine should be a “way of building momentum towards a two-state solution”.

    During Macron’s visit to Indonesia in late May, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto made a surprising pledge to recognise Israel if it allowed for a Palestinian state.

    Indonesia is one of about 28 nations that don’t currently recognise Israel. France, Australia, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan and South Korea are among the approximately 46 nations that don’t recognise a Palestinian state.

    The UN conference on June 17–20, co-sponsored by France and Saudi Arabia, wants to go “beyond reaffirming principles” and “achieve concrete results” towards a two-state solution.

    Most countries, including the US, have supported the two-state solution in principle for decades. However, the political will from all parties has faded in recent years.

    So, why is the policy gaining traction again now? And does it have a greater chance of success?

    What is the two-state solution?

    Put simply, the two-state solution is a proposed peace plan that would create a sovereign Palestinian state alongside the Israeli state. There have been several failed attempts to enact the policy over recent decades, the most famous of which was the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s.

    In recent years, the two-state solution was looking less likely by the day.

    The Trump administration’s decision in 2017 to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and move the US embassy there signalled the US was moving away from its role as mediator. Then, several Arab states agreed to normalise relations with Israel in the the Abraham Accords, without Israeli promises to move towards a two-state solution.

    The Hamas attacks on Israel – and subsequent Israeli war on Gaza – have had a somewhat contradictory effect on the overarching debate.

    On the one hand, the brutality of Hamas’ actions substantially set back the legitimacy of the Palestinian self-determination movement in some quarters on the world stage.

    On the other, it’s also become clear the status quo – the continued Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank following the end of a brutal war – is not tenable for either Israeli security or Palestinian human rights.

    And the breakdown of the most recent ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the return of heavy Israeli ground operations in May and reports of mass Palestinian starvation have only served to further isolate the Israeli government in the eyes of its peers.

    Once-steadfast supporters of Israel’s actions have become increasingly frustrated by a lack of clear strategic goals in Gaza. And many now seem prepared to ignore Israeli wishes and pursue Palestinian recognition.

    For these governments, the hope is recognition of a Palestinian state would rebuild political will – both globally and in the Middle East – towards a two-state solution.

    Huge obstacles remain

    But how likely is this in reality? There is certainly more political will than there was before, but also several important roadblocks.

    First and foremost is the war in Gaza. It’s obvious this will need to end, with both sides agreeing to an enduring ceasefire.

    Beyond that, the political authority in both Gaza and Israel remains an issue.

    The countries now considering Palestinian recognition, such France and Australia, have expressly said Hamas cannot play any role in governing a future Palestinian state.

    Though anti-Hamas sentiment is becoming more vocal among residents in Gaza, Hamas has been violently cracking down on this dissent and is attempting to consolidate its power.

    However, polling shows the popularity of Fatah – the party leading the Palestinian National Authority – is even lower than Hamas at an average of 21%. Less than half of Gazans support the enclave returning to Palestinian Authority control. This means a future Palestinian state would likely require new leadership.

    There is almost no political will in Israel for a two-state solution, either. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has not been shy about his opposition to a Palestinian state. His cabinet members have mostly been on the same page.

    This has also been reflected in policy action. In early May, the Israeli Security Cabinet approved a plan for Israel to indefinitely occupy parts of Gaza. The government also just approved its largest expansion of settlements in the West Bank in decades.

    These settlements remain a major problem for a two-state solution. The total population of Israeli settlers is more than 700,000 in both East Jerusalem and the West Bank. And it’s been increasing at a faster rate since the election of the right-wing, pro-settler Netanyahu government in 2022.

    Settlement is enshrined in Israeli Basic Law, with the state defining it as “national value” and actively encouraging its “establishment and consolidation”.

    The more settlement that occurs, the more complicated the boundaries of a future Palestinian state become.

    Then there’s the problem of public support. Recent polling shows neither Israelis nor Palestinians view the two-state solution favourably. Just 40% of Palestinians support it, while only 26% of Israelis believe a Palestinian state can “coexist peacefully” alongside Israel.

    However, none of these challenges makes the policy impossible. The unpopularity of the two-state solution locally is more a reflection of previous failures than it is of future negotiations.

    A power-sharing agreement in Northern Ireland was similarly unpopular in the 1990s, but peace was achieved through bold political leadership involving the US and European Union.

    In other words, we won’t know what’s possible until negotiations begin. Red lines will need to be drawn and compromises made.

    It’s not clear what effect growing external pressure will have, but the international community does appear to be reaching a political tipping point on the two-state solution. Momentum could start building again.

    Andrew Thomas does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. A two-state solution is gaining momentum again for Israel and the Palestinians. Does it have a chance of success? – https://theconversation.com/a-two-state-solution-is-gaining-momentum-again-for-israel-and-the-palestinians-does-it-have-a-chance-of-success-257890

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –

  • MIL-OSI Global: Ukraine’s Operation Spider Web destroyed more than aircraft – it tore apart the old idea that bases far behind the front lines are safe

    Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Benjamin Jensen, Professor of Strategic Studies at the Marine Corps University School of Advanced Warfighting; Scholar-in-Residence, American University School of International Service

    A sitting duck? A Russian Tu-160 strategic bomber on the ground on Feb. 22, 2024. Alexander KazakovAFP via Getty Images

    A series of blasts at airbases deep inside Russia on June 1, 2025, came as a rude awakening to Moscow’s military strategists. The Ukrainian strike at the heart Russia’s strategic bombing capability could also upend the traditional rules of war: It provides smaller military a blueprint for countering a larger nation’s ability to launch airstrikes from deep behind the front lines.

    Ukraine’s Operation Spider Web involved 117 remote-controlled drones that were smuggled into Russia over an 18-month period and launched toward parked aircraft by operators miles away.

    The raid destroyed or degraded more than 40 Tu-95, Tu-160 and Tu-22 M3 strategic bombers, as well as an A-50 airborne-early-warning jet, according to officials in Kyiv. That would represent roughly one-third of Russia’s long-range strike fleet and about US$7 billion in hardware. Even if satellite imagery ultimately pares back those numbers, the scale of the damage is hard to miss.

    The logic behind the strike is even harder to ignore.

    Traditional modern military campaigns revolve around depth. Warring nations try to build combat power in relatively safe “rear areas” — logistics hubs that are often hundreds if not thousands of miles from the front line. These are the places where new military units form and long-range bombers, like those destroyed in Ukraine’s June 1 operation, reside.

    Since the invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the Kremlin has leaned heavily on its deep-rear bomber bases — some over 2,000 miles from the front in Ukraine. It has paired this tactic with launching waves of Iranian-designed Shahed attack drones to keep Ukrainian cities under nightly threat.

    The Russian theory of victory is brutally simple: coercive airpower. If missiles and one-way drones fall on Kyiv often enough, civilian morale in Ukraine will crack, even as the advance of Russian ground forces get bogged down on the front line.

    For Kyiv’s military planners, destroying launch platforms undercuts that theory far more cheaply than the only other alternative: intercepting every cruise missile in flight, which to date has achieved an 80% success rate but relies heavily on Western-donated equipment coming increasingly in short supply.

    Airfield vulnerability

    Airfields have always been critical targets in modern warfare, the logic being that grounded bombers and fighters are more vulnerable and easier to hit.

    In the North African desert during World War II, the United Kingdom’s Special Air Service used jeep raids and delayed-action explosives to knock out an estimated 367 enemy aircraft spread across North Africa — firepower the Luftwaffe never regenerated. That same year, German paratroopers seized the airstrips on Crete, denying the British Royal Air Force a forward base and tipping an entire island campaign.

    A generation later in Vietnam, Viet Cong and North Vietnamese Army assault teams armed with satchel charges and mortars repeatedly penetrated U.S. perimeters at Phan Rang, Da Nang and Bien Hoa, burning fighters on the ramp and forcing the diversion of thousands of American soldiers to base security.

    The underlying playbook of hitting aircraft on the ground remains effective because it imposes cascading costs. Every runway cratered and every bomber torched obliges the military hit to pour money into ways to frustrate such attacks, be it hardened shelters or the dispersal of squadrons across multiple bases. Such air attacks also divert fighters from the front lines to serve as guards.

    U.S. soldiers look at wreckage of an Air Force B-57 Canberra bomber after Viet Cong mortars destroyed 21 planes at Bien Hoa airbase in 1964.
    AP Photo

    A new age of drone warfare

    In Operation Spider Web, Ukraine has sought to repeat that strategy while also leveraging surprise to achieve psychological shock and dislocation.

    But the Ukraine operation taps into a uniquely 21st-century aspect of warfare.

    The advent of unmanned drone warfare has increasingly seen military practitioners talk of “air littorals” — military speak for the slice of atmosphere that sits above ground forces yet below the altitude where high-performance fighters and bombers traditionally roam.

    Drones thrive in this region, where they bypass most infantry weapons and fly too low for traditional radar-guided defenses to track reliably, despite being able to incapacitate targets like fuel trucks or strategic bombers.

    By smuggling small launch teams of drones within a few miles of each runway, Kyiv created pop-up launchpads deep into Russia and were able to catch the enemy off guard and unprepared.

    The economic benefits of Ukraine’s approach are stark. Whereas a drone, a lithium-battery and a warhead cost well under $3,000, a Russian Tu-160 bomber costs in the region of $250 million.

    The impact on Russia

    Ukraine’s Operation Spider Web will have immediate and costly consequences for Russia, even if the strikes end up being less destructive than Kyiv currently claims.

    Surviving bombers will need to be relocated. Protecting bases from repeat attacks will mean erecting earthen revetments, installing radar-guided 30 mm cannons and electronic-warfare jammers to cover possible attack vectors. This all costs money. Even more importantly, the operation will divert trained soldiers and technicians who might otherwise rotate to the front line in support of the coming summer offensive.

    Russian MiG-31bm fighter jets, a Tu-160 strategic bomber and an Il-78 aerial refueling tanker fly over Moscow during a rehearsal for the WWII Victory Parade on May 4, 2022.
    Kirill Kudryavtsev/AFP via Getty Images

    The raid also punches a hole in Russia’s nuclear weapons capabilities.

    Losing as many as a dozen Tu-95 and Tu-160 aircraft, which double as nuclear-capable bombers, would be strategically embarrassing and may prod the Kremlin to rethink the frequency of long-range air patrols.

    Beyond the physical and financial damage to Russia’s fleet, Ukraine’s operation also comes with a potent psychological effect. It signals that Ukraine, more than three years into a war aimed at grinding down morale, is able to launch sophisticated operations deep into Russian territory.

    Ukraine’s security service operation unfolded in patient, granular steps: 18 months of smuggling disassembled drones and batteries across borders inside innocuous cargo, weeks of quietly reassembling kits, and meticulous scouting of camera angles to ensure that launch trucks would be indistinguishable from normal warehouse traffic on commercial satellite imagery.

    Operators drove those trucks to presurveyed firing points and then deployed the drones at treetop height.

    Because each of the drones was a one-way weapon, a dozen pilots could work in parallel either close to the launch site or remotely, steering live-video feeds toward parked bombers. Videos of the strike suggest multiple near-simultaneous impacts across wide swaths of runway — enough to swamp any ad hoc small-arms response from perimeter guards.

    A new front line?

    For Ukraine, the episode demonstrates a repeatable method for striking deep, well-defended assets. The same playbook can, in principle, be adapted to missile storage depots and, more importantly, factories across Russia mass-producing Shahed attack drones.

    Kyiv has needed to find a way to counter the waves of drones and ballistic missile strikes that in recent months have produced more damage than Russian cruise missiles. The Center for Strategic and International Studies’ Firepower Strike Tracker has shown that Shaheds are now the most frequent and most cost-effective air weapon in Russia’s campaign.

    But the implications of Operation Spider Web go far beyond the Russia-Ukraine conflict by undermining the old idea that rear areas are safe. Comparatively inexpensive drones, launched from inside Russia’s own territory, wiped out aircraft that cost billions and underpin Moscow’s long-range strike and nuclear signaling. That’s a strategy than can be easily replicated by other attackers against other countries.

    Anyone who can smuggle, hide and pilot small drones can sabotage an adversary’s ability to generate air attacks.

    Air forces that rely on large, fixed bases must either harden, disperse or accept that their runway is a new front line.

    Benjamin Jensen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    – ref. Ukraine’s Operation Spider Web destroyed more than aircraft – it tore apart the old idea that bases far behind the front lines are safe – https://theconversation.com/ukraines-operation-spider-web-destroyed-more-than-aircraft-it-tore-apart-the-old-idea-that-bases-far-behind-the-front-lines-are-safe-258056

    MIL OSI – Global Reports –