Category: Scandinavia

  • MIL-OSI: Presentation of INVL Technology

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    INVL Technology announces a presentation that will be used for the meetings with investors.

    Additional information:

    INVL Technology, a company that invests in IT businesses, had an audited net profit of EUR 8.09 million in 2024, 56.5% more than in 2023 when the net profit was EUR 5.17 million.

    The company’s equity and net asset value were EUR 51.43 million at the end of December 2024, which is 18.2% more than a year earlier. The per share value of its equity and NAV was EUR 4.2896 and grew 19%.

    “INVL Technology’s portfolio companies working in cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, supercomputing, and the development and deployment of information systems had good operating results. We are continuing work with potential investors on the process of selling the business,” says Kazimieras Tonkūnas, INVL Technology’s managing partner.

    In mid-March this year, the company announced that it had signed an agreement with the Zurich branch of M&A intermediation service provider Corum Group’s Luxembourg-based unit Corum Group International, to advise and serve as M&A intermediary on the sale of the company’s portfolio of businesses.

    Performance of INVL Technology’s business holdings

    In 2024, INVL Technology’s portfolio companies had aggregated revenues of EUR 66.23 million, which is 5.8 % more than in 2023. Their gross profit increased 9.7 % in the period of comparison to EUR 19.78 million, while their aggregated EBITDA grew 42.7 % to EUR 5.13 million.

    INVL Technology owns and manages the cybersecurity company NRD Cyber Security, the GovTech company NRD Companies, and the Baltic IT company Novian.

    The consolidated revenue of NRD Cyber Security, which also owns NRD Bangladesh, increased 37.6% in 2024 compared to 2023 to EUR 10.19 million. NRD Cyber Security’s gross profit grew 12.7% in the same period of comparison to EUR 4.50 million, while its EBITDA rose 6.9% during the year to EUR 1.22 million.

    NRD Companies had consolidated revenue of EUR 9.97 million last year, 9.3% less than in 2023. It had a gross profit of EUR 4.83 million in 2024, or 9.8% more than the previous year, while its group EBITDA decreased by 4.1% to EUR 1.30 million. Norway-based NRD Companies has the subsidiaries Norway Registers Development in Norway, with a branch in Lithuania, and NRD Systems and Etronika in Lithuania.

    Novian had consolidated revenues of EUR 38.90 million in 2024, 2.4% more than in 2023, while its gross profit of EUR 8.80 million was 14.4% larger than the year before. The Novian group’s EBITDA more than doubled last year to EUR 2.58 million. The group consists of Novian in Lithuania with the technology-area businesses Novian Technologies, Zissor in Norway, Novian Eesti in Estonia, Andmevara in Moldova, and Novian Rwanda (earlier Norway Registers Development Rwanda) in Rwanda, and the software services businesses Novian Systems and Novian Pro in Lithuania.

    INVL Technology, which is managed by INVL Asset Management, the leading alternative asset manager in the Baltics, is a closed-end investment company which must exit its investments no later than mid-July 2026 and distribute the money to shareholders.

    The person authorized to provide additional information:
    Kazimieras Tonkūnas
    INVL Technology Managing Partner
    E-mail k.tonkunas@invltechnology.lt

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    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Global: Why Donald Trump’s decision to slash USAID is hurting American soft power and making the world less safe

    Source: The Conversation – UK – By Chase Johnson, PhD Candidate, University of Warwick

    The Trump administration’s foreign policy has raised alarms. It seems to have shifted America away from it traditional Nato allies, favouring instead a closer relationship with Russia. There has also been talk of plans to control Greenland, the Panama Canal – possibly even Canada. This has caused sleepless nights for political leaders, especially in Europe.

    However, in the developing world, the biggest concern is the US government’s suspension of development aid. For people in these regions, access to clean water, seeds for crops and vaccines is a matter of life or death.

    The suspension is presently the subject of a battle in the US Supreme Court, but at the end of February, the administration said it planned to cut 90% of all overseas aid contracts. With a single stroke of President Trump’s Sharpie pen, this has struck out US$60 billion (£39 billion) of US aid assistance, globally. Internal projections by the US Agency for International Development (USAID), published by the New York Times at the beginning of March, forecast dire consequences, including a massive increase in diseases such as malaria and polio as well as a rise in cases of malnutrition of up to a million children.

    USAID was founded in 1961 under John F. Kennedy’s administration. It operated with an annual budget of about US$58 billionorders of magnitude larger than any other country’s development portfolio. It maintains a staff of diplomats, subject experts, and also employs local nationals around the world. It is a critical component of US soft power and works in close proximity to the country’s national security interests.

    USAID’s absence will be felt around the world. Perhaps the most consequential effect lies with the freezing of American food aid. Experts have already predicted that without this lifeline, Sudan could face a famine to compound the effects of the civil war that has raged there. The consequences of this will be very public, producing heartbreaking headlines and images.

    But there is another side to this that the Trump administration seems to be overlooking. USAID is one of the largest single customers of American farm products that constitute the country’s food aid packages – 1 million metric tonnes in 2024 alone.

    One of the most misunderstood concepts of foreign aid is the fact that large portions of its budget are spent domestically. A report may say that billions of dollars of food aid were given by the US to Sudan – but much of that represents payments to American farmers who are growing the food that is then donated to starving people – not just in Sudan, either.

    America’s farmers already exist on very tight margins, so an unexpected loss in revenue such as this, is likely to be a serious blow to them as well. It’s just one example of the effect this decision will have both at home and abroad.

    Pulling away the safety net

    Without USAID the world is less safe. There is a large body of research on how development assistance is a critical component of an effective national security strategy. In 2018, the then secretary of defense, Jim Mattis, who was appointed by Trump, said in an interview that his message to the world is: “Work with our diplomats because you do not want to fight the Department of Defense.”

    To illustrate Mattis’s point, consider the academic work done on the emergence of climate-driven conflicts driven by water and food shortages. One crisis simulation I use in my classrooms puts students in the role of solving a kinetic (shooting) war over water rights in the Horn of Africa. This particular crisis, while used as a game to teach national security, could very easily become a reality. It’s the sort of thing USAID helps to prevent.

    I have had the fortune to serve my country in several capacities. Before I started my doctorate in intelligence and national security, I spent four years working for the US government, both as a development worker and in the diplomatic and defence sectors. While diplomacy, defence and development work might look very different on the surface, I can attest that they are quite similar – and very closely linked.

    They operate in very different spheres – but the goal is ultimately the same: to help partner nations enhance their own safety and prosperity. Without this help they may turn to adversaries such as Russia and China to provide assistance and security. These adversaries then have an opportunity to expand their influence around the world, which can include supporting dictatorships and predatory lending, such as seen in the Chinese belt and road initiative.

    Peacekeeping through soft power

    As a US peace corps volunteer, I called on USAID funding to help the community I was assigned to. In Akhaltsikhe, Georgia I taught English and coordinated youth development programmes.

    The Akhaltsikhe region is one of the poorest in the country – and the school was in a sorry state of affairs. With a USAID grant, we were able to renovate part of the school and create an English language learning centre, which still thrives today, 12 years later. I can say first-hand that this project had a big impact on the image of the US among the Georgian people in my community.

    It should go without saying that the US has a chequered past when it comes to some of its foreign policy interventions. But the country’s wealth and resources offer it the unique position to help grow and enhance western values in parts of the world that deserve the same freedom that developed countries in the west take for granted. In my opinion, that is money well spent.

    Whatever value one might place on the US global footprint does not erase the truth of its existence. America is called upon to uphold democracy, to lift people out of poverty, and to respond to crises no matter where they are. Donald Trump, Elon Musk and his Doge staffers should have paid greater heed to USAID’s motto: “For the American people.”

    Chase Johnson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Why Donald Trump’s decision to slash USAID is hurting American soft power and making the world less safe – https://theconversation.com/why-donald-trumps-decision-to-slash-usaid-is-hurting-american-soft-power-and-making-the-world-less-safe-251062

    MIL OSI – Global Reports

  • MIL-OSI: Notice of Annual General Meeting in Karolinska Development AB (publ)

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    The shareholders of Karolinska Development AB (publ), reg. no. 556707-5048, (“Karolinska Development” or the “Company”) are invited to the Annual General Meeting, on Thursday May 15, 2025, at 3:00 p.m. (CEST), at Nanna Svartz väg 2, 171 65 Solna, Sweden.

    The Board of Directors has resolved that shareholders shall have the right to exercise their voting rights in advance through postal voting pursuant to item 13 in the articles of association. Therefore, shareholders may choose to exercise their voting rights at the AGM by attending in person, by postal voting or through a proxy.

    Participation in person

    A shareholder who would like to participate at the AGM in person must:

    both be entered in the register of the shareholders maintained by Euroclear Sweden AB by Wednesday May 7, 2025,

    and give notice of his or her intention to participate to the Company no later than Friday May 9, 2025, at the address Karolinska Development, “AGM”, Nanna Svartz väg 6A, 171 65, Solna, Sweden, or through email eva.montgomerie@karolinskadevelopment.com. When giving notice to participate, please provide name, personal identity number or company registration number, telephone number and number of represented shares.

    Participation by postal voting

    Shareholders who wish to participate in the AGM by postal voting must:

    both be registered in the register of shareholders maintained by Euroclear Sweden AB as per Wednesday May 7, 2025,

    and notify their intention to participate by submitting their postal vote in accordance with the instructions below, so that the postal vote is received by Karolinska Development no later than Friday May 9, 2025.

    Shareholders may exercise their voting rights at the AGM by voting in advance through postal voting pursuant to item 13 in the articles of association, referring to Chapter 7, Section 4 a of the Swedish Companies Act.

    For advance voting, a special form must be used. Forms in Swedish and English are available for download on the Company’s website, www.karolinskadevelopment.com.The advance voting form is valid as notification of participation at the AGM.

    The completed advance voting form must be received by the Company no later than Friday May 9, 2025. The completed form shall be sent to Karolinska Development by e-mail to eva.montgomerie@karolinskadevelopment.com or by regular mail to Karolinska Development, “AGM”, Nanna Svartz väg 6A, 171 65, Solna, Sweden. The shareholder may not provide special instructions or conditions in the advance voting form. If so, the vote (i.e. the advance vote in its entirety) is invalid. Further instructions and conditions are provided in the form for advance voting.

    Those who wish to withdraw a submitted postal vote and instead exercise their voting rights by participating in the AGM in person or through a proxy must give notice thereof to the AGM’s secretariat prior to the opening of the AGM.

    Participation by proxy

    If the shareholders are represented by proxy, a written proxy must be issued and submitted to the Company at the above address well in advance of the AGM. The proxy is valid during the period set forth in the proxy, however, at most five years from the issuance. If a proxy is issued by a legal entity, a copy of the legal entity’s registration certificate or similar document evidencing signatory powers must be enclosed. Proxy forms in Swedish and English are available for download on the Company’s website, www.karolinskadevelopment.com.

    Nominee registered shares

    For shareholders who have their shares nominee-registered through a bank or other nominee, the following applies in order to be entitled to participate in the meeting. In addition to giving notice of participation, such shareholder must re-register its shares in its own name so that the shareholder is registered in the share register kept by Euroclear Sweden AB as of the record date Wednesday May 7, 2025. Such re-registration may be temporary (so-called voting rights registration). Shareholders who wish to register their shares in their own names must, in accordance with the respective nominee’s routines, request that the nominee make such registration. Voting rights registration that have been requested by the shareholder at such time that the registration has been completed by the nominee no later than Friday May 9, 2025, will be taken into account in the preparation of the share register.

    Proposal for agenda

    1.    Election of chairman of the meeting
    2.    Preparation and approval of the voting list
    3.    Approval of the agenda
    4.    Election of one or two persons to verify the minutes
    5.    Determination of whether the meeting was duly convened
    6.    Presentation of the annual report and the auditor’s report and the group annual report and the auditor’s group report
    7.    Resolutions regarding
    a)   adoption of the profit and loss statement and the balance sheet, and consolidated profit and loss statement and consolidated balance sheet
    b)   appropriation of the Company’s result according to the adopted balance sheet
    c)   discharge from liability for the directors and the CEO
    8.    Resolution regarding the number of directors and auditors and deputy auditors to be appointed
    9.    Resolution in respect of the fees for the Board of Directors and for the auditors
    10.    Election of chairman of the Board of Directors, directors and auditors and deputy auditors
    11.    Principles for appointing members and instruction for the Nomination Committee
    12.    Resolution on approval of the Board of Directors’ Remuneration Report 2024
    13.    The Board of Directors’ proposal regarding authorization for the Board of Directors to resolve on transfer of own shares
    14.    The Board of Directors’ proposal regarding authorization for the Board of Directors to resolve on new issues of shares
    15.    Closing of the meeting

    Items 1 and 8–11: The Nomination Committee’s proposal regarding chairman at the meeting; number of directors, auditors and deputy auditors to be appointed; fees for the Board of Directors and auditors; election of chairman of the Board of Directors, directors, auditors and deputy auditors and principles for appointing members and instruction for the Nomination Committee

    The Nomination Committee has consisted of Yan Cheng (chairman), appointed by Worldwide International Investments Ltd; Jack Li, appointed by invoX Pharma Ltd; Jan Dworsky, appointed by Swedbank Robur Microcap fond; Hans Wigzell, appointed by Insamlingsstiftelsen för främjande och utveckling av medicinsk forskning vid KI; Peter Markborn, appointed by Styviken Invest AS.

    The Nomination Committee proposes that the Annual General Meeting resolves as follows:

    Lawyer Annika Andersson (Cirio Law Firm) is appointed to chair the Annual General Meeting.

    The number of directors will be five and no deputies will be appointed.

    The number of auditors will be one and no deputy auditor will be appointed.

    The chairman will be paid a fixed amount of SEK 400,000 to be paid out in proportion to board meetings attended. All other directors will be paid a fixed amount of SEK 200,000 to be paid out in proportion to board meetings attended. The fees to the directors remain unchanged compared to previous year.

    The auditors will be paid as per invoice.  

    Re-election of the directors Ben Toogood, Anna Lefevre Skjöldebrand, Philip Duong and Will Zeng, and election of Anders Härfstrand as director for the time until the end of the 2026 Annual General Meeting.

    Re-election of Ben Toogood as new Chairman of the Board of Directors.

    Anders Härfstrand was born 1956. He holds a M.D and Ph.D from the Karolinska Institute. His other appointments include work as founder of Härfstrand Consulting AG, Switzerland, co- founder of P4BIOS, USA and consultant to CIS Biopharma, Switzerland. Anders Härfstrand has many years of experience from the pharmaceutical industry with a global track record of success in building commercial operations, marketing and sales management, and product development. His previous assignments include member of the executive management of Pharmacia, Pfizer-Japan and Serono, CEO for various European biotech companies as well as chairman of the board and board member of public and private companies in the USA and Europe. He has also been a former board member of Karolinska Development. Anders Härfstrand holds no shares in Karolinska Development. He is independent in relation to the Company, its executive management and the Company’s major shareholders.

    The composition of the Board of Directors meets the independence requirement of the Swedish Corporate Governance Code.

    The Nomination Committee proposes that voting shall take place individually.

    Re-election of Ernst & Young Aktiebolag as auditor in accordance with the audit committee’s recommendation, currently with Oskar Wall as auditor in charge, for the time until the end of the 2026 Annual General Meeting. The audit committee has prior to the 2025 Annual General Meeting carried out a procurement process as procurement of audit in accordance with applicable legislation shall take place after the same accounting firm has been auditor for a ten-year period.  

    The Nomination Committee shall have five members. Every year, the five largest owners (voting power, as set forth in the share register kept by Euroclear Sweden AB as of the last banking day in August) shall appoint one member each. The chairman of the Board of Directors shall convene the first meeting. If a shareholder does not exercise its right to appoint a member, the shareholder next in order of voting power, who has not already appointed a member or has a right to appoint a member, shall have the right to appoint a member to the Nominating Committee. The members of the Nomination Committee shall be made public as soon as the members have been appointed, and in no case later than six months prior to the Annual General Meeting. The members shall among themselves appoint the chairman of the committee. If a member resigns or is prevented from pursuing his/her assignment, the shareholder that has appointed such member shall appoint a new member. In the event that the shareholding in the Company is materially changed, before the Nomination Committee has completed its assignment, the Nomination Committee may decide to change the composition of the Nomination Committee, as determined by the Nomination Committee (considering the principles applicable for the appointment of the Nomination Committee). Any change in the composition of the Nomination Committee shall be announced as soon as possible. No fees shall be paid to the members of the Nomination Committee. Out of pocket expenses shall be reimbursed by the Company. The mandate of the committee shall be until the members of the succeeding committee have been announced.

    The Nomination Committee is to make proposals to the Annual General Meeting regarding the election of Chair of the Annual General Meeting, number of board members, Chair of the Board and other board members and remuneration to the board members. The Nomination Committee is also to make proposals regarding the Company’s auditor, remuneration to the Company’s auditor and election of members of the Nomination Committee or principles for the selection of a Nomination Committee. The Nomination Committee shall conduct an annual evaluation of this instruction and when necessary propose to amend it to the Annual General Meeting. The Nomination Committee shall otherwise carry out the tasks that, according to the Swedish Corporate Governance Code, are the responsibility of the Nomination Committee.

    Item 7 b: Appropriation of the Company’s result according to the adopted balance sheet

    The Board of Directors and the CEO propose that the amount at disposal of the Annual General Meeting, in total SEK 1,235,972,877, shall be carried forward.

    Item 12: Resolution on approval of the Board of Directors’ Remuneration Report 2024

    The Board of Directors proposes that the AGM approve the Board of Directors’ remuneration report for 2024 in accordance with Chapter 8, Section 53 a of the Swedish Companies Act.

    Item 13: The Board of Directors’ proposal regarding authorization for the Board of Directors to resolve on transfer of own shares

    The Board of Directors proposes that the Annual General Meeting resolves to authorize the Board of Directors, for the period until the next Annual General Meeting, on one or more occasions, with or without deviation from the shareholders’ preferential rights, to resolve on transfer of all shares of series B held by the Company at any given time. The Company holds 244,285 shares of series B at the time of the publication of this notice. Transfer may take place on Nasdaq Stockholm or otherwise. Transfer on Nasdaq Stockholm shall be made at a price per share within the registered price interval at any given time, being the interval between the highest bid and lowest ask price. Otherwise, transfer shall be made on market terms. Payment for shares shall be made in cash, in kind or by set-off.

    The purpose of the authorization for transferring own shares and the reasons for potential deviation from the shareholders’ preferential rights, is to give the Board of Directors the possibility to adjust the Company’s capital structure, to use repurchased shares as payment for, or financing of, acquisitions or investments in order to create increased value for the shareholders.

    A resolution in accordance with the Board of Directors’ proposal requires support from shareholders with not less than 2/3 of votes cast as well as shares represented at the meeting.

    Item 14: The Board of Directors’ proposal regarding authorization for the Board of Directors to resolve on new issues of shares

    The Board of Directors proposes that the Annual General Meeting resolves to authorize the Board of Directors, for the period until the next Annual General Meeting to resolve, on one or more occasions, with or without deviation from the shareholders’ preferential rights, and for payment in cash, by set-off or in kind, to issue new shares of series B up to a number that, at the time of the first resolution under this authorization, corresponds to twenty (20) per cent of the total share capital; provided however that any such issue must not result in the Company’s share capital exceeding the Company’s maximum allowed share capital as set out in the articles of association.

    A resolution in accordance with the Board of Directors’ proposal requires support from shareholders with not less than 2/3 of votes cast as well as shares represented at the meeting.

    Miscellaneous

    The annual report, auditor’s report, remuneration report and other documents that are to be made available in accordance with the Swedish Companies Act, are available at the Company on Nanna Svartz väg 2, 171 65, Solna, Sweden and at the Company’s website, www.karolinskadevelopment.com, no later than three weeks before the AGM, and will be sent to shareholders who so request and provide their postal address.

    The Board of Directors and the CEO shall, if requested by any shareholder and if the Board of Directors is of the opinion that it can be done without causing material harm to the Company, provide disclosures about conditions that may impact assessment of an item of business on the agenda, about conditions that may impact assessment of the Company’s or a subsidiary’s financial situation, and about the Company’s relationship with another group company.

    As per the date of this notice, there are 270,077,594 shares, representing a total of 293,074,943 votes outstanding in the Company, distributed among 2,555,261 shares of series A (with 25,552,610 votes) and 267,522,333 shares of series B (with 267,522,333 votes). As per the date of this notice, the Company holds 244,285 treasury shares of series B.

    Processing of personal data

    For information on how your personal data is processed in connection to the Annual General Meeting see the privacy policy available on Euroclear Sweden AB’s website: https://www.euroclear.com/dam/ESw/Legal/Privacy-notice-bolagsstammor-engelska.pdf

    Solna in April 2025
    Karolinska Development AB (publ)
    The Board of Directors

    Attachment

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Africa: Africa’s Strategic Diplomacy Fuels Mining Sector Growth

    Source: Africa Press Organisation – English (2) – Report:

    CAPE TOWN, South Africa, April 7, 2025/APO Group/ —

    African nations are leveraging strategic partnerships to attract investment and strengthen their mining sectors. As competition between Western and Eastern powers intensifies over critical minerals, Africa has emerged as a key player in global supply chains, balancing geopolitical interests while maximizing economic benefits. With global markets racing to secure resources for the energy transition and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, the upcoming African Mining Week will facilitate collaboration between African governments and international stakeholders.

    U.S.–DRC Partnership to Unlock Mineral Wealth

    In March 2025, the U.S. State Department reaffirmed (https://apo-opa.co/43JPLr8) its interest in engaging with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to unlock its estimated $1.2 trillion in untapped mineral resources. Cooperation between the two countries could yield a transformative impact on the sector, with U.S. financing and technical expertise unlocking the potential of the world’s largest cobalt producer and Africa’s largest copper producer. The U.S. has already played an active role in the financing and development of the Lobito Corridor, facilitating mineral transport and trade between the DRC, Angola, Zambia and international markets.

    EU Expands Mining, Green Energy Investments

    This month, the European Union (EU) pledged €4.7 billion (https://apo-opa.co/42q3265) to South Africa to support raw material value addition, the energy transition, local vaccine manufacturing and green hydrogen production. South Africa, home to the world’s largest deposits of platinum group metals (PGMs), will leverage this funding to enhance PGM production to meet growing demand for electrolysers used in green hydrogen applications. This follows South Africa’s $1 billion green hydrogen partnership with Denmark and the Netherlands established in 2023. Neighboring Namibia has also attracted European investment, with the EU committing €25 million to Namibia Hydrogen Fund Managers in September 2024 to propel the country’s green hydrogen sector. Meanwhile, Uganda is taking steps to develop its mining sector with the support of the EU and Germany’s Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, having launched the Sustainable Development of the Mining Sector project earlier this month. 

    China Strengthens its Position in African Mining

    China remains one of the largest investors in African mining, with both state-owned and private firms driving sector growth. In September 2024, China pledged $50 billion over three years for infrastructure and mineral development across the continent. Key projects in the DRC include CMOC’s $2.5 billion expansion of the Tenke Fungurume Mine and Sinohydro and China Railway’s $7 billion infrastructure-for-minerals deal in copper and cobalt mining. China has also invested heavily in Zimbabwe’s lithium sector and pledged $1 billion to upgrade the Tazara Railway, improving East Africa’s mineral exports.

    Growing Global Interest in Africa’s Mining Sector

    Beyond the U.S., EU and China, countries like Canada, Australia and the UAE are ramping up mining investments in Africa. Canadian firms are expanding their footprint in West Africa’s gold sector, Australian companies are backing lithium and rare earth projects in southern Africa and the UAE is securing stakes in critical mineral supply chains through strategic joint ventures. African Mining Week, taking place October 1-3 in Cape Town, will provide a platform for African nations to engage global investors, strengthen cooperation and accelerate resource development.

    MIL OSI Africa

  • MIL-OSI Europe: EBA publishes its Peer Review on the performance of stress tests by Deposit Guarantee Schemes

    Source: European Banking Authority

    The European Banking Authority (EBA) today released the findings of its latest Peer Review on the performance of stress tests by deposit guarantee schemes (DGSs) across the European Union. This comprehensive review assessed how seven national DGSs performed stress tests against benchmarks developed for the purposes of this Peer Review. The benchmarks derive from the Deposit Guarantee Schemes Directive (DGSD) and the Revised EBA Guidelines on stress tests of deposit guarantee schemes. Stress tests of DGSs are essential for maintaining financial stability and protecting EU citizens. By rigorously assessing the performance of DGS stress tests, the EBA aims to continuously enhance the preparedness of DGS to handle bank failures and safeguard depositors’ funds. 

    The review found that all seven DGSs have effectively developed their stress testing programmes in line with the guidelines, with only minor shortcomings. All seven DGSs have also demonstrated effective cooperation with relevant authorities, with robust stress testing of these arrangements.  

    However, only five of the seven DGS could fully or largely demonstrate that they have: 

    • performed all the mandatory core stress tests, using realistic assumptions and conducting objective evaluations; 

    • increased severity and complexity of their testing scenarios to adequately stress test their ability to intervene; and 

    The Report outlines follow-up measures addressed to all EU DGSs in areas such as the prompt development of stress tests, performance of stress tests, cooperation, severity and complexity of stress tests, and identification of areas for improvement. 

    In addition to the detailed review of the seven DGSs, the Report presents an overview of the 194 stress tests conducted by all DGSs in the EU, Norway, and Liechtenstein during the 2021-2024 period.  

    ​Legal basis and next steps 

    In accordance with Article 4 of the Deposit Guarantee Schemes Directive1, based on the results of the stress tests, the EBA shall, at least every five years, conduct peer reviews pursuant to Article 30 of Regulation (EU) No 1093/2010 in order to examine the resilience of DGSs. Article 30 of the EBA Regulation requires the EBA to periodically conduct peer reviews of some or all of the activities of competent authorities within its remit, to further strengthen consistency and effectiveness in supervisory outcomes. 

    The EBA will conduct a follow-up peer review of the implementation of the measures included in the Report in two years, ensuring that the findings and recommendations are effectively addressed. 

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: Thales signs a contract to deliver the Ground Master 200 MM/C Multi Mission Compact radar to Sweden

    Source: Thales Group

    Headline: Thales signs a contract to deliver the Ground Master 200 MM/C Multi Mission Compact radar to Sweden

    • The Swedish Defence Materiel Administration (Försvarets materielverk – FMV) has chosen the Thales Ground Master 200 Multi-Mission Compact radar to strengthen Swedish sovereign airspace capabilities.
    • The first deliveries are scheduled for 2026, demonstrating Thales‘s ability to deliver quickly to meet its customers’ needs.
    • Sweden is the fifth NATO country to select this highly mobile multi-mission medium range radar.
    © FMV

    Stockholm/Paris 3 April 2025 – The Swedish Defence Materiel Administration (FMV) signed an agreement with Thales for the delivery of the Thales Ground Master 200 Multi-Mission Compact radar (GM200 MM/C). Building on strong international NATO cooperation, the agreement will contribute to maintaining Swedish airspace sovereignty.

    Thanks to Thales’s strong industrial ramp-up programme and ability to produce in short lead times, the first deliveries are scheduled for 2026.

    The GM200 MM/C medium range radar will contribute to strengthening the recognised air picture for the Swedish Armed Forces. The radar delivers more time-on-target across a wide spectrum of threats thanks to the latest generation in 4D AESA technology*.

    The compact design of the system also provides increased mission flexibility due to its mobility and short deployment times.

    “We are very proud to be selected by FMV to further strengthen Swedish sovereign and defence capabilities in an increasingly challenging environment. The Thales GM200 MM/C, with its high-end technology, will play a vital role contributing to the overall national security”, says Håkan Ahlström, Country Director Sweden, Thales.

    *AESA: Active Electronically Scanned Array (a unique dual axis multi-beam providing unrestricted beam steering flexibility in elevation and bearing)

    About Thales

    Thales (Euronext Paris: HO) is a global leader in advanced technologies for the Defence, Aerospace, and Cyber & Digital sectors. Its portfolio of innovative products and services addresses several major challenges: sovereignty, security, sustainability and inclusion.

    The Group invests more than €4 billion per year in Research & Development in key areas, particularly for critical environments, such as Artificial Intelligence, cybersecurity, quantum and cloud technologies.

    Thales has more than 83,000 employees in 68 countries. In 2024, the Group generated sales of €20.6 billion.

    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Committee against Torture Opens Eighty-Second Session in Geneva

    Source: United Nations – Geneva

    The Committee against Torture this morning opened its eighty-second session, which is being held in Geneva from 7 April to 2 May, during which it will review efforts by Armenia, France, Mauritius, Monaco, Turkmenistan and Ukraine to implement the provisions of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.

    Mahamane Cisse-Gouro, Director of the Human Rights Council and Treaty Mechanisms Division at the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and Representative of the Secretary-General, opening the session, said that the international system was undergoing a tectonic change, and the edifice of human rights that had been built so painstakingly over the decades had never been under such pressure.  At the root of this upheaval were the intensification of armed conflicts and crises; the growing influence of authoritarian regimes and the increasing control of autocrats over large swathes of the global economy; social tensions and resentments fuelled by growing inequalities and often directed against refugees, migrants and other vulnerable groups; the impact of climate change on the realisation of fundamental rights; and the misuse of digital technologies to repress, restrict and violate human rights.

    In these difficult times, Mr. Cisse-Gouro said, independent voices from treaty bodies were more essential than ever to ensure respect for and implementation of international human rights law.  The Committee against Torture played a fundamental role in monitoring and providing guidance to States parties through its concluding observations, general comments and jurisprudence.  Mr. Cisse-Gouro encouraged the Committee to continue its invaluable work to strengthen and clarify the applicability of the Convention in a broad range of situations and promote human dignity and justice in all circumstances.

    However, Mr. Cisse-Gouro said, in addition to ongoing chronic resource constraints, the current liquidity situation of the United Nations Secretariat had hampered, and continued to hamper, the planning and implementation of the Committee’s work. The Office of the High Commissioner was doing its utmost to ensure that the treaty bodies could carry out their mandates, including highlighting the direct impact of resource limitations on human rights protection on the ground.  Nevertheless, all indications suggested that the challenging liquidity situation would persist for the foreseeable future.

    The treaty body strengthening process had reached a crucial juncture, Mr. Cisse-Gouro noted.  In December last year, the General Assembly adopted the biennial resolution on the treaty body system, which invited the treaty bodies and the Office of the High Commissioner to continue to work to achieve a clear and regularised schedule for reporting by States parties, and to increase their efforts to further use digital technologies in their work.  However, the resolution did not endorse the proposal for an eight-year predictable schedule of country reviews.

    On Human Rights Day last year, Mr. Cisse-Gouro said, the Geneva Human Rights Platform organised an informal meeting of the Chairs and focal points on working methods, which explored the latest developments in the treaty body system and sought to improve the harmonisation of procedures.  The Chairs and focal points also had the opportunity to interact with the coordination committee of special procedures mandate holders, discussing independence and an “all mechanisms” approach to the many challenges the human rights mechanisms were facing.  The High Commissioner’s Office would continue to work alongside the treaty bodies to harmonise working methods, particularly in preparation for the annual meeting of the treaty body Chairs in June.

    Mr. Cisse-Gouro noted that, at the fifty-eighth session of the Human Rights Council, High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk launched his Office’s report on good practices and lessons learned related to transitional justice processes in the context of sustaining peace and sustainable development, which illustrated powerful practices that were victim-centred, inclusive, gender-responsive and innovative. Additionally, the report presented by the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief explored the intersections between the right to freedom of religion or belief and the prohibition of torture and ill-treatment, with input from the Committee.  It showed that States, courts and even those working directly with victims had not consistently taken these rights into consideration in cases raising overlapping concerns, potentially exposing victims to further abuse.

    In closing, Mr. Cisse-Gouro expressed the Office of the High Commissioner’s strong support for the Committee’s critical mandate and wished it a successful session.

    Claude Heller, Committee Chairperson, said that the Committee agreed that the increasingly deteriorating international situation was fracturing the multilateral system and questioning the values on which United Nations was built.  This was a human rights crisis.  It was deeply concerning to see States fall short of their obligations under human rights treaties or even withdraw from international human rights bodies.  In this context, the Committee needed to continue to fight for these values and principles, the implementation of the Convention, and the prevention of torture.

    The United Nations’ liquidity crisis had been felt more deeply recently, Mr. Heller said.  States needed to shoulder their obligations to the treaty body system and do everything they could to maintain its operation.  The Committee was concerned by the impact of the crisis on its activities but would cooperate with the Office of the High Commissioner to ensure that the efforts to address the situation were aligned.

    During the session, Mr. Heller said, the Committee would conduct dialogues to review the reports of Armenia, France, Mauritius, Monaco, Turkmenistan and Ukraine, and would also prepare and adopt lists of issues for Pakistan and Tajikistan and lists of issues prior to reporting for Antigua and Barbuda, Botswana, Iceland, Iraq, Kenya, Montenegro, State of Palestine and Uruguay.  Further, the Committee would examine 27 communications, considering 15 communications on the merits and on admissibility and 12 for discontinuance.

    Mr. Heller reported that on Tuesday, 29 April, follow-up reports would be presented by the Committee’s Rapporteur for follow-up to concluding observations, the Rapporteur for follow-up on decisions adopted under article twenty-two, and the Rapporteur on reprisals. The Committee would hear a presentation from the Chair of the Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment on the Subcommittee’s sixteenth annual report in a public meeting on Monday, 14 April, and was also scheduled to adopt its own annual report in a public meeting on Friday, 2 May.

    Mr. Heller concluded by thanking States, national human rights organizations, civil society organizations, particularly the World Organization against Torture, and the Committee’s Secretariat for their support of the Committee’s work.

    During the meeting, the Committee adopted its provisional agenda for the session.

    Documents relating to the Committee’s work, including reports submitted by States parties, will be available on the session’s webpage.  Summaries of the public meetings of the Committee can be found here, and webcasts of the public meetings can be found here.

    The Committee will next meet in public on Tuesday, 8 April at 10 a.m. to consider the seventh periodic report of Monaco

    ___________

    Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the media; 
    not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

     

    CAT25.001E

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Briefing – Sweden’s National Recovery and Resilience Plan: Latest state of play – 07-04-2025

    Source: European Parliament

    Sweden’s national recovery and resilience plan (NRRP) is financed by the EU Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF). The NRRP’s total volume increased from an initial €3 289 million to €3 502 million in the revised version. The total amount of funds under the RRF was revised in June 2022, which reduced the final amount allocated to Sweden to €3 181 million. Adding to this its REPowerEU grant allocation of €198 million and the requested transfer of €66 million of its share of the Brexit Adjustment Reserve to the NRRP, the amended plan now includes €3 445.7 million in EU grants. The difference between the EU grants and the plan’s total value (€57 million) is to be covered by national financing. The NRRP is of comparatively limited scope, and exclusively in the form of grants, as Sweden did not apply for loans. The revised amount represents 0.5 % of the entire Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF), equal to 0.7 % of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) in 2019 (the RRF represented 5.2 % of EU-27 GDP in 2019). Sweden will receive payments in five instalments, contingent on progress in implementing the plan. On 20 December 2024, Sweden requested the first disbursement of €1.6 billion in grants, covering the first two instalments. The amended plan contributes 43.6 % of resources to climate related objectives, surpassing the minimum target of 37 % set in the RRF Regulation. At 23.1 %, its allocation for digital expenditure also exceeds the threshold, which was set at 20 % of resources (excluding the REPowerEU chapter). The European Parliament has been a major supporter of establishing a common EU recovery instrument, and takes part in interinstitutional settings to cooperate, discuss and scrutinise implementation of the European Commission’s work. This briefing is one in a series covering all EU Member States. Third edition. The ‘NGEU delivery’ briefings are updated at key stages throughout the lifecycle of the plans.

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI: Sydbank share buyback programme: transactions in week 14

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Company Announcement No 14/2025

    Peberlyk 4
    6200 Aabenraa
    Denmark

    Tel +45 74 37 37 37
    Fax +45 74 37 35 36

    Sydbank A/S
    CVR No DK 12626509, Aabenraa
    sydbank.dk

    7 April 2025  

    Dear Sirs

    Sydbank share buyback programme: transactions in week 14
    On 26 February 2025 Sydbank announced a share buyback programme of DKK 1,350m. The share buyback programme commenced on 3 March 2025 and will be completed by 31 January 2026.

    The purpose of the share buyback programme is to reduce the share capital of Sydbank and the programme is executed in compliance with the provisions of Regulation (EU) No 596/2014 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 April 2014 and Commission Delegated Regulation (EU) 2016/1052 of 8 March 2016, collectively referred to as the Safe Harbour rules.

    The following transactions have been made under the share buyback programme:

      Number of shares VWAP Gross value (DKK)
    Accumulated, most recent
    Announcement
    251,000   110,614,650.00
    31 March 2025
    01 April 2025
    02 April 2025
    03 April 2025
    04 April 2025
    19,000
    20,000
    20,000
    22,000
    28,000
    433.49
    433.51
    430.99
    424.99
    389.97
    8,236,310.00
    8,670,200.00
    8,619,800.00
    9,349,780.00
    10,919,160.00
    Total over week 14 109,000   45,795,250.00
    Total accumulated during the
    share buyback programme
    360,000   156,409,900.00

    All transactions were made under ISIN DK 0010311471 and effected by Danske Bank A/S on behalf of Sydbank A/S.

    Further information about the transactions, cf Article 5 of Regulation (EU) No 596/2014 of the European Parliament and of the Council on market abuse and Commission delegated regulation, is available in the attachment.

    Following the above transactions, Sydbank holds a total of 3,754,446 own shares, equal to 6.87% of the Bank’s share capital.

    Yours sincerely
            
    Mark Luscombe        Jørn Adam Møller
    CEO        Deputy Group Chief Executive

    Attachment

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Nokia earns GigaOm Leader and Outperformer ranks for Data Center Switching solution

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Press Release
    Nokia earns GigaOm Leader and Outperformer ranks for Data Center Switching solution

    • Nokia’s Data Center solution was recognized for its extensive hardware portfolio, operations and management, strong NetOps suitability and focus on AI capabilities
    • The Nokia Event-Driven Automation (EDA) platform earned high marks for its highly automated design, deployment and operations processes.
    • GigaOm evaluated nine leading Data Center switching vendors based on a comprehensive set of criteria

    7 April 2025
    Espoo, Finland – Nokia today announced that GigaOm has for the fourth straight year recognized the company as a Leader and Outperformer in the GigaOm Radar Report for Data Center Switching. Nokia’s Data Center Fabric solution, designed to deliver reliable, efficient, and scalable performance in data center and cloud environments, earned high marks for its extensive hardware portfolio, advanced operations and management capabilities, strong NetOps suitability, and dedicated focus on AI-driven features.

    GigaOm’s industry experts evaluated nine leading data center switching vendors across a comprehensive set of criteria. providing technology teams and executive leadership with a detailed decision-making framework for assessing data center switching solutions. Key metrics include hardware switch performance, software advancements for network operating systems (NOSs), and automation tools for designing, deploying and operating large-scale data center networks. GigaOm notes that data center switches are evolving to enhance these capabilities as enterprises transition to an ’application-first’ orientation and evolve to embrace AI-driven applications and use cases.

    Nokia’s comprehensive hardware portfolio supports port speeds ranging from 1 GbE up to 800 GbE and includes the 7250 IXR series of high-performance, high-density, modular and fixed-configuration platforms designed for data center spine deployments , the 7220 IXR series of high-performance, high-density, fixed-configuration platforms for data center leaf and spine deployments and the 7215 IXS platform for reliable out-of-band management.

    Designed to enhance and scale operations across the entire data center fabric lifecycle, the Nokia Event-Driven Automation (EDA) platform serves as a powerful operational toolkit and management system. Its highly automated approach to day0 design, day1 deployment, and day2 ongoing operations contributed to Nokia’s strong ranking.

    Nokia’s solution also earned high marks for SR Linux, its microservices-based NOS. GigaOm evaluated network operating systems based on their use of containerized microservices that handle network functions, as well as Large Language Model (LLM) integration, which enables natural language insights into the state of the network without relying on CLI commands or complex UI navigation.

    Nokia’s NetOps Development Kit (NDK) is cited as a differentiating feature, enabling networking teams to take advantage of the underlying model-driven architecture of SR Linux. Using the NDK, data center teams can develop new apps and operational tools in their chosen programming language and get deep programmatic access to, and control over, the entire IXR switching system.

    Nokia’s solution earned exceptional reliability scores, highlighting its strengths in failover handling, traffic rerouting, troubleshooting, repairs as well as disaster recovery in case of hardware failures or other incidents.

    “Nokia was classified as an Outperformer given its strong feature delivery in the last year, which resulted in strong score results across the report’s key and emerging features. The Nokia solution can be easily integrated into existing heterogeneous deployments, making it easy for organizations to ramp up their Nokia-based data center network deployments,” said Andrew Green, Analyst at GigaOm.

    “For the fourth year in a row, Nokia has been named a Leader and Outperformer in the GigaOm Radar Report for Data Center Switching—confirming that our Data Center Fabric solution delivers the reliability, ease of use, automation and energy efficiency our customers need. As businesses face massive growth, market shifts, and new opportunities like AI, we’re proud to help them stay ahead with technology they can trust,” said Rudy Hoebeke, Vice President of Product Management, IP Networks at Nokia.

    Multimedia, technical information and related news 
    Product Page: Nokia Data Center Networks
    Product Page: Nokia Event Driven Automation

    About Nokia
    At Nokia, we create technology that helps the world act together.

    As a B2B technology innovation leader, we are pioneering networks that sense, think and act by leveraging our work across mobile, fixed and cloud networks. In addition, we create value with intellectual property and long-term research, led by the award-winning Nokia Bell Labs, which is celebrating 100 years of innovation.

    With truly open architectures that seamlessly integrate into any ecosystem, our high-performance networks create new opportunities for monetization and scale. Service providers, enterprises and partners worldwide trust Nokia to deliver secure, reliable and sustainable networks today – and work with us to create the digital services and applications of the future.

    Media inquiries
    Nokia Press Office
    Email: Press.Services@nokia.com

    Follow us on social media
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    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI: Driving the solar revolution in Africa together: EWIA Green Investments acquires SunErgy

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Press release

    Driving the solar revolution in Africa together: EWIA Green Investments acquires SunErgy

    • Expansion into Cameroon
    • Diversification into the mini-grid and off-grid market
    • SunErgy shareholders join EWIA

    Munich, 7th April 2025. Two years after launching their collaboration on solar projects in sub-Saharan Africa, EWIA Green Investments GmbH (EWIA), SunErgy GmbH, and KGAL have decided to convert their partnership into a merger. Under the terms of a new agreement, EWIA will acquire all shares in SunErgy. In turn, SunErgy’s existing shareholders will take stakes in EWIA Green Investments GmbH.    The merger aims to establish a leading solar provider for Africa, overseeing projects from planning and financing to implementation.

    “Investments in solar and infrastructure drive growth and prosperity in Africa while countering the climate crisis,” said Ralph Schneider, Managing Director of EWIA. “Simultaneously, this market offers unparalleled potential for investors globally.”

    “With an average age of 19, Africa is not only the continent with the youngest population but also the one with the greatest growth opportunities,” emphasizes Dr. Alexander Ergenzinger, Investment Manager at SunErgy’s main shareholder KGAL, and Managing Director of SunErgy GmbH.

    600 million people on the continent still have to manage completely without electricity supply. In many African countries, high and steadily rising electricity prices, combined with frequent, prolonged power outages, pose a severe challenge to the economy and social stability. These outages must be compensated for with expensive diesel generators (costing approximately €0.50–0.80/kWh) – an unsatisfactory situation both economically and ecologically.

    Africa, the solar continent

    Due to its proximity to the equator and an annual sunshine duration ranging from 1,800 to 3,000 hours, sub-Saharan Africa boasts enormous potential for solar energy generation.

    SunErgy (https://sunergy-power.org/) was founded in Norway in 2010 and aims to provide communities in emerging markets with off-grid solar energy through small turnkey solar power plants that are connected directly to customers’ buildings via their own power grid, so-called mini-grids.

    Synergy thanks to SunErgy

    SunErgy complements EWIA’s business. To date, the company has focused on selling solar systems to commercial and industrial customers under a solar-as-a-service model tailored for medium-sized enterprises. EWIA manages the planning, financing, construction, and operation of these systems, which are designed to largely self-finance through cumulative savings on diesel and grid electricity costs for customers. Geographically, operations have centred on Ghana and Nigeria. Following the acquisition, EWIA now employs 76 people.

    Mini Grids for villages in Cameroon

    SunErgy’s activities have so far been organized through SunErgy GmbH in Germany and its two subsidiaries in Cameroon, SunErgy Ltd. and 2 Mites Ltd. SunErgy Cameroon is responsible for the construction and operation of solar power plants in Cameroon, as well as for building solar power plants in other African countries. In September 2014, the company signed an agreement with the Republic of Cameroon to supply solar power to 92 villages in the southwest region, encompassing approximately 115,000 families (600,000 people), as well as schools, health centres, and private and public enterprises. Twelve municipalities have now been electrified through the construction of mini-grids.

    “The merger of EWIA and SunErgy is a meaningful step toward realising our strategy of becoming one of the leading providers of solar solutions for sub-Saharan Africa,” affirms Ralph Schneider. “In addition to geographical expansion and diversification into the stand-alone solutions market, another crucial factor is that, with shareholders like KGAL, we gain established and experienced investors and investment professionals with proven expertise in the infrastructure sector, which constitutes a substantial enhancement.”

    “KGAL has been providing investors with investment strategies in the renewable energy sector for over 20 years,” adds Michael Ebner, Managing Director of Asset and Portfolio Management at KGAL. “We are pleased to entrust SunErgy to EWIA and support the company’s continued growth. The African renewable energy market offers impact investors a wide array of opportunities.”

    About EWIA Green Investments

    EWIA provides small and medium-sized businesses in Africa with access to clean solar energy and serves as a bridge builder to investors in Europe as well as for the transfer of technology know-how. Based in Munich, Germany, with operating entities in Ghana and Nigeria, EWIA offers private and institutional investors access to attractive impact investments in the fight against climate change and for sustainable economic growth in Africa. With EWIA’s flexible full-service financing solution, companies in Africa have the opportunity to obtain solar power, financing, security and service from a single source. In the infrastructure sector, EWIA funds and constructs mobile phone communication masts and traffic monitoring systems and equips them with PV systems.

    www.ewiainvestments.com + + + https://ewiafinance.de/

    Contact for queries:

    EWIA Green Investments GmbH
    Ralph Schneider, CEO
    ralph.schneider@EWIAinvestments.com
    +49 162 1366 984

    Schwarz Financial Communication
    Frank Schwarz
    schwarz@schwarzfinancial.com
    +49 611 58029290

    About KGAL

    KGAL is a leading independent investment and asset manager with over €15 billion in assets under management. The company specialises in long-term real asset investments for institutional and private investors across real estate, sustainable infrastructure, and aviation. Founded 56 years ago, the Europe-wide group is headquartered in Grünwald near Munich. Its 396 employees contribute to achieving sustainably stable returns by accounting for risk and return (as of December 31, 2024).

    www.kgal.de

    Contact for queries:

    KGAL GMBH & Co. KG
    Markus Lang, Head of Marketing & Communications
    markus.lang@kgal.de
    +49 89 64143-307

    Attachment

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI Russia: Global cooling may have caused the Neolithic revolution in the ancient Volga region

    Translartion. Region: Russians Fedetion –

    Source: Novosibirsk State University – Novosibirsk State University –

    Scientists from NSU together with colleagues from Samara State Social and Pedagogical University and the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences studied artifacts from Mesolithic sites in the Volga region using radiocarbon and isotope analysis methods. Human and animal bone fragments, tools and even soil were studied at the NSU-NSC Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Shared Use Center. These studies are intended to shed light on the history of the development of the forest-steppe by ancient human populations and to identify the connection between fluctuations in human activity and major climatic events. The result of this work was the creation of an absolute chronology of Mesolithic complexes in the forest-steppe Volga region.

    — The work was interesting for us for several reasons. First of all, the wide range of dating centers that analyzed the presented samples and the combination of results from two different radiocarbon dating methods: scintillation and accelerator mass spectrometry. It is impossible not to note the diversity of objects for dating and the results of the accompanying analysis of stable isotopes (isotopes C-13 and N-15) in the entire set of samples. We described 28 samples dated in six centers, of which 6 samples were analyzed by the scintillation method (one in Moscow, five in St. Petersburg), and 22 samples by the accelerator mass spectrometry method. Scientists abroad worked with six samples (1 in Belgium, 2 in Finland, 3 in the USA), in Russia — with 22, of which 16 were dated here, at the NSU-NSC UMS Collective Use Center.

    All the results fit into a single theory of the development of forest-steppe by ancient human populations, which suggests significant fluctuations in human activity associated with major climatic events of the Holocene, namely, with pronounced cooling phases against the background of general climate warming. These short periods are called the “preboreal oscillation”, which occurred 11.3-11.15 thousand years ago, the “event of 10.2 thousand years ago”, the “event of 8.2 thousand years ago”, etc. For example, it is known that in the Upper Volga basin in the European territory of Russia during the cooling period corresponding to the “event of 8.2 thousand years ago”, the average annual temperature dropped by 2-3 °C, and on average in Europe – by 1 °C. The probability distribution obtained on the basis of the dates presented in the work demonstrates approximately the same fluctuations as the average annual temperature, said Ekaterina Parkhomchuk, Director of the UMS NSU-NNC Collective Use Center and Candidate of Chemical Sciences.

    The set of objects studied included human bone fragments and bone items (parts of a knife, a chisel, a bow overlay). There were also teeth of bears and elks, antlers of aurochs and elks, bones of beavers, horses and even soil. Ekaterina Parkhomchuk explained that the diversity of materials and full isotope analysis ensure the reliability of dating, since they allow taking into account various interfering factors, such as the characteristics of the human and animal diet or the so-called reservoir effect. It occurs, for example, if a person eats fish. As a result, the isotopic composition of his bone collagen (isotopic shifts in C-13 and N-15) can differ significantly from the indicators of those people and animals that live and eat mainly on land. Obviously, the same phenomenon will be observed for C-14 – people and animals with a marine diet will show an older radiocarbon age compared to land creatures that lived at the same time. Therefore, it is so important to conduct the most complete studies of a wide variety of archaeological objects. Moreover, determining not only the radiocarbon age, but also the isotopic and chemical composition of the material.

    — In addition to interesting technical aspects, this work is also important for us because it was carried out jointly with specialists from the European part of the country. Our center conducted most of the research on radiocarbon and isotope analysis and provided a tenfold increase in the database on the chronology of the Mesolithic forest-steppe Volga region. It is encouraging that the work continues, there are still many historical discoveries ahead! — Ekaterina Parkhomchuk summed up.

    Associate Professor of the Department of Russian History and Archaeology of the Samara State Social and Pedagogical University, Candidate of Historical Sciences Konstantin Andreev noted that within the framework of this study, an intermediate result of many years of work on establishing the absolute age of the existence of Mesolithic complexes of the forest-steppe Volga region was summed up, which found support in the projects of the Russian Science Foundation (No. 19-78-10001 and No. 23-78-10088).

    — Up until the beginning of the 21st century, we did not have a single absolute date for these materials, and we had a very general understanding of the time of existence of this or that cultural tradition in the region. Thanks to the efforts of the last five years, about 30 age estimates have been obtained for many artifacts, which made it possible to date the region’s reference sites. Moreover, more than half of them were made at the NSU-NNC Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Collective Use Center. The earliest estimates of about 30 definitions of the appearance of new people in the forest-steppe Volga region include the period of the third quarter of the 9th millennium BC. At this time, population groups first from the Southern Urals, and then from the Southern Trans-Urals penetrated into the forest-steppe Volga region, with which contact was subsequently maintained until the end of the Mesolithic era in the first half of the 7th millennium BC. These population groups, in all likelihood, practiced hunting large ungulates – elk and horses. Judging by the short duration of their stay at the sites, they made frequent transitions following the beast. The basis of their stone industry was the tradition of obtaining plates and making a few tools from them (scrapers, piercers, etc.). Bone was also used, but it is rarely preserved in the cultural layer, – said Konstantin Andreev.

    According to the obtained dates, scientists were able to establish that from about the middle of the 8th millennium BC, individual groups from more northern (forested) territories penetrated the forest-steppe Volga region, which led to the spread of chopping tools and a few arrowheads. Thus, the thesis about active contacts of different cultural groups in the forest-steppe is confirmed, and thanks to the conducted determination of the absolute time of existence of the region’s support complexes, it became possible to tie these contacts to a chronological scale.

    In the future, Samara scientists plan to continue their collaboration with the NSU-NNC Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Collective Use Center, since the data obtained as a result of their joint work allowed them to significantly refine their understanding not only of the Mesolithic era, but also of later periods and cultures of the Middle Volga region.

    Associate Professor of the Institute of Intelligent Robotics of NSU Petr Menshanov explained that modern archaeological research does not end with simply determining radiocarbon dates for found artifacts – scientists must reconstruct the course of events that took place in the distant past. To do this, they actively use machine learning and artificial intelligence methods that build chronological models based on dates obtained, among other things, by the Novosibirsk Center for Accelerator Mass Spectrometry.

    — Using a chronological model created using machine learning methods for radiocarbon dates obtained from the ancient Volga region, we determined periods of high and low activity for the Stone Age people who inhabited this territory. And then we compared the time boundaries of the activity of the people of the ancient Volga region with global data on climate changes that occurred on Earth after the end of the last ice age. It turned out that the ancient people who inhabited the Volga region in the Stone Age did not differ much in behavior from modern people. If the living conditions of our ancestors were satisfactory and stable, then they stayed in one place for a long time, fished, hunted, raised children. And with sharp climate changes, the ancient inhabitants of the forest-steppe Volga region preferred to change their “apartment” and move to more comfortable conditions, where there was still prey and water.

    During the most difficult periods, ancient people actively invented and mastered the innovations of their time, which led to a change of eras. In our case, after the Global Cooling Event 8.2k, people of the ancient Volga region were forced to think about the future, – said Petr Menshanov.

    Konstantin Andreev explained that the global cooling event of 8.2k had the most significant impact on the Mesolithic communities of the forest-steppe Volga region and led to the extinction of their cultural tradition. The Mesolithic people were replaced by new migrants, who, in addition to specific stone processing skills, also brought to the region one of the innovations of the next archaeological era (Neolithic) – ceramics.

    Scientists are confident that further research will allow them to more accurately establish the course of events that influenced the life and everyday life of the ancient people of the Volga region, the Urals and Siberia in the Stone and Bronze Ages.

    Please note: This information is raw content directly from the source of the information. It is exactly what the source states and does not reflect the position of MIL-OSI or its clients.

    MIL OSI Russia News

  • MIL-OSI: TGS awarded OBN 3D contract offshore Trinidad

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    OSLO, Norway (7 April 2025) – TGS, a leading provider of energy data and intelligence, is pleased to announce the award of a shallow water OBN acquisition contract in Trinidad. The 3D baseline contract is scheduled to commence in early Q3. The total duration of the survey is approximately 80 days.

    Kristian Johansen, CEO of TGS, commented, “Our OBN technology continues to be the preferred choice of the industry and exposes TGS to clients’ production budgets and asset optimization initiatives. We are pleased to secure this new 3D shallow water OBN contract. The client values our OBN technology combined with our proven track record of project execution, ensuring efficient delivery of high-quality data and insights.”

    For more information, visit TGS.com or contact:

    Bård Stenberg
    VP IR & Communication
    Mobile: +47 992 45 235
    investor@tgs.com

    About TGS
    TGS provides advanced data and intelligence to companies active in the energy sector. With leading-edge technology and solutions spanning the entire energy value chain, TGS offers a comprehensive range of insights to help clients make better decisions. Our broad range of products and advanced data technologies, coupled with a global, extensive and diverse energy data library, make TGS a trusted partner in supporting the exploration and production of energy resources worldwide. For further information, please visit www.tgs.com (https://www.tgs.com/).

    Forward Looking Statement
    All statements in this press release other than statements of historical fact are forward-looking statements, which are subject to a number of risks, uncertainties and assumptions that are difficult to predict and are based upon assumptions as to future events that may not prove accurate. These factors include volatile market conditions, investment opportunities in new and existing markets, demand for licensing of data within the energy industry, operational challenges, and reliance on a cyclical industry and principal customers. Actual results may differ materially from those expected or projected in the forward-looking statements. TGS undertakes no responsibility or obligation to update or alter forward-looking statements for any reason.

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI China: Mass protests against Trump administration staged in US, Europe

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    Photo taken on Aug. 4, 2022 shows the White House and a stop sign in Washington, D.C., the United States. [Photo/Xinhua]

    Hundreds of thousands of protesters gathered in dozens of cities across the United States and Europe on Saturday to protest the controversial policies of U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration, including the imposition of so-called “reciprocal tariffs,” the shutdown of federal agencies and the deportation of immigrants.

    In the United States, around 600,000 people joined over 1,400 protests across all 50 states under the theme of “Hands Off,” according to the organizers.

    Organized by a coalition of more than 150 groups, including civil rights organizations, labor unions and veterans’ associations, demonstrators gathered at state capitols, federal buildings, congressional offices, Social Security Administration headquarters, city halls and public parks.

    “This peaceful movement is powered by everyday people — nurses, teachers, students, parents — who are rising up to protect what matters most. We are united, we are relentless, and we are just getting started,” said Rahna Epting, executive director of the activist group MoveOn.

    Protesters gather against controversial policies unveiled by U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration at the Grand Park, downtown Los Angeles, California, the United States, on April 5, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

    “We’re here fighting for the soul of America,” Angela C, a protester in Los Angeles, told Xinhua. “Do we remain the guiding light for progress, compassion, and fairness in the world as funding fathers dreamt of? Or follow Trump to become another pathetic bully with a big stick out to exploit all the other countries in the world?”

    Some elected officials joined the campaign as well. Boston Mayor Michelle Wu said she doesn’t want her children and others to live in a world where threats and intimidation are the means of government and values such as diversity and peace are under attack.

    In response to the protests, the White House said in a statement that “President Trump will not be deterred from delivering on the promises he made to make our federal government more efficient and more accountable to the hardworking American taxpayers across the country who overwhelmingly re-elected him,” according to USA Today.

    Protests were also held in European cities such as Berlin, Frankfurt, Paris, London and Lisbon. In Berlin, hundreds of people gathered outside a Tesla showroom to protest against Tesla’s owner, Elon Musk, who is also a close ally of Trump. In London, protesters rallied at Trafalgar Square, holding signs reading “Proud American Ashamed” and chanting “Hands off Canada” and “Hands off Greenland.”

    The marches in Europe came just days after Trump imposed a 20 percent “reciprocal” tariff on EU imports, and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio attended his first NATO foreign ministers’ meeting in Brussels earlier this week — widely viewed as an effort to manage tensions between the two sides of the Atlantic ahead of the NATO leaders’ summit in June.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI New Zealand: Green Party differing view on the Treaty Principles Bill

    Source: Green Party

    Read the Green Party’s differing view on the Treaty Principles Bill, prepared by Tamatha Paul. 

    Treaty Principles Bill – Differing View – Green Party Aotearoa

    Prepared by Tamatha Paul, Wellington Central MP

    Te Tiriti is tapu. It is a sacred covenant that carries characteristics of mutual benefit, good faith, permanence, mutual respect, commitment to relationship. It is the founding agreement that legitimises the presence of people who would otherwise be only visitors in Aotearoa. 

    We express our strongest condemnation of this Bill in its entirety and wish to set out our concerns in full detail given there has been truncated analysis of the Bill and its submissions from the public. We wish to make the following comments on the Bill.

    Justification or rationale for this Bill does not exist 

    The development of this Bill was not preceded by a legitimate policy imperative or outcome. This exercise has been estimated to cost around $6 million to the Government and has put the onus for truthful and accurate information regarding Te Tiriti o Waitangi on the general public. 

    This Bill is premised on an assertion that the principles of the Treaty are unclear. This assertion is baseless. The Regulatory Impact Statement on this Bill says that this Bill creates additional uncertainty because it displaces existing case law about how the principles should be applied in real life. This Bill is effectively a reset button on decades of jurisprudence and careful weighing of evidence by the Courts. This is the case law that gives clarity on what Te Tiriti o Waitangi means according to the Courts, and this Bill would overturn that clarity for no justifiable reason. Principles that have been carefully and deliberately established over the last forty years including partnership, active protection, and redress would no longer be relevant. 

    This Bill is a prime example of executive and legislative overreach by Parliament. We have a separation of powers for a reason, which is to provide an effective check on unbridled power wielded by politicians. The author of this Bill and some submitters supporting the Bill made claims about an “unelected judiciary”. This deliberately misrepresents the role of the judiciary. Judges should not be punished and dragged through the mud with no right of reply. The role of our judiciary is to interpret and apply legislation passed by Parliament, and there is no credible evidence that they have done anything but that in relation to legislation which mentions, or is relevant to, Te Tiriti o Waitangi. It is critical to our democracy that these roles remain independent and it is completely inappropriate for elected members to generate public uncertainty and distrust to our judicial system in order to enhance their own power.

    Contrary to the assertions of the Bill’s author, It is not unusual or extraordinary to have constitutional arrangements that recognise and provide for different ancestry, languages, religions and genders. Canada, Denmark, Bolivia, Sweden, Finland, Ecuador, and the Philippines are a few countries that have enabled constitutional recognition of Indigenous rights. The reason why examples of constitutional structures that affirm indigenous self-determination and autonomy are apparently uncommon is that in many settler colonial countries the cultural, political, and constitutional presence of Indigenous peoples is extremely limited, as a result of deliberate efforts to render Indigenous peoples invisible. This Bill exists in a tradition of assimilationist approaches to indigenous people. The recognition of Māori rights does not diminish the rights of others. Upholding Te Tiriti aso protects the rights of non-Māori to make Aotearoa their home. It ensures that our country’s constitutional promise and social cohesion is achieved for the benefit of all. 

    We also note that this Bill does not include interpretation or definitions for the wording it uses to replace the principles of the Treaty. Despite the Bill using contested language such as “best interests”, “everyone”, “free”, “democratic”, “equal protection”, “equal benefit”, “equal enjoyment” and “fundamental rights” – there is no definitions provided for these contested terms, nor does the Bill point to any similar interpretations within existing laws which might help in the application of the drafted principles. 

    In summary, there is no justification for this Bill aside from the author of this Bill seeking to incite a culture war because it gives him and his pathetic policies a platform. 

    Misrepresentation of the Principles of the Treaty 

    The existing Treaty principles are far more clear than has been alleged by supporters of this Bill. The principles as we know them, and as they are applied, have been developed by the courts and the Waitangi Tribunal over the last fifty years. The Bill misrepresents the normal legal processes whereby courts develop law and principles over time – presenting that as somehow uniquely inappropriate. It is true that public education on Te Tiriti o Waitangi has been lacking throughout our history, but the Bill does not solve that problem and further skews the public understanding of the true history and intent of Te Tiriti o Waitangi.. 

    Parliament is not the appropriate place to decide the Treaty principles in the way contemplated by this Bill. This is what this Bill is attempting to achieve. In a great show of humility by previous Parliament’s, including the Government who presided over the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975 when it came into effect, they acknowledged that Parliament does not have the knowledge or expertise to determine and define the principles. Parliamentarians come from all walks of life and have a vast array of skills, however very few have a coherent understanding of the historical context in which Te Tiriti was signed, nor proficiency in Te Reo Māori to understand the true context of the original text, nor the experience applying the principles in a judicial context.Aside from the constitutional inappropriateness, parliament is out of its depth when it comes to unilaterally adjudicating over Te Tiriti o Waitangi and we suggest that this is left to people with proper constitutional and legal skills and understanding to interpret and determine the principles and adherence to those. This is an abuse of power. Moreover, and arguably more importantly, that is something that should happen with the Māori Tiriti partner, not by the Crown alone.

    The author of this Bill takes advantage of the relative lack of understanding of Te Tiriti o Waitangi which is an additional suppressive act due to the fact that it is not something that many New Zealanders ever learnt about in school. The author has crafted the principles in this Bill in a way that suggests that all New Zealanders are not already equal in terms of human rights. This is not true.

    There is not one reputable source or academic who concurs with the author’s interpretation of the Treaty principles. This has been confirmed by the Waitangi Tribunal in the strongest of terms.

    We wish to make the following comments on the principles as defined in this Bill:

    On Principle 1, Māori never ceded sovereignty

    This Bill defines the first principle of the Treaty of Waitangi/ Te Tiriti o Waitangi as: “The Executive Government of New Zealand has full power to govern, and the Parliament of New Zealand has full power to make laws (a) in the best interests of everyone; and (b) in accordance with the rule of law and the maintenance of a free and democratic society.

    This misrepresentation of Article 1 demonstrates a complete lack of understanding of the historical context in which Te Tiriti was signed. Many of the Bill’s supporters argued that Māori could not cede sovereignty because it was never ours to begin with, or because there were inter-tribal disputes. This completely dismisses and purposefully ignores He Whakaputanga o te Rangatiratanga o Nui Tireni 1835 which is the document preceding Te Tiriti o Waitangi which affirmed independence and sovereignty for Māori. Both He Whakaputanga and Te Tiriti o Waitangi were signed in order to safeguard hapū and iwi Māori in the face of rapid change. We can see through this Bill and its process that this is the enduring nature of Te Tiriti, even 185 years later after its signing. The fact that sovereignty was never ceded is equally true for other signatories to Te Tiriti who did not sign He Whakaputanga in 1835.

    The distortion of our historical context by the ACT Party is not only limited to their illiteracy in New Zealand history, it extends to their historical illiteracy in relation to the history of the Crown. In 1840, Great Britain was not a democratic society, and the ruling classes at the time were opposed to the prospect that it ever might be. How could the first article of Te Tiriti be interpreted to say “the maintenance of a free and democratic society”, when this was not the type of society that either of the signatories had, or aspired to, upon signing? In the words of Ani Mikaere, “in 1840 the Crown came to Māori as supplicant, not the other way around. The rangatira who signed Te Tiriti agreed to allow the Crown to remain in Aotearoa on the condition that it take responsibility for the conduct of its own citizens.” 

    Article 1 of Te Tiriti is about rangatira who signed Te Tiriti o Waitangi agreeing to share power and authority with the Governor. This was not a transfer of sovereignty, power or authority from rangatira to the Crown. Article 1 is a form of delegated authority drawn from the absolute tino rangatiratanga that Māori possessed in 1840, outnumbering non-Māori by 1 to 40 demographically, militarily, economically and culturally. The fact that Māori never ceded sovereignty has already been spelt out by the Waitangi Tribunal’s Te Paparahi o te Raki report. 

    On Principle 2, tino rangatiratanga

    This Bill defines the second principle of the Treaty of Waitangi/ Te Tiriti o Waitangi as: “The Crown recognises, and will respect and protect, the rights that hapū and iwi Māori had under the Treaty of Waitangi/ te Tiriti o Waitangi at the time they signed it. However, if those rights differ from the rights of everyone, subclause (1) applies only if those rights are agreed in the settlement of a historical treaty claim under the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975.

    This misinterpretation of Article 2 completely disregards tino rangatiratanga affirmed by Te Tiriti o Waitangi. It constrains Māori rights to those conferred through Treaty settlements. Treaty settlements in and of themselves already fail to compensate for the violent dispossession of Māori land thanks to this Parliament’s decision to apply a fiscal limit to all Treaty settlements which reflects around 1% of the estimated financial impacts of Treaty breaches. This represents a legacy of colonial instincts whereby some of the people who have benefitted from this violent dispossession are now defending their right to preserve their interests which they got through lying, murdering, raping, infecting and pillaging Māori. 

    Tino rangatiratanga is far broader than property rights or Treaty settlements. Tino rangatiratanga did not come into existence in 1840, or 1835. It doesn’t exist relative to the Crown’s comfortability of acknowledging its existence. 

    This bill seeks to replace tino rangatiratanga, which is a collective right, with individual rights. This is a classic libertarian interpretation where most things are seen to be bought and owned by individuals, and the purpose of rights in their view is to assert control and exclusive power over something else.  

    On Principle 3, equality for who?

    This Bill defines the third principle of the Treaty of Waitangi/ Te Tiriti o Waitangi as: “Everyone is equal before the law. Everyone is entitled, without discrimination, to the equal protection and equal benefit of the law; and the equal enjoyment of the same fundamental  human rights.” 

    Principle 3, as it is proposed in this bill, purports to be about honouring the concept of equality. As pointed out by many submitters, this phrasing about equality is misleading. The term ‘equality’ is highly-contested and there are many iterations of the term.What this Bill refers to is what would be known as ‘formal equality’. Formal equality makes a presumption that everyone is equal right now and therefore we should treat everyone the same. 

    In reality, Māori are over-represented in the worst statistics due to enduring legacies of colonisation. For example, we have shorter life expectancy, we have poorer health and education outcomes, we are over-represented in prison and in homelessness statistics. If everyone were to receive equal treatment, this would maintain, and indeed entrench, existing inequalities. We want to be clear that it is not a fault of iwi, hapū or Māori that we are over-represented in such statistics. The shame and burden of responsibility for these statistics falls squarely on this Crown and its decisions to violently separate our people from our land, our language, our identities, our history and our future. We can only live in a society with equal outcomes and equal quality of living if we first address areas where specific groups have been let down so that we can all operate from an even playing field, otherwise this principle simply consolidates inequality. That is why developed democracies choose to subscribe to frameworks of ‘substantive equality’, as opposed to ‘formal equality’ which is focussed on equality of results and outcomes. Substantive equality if about redressing disadvantage, accommodating difference and achieving structural change.  

    In reality, equal protection of the law and equal enjoyment of the same fundamental human rights is already recognised and safeguarded under the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, Human Rights Act 1993 and Senior Courts Act 2016. To act as if the only way to achieve these rights are through rewriting historic agreements and relinquishing Māori rights is misleading and sinister. 

    We are still looking for any credible evidence that “special treatment” exists for Māori. Moreover, Te Tiriti in and of itself did not confer any “special rights” to Māori. It affirmed pre-existing rights that Māori already had. Te Tiriti granted “special rights” to the Crown, if anybody. 

    Select committee is not a “national conversation”

    The Green Party has always supported a national conversation about constitutional transformation in line with Matike Mai report prepared by the Independent Working Group on Constitutional Transformation. However, a select committee process does not constitute a national conversation. Select committee is a one-sided process where there are very few exchanges of ideas, where the Government is in control and sets the parameters, and no ability to ask questions or delve deeply into the publics views. Not to mention, this process has been rushed with many submissions not able to be processed before the report back to the house in May. Moreover, the Crown cannot abrogate its constitutional responsibilities to Māori by asking the public to adjudicate on the matter via select committee or via national referendum. Aside from the extreme inadequacies of this so-called ‘conversation’, an arguably even greater problem is that this ‘conversation’ is happening unilaterally, without the involvement of the Māori tiriti partner. As the Waitangi Tribunal pointed out, that is not a conversation, it is a monologue. The invitation for Māori to take part in the select committee process, as though that is enough, is unjust, unconstitutional and falls far short of what Te Tiriti o Waitangi requires.

    Parliament is power, but it is not omnipotent. The fact that its executive branch, Cabinet, think that they can unilaterally amend our country’s founding document is historical vandalism and propaganda in the most dangerous form. 

    The select committee process has been unfathomably shabby. Not because of the hard work by the Committee’s secretariat, but because it has been rushed. This is the most submitted on Bill in the history of this Parliament. We have been unable to analyse submissions to the high standard we are accustomed to, our oral hearings were not live-captioned for those with hearing impairments, Te Reo Māori translation has been slow due to a lack of capacity to translate and analysis has been cut short in order to fit into the Government’s timeframes. This Parliament should never get in the habit of rushing legislation and cutting short the traditional process on such a polarising Bill of national significance. 

    A national referendum where a majority of people get the opportunity to undermine discrete rights of a minority population, who far outweighed the Crown and its subjects during the time of signing, is a recipe for polarisation, extremism and social division. A referendum which undermines the covenant between Māori and the Crown, led by politicians who are well-versed in giving opinions but constitutionally- and historically-illiterate undermines our aspirations and full ability to to be an honourable kāwanatanga. This Bill has completely undermined the mana and honour of the Crown against all advice from its officials and the people of New Zealand who it purports to represent. 

    Final comments

    Overall, this Bill has been an international embarrassment. We have attracted international attention for this legislative attack on our indigenous people, as well as our inability to honour our agreements. New Zealand is party to 1,900 treaties. Te Tiriti o Waitangi, the treaty which founded our nation, is the one that this government refuses to honour or uphold. This Bill has been an absolute insult to Māori which will take a very long time to heal. This Bill has been described as a “legislative attack”, “worst assault on Māori” and even as an invitation, in the words of former Prime Minister Jenny Shipley, for civil war. A discussion of this nature must be informed by tikanga and led by both parties to Te Tiriti.

    Arguments from people supporting this bill made in submissions were incoherent, factually inaccurate, based on outdated perspectives and arguments, and many were outright racist. In reality, Te Tiriti and its interpretation is not a matter that is keeping New Zealanders up at night. It is only a vocal, fixated minority who believe that their rights have been eroded by the presence of Te Tiriti. The New Zealanders who wish to wage war against our indigenous people, via this Bill, will inevitably fail because this type of culture war is not natural or normal to New Zealand, it is imported. New Zealanders know that we have far more important issues to solve than this.

    This Bill is part of a suite of legislation that attacks and diminishes the mana of Te Tiriti o Waitangi because Treaty rights are seen as a barrier to the government’s agenda of facilitating  corporate exploitation of nature. Indigenous rights do stand in the way of unfettered environmental exploitation. It is no coincidence that most of the world’s most intact biodiversity is in indigenous controlled land. Many iwi have leveraged their rights under Te Tiriti to protect their precious natural environment. For example, Ngāti Ruanui in Taranaki have defended their seabed from mining by Trans-Tasman Resources so that they might protect their taonga for future generations. In previous years Te-Whanau-ā-Apanui exercised their rights over their customary waters in the Raukumara Basin to successfully oppose deep sea oil drilling by transnational Brazilian oil company Petrobras. These protections of the natural commons – our oceans, rivers, climate, and taonga native species –  benefit all New Zealanders, Māori and non-Māori alike. Indeed insofar as Māori exercise of tino rangatiratanga and kaitiakitanga achieves the preservation of natural biodiversity and ecosystem health it contributes to the viability of life on Earth for the good of all humanity. 

    Te Tiriti in the fullness of its intent and meaning is the pathway to cohesive nationhood. An Aotearoa in which everyone thrives and present and future generations can sustain and enjoy all that our beautiful country has to offer. 

    We oppose this Bill in the strongest terms.

    MIL OSI New Zealand News

  • MIL-Evening Report: From flowers to stalking: how ‘nice guy’ narratives can lead to male entitlement and violence against women

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Jamilla Rosdahl, Senior Lecturer, The University of Melbourne

    Shutterstock

    Being labelled a “nice guy” was once considered a form of flattery. Today, however, anyone privy to the world of dating and romance will know this isn’t necessarily a compliment.

    The term has been unofficially reappropriated by women to describe a certain kind of man – one who presents as being “nice”, but feels entitled to some kind of attention from a woman in exchange for this niceness.

    We need to take this attitude seriously, since the more it is normalised, the more likely it is to put women at risk.

    When flowers become stalking

    Plenty of women have shared their experience of being sent abusive texts after they rejected or ignored a man while online dating. The Instagram account @ByeFelipe, which has more than 400,000 followers, frequently features posts of “nice men” weaponizing their niceness on dating apps.

    In one example, a woman tells a man she doesn’t want to have sex with him on their first meeting, and he responds by calling her “trash”, “ugly”, “old” and a “bitch”.

    In my ongoing research on violence against women I have talked to hundreds of women who’ve been stalked by a man. In Australia, one in five women will be stalked. And women are eight times more likely to be stalked by a man than by another woman.

    Often, the stalking is preceded by certain performances, such as the man repeatedly leaving flowers by the woman’s door. As one woman told me:

    We are so used to being told that ‘bad guys’ are men who are physically abusive. When a guy is ‘nice’, it’s hard to believe he’s dangerous. It’s easier for women to ignore the signals of danger, because they are told that he has to be a good guy because he’s doing all these things. He even used feminist buzzwords. He’d say, ‘I believe in equality. I’m a feminist myself’.

    Another described how a man kept telling her, “I’m in touch with my emotions. I wear my heart on my sleeve” – but that she had to escape the relationship after he threatened her.

    Blaming women for feelings of inadequacy

    The “nice guy” trope can create a narrative in which men feel victimised by women. As sociologist Michael Kimmel explains, this can lead to a sense of aggrieved entitlement, and men blaming women for their own feelings of inadequacy.

    I’ve witnessed this while working with male inmates in a private capacity. Working in prisons in Sweden, I spoke to dozens of men who were convicted sex offenders and/or who had killed their wives or ex-partners.

    All of them told me they reacted with violence when women rejected them romantically. None of the men I spoke to took responsibility for killing the woman. Instead, they justified their crimes and/or blamed the women.

    The ‘nice guy’ in pop culture

    Pop culture and media both have played a role in normalising the “nice guy” trope, which has now taken on different meanings in different groups – from misogynistic men in incel communities to women calling out men on dating apps.

    Traditionally, the romance movie genre has portrayed highly persistent men as charming, or even admirable. In films such as There’s Something About Mary (1998) and Groundhog Day (1993), the “nice guy” obsessively pursues the woman while ignoring her wish to be left alone.

    In these stories, obsessive behaviour is rewarded because the “nice guy” eventually gets the girl. In real life, the same behaviours can cross the line into harassment and stalking.

    A more realistic depiction comes from the 1993 film I Can Make You Love Me, also known as Stalking Laura. This film is based on the true story of mass murderer Richard Farley.

    Farley became obsessed with his coworker Laura Black in the 1980s. He love-bombed her, left her gifts such as letters and baked goods, called her every few hours, and even showed up to her apartment and her aerobics class. When he asked her out, Laura politely declined.

    Farley would go on to shoot Laura in the shoulder in a killing spree that left her and three others injured, and seven more people dead. This event prompted California to pass the first anti-stalking laws in the United States.

    Real-world consequences

    Another horrifying example of an entitled “nice guy” was Elliot Rodger. In 2014, the then 22-year-old used knives, guns and his car to murder six people and injure 13 near the University of California, Santa Barbara.

    Rodger described himself as a “supreme gentleman” and couldn’t understand why women wouldn’t have sex with him. In a chilling video posted before the attack, he said:

    I will slaughter every spoiled, stuck-up, blond slut I see inside there. All those girls I’ve desired so much, they would have all rejected me and looked down upon me as an inferior man if I ever made a sexual advance towards them while they throw themselves at these obnoxious brutes.

    More than ten years later, there’s no shortage of men who share Rodger’s victim mentality and violent sentiments. Yet there is a lack of research into how such attitudes can contribute to real-world harm.

    As masculinity studies theorists argue, these attitudes are not the product of individual pathology, but are a much larger problem linked to societal ideas about masculinity. They are created by sexist ideology in culture, and are spread through socialisation.

    Robert Farley and Elliot Rodger weren’t the first men, nor the last, to think they had entitlements over women just because they followed a social script of acting “nice”. If we can understand how this attitude grows and festers among men, we might be able to stop it at its start.

    Jamilla Rosdahl does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. From flowers to stalking: how ‘nice guy’ narratives can lead to male entitlement and violence against women – https://theconversation.com/from-flowers-to-stalking-how-nice-guy-narratives-can-lead-to-male-entitlement-and-violence-against-women-252523

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI USA: Welch Votes No on Republicans’ Destructive Budget Senate

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Peter Welch (D-Vermont)
    Welch Votes No on GOP’s Destructive Budget Senate Republicans rejected Welch-led amendment to help hardworking Vermonters 
    WASHINGTON, D.C. — U.S. Senator Peter Welch (D-Vt.), a member of the Senate Finance and Judiciary Committees and Ranking Member of the Senate Agriculture Subcommittee on Rural Development, Energy, and Credit, voted against the Senate Republicans’ budget plan early this morning:
    “Since taking office, President Trump has made it crystal clear that he’s willing to bulldoze programs hardworking Americans rely on to line the pockets of billionaires. It’s truly outrageous that Republicans agreed to this cruel budget, which will have disastrous long-term consequences for Americans across the country—from farmers and seniors in Vermont to Social Security beneficiaries and small businesses in Texas. I voted no on the GOP’s budget,” said Senator Welch.
    Senator Welch filed 61 amendments to Senate Republicans’ budget plan. The Senator’s amendments aim to help working families through the affordability crisis, defend vital government services and disaster aid from Elon Musk’s “Department of Government Efficiency” (DOGE), and combat President Trump’s reckless, illegal agenda. Senate Republicans rejected Senator Welch’s amendment to block tax cuts to billionaires paid for by cutting meals for hungry seniors and eliminating child care services for families.
    Senate Republicans’ budget, unveiled Wednesday, attacks Medicaid, Medicare, and the health care of seniors, children, people with disabilities, and rural patients; threatens Social Security for millions; raises costs for working families and enables President Trump’s trade war; jeopardizes support and health care for veterans; and gives DOGE a greenlight to destroy the federal government—all in the service of paying for Trump’s tax cut to billionaires.  
    Senator Welch offered amendments to the Republican budget resolution aimed to:   
    Address the Affordability Crisis: 
    An amendment to block tax cuts to billionaires paid for by cutting meals for hungry seniors and eliminating child care services for families. 
    Amendments to support federal dairy programs, organic farmers, and young and beginning farmers. 
    An amendment to address the impacts of disasters in rural communities.   
    An amendment to promote innovation, domestic job creation and U.S. competitiveness. This amendment would support Vermont’s growing semiconductor industry and America’s Tech Hubs. 
    Amendments to block the extension of tax cuts for the wealthy and large corporations until all federal services are provided. 
    Defend Federal Programs and Disaster Aid from Elon Musk: 
    Amendments to prohibit cuts to the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program, the Weatherization Assistance Program, and to improve rural access to nutrition programs. 
    Amendments to protect and defend rural broadband deployment and promote internet affordability.   
    An amendment to prohibit the elimination of over-to-phone identity verification for Social Security beneficiaries. 
    Amendments to prohibit the reduction or elimination of funding for rural care providers, health centers, and critical access hospitals.   
    Amendments to limit affiliates of the Department of Government Efficiency’s ability to access federal payment systems and personally identifiable information of Social Security beneficiaries. 
    An amendment to protect disaster survivors’ data privacy during any interaction with Department of Government Efficiency personnel. 
    An amendment prohibiting any reduction in disaster response and recovery programs for States and local communities. 
    Combat Trump’s Reckless and Illegal Agenda:   
    Amendments to preserve relations between the United States and Canada, and to prohibit Canadian energy tariffs that raise energy costs domestically.  
    An amendment to block legislation that enables U.S. troops to operate in Gaza to assist in the displacement or removal of Palestinians from Gaza. 
    An amendment to prevent enforcement of the Alien Enemies Act, unless there is a declared war between the United States and any foreign government, or an invasion of predatory incursion is perpetrated. 
    An amendment to prevent the arrest, detainment and deportation of college students and faculty on the grounds they have expressed views the sitting administration objects to. 
    An amendment that would block legislation banning the Associated Press from the White House. 
    An amendment that would preserve United States-Denmark relations. 
    An amendment to address global hunger including hiring aid workers and facilitating the dispersal of aid into Gaza 
    In addition, Senator Welch cosponsored 31 amendments. 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI China: Ukraine’s membership not part of peace deal: NATO Chief

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte clarified in Brussels on Friday that Ukraine’s potential NATO membership will not be included as part of any peace agreement.

    Speaking at a press conference following a NATO foreign ministers meeting, Rutte reaffirmed that member states had agreed at last year’s Washington summit that Ukraine’s accession to the Alliance is “irreversible.” However, he emphasized that there was never a promise to Ukraine to include NATO membership in any peace deal.

    The two-day meeting also saw concerns raised over sweeping new U.S. tariffs announced by President Donald Trump. Norway’s Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide warned on Thursday that such tariffs could contradict NATO’s founding principles. He suggested that economic measures undermining trade among NATO allies risk weakening the alliance as a whole.

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-OSI China: Danish PM urges unity with Greenland amid US pressure

    Source: China State Council Information Office

    Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has called for unity between Denmark and Greenland in response to growing pressure from the United States, emphasizing that the two parts of the Kingdom must remain closely aligned to safeguard their shared interests.

    She made the remarks in an interview with Greenlandic newspaper Sermitsiaq during her three-day visit to Greenland from Wednesday to Friday. The visit marked an important step in Denmark’s effort to consolidate ties with Greenland.

    “There is no doubt that many (people) in Greenland feel unsafe, because the insecurity is real,” Frederiksen said. “It is a pressure that has unfortunately been created, and which we are doing our best to handle.”

    The prime minister said that the most effective response to U.S. pressure is, for Greenland and Denmark, to stick together. “Regardless of what internal discussions we may have within the Realm, we must stand united. That is the clearest signal we can send,” she said.

    Frederiksen’s remarks came as U.S. Vice President JD Vance reaffirmed Washington’s growing strategic interest in Greenland. In an interview with American media outlet Newsmax on Thursday, Vance described Greenland as critical to U.S. national security and pledged that the United States would protect its interests there “come hell or high water.”

    Vance also suggested that the United States could offer financial incentives to Greenlanders, claiming that Denmark currently provides approximately “60,000 (U.S.) per year per person in Greenland.” He said that the United States could offer “way more money than that.”

    At a press conference with Greenlandic officials in Greenland’s capital of Nuuk on Thursday, Frederiksen told the United States “You cannot annex other countries — not even under the pretext of international security.”

    She questioned “When you seek to take over part of the Kingdom (of Denmark)’s territory, when we are subjected to pressure and threats by our closest ally, what are we to think about the country we have admired for so many years?”

    Greenland, once a Danish colony, became an integral part of the Kingdom of Denmark in 1953. It was granted home rule in 1979, expanding its autonomy, though Denmark retains control over foreign affairs and defense. 

    MIL OSI China News

  • MIL-Evening Report: Consumers are boycotting US goods around the world. Should Trump be worried?

    Source: The Conversation (Au and NZ) – By Alan Bradshaw, Professor of Marketing, Royal Holloway University of London

    US alcohol has been removed from sale in the Canadian province of British Columbia. lenic/Shutterstock

    As politicians around the world scramble to respond to US “liberation day” tariffs, consumers have also begun flexing their muscles. “Boycott USA” messages and searches have been trending on social media and search engines, with users sharing advice on brands and products to avoid.

    Even before Donald Trump announced across-the-board tariffs, there had been protests and attacks on the president’s golf courses in Doonbeg in Ireland and Turnberry in Scotland in response to other policies. And in Canada, shoppers avoided US goods after Trump announced he could take over his northern neighbour.

    His close ally Elon Musk has seen protests at Tesla showrooms across Europe, Australia and New Zealand. New cars have been set on fire as part of the “Tesla take-down”, while Tesla sales have been on a deep downward trend. This has been especially noticeable in European countries where electric vehicles sales have been high, and in Australia.

    This targeting of Trump and Musk’s brands are part of wider boycotts of US goods as consumers look for ways to express their anger at the US administration.

    Denmark’s biggest retailer, Salling Group, has given the price label of all European products a black star, making it easy for customers to avoid US goods.

    Canadian shoppers are turning US products upside down in retail outlets so it’s easier for fellow shoppers to spot and avoid them. Canadian consumers can also download the Maple Scan app that checks barcodes to see if their grocery purchases are actually Canadian or have parent companies from the USA.

    Who owns what?

    The issue of ostensibly Canadian brands being owned by US capital illustrates the complexity of consumer boycotts – it can be difficult to identify which brands are American and which are not.

    In the UK, for example, many consumers would be surprised to learn how many famous British brands are actually American-owned – for example, Cadbury, Waterstones and Boots. So entwined are global economies that attempts by consumers to boycott US brands may also damage their local economies.

    This complexity is also present in Danish and Canadian Facebook groups that are dedicated to boycotting US goods. Consumers exchange tips on how to swap alternatives for American products.

    The fact that Facebook is a US-based company only demonstrates how deeply embedded consumer culture is in US technologies. European businesses often depend on American operating systems and cloud storage while consumers rely on US-owned social media platforms for communication.

    Even when consumers succeed in weeding out American products, if they pay using Visa, Mastercard or Apple Pay, a percentage of the price will nonetheless be rerouted to the US. If a touch payment is made with Worldpay, the percentage could be even greater.

    These American financial services show just how embedded US businesses are in retail in ways that consumers may not appreciate. In practice, an absolute boycott of US business is almost unimaginable.

    All-American brands

    But American branding is not always subtle. In addition to brands directly connected to the US administration – such as the Trump golf courses and Tesla – many other companies have always been flamboyantly American. Coca-Cola, Starbucks and Budweiser are just some examples where their American identities and proudly on show.

    As such, it’s possible that consumers will increasingly avoid blatantly American brands. They may be less concerned about the complexities and contradictions of a more comprehensive boycott.

    Consumer actions where the goal is political change are known as “proxy boycotts” because no particular company is the ultimate target. Rather, the brands and firms are targeted by consumers as a means to an end.

    Do boycotts work?

    A classic example of a proxy boycott took aim at French goods, particularly wine, in the mid-1990s. This was in response to president Jacques Chirac’s decision to conduct nuclear tests in the Pacific. The large-scale consumer boycotts contributed to France’s decision to abandon its nuclear tests in 1996.

    In Britain, for example, French wines in all categories lost market share as demand fell during the boycott. At the time, it cost the French wine sector £23 million (about £46 million today).

    These boycotts are a reminder that the interplay between corporations, brands and consumer culture are inevitably embedded in politics. The current political impasse demonstrates that consumers can participate in politics, not just with their votes, but also with their buying power.

    Trump clearly wants to demonstrate American strength. The “liberation day” tariffs, which were higher than most observers expected, bear this out. But many US corporations will now be worrying about how consumers in the US and around the world might respond. Trump could see a mass mobilisation of consumer power in ways that will give the president something to think about.

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

    ref. Consumers are boycotting US goods around the world. Should Trump be worried? – https://theconversation.com/consumers-are-boycotting-us-goods-around-the-world-should-trump-be-worried-253389

    MIL OSI AnalysisEveningReport.nz

  • MIL-OSI USA: Welch Files Budget Amendments to Help Hardworking Vermonters  

    US Senate News:

    Source: United States Senator Peter Welch (D-Vermont)
    Welch filed 61 amendments to the budget 
    WASHINGTON, D.C.—U.S. Senator Peter Welch (D-Vt.), a member of the Senate Finance Committee and Ranking Member of the Senate Agriculture Subcommittee on Rural Development, Energy, and Credit, filed 61 amendments to Senate Republicans’ budget plan. The Senator’s amendments aim to help working families through the affordability crisis, defend programs, services, and disaster aid from Elon Musk’s so-called “Department of Government Efficiency” (DOGE), and combat President Trump’s reckless, illegal agenda.  
    Senate Republicans’ budget plan, unveiled Wednesday, attacks Medicaid, Medicare, and the health care of seniors, children, people with disabilities, and rural patients; threatens Social Security for millions; raises costs for working families and enables President Trump’s trade war; jeopardizes support and health care for veterans; and gives DOGE a greenlight to destroy the federal government—all in the service of paying for Trump’s tax cut to billionaires.  
    “A budget plan says a lot about your values, and President Trump and Senate Republicans’ budget is cruel. They’re threatening the economic and physical health of families, seniors, children, and folks across the country. They’re trying to cut federal funding for hardworking Americans and pass $7 trillion in tax breaks for billionaires and corporations. I’m standing up against their nonsense every step of the way,” said Senator Welch. “That’s why I’ve filed 61 amendments to their budget, which will better address the affordability crisis Vermonters face right now and defend against Elon Musk’s attempts to dismantle our government and the programs people rely on.”   
    Senator Welch’s amendments to the Republican budget resolution would:   
    Address the Affordability Crisis: 
    An amendment to block tax cuts to billionaires paid for by cutting meals for hungry seniors and eliminating child care services for families. 
    Amendments to support federal dairy programs, organic farmers, and young and beginning farmers. 
    An amendment to address the impacts of disasters in rural communities.   
    An amendment to promote innovation, domestic job creation and U.S. competitiveness. This amendment would support Vermont’s growing semiconductor industry and America’s Tech Hubs. 
    Amendments to block the extension of tax cuts for the wealthy and large corporations until all federal services are provided. 
    Defend Federal Programs and Disaster Aid from Elon Musk: 
    Amendments to prohibit cuts to the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program, the Weatherization Assistance Program, and to improve rural access to nutrition programs. 
    Amendments to protect and defend rural broadband deployment and promote internet affordability.   
    An amendment to prohibit the elimination of over-to-phone identity verification for Social Security beneficiaries. 
    Amendments to prohibit the reduction or elimination of funding for rural care providers, health centers, and critical access hospitals.   
    Amendments to limit affiliates of the Department of Government Efficiency’s ability to access federal payment systems and personally identifiable information of Social Security beneficiaries. 
    An amendment to protect disaster survivors’ data privacy during any interaction with Department of Government Efficiency personnel. 
    An amendment prohibiting any reduction in disaster response and recovery programs for States and local communities. 
    Combat Trump’s Reckless and Illegal Agenda:   
    Amendments to preserve relations between the United States and Canada, and to prohibit Canadian energy tariffs that raise energy costs domestically.  
    An amendment to block legislation that enables U.S. troops to operate in Gaza to assist in the displacement or removal of Palestinians from Gaza. 
    An amendment to prevent enforcement of the Alien Enemies Act, unless there is a declared war between the United States and any foreign government, or an invasion of predatory incursion is perpetrated. 
    An amendment to prevent the arrest, detainment and deportation of college students and faculty on the grounds they have expressed views the sitting administration objects to. 
    An amendment that would block legislation banning the Associated Press from the White House. 
    An amendment that would preserve United States-Denmark relations. 
    An amendment to address global hunger including hiring aid workers and facilitating the dispersal of aid into Gaza 
    In addition, Senator Welch cosponsored 31 amendments. 

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI USA News: WEEK 11 WINS: President Trump Unleashes Economic Prosperity

    Source: The White House

    It was another highly successful week for the American people as President Donald J. Trump continues his relentless pursuit of strength, prosperity, and peace — and lays the foundation for America to be the global powerhouse for generations to come.

    Here is a non-comprehensive list of wins in week 11:

    • Illegal crossings hit a stunning new record low — down 95% over last year.
      • The number of unaccompanied illegal immigrant children also reached a record low.
      • Los Angeles Times: “California-Mexico border, once overwhelmed, now nearly empty”
      • Bloomberg: “US-Bound Migration Plunges 99% Along Panama Jungle Route”
    • President Trump continued to rid our communities of illegal immigrant criminals.
      • The Trump Administration directed the successful arrests of three illegal immigrant MS-13 gang members in Florida, wanted on first-degree murder charges, and another high-ranking MS-13 member in New York, linked to 11 murders.
      • The Trump Administration directed the transfer of 17 violent illegal immigrant terrorists from the U.S. to El Salvador.
      • The Trump Administration, with state and local law enforcement, successfully arrested more than 40 individuals in a Texas operation targeting the brutal Tren de Aragua gang.
      • The Trump Administration deported an illegal immigrant “influencer” who infamously encouraged fellow illegal immigrants to become squatters.
      • Since taking office, the Trump Administration has arrested 113,000+ illegal immigrants, deported 100,000+ illegal immigrants, and released just nine illegal immigrants into the U.S. — a staggering 99.995% decrease over the same period last year under Biden.
    • President Trump implemented his bold plan for reciprocal trade as he seeks to reverse the decades of globalization that has decimated our industrial base.
      • Coalition for a Prosperous America: “A permanent, universal baseline tariff resets the global trade environment and finally addresses the destructive legacy of decades of misguided free-trade policies. President Trump’s decision to implement a baseline tariff is a game-changing shift that prioritizes American manufacturing, protects working-class jobs, and safeguards our economic security from adversaries like China. This is exactly the type of bold action America needs to restore its industrial leadership.”
      • National Cattlemen’s Beef Association: “For too long, America’s family farmers and ranchers have been mistreated by certain trading partners around the world. President Trump is taking action to address numerous trade barriers that prevent consumers overseas from enjoying high-quality, wholesome American beef.”
    • Americans saw early results of President Trump’s declaration that the days of economic surrender are over.
      • Nissan abandoned plans to eliminate a shift at its Tennessee production facility.
      • General Motors announced it will increase truck production at its Indiana assembly plant.
      • Guardian Bikes announced it will expand its production capacity and grow its U.S.-based investment.
      • Equipment giant JCB committed to doubling the size of its new U.S. manufacturing facility.
      • Ford Motor Company and Stellantis both announced they will offer U.S. consumers employee pricing on their vehicles.
    • President Trump continued to pursue peace through strength around the world.
      • President Trump deployed additional military assets to the Middle East as a warning to the Iranian regime.
      • The Trump Administration inked a $2 billion air defense deal with Poland.
      • President Trump secured a pledge from Finland to raise its defense spending to 3% of its GDP.
      • President Trump held a successful call with Egyptian President El-Sisi to discuss the immense progress the U.S. has made in eliminating Houthi terrorists.
      • President Trump had a “productive call” with Vietnamese leader To Lam, who expressed willingness to cut the country’s tariffs on U.S. imports.
    • President Trump’s economic agenda delivered more relief for Americans.
      • The latest jobs report shattered expectations for the second straight month — highlighted by massive private sector job growth, a spike in full-time employment, wage growth, and an expanding labor market.
      • CNBC: “Private companies added 155,000 jobs in March, more than expected”
      • Wholesale egg prices continued to drop, falling to an average price of $3 per dozen — or nearly 60% since January amid the Trump Administration’s efforts to combat the avian bird flu and repopulate the chicken supply.
    • President Trump secured the release of two U.S. citizens detained in Mexico.
    • President Trump signed an executive order to crack down on price gouging and ticket scalping in the entertainment industry.
    • President Trump established the United States Investment Accelerator to attract and facilitate billion-dollar investments in the U.S.
    • The Department of Energy unveiled plans to use thousands of acres of its land — including national laboratory campuses, nuclear sites, and former enrichment plants — to quickly develop data centers that will power the artificial intelligence revolution.
    • The Department of Energy removed additional regulatory barriers on liquefied natural gas exports.
    • The Department of the Treasury launched a new public-private partnership to safeguard the financial system against illicit activities by the Iranian regime and announced additional sanctions against Iran as part of the Trump Administration’s maximum pressure strategy.
    • The Department of the Treasury leveled new sanctions against financiers of the Sinaloa drug cartel, which has flooded our country with deadly fentanyl.
    • The Department of the Treasury announced additional sanctions against a network of Houthi terrorist facilitators.
    • The Department of the Treasury withdrew burdensome, duplicative climate-based financial risk guidelines from the banking industry.
    • The Department of the Interior announced its next oil and gas lease sale in the Gulf of America, fulfilling President Trump’s pledge to unleash American energy.
    • The Department of the Interior implemented President Trump’s executive order to enhance public safety, clean up lands, protect federal parks, and preserve historic monuments in the District of Columbia.
    • The Department of Health and Human Services launched a department-wide restructuring to realign with its core mission and save taxpayers billions of dollars.
    • The Department of Health and Human Services announced states can bar welfare recipients from using taxpayer dollars to purchase unhealthy soft drinks.
    • The Department of Labor announced it will return $1.4 billion in unused COVID funds back to the U.S. Treasury.
    • The Federal Bureau of Investigation announced a record number of new agent applications under its new leadership.
    • The Department of Justice dismissed a Biden-era lawsuit against common-sense, effective Georgia election law reforms.
    • The Department of Justice launched investigations into DEI initiatives at Stanford University, University of California, Berkeley, University of California, Los Angeles, and University of California, Irvine.
    • The Department of Justice said it will pursue the death penalty for the accused cold-blooded killer of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson.
    • The Environmental Protection Agency continued cutting wasteful spending, shuttering a politicized museum erected by the Biden Administration, consolidating office space, and eliminating duplicative grants and contracts — saving taxpayers tens of billions of dollars.
    • The Department of Defense directed a review of the military’s physical fitness standards to ensure it remains the strongest, most lethal fighting force on the planet.
    • The Department of Education and the Department of Justice launched a joint effort to ensure rapid investigations into violations of women’s civil rights.
    • The Department of Education issued a final warning to Maine over its ongoing refusal to comply with Title IX by forcing women to compete against men in athletics.
    • The Department of Education warned states with unlawful K-12 “diversity, equity, and inclusion” programs that they are at risk of losing federal funding.
    • The Department of Education encouraged state education officials to leverage federal funds to support school choice initiatives — a key part of President Trump’s education agenda.
    • The Department of Agriculture paused federal funding to Maine over its unlawful policies forcing women to compete against men in athletics.
    • The Department of Agriculture announced sweeping reforms to protect forests and boost domestic timber production.
    • The Department of Transportation announced an updated Safe Streets and Roads for All grant program, eliminating DEI and environmental justice requirements that prevented money from getting where it is needed.
    • The Department of Transportation continued making progress on the unprecedented backlog of unfulfilled grants left over by the Biden Administration.
    • The Department of Housing and Urban Development launched a streamlined website that efficiently provides vital information to Americans and saves taxpayers in the long run.
    • U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services formally removed the option of a third gender on immigration paperwork, further restoring common sense to government.
    • Dr. Mehmet Oz was confirmed as Administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services and Matthew Whittaker was confirmed as the U.S. Ambassador to NATO — continuing the rapid pace at which President Trump’s nominees receive final approval.

    MIL OSI USA News

  • MIL-OSI Submissions: Energy – Ripple effects from Equinor in Norway continue to grow

    Source: Equinor

    04 APRIL 2025 – A new report finds that deliveries within exploration, development projects and operation of Equinor-operated fields and onshore facilities in Norway continued to grow in 2024.

    Equinor procured goods and services with a total value of NOK 142.6 billion, an increase from 134 billion in 2023. 93 per cent of this came from Norwegian suppliers located in 260 different municipalities. This resulted in an employment effect of more than 85 thousand full-time equivalents.

    “The report demonstrates extensive ripple effects and employment effects from Equinor’s activity in Norway. The greatest ripple effects come from operating our fields and onshore facilities, which account for more than 85 billion in deliveries. With the Norwegian continental shelf (NCS) in a mature phase, high levels of exploration activity and maturing of new oil and gas resources are important to ensure that this continues,” says Kjetil Hove, Equinor’s executive vice president for EPN.

    The report was prepared by Kunnskapsparken Bodø (KPB) which analysed actual purchases of goods and services from around 1900 suppliers and several thousand sub-suppliers in nearly 300 sectors.

    Development projects contributed Norwegian deliveries worth more than NOK 36 billion and more than 20 thousand full-time equivalents. The largest share of this comes from subsea developments, which accounted for 31%. Johan Castberg was Equinor’s largest Norwegian field development in 2024, and accounted for 26%. The various electrification projects also created significant ripple effects with 23%.

    “Looking towards 2035, Equinor plans to continue to ramp up activity. On the NCS alone, we want to see 250 exploration wells, 600 more development wells, 75 subsea developments, 3000 interventions, 2500 modification projects and 50 low-pressure projects. This robust activity level will require a cost level that yields profitability. Together with its partners and the supplier industry, Equinor must maintain to achieve competitive solutions. If we succeed with this, we’ll be able to maintain value creation on the NCS, as well as preserve high energy deliveries to Europe over the long term,” Hove concludes.

    Equinor’s exploration activity had deliveries amounting to NOK 10.8 billion, an increase of just over 3 billion from 2023.

    “Equinor’s activity generates work for suppliers all across the country, which demonstrates that this company is important for people and local communities. The competition to secure important contracts and long-term supplier relationships also helps develop competence and innovation throughout the entire supplier industry. We have lots of small suppliers in the Norwegian supplier industry who are the leading specialists within their respective areas. We must continue to build on our strengths as an energy nation,” says Per Steinar Stamnes, head of the union Styrke Norwegian Continental Shelf in Equinor, on behalf of the five trade unions in Equinor; Styrke, SAFE, Lederne, NITO and Tekna.

    The 2024 analysis also includes operation of renewable energy facilities and low-carbon solutions, where the Norwegian supplier industry delivered services worth 170 million from the operation of Hywind Tampen and the development of Northern Lights.

    Facts

    The ripple effects report computes the ripple effects that result from the delivery of goods and services for 46 fields, 6 onshore facilities, exploration, development projects and operation of facilities for renewable energy and low-carbon solutions.
    Kunnskapsparken Bodø (KPB) is responsible for analyses and reporting results. Comparable analyses have been conducted on an annual basis since 2019.
    In addition to Equinor-operated fields and onshore facilities, the analysis has evolved over time to also include activities within exploration (from 2022), development projects (from 2023) and facilities for renewable and low-carbon solutions (from 2024).

    MIL OSI – Submitted News

  • MIL-OSI Video: MAGA Minute, April 4, 2025

    Source: United States of America – The White House (video statements)

    PRESIDENT TRUMP CRUSHED THIS WEEK!

    VP Vance and NSA Mike Waltz Reaffirm Support in Greenland
    EO Hits Ticket Resellers w/ KidRock
    Investment Accelerator Launched
    LIBERATION DAY: 10% Global Tariff + Reciprocals
    Strong Stand Against Globalist Trade Ripoffs

    Watch Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt’s MAGA Minute!

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lRmFlTU38uY

    MIL OSI Video

  • MIL-OSI: Atlantic Petroleum – Update on Debt

    Source: GlobeNewswire (MIL-OSI)

    Tórshavn, Faroe Islands, 2025-04-04 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — P/F Atlantic Petroleum (NASDAQ OMX: ATLA DKK) provides update on debt situation.

    Referring to the press release issued 31st March 2025 concerning debt negotiations, Atlantic Petroleum has come to a framework agreement with its main creditors whereby the total debt will be reduced by more than DKK 90 million. The debt reduction is subject to final agreements to be finalized.

    Part of the debt settlement includes London Oil and Gas (in administration) converting part of its debt to shares in Atlantic Petroleum as per Clause 3E subclause 5 in Atlantic Petroleum’s Articles of Association. London Oil and Gas (in administration) will be issued 795,712 shares in P/F Atlantic Petroleum. The total number of shares would after conversion be 4,493,572, giving LOG 17.7% of the total shares in the company.

    On this basis the Board has decided to continue operations and to submit the annual accounts for 2024 on a going concern basis on the 30th April 2025.

    Atlantic Petroleum in brief:

    Atlantic Petroleum participates in oil and gas joint ventures with reputable, international partners. Atlantic Petroleum P/F is based in Tórshavn, Faroe Islands, and the Company currently has subsidiaries in the UK and Ireland. Atlantic Petroleum’s shares are listed on NASDAQ OMX Copenhagen.

    Further Details:

    Further details can be obtained from Mark T. Højgaard, (markh@petroleum.fo). This announcement will be available, together with other information about Atlantic Petroleum, on the Company’s website: www.petroleum.fo.

    Announcement no.: 3/2025

    Issued: 04-04-2025

    P/F Atlantic Petroleum
    Lucas Debesargøta 8
    P.O.Box 1228
    FO-110 Torshavn
    Faroe Islands

    Website: www.petroleum.fo

    The MIL Network

  • MIL-OSI United Nations: Economic and Social Council Fills Vacancies in 15 Subsidiary Bodies

    Source: United Nations 4

    The Economic and Social Council convened today to conduct elections, nominations, confirmations, and appointments to fill vacancies in 15 of its subsidiary bodies. 

    The Council, which plays a vital role in advancing the economic, social and environmental dimensions of sustainable development, oversees a complex ecosystem of subsidiary entities, comprising regional and functional commissions, standing committees, and expert and ad hoc bodies. 

    For instance, its Statistical Commission, established in 1946, is responsible for the development of international statistics concepts and methods, including their implementation at the national and international level.  The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, formed in 2000, advises the Council on Indigenous peoples’ rights and provides recommendations to Member States on issues affecting indigenous communities. And the Commission on Narcotic Drugs formulates international drug policies and oversees the implementation of global drug control treaties. 

    Statistical Commission

    The Council by secret ballot today elected Romania to the Statistical Commission for a four-year term beginning on 1 January 2026 and expiring on 31 December 2029.  In a second round of balloting, the Russian Federation was elected for the same four-year term. 

    Since the number of candidates from the African States, the Asia-Pacific States, the Latin American and Caribbean States and the Western European and other States was equal to the number of vacancies, the Council also elected Austria, Benin, Brazil, Burundi, China, Cuba, Eritrea, Finland, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Peru and Uzbekistan by acclamation for the same four-year term. 

    Commission on Population and Development

    To the Commission on Population and Development, the Council elected Bolivia, Cameroon, China, Cuba, Ireland, Ghana, Malaysia, Mongolia, Norway, Russian Federation, Senegal, United Kingdom and the United Republic of Tanzania by acclamation for a four-year term of office beginning at the first meeting of the Commission’s sixtieth session in 2026 and expiring at the close of its sixty-third session in 2030. 

    The Council also elected Albania, by acclamation, to the Commission for a term of office beginning on 4 April 2025 and expiring at the close of the Commission’s fifty-ninth session in 2026.  Japan and the Philippines were elected, by acclamation, for a four-year term beginning at the first meeting of the fifty-ninth session and expiring at the close of the sixty-second session in 2029.

    Commission on the Status of Women

    To the Commission on the Status of Women, the Council elected Cabo Verde, China, Gabon, Japan, Maldives, Mongolia, Morocco, Qatar, United Republic of Tanzania and Zimbabwe, by acclamation, for a four-year term of office beginning at the first meeting of the Commission’s seventy-first session in 2026 and expiring at the close of its seventy-fourth session in 2030.

    Commission on Narcotic Drugs

    To the Commission on Narcotic Drugs, the Council elected from the Asia-Pacific States — by secret ballot — Pakistan, Kazakhstan, United Arab Emirates and Kyrgyzstan for a four-year term beginning on 1 January 2026 and expiring on 31 December 2029.  From the Eastern European States, it elected Slovenia, Lithuania and Ukraine, and from the Western European and Other States, it elected Belgium, Germany, Switzerland, Australia and, in a second round of balloting, France, for the same four-year term beginning on 1 January 2026. 

    Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice

    From the African States and the Latin American and Caribbean States, the Council elected Bolivia, Burkina Faso, Colombia, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Honduras, Mauritania and Trinidad and Tobago, by acclamation, to the Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice for a four-year term of office beginning on 1 January 2026.

    Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues

    To the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, the Council elected by secret ballot from the Eastern European States Valts Ernštreits of Latvia and Suleiman Mamutov of Ukraine for a three-year term of office beginning on 1 January 2026.

    Since the number of candidates from the African States, the Asia-Pacific States, the Latin American and Caribbean States and the Western European and other States was equal to or less than the number of vacancies, the Council elected Brenda Gunn of Canada, Nan Li of China, Rodrigo Paillalef Monnard of Chile, Diego A. Tituaña Matango of Ecuador and Anne-Chantal Nama of Cameroon, by acclamation, for the same three-year term of office. 

    Executive Board of the United Nations Children’s Fund

    Since the number of candidates from the Asia-Pacific States, the Eastern European States, the Latin American and Caribbean States and the Western European and other States was equal to or less than the number of vacancies, the Council elected Antigua and Barbuda, China, Georgia, Guatemala, Iceland, Japan, Kyrgyzstan, Norway, Ukraine and the United Kingdom, by acclamation, to the Executive Board of the United Nations Children’s Fund for a three-year term of office beginning on 1 January 2026.

    The Council also elected by acclamation Canada, Türkiye and Liechtenstein to complete the unexpired term of office of Australia, France and Portugal, respectively, beginning on 1 January 2026 and expiring on 31 December 2027.  Australia, France and Portugal resigned from their seats on the Executive Board effective 31 December 2025.  

    Executive Board of the United Nations Development Programme/United Nations Population Fund/United Nations Office for Project Services

    Next, the Council elected Armenia, Bolivia, China, Cuba, Estonia, Finland, Japan, Nepal, Norway, Rwanda and the United States, by acclamation, to the Executive Board of the United Nations Development Programme/United Nations Population Fund/United Nations Office for Project Services for a three-year term of office beginning on 1 January 2026.

    The Council also elected by acclamation Monaco, New Zealand and Türkiye to complete the unexpired term of office of Austria, Luxembourg and Ireland, respectively, beginning on 1 January 2026 and expiring on 31 December 2026.  Switzerland was elected to complete the unexpired term of office of Belgium, beginning on 1 January 2026 and expiring on 31 December 2027.  Austria, Belgium, Luxembourg and Ireland resigned from their seats on 31 December 2025.

    Executive Board of the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women

    The Council next elected Burkina Faso, China, Colombia, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Japan, the Philippines, Republic of Korea, Russian Federation, Rwanda and Senegal by acclamation to the Executive Board of the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women for a three-year term of office beginning on 1 January 2026. 

    Executive Board of the World Food Programme

    The Council also elected Cuba, Gabon and Kenya by acclamation to the Executive Board of the World Food Programme for a three-year term of office beginning on 1 January 2026.

    Programme Coordinating Board of the Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS)

    The Council by secret ballot elected Ukraine to the Programme Coordinating Board of the Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) for a three-year term of office beginning on 1 January 2026.  Further, it elected Kenya, by acclamation, to the Programme Coordinating Board for the same term.

    The Council then elected by acclamation the Philippines to complete the unexpired term of office of Japan, beginning on 4 April 2025 and expiring on 31 December 2027.

    Committee for Programme and Coordination

    The Council next nominated China, Cuba, Egypt, Nigeria, Republic of Korea and Senegal, for election by the General Assembly to the Committee for Programme and Coordination for a three-year term beginning on 1 January 2026. 

    Commission for Social Development 

    To the Commission for Social Development, the Council elected Switzerland, by acclamation, for a term beginning on 4 April 2025 and expiring at the close of the Commission’s sixty-seventh session in 2029. 

    Intergovernmental Working Group of Experts on International Standards of Accounting and Reporting

    Next, the Council elected Belarus, Colombia, India and Kyrgyzstan, by acclamation, to the Intergovernmental Working Group of Experts on International Standards of Accounting and Reporting, each for a term of office beginning on 4 April 2025 and expiring on 31 December 2027.  Greece was elected, by acclamation, to the same body for a term of office beginning on 4 April 2025 and expiring on 31 December 2026.

    Committee for the United Nations Population Award

    Finally, the Council elected Cyprus, by acclamation, to the Committee for the United Nations Population Award for a term of office beginning on 4 April 2025 and expiring on 31 December 2027.

    MIL OSI United Nations News

  • MIL-OSI Economics: DDG Ellard calls for further acceptances of Fisheries Subsidies Agreement

    Source: WTO

    Headline: DDG Ellard calls for further acceptances of Fisheries Subsidies Agreement

    Citing alarming data from the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) showing that 38% of global fish stocks are overexploited, DDG Ellard stressed that rebuilding stocks to sustainable levels could yield 16.5 million more tonnes of fish annually and generate USD 32 billion in economic gains. “Sustainable fisheries are not only critical for biodiversity and food security but also for the economic viability of communities that depend on them,” she said.
    Highlighting recent progress, DDG Ellard welcomed the decline in the provision of high-risk subsidies such as fuel support, as reflected in the OECD’s 2025 Review of Fisheries. However, she warned that 65% of global fisheries support risks encouraging unsustainable practices. “Imagine,” she emphasized, “what a positive difference we could make in improving fish stocks if we redeployed the USD 22 billion spent annually in harmful fisheries subsidies and instead dedicated these funds to fisheries management and improvement of fish stocks.”
    Adopted in 2022, the WTO Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies targets the worst forms of subsidies — those linked to illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing, overfished stocks, and unregulated high seas fishing — while preserving policy space for responsible support, particularly for small-scale and artisanal fishers.
    To date, 95 WTO members have deposited their instruments of acceptance — 16 short of the two-thirds threshold required for entry into force. “We are so close. I urge the remaining members to ratify swiftly so we can celebrate this milestone together at the United Nations Ocean Conference in June,” said DDG Ellard.
    DDG Ellard also highlighted the WTO Fish Fund, which will provide support for developing and least developed country (LDC) members to implement the Agreement and undertake fisheries management if they have formally accepted the Agreement.
    DDG Ellard further noted that WTO members are also working toward concluding a second wave of negotiations to develop additional rules addressing subsidies that contribute to overcapacity and overfishing.
    “We nearly reached consensus on a new text last December. A handful of members were not yet ready. But this remains within reach if members come together,” she said.
    The Chair of the negotiations, Ambassador Einar Gunnarsson of Iceland, is consulting with members to bridge gaps and advance the process before the summer.
    DDG Ellard reiterated that multilateral cooperation — with organizations like the OECD, FAO and World Bank — is critical to success. “The future of our ocean and the resilience of coastal communities depend on what we do next,” she concluded.

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    MIL OSI Economics

  • MIL-OSI Asia-Pac: Bridging Progress: The Rise of the New Pamban Bridge

    Source: Government of India

    Bridging Progress: The Rise of the New Pamban Bridge

    India’s first vertical lift sea bridge sets a new benchmark in modern infrastructure and maritime harmony

    Posted On: 04 APR 2025 5:21PM by PIB Delhi

    Introduction

    Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi will inaugurate the New Pamban Bridge during his visit to Tamil Nadu on April 6, on the auspicious occasion of Ram Navami.

    The New Pamban Bridge stands as a testament to India’s engineering prowess and visionary infrastructure development. Rooted in history, its story traces back to 1914 when British engineers constructed the original Pamban Bridge, a cantilever (a long piece of metal or wood that extends from a wall to support the end of a bridge) structure with a Scherzer Rolling Lift span to connect Rameswaram Island with mainland India.

    For over a century, it served as a critical lifeline for pilgrims, tourists, and trade. However, the harsh marine environment and growing transportation demands necessitated a modern solution. In 2019, the Government of India sanctioned the construction of a technologically advanced, future-ready replacement.

    The result is India’s first vertical lift railway sea bridge, a 2.07-kilometre-long marvel spanning the Palk Strait in Tamil Nadu. Blending heritage with innovation, the New Pamban Bridge not only preserves the cultural and historical importance of the region but also marks a significant leap forward in design, connectivity, and regional development.

    The New Pamban Bridge was constructed by Rail Vikas Nigam Limited (RVNL), a Navratna PSU under the Ministry of Railways.

    Key Features of the New Pamban Bridge:

    The 72.5-meter navigational span can be lifted up to 17 meters, allowing larger ships to pass underneath.

    The new bridge is 3 meters higher than the existing one, improving sea connectivity.

    The substructure is designed for two tracks, with the superstructure initially accommodating a single line.

    The use of modern materials and engineering techniques will ensure the bridge’s longevity.

    The bridge has been constructed with stainless steel reinforcement, high-grade protective paint, and fully welded joints.

    Special polysiloxane coating protects it from corrosion, ensuring longevity in the harsh marine environment.

    The Need & Vision for the New Pamban Bridge

    By the early 21st century, the old bridge could no longer meet the demands of modern transportation. The increasing volume of traffic, coupled with the need for faster and safer connectivity prompted the government to envision a new structure that would be technologically advanced, durable, and future-ready.

    The construction of a state-of-the-art sea bridge that could accommodate growing traffic volumes, ensure durability and facilitate smoother maritime navigation. The New Pamban Bridge was conceived to address the limitations of its predecessor while paving the way for enhanced regional connectivity and economic growth.

    The New Pamban Bridge is set to ensure:

    • Enhanced Transportation: Accommodating heavier rail traffic and faster trains.
    • Maritime Integration: Allowing larger vessels to pass without disruptions.
    • Durability: Ensuring a lifespan of over 100 years with minimal maintenance.

    Modern Construction Techniques
     

    The original 1914 bridge was vital for trade and pilgrimage but was no longer suitable for modern rail demands. Given the region’s seismic activity, cyclones, and marine corrosion, a resilient, technologically advanced replacement was essential. Rail Vikas Nigam Limited (RVNL), under the Ministry of Railways, led the project, ensuring it met higher speed, load, and maritime requirements. This new bridge enhances connectivity while showcasing India’s infrastructure capabilities in safety, durability, and innovation.

    1. Selection of Launching Method
    • Site constraints like limited support structures, low shore draft, ship traffic, fishing activity, and strong sea currents made conventional lift span launching methods unfeasible.
    • The solution used was pier-to-pier launching of the lift span girder using the ‘Auto Launching Method based on Relationship Principle,’ designed by Suntech Construction Engineering Consultants and verified by IIT Madras.
    1. Transportation, Assembly and Final Welding
    • After painting and inspection, segments were trucked to Pamban, where a temporary platform with two EOT cranes (Electric Overhead Traveling Cranes) enabled girder assembly. Welding was done in specialized huts, joints inspected by PAUT (Phased Array Ultrasonic Testing), and corrosion protection completed with metalizing and painting.
    • Metalizing and painting completed corrosion protection, ensuring structural integrity.
    1. Launching of the Lift Span
    • Following assembly at Abutment No. 2, the 448.305m lift span was launched in 90 sequences to Pier 77–78 using launching girders and the auto-launching method, with counterweights ensuring precise movement along a 2.65° curve.
    1. Components of the Launching System
    • Key components included steel stools, stainless steel sliding bases, and swing-type traverse bases with guide rollers. Two front launching girders (51m each) and two rear ones (47m each) were supported at multiple points
    • Each girder set had ~10 MT counterweights. Tooth plates held jack pistons, and 200T Hilman Rollers enabled smooth movement. Pivots allowed 360° rotation. Push/pull jacks (50T, 1000mm stroke) enabled span movement, requiring 13.375T–18.725T force, factoring lateral resistance.
    1. Hydraulic Jacking and Final Placement
    • Eight 200T hydraulic jacks lifted the span and repositioned the girders.
    • Mounted on frames at end cross girders, they hung during movement and were supported by adjustable stools at each pier, ensuring precise placement.
    1. Lift Span Movement Sequence
    • With launching girders aligned and span loaded, movement began. Each pier was spaced 20m apart. The 75.70m span required two moves per pier—16m first (rear over pier), then 4m (front over next pier).
    • Rear and front girders moved in turn to the next piers. This process, repeated over 90 sequences for 448.325m, took 2–3 days per pier. Once at its final position, temporary equipment was removed and the span lowered onto bearings.
    1. Erection of Towers
    • Towers were fabricated in 28 segments, painted, and transported to Pamban using trailers.
    • A temporary jetty allowed segments to be loaded onto barges via a 150 MT crane and hauled by boats. A marine crane launched segments near the navigational channel.
    • Towers were connected by a lintel forming a 21.30m × 6.80m × 4.50m machine room housing the lifting system. The room weighs ~100 MT, with 315 MT counterweights at each end ensuring balance and smooth operation.

     

    Challenges in Construction: Overcoming the Odds

    The construction of the new Pamban Bridge presented numerous challenges, ranging from environmental obstacles to logistical complexities. The Palk Strait’s turbulent waters, strong winds, and unpredictable weather patterns created difficulties in the construction process. Additionally, the region’s susceptibility to cyclones and seismic activity necessitated careful planning and robust design.

    Another significant challenge was managing logistics, particularly the transportation of heavy materials to the remote construction site. The team had to make the most of the narrow timeframes offered by tidal conditions to ensure timely delivery. Despite these obstacles, the engineers and workers demonstrated remarkable ingenuity, leveraging innovative solutions, advanced technology, and unwavering determination to overcome the difficulties and successfully complete the bridge.

    Throughout the execution of the project; which involved over 1,400 tons of fabrication, the launching of lift spans and 99 girders, as well as track and electrification work carried out at sea, the entire operation was completed without a single injury.

    India Making its Mark on a Global Scale

    While the new Pamban Bridge is India’s first vertical lift sea bridge, it shares similarities with other globally recognized bridges known for their technological advancements and unique designs. These include the Golden Gate Bridge in the United States, Tower Bridge in London and the Oresund Bridge in Denmark-Sweden. Each of these iconic structures, though different in design and functionality, represents a pinnacle of engineering excellence. Now, the new Pamban Bridge stands proudly in their company, combining cutting-edge technology with the challenges posed by India’s coastal and seismic conditions.

     

    Safety & Environmental Features

    Conclusion
    The New Pamban Bridge is a symbol of India’s ability to blend tradition with innovation. Overcoming environmental, logistical, and technical challenges, this state-of-the-art vertical lift railway bridge stands as a proud testament to the nation’s growing infrastructure capabilities. With its modern design, enhanced safety features, and commitment to sustainability, the bridge not only revitalizes a critical transport link but also strengthens regional connectivity and economic development. As trains and ships are all set to pass effortlessly over and under, the bridge serves as a reminder of what can be achieved when vision meets determination.

    References:

    • Ministry of Railways

    Click here to download PDF

    ****

    Santosh Kumar/ Ritu Kataria/ Kritika Rane

    (Release ID: 2118895) Visitor Counter : 113

    MIL OSI Asia Pacific News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Answer to a written question – Establishing a nitrogen oxides (NOx) emission control area in the Mediterranean – E-000548/2025(ASW)

    Source: European Parliament

    1. According to the European Maritime Transport Environmental report[1], which is cross-referred by the 2nd Zero Pollution Monitoring and Outlook Report[2], Sulphur oxides (SOx) emissions in the EU have dropped by about 70% since 2014, largely due to the introduction of SOx Emission Control Areas (ECAs) in Northern EU[3]. The new Mediterranean SOx ECA, set to take effect on 1 May 2025, will deliver further reductions together with the one upcoming in the North-East Atlantic Ocean[4]. Meanwhile, also in line the 4th Clean Air Outlook[5], Nitrogen oxides (NOx) emissions rose by an average of 10% between 2015 and 2023: NOx increased by 33% and 8% in the Atlantic and Mediterranean basins and decreased by 17%, 7% and 6% in the North, Black and Baltic Seas, respectively. NOx ECAs in Northern EU have proved useful in controlling NOx and their extension to EU waters could prevent to surpass NOx from land sources by 2030[6].

    This is why, to protect public health and the environment, the Commission and the Mediterranean States are working on cost and benefits analysis (CBA) for a NOx ECA under the Barcelona Convention[7].

    2. The parties to the Barcelona Convention will note the ongoing CBAs at their 24th Conference in December 2025; they will decide on the Med NOx ECA at later sessions. The Commission has been consistently stressing the urgency of regulating and enforcing NOx from ships in the Mediterranean. However, decisions in the region are complex given the high number of States and stakeholders involved and their socioeconomic differences[8].

    In line with the EU’s Zero Pollution[9], and One Health[10] ambitions, the Commission will continue engaging at all levels to further reduce NOx from ships.

    • [1] https://emsa.europa.eu/emter-2025/full-report.html
    • [2] https://www.eea.europa.eu/en/analysis/publications/zero-pollution-monitoring-and-outlook-report
    • [3] The request of the North East Atlantic ECA designation (controlling both SOx and Nitrogen oxides (NOx)) by the EU and non-EU littoral States for both SOx and NOx will be discussed at IMO this year; it will likely enter into force in 2027. Non-EU States are: United Kingdom, Iceland, Faroe Islands and Greenland.
    • [4] ECAs for both SOx and NOx have also been established in the North and the Baltic Sea IMO under Annex VI to MARPOL Convention in early 2000 and 2021 respectively. NOx control applies to new builds.
    • [5] https://environment.ec.europa.eu/topics/air/clean-air-outlook_en
    • [6] https://pure.iiasa.ac.at/id/eprint/15729/1/RR-18-002.pdf
    • [7] https://www.unep.org/unepmap/who-we-are/barcelona-convention-and-protocols
    • [8] For example, the decision to control SOx in the Mediterranean region took about 10 years and required massive engagement from the EU at all levels, led by the Commission.
    • [9] https://environment.ec.europa.eu/strategy/zero-pollution-action-plan_en
    • [10] https://health.ec.europa.eu/one-health_en
    Last updated: 4 April 2025

    MIL OSI Europe News

  • MIL-OSI Europe: Text adopted – Implementation of the common foreign and security policy – annual report 2024 – P10_TA(2025)0057 – Wednesday, 2 April 2025 – Strasbourg

    Source: European Parliament

    The European Parliament,

    –  having regard to the Treaty on European Union (TEU), in particular Articles 14, 16, 21, 24, 36 and 41 thereof,

    –  having regard to the Interinstitutional Agreement of 16 December 2020 between the European Parliament, the Council of the European Union and the European Commission on budgetary discipline, on cooperation in budgetary matters and on sound financial management, as well as on new own resources, including a roadmap towards the introduction of new own resources(1),

    –  having regard to the report of 20 June 2024 by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (VP/HR) entitled ‘Common Foreign and Security Policy Report – Our Priorities in 2024’,

    –  having regard to the ‘Strategic Compass for Security and Defence – For a European Union that protects its citizens, values and interests and contributes to international peace and security’, endorsed by the European Council on 21 March 2022,

    –  having regard to NATO’s 2022 Strategic Concept, adopted on 29 June 2022,

    –  having regard to the European Council conclusions of 22 March 2024, 18 April 2024, 27 June 2024, 19 December 2024, 6 March 2025 and 20 March 2025,

    –  having regard to the Foreign Affairs Council conclusions of 18 March 2024, 22 April 2024, 24 May 2024, 24 June 2024, 22 July 2024, 14 October 2024, 18 November 2024, 16 December 2024, 27 January 2025, 24 February 2025 and 17 March 2025,

    –  having regard to the declaration of the Summit between the EU and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) adopted on 18 July 2023,

    –  having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2021/509 of 22 March 2021 establishing a European Peace Facility, and repealing Decision (CFSP) 2015/528(2),

    –  having regard to the Political Guidelines of the Commission President for 2024-2029,

    –  having regard to the 2024 enlargement reports presented by the Commission on 30 October 2024,

    –  having regard to the Commission communication of 30 October 2024 entitled ‘2024 Communication on EU enlargement policy’ (COM(2024)0690),

    –  having regard to Regulation (EU) 2024/1449 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 14 May 2024 on establishing the Reform and Growth Facility for the Western Balkans(3),

    –  having regard to Regulation (EU) 2025/535 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 March 2025 on establishing the Reform and Growth Facility for the Republic of Moldova(4),

    –  having regard to Sauli Niinistö’s report of 30 October 2024 on strengthening Europe’s civil and military preparedness and readiness,

    –  having regard to the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders, adopted in 2004, updated in 2008 and further supplemented in 2020 with a guidance note on the Guidelines’ implementation,

    –  having regard to its resolutions on breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law, adopted in accordance with Rule 150 of its Rules of Procedure,

    –  having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 20 June 2023 on European Economic Security Strategy (JOIN(2023)0020),

    –  having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 16 December 2020 entitled ‘The EU’s Cybersecurity Strategy for the Digital Decade’ (JOIN(2020)0018),

    –  having in regard to the Commission Recommendation of 3 October 2023 on critical technology areas for the EU’s economic security for further risk assessment with Member States (C(2023)6689),

    –  having regard to Council Decision (CFSP) 2019/797 of 17 May 2019 concerning restrictive measures against cyber-attacks threatening the Union or its Member States(5),

    –  having regard to its resolution of 1 June 2023 on foreign interference in all democratic processes in the European Union, including disinformation(6),

    –  having regard to its resolution of 9 October 2024 on strengthening Moldova’s resilience against Russian interference ahead of the upcoming presidential elections and a constitutional referendum on EU integration(7),

    –  having regard to its resolution of 24 October 2024 on the misinterpretation of UN resolution 2758 by the People’s Republic of China and its continuous military provocations around Taiwan(8),

    –  having regard to its resolution of 17 January 2024 on the security and defence implications of China’s influence on critical infrastructure in the European Union(9),

    –  having regard to its resolutions of 24 October 2024 on the situation in Azerbaijan, violation of human rights and international law and relations with Armenia(10) and of 5 October 2023 on the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after Azerbaijan’s attack and the continuing threats against Armenia(11),

    –  having regard to its resolutions on historical remembrance, including its resolutions of 2 April 2009 on European conscience and totalitarianism(12), of 19 September 2019 on the importance of European remembrance for the future of Europe(13), of 15 December 2022 on 90 years after the Holodomor: recognising the mass killing through starvation as genocide(14) and of 17 January 2024 on European historical consciousness(15),

    –  having regard to the report of 9 May 2022 on the final outcome of the Conference on the Future of Europe,

    –  having regard to the EU Action Plan on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in External Action 2021-2025 (GAP III),

    –  having regard to the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (the Istanbul Convention), which entered into force in the EU on 1 October 2023,

    –  having regard to the UN resolution adopted by the UN General Assembly on 25 September 2015 at the UN Sustainable Development Summit in New York entitled ‘Transforming our World: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development’ (Agenda 2030), which established the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs),

    –  having regard to the UN resolution adopted by the UN General Assembly on 8 December 1949 on assistance to Palestine refugees,

    –  having regard to the UN Security Council resolution of 22 November 1967 on a peaceful and accepted settlement of the Middle East situation,

    –  having regard to the UN Security Council resolution of 11 August 2006on the situation in the Middle East,

    –  having regard to the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948 and the UN Human Rights Council resolution of 22 June 2020 on the prevention of genocide,

    –  having regard to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC),

    –  having regard to the agreement between the International Criminal Court and the European Union of 28 April 2006 on cooperation and assistance(16),

    –  having regard to the advisory opinion requested from the International Court of Justice by the UN General Assembly in its resolution of 30 December 2022 on Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem,

    –  having regard to the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of 19 March 2025 entitled ‘Joint White Paper for European Defence Readiness 2030’ (JOIN(2025)0120),

    –  having regard to Rule 55 of its Rules of Procedure,

    –  having regard to the report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (A10-0010/2025),

    A.  whereas the world faces rapid geopolitical shifts, with autocratic powers, both individually and in coordinated efforts, actively challenging the international rules-based order and its multilateral institutions, international law, democratic institutions and societies, as well as our alliances; whereas all EU leverage should be assessed in order to dissuade countries from supporting Russia’s aggression;

    B.  whereas the BRICS summit held in Kazan, Russia, from 22 to 24 October 2024 underscores how Putin leverages international platforms to counteract isolation and build alliances; whereas a unified and strategic EU response is required to uphold the principles of the rules-based international order;

    C.  whereas the EU and its Member States should review development assistance to governments of countries that openly support Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and monitor their votes on relevant UN resolutions;

    D.  whereas the geopolitical confrontation between democracies and authoritarian and dictatorial regimes is growing, conflicts are multiplying, and the use of force is increasingly treated as a standard tool for pursuing political aims; whereas force is wielded not only by states but also by an expanding array of non-state actors; whereas the EU needs to reinforce transatlantic relations and build constructive partnerships with like-minded partners in the Global South;

    E.  whereas the geopolitical context in which the EU is operating has accentuated the need for more ambitious, credible, decisive and unified EU action and a fully fledged European foreign policy on the world stage and has highlighted the necessity for Member States to demonstrate the required political will to rebuild their defence capabilities, while strengthening the EU’s transatlantic bonds and partnerships with like-minded countries; whereas the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) needs to become a fully fledged EU policy through which the EU can address the key geopolitical challenges; whereas the EU should be guided in its external action by the values and principles enshrined in Article 2, Article 3(5) and Article 21 TEU, which have inspired the EU’s own creation, development and enlargement; whereas it is in the EU’s interest to stand up accordingly for universal values, norms and principles such as freedom and democratic standards, as well as human rights, the rule of law, international justice and the Helsinki Final Act, in particular as regards the non-violation of international borders;

    F.  whereas the EU is faced with the rapid rise of new threats at its borders and on its territory, which are destabilising the EU’s functioning, in particular targeted disinformation, cyber and hybrid attacks, the instrumentalisation of migratory flows, in addition to international terrorism and religious radicalism;

    G.  whereas strategic autonomy requires the EU to act independently on the global stage when needed, particularly in foreign and security policy; whereas the EU has recognised the need to reduce undue reliance on external actors for safeguarding its interests in an unpredictable and multipolar world;

    H.  whereas the EU needs to develop an independent and autonomous European diplomacy, including public and cultural, economic, climate, digital and cyber diplomacy, led by an EU diplomatic service which is driven by a common diplomatic culture;

    I.  whereas the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine violates the rules-based international order, fundamental principles of international law as enshrined in the UN Charter and key conventions and resolutions, the Helsinki Final Act and the European Convention on Human Rights;

    J.  whereas the Russian violations of the Geneva Convention on Prisoners of War comprise executions of prisoners and the denial of access to humanitarian organisations and medical treatment for prisoners;

    K.  whereas the ICC has issued an arrest warrant for Vladimir Putin and the Russian High Commissioner for Children, Maria Lvova-Belova, for their involvement in the abduction of Ukrainian children to Russia; whereas Russia, assisted by the Belarusian regime, is undertaking to re-educate Ukrainian hildren and erase their Ukrainian identity; whereas Aliaksandr Lukashenka’s regime in Belarus has to be held fully accountable for its complicity in the war of aggression against Ukraine and war crimes such as the abduction of thousands of Ukrainian children;

    L.  whereas the ICC has additionally issued arrest warrants for Russian military leaders Sergei Shoigu, Valery Gerasimov, Viktor Sokolov and Sergei Kobylash, accused of directing attacks on civilian targets;

    M.  whereas the Hungarian Government is blocking the EUR 5 billion Ukraine Assistance Fund set up in March 2024 within the European Peace Facility (EPF); whereas the Hungarian Government has been blocking the eighth tranche of EPF reimbursements for Member States that have delivered military aid to Ukraine since May 2023;

    N.  whereas Russian shadow fleet tankers pose a considerable risk to maritime and environmental security by turning off or manipulating their automatic identification systems; whereas these tankers provide an estimated USD 12 billion to Russia’s war budget each month, thereby directly funding its aggressive military operations;

    O.  whereas Vladimir Putin’s regime has instrumentalised history in an attempt to secure the loyalty of the Russian population by creating nostalgia for the supposed greatness of the Soviet Empire, falsifying the history of Russia and Ukraine, rejecting Nikita Khrushchev’s policy to acknowledge and condemn Stalinist crimes, reneging on Mikhail Gorbachev’s recognition and condemnation of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, and declaring the collapse of the Soviet Union as the greatest tragedy of the previous century;

    P.  whereas Russia and other malign actors in its neighbouring countries promote anti-Western and divisive rhetoric and exploit ethnic tensions in the Western Balkans in order to inflame conflict and divide communities, including through the instrumentalisation of the Serbian Orthodox Church;

    Q.  whereas 2024 marked the 20th anniversary of the ‘big bang’ enlargement when 10 countries joined the EU; whereas enlargement is of the utmost strategic importance for the EU, as it represents a geostrategic investment in long-term peace, democracy, stability, security, climate protection and prosperity across the continent, and in particular in the face of the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine; whereas the preparation for enlargement requires reforms in the EU and whereas the EU should conduct the enlargement process in parallel with the institutional and decision-making reforms necessary to safeguard the EU’s integration capacity;

    R.  whereas the EU must maintain the momentum for the acceleration of its enlargement policy while accession countries continue to reform and achieve the required benchmarks related to the EU acquis; whereas consistent messages and a clear path towards integration for candidate countries are vital for keeping the pro-European perspective alive;

    S.  whereas the future of the Balkans and the countries in the Eastern Neighbourhood lies in the EU;

    T.  whereas the Union is founded on the values of democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights, which are part of the Copenhagen criteria, which are the key set of criteria for EU membership; whereas the accession process is a merit-based and reversible process;

    U.  whereas joining the EU requires foreign policy alignment, including on the votes on United Nations General Assembly resolutions, support for Ukraine and alignment with sanctions against Russia; whereas most of the countries of the Western Balkans have reached high levels of alignment with the CFSP, a notable exception being Serbia;

    V.  whereas North Macedonia concluded the Prespa Agreement with Greece and the Treaty of friendship, good-neighbourliness and cooperation with Bulgaria;

    W.  whereas the citizens of Georgia have demonstrated their commitment to democratic values and to their country making progress with EU integration; whereas the democratic backsliding in Georgia needs to be reversed; whereas the Georgian authorities should heed the will of the Georgian people to join the EU and should ensure free and fair elections, stop democratic backsliding, abandon the laws that jeopardise Georgia’s European future and pursue pro-European democratic reforms; whereas Georgia should align with the EU’s CFSP, including the sanctions adopted unanimously against Russia;

    X.  whereas any partnership agreement between the EU and Azerbaijan – including on energy – must have strong conditions attached on the respect of international law, fundamental rights and international obligations and, in particular, on Azerbaijan making substantial progress towards a comprehensive and sustainable peace agreement with Armenia;

    Y.  whereas the Mediterranean is of great importance to the EU, both historically and geographically; whereas the countries of the Southern Neighbourhood play an important role in ensuring that irregular migration flows are managed on the basis of the principles of solidarity, balance, shared responsibility and in full compliance with applicable EU and international law and, in particular, human rights and humanitarian law;

    Z.  whereas strategic partnerships and agreements between the EU and countries of origin and transit, such those between EU and Mauritania, are proving to be a successful model for the prevention of irregular migration and the fight against migrant smugglers;

    AA.  whereas the supply of thousands of Shahed drones from the Islamic Republic of Iran to Russia has further cemented Iran’s role as a pariah state; whereas North Korea and China further demonstrate their unwavering disregard to international laws and norms;

    AB.  whereas on 28 May 2024, Norway, Ireland and Spain recognised the State of Palestine, followed on 4 June 2024 by a decision of Slovenia’s parliament to do the same;

    AC.  whereas China defines itself as a ‘near-Arctic state’ and endeavours to develop, in close partnership with Russia, a Polar Silk Road;

    AD.  whereas the Belt and Road Initiative, known in China as the One Belt One Road, challenges the EU’s interests;

    AE.  whereas on 14 October 2024 the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the British Foreign Secretary agreed to launch strategic consultations on issues such as the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, the Indo-Pacific, the Western Balkans and hybrid threats;

    AF.  whereas all UN agencies embody the rules-based international order as they uphold and implement both the letter and the spirit of the UN Charter, to which all UN Member States must abide;

    AG.  whereas the EU’s credibility and coherence is a paramount requirement for the correct implementation of its external action, as this reinforces trust in the EU among various actors and non-EU countries; whereas the efficiency of the EU’s actions worldwide is contingent on ensuring the highest level of coordination and coherence in the EU’s external action; whereas coordination between the Commission and the European External Action Service (EEAS) should be strengthened, particularly due to the insufficient operational budget of the EEAS;

    AH.  whereas the implementation of gender equality and the WPS agenda requires initiatives that promote gender-responsive leadership, protect women’s rights and combat sexual and gender-based violence in conflict and post-conflict settings; whereas the funding of these initiatives is essential for supporting local civil society organisations and providing survivor-centred support;

    AI.  whereas human rights defenders (HRDs) are the EU’s main allies in defending and promoting human rights abroad; whereas HRDs are increasingly at risk of attacks and threats from state and non-state actors; whereas Parliament has consistently called for the proper and coordinated implementation of the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders (2008); whereas the Member States, alongside the EU institutions, should implement these Guidelines, which include a range of specific commitments, such as regular reporting, coordination and action in support of HRDs;

    AJ.  whereas the consequences of climate change will have an ever-increasing effect on various spheres of human life, including geopolitical order and global stability; whereas it is of crucial importance that fighting climate change, necessitating climate action, and aiding those who are hardest hit by its repercussions, becomes a cornerstone of the CFSP; underlines the fundamental role which the Commission and the Member States, in a joint approach, must play in the advancement of climate diplomacy globally;

    AK.  whereas the report entitled ‘Safer Together – Strengthening Europe’s Civilian and Military Preparedness and Readiness’, presented by Sauli Niinistö, Special Adviser to the President of the European Commission, provides strategic recommendations for enhancing Europe’s civilian and military preparedness in the light of escalating and complex security threats;

    AL.  whereas this report first reviews the VP/HR’s annual CFSP report and subsequently complements it with Parliament’s positions on the CFSP objectives in 2025; whereas in so doing, the report expands particularly on (1) the global consequences of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, (2) conflict and peace in the Middle East, (3) cooperation with like-minded partners and (4) the general visibility and influence of EU action abroad; whereas Parliament’s forward-looking CFSP position is ultimately underlined by key demands concerning the next multiannual financial framework (MFF) and the parliamentary oversight of the MFF; whereas there is a need to defend and strengthen the rules-based international order, the universal norms, values and principles of the UN Charter such as human rights and international justice, multilateralism, and the Helsinki Final Act, in particular as regards the non-violation of international borders;

    1.  Underscores that its resolutions on the implementation of the CFSP are a key component of its contribution to EU foreign policymaking; underlines that these resolutions manifest the practical implication of the strengthened right of scrutiny in the area of foreign policy conferred on Parliament by the Treaty of Lisbon; recalls that the 2024 resolution is the first of this nature in this legislative term and aims to serve as a guide for the EU executive when setting foreign policy priorities for this term; highlights the fact that in an ever volatile international environment, the EU needs to simultaneously tackle numerous foreign policy challenges affecting it directly or indirectly, such as the ongoing Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, the conflicts in the Middle East, increasing great power competition, constant attempts to undermine the multilateral rules-based international order and an increased nexus of foreign and internal crises; strongly believes that in order to stay relevant on the international stage, the EU needs to pursue a determined, disciplined and assertive foreign policy that fulfils the EU’s own strategic objectives and continues defining, asserting and defending its interests in the world; recalls that the EU should be guided in its external action by the values and principles enshrined in Article 2, Article 3(5) and Article 21 TEU, which have inspired the EU’s own creation, development and enlargement, including democracy, the rule of law, the universality and indivisibility of human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for human dignity, and the principles of equality and solidarity; further believes that the CFSP should ensure the implementation of the UN’s 2030 Agenda and the SDGs;

    2.  Emphasises that the core principles of the EU’s CFSP are rooted in the EU’s steadfast commitment to a rules-based, multilateral international order, as enshrined in the UN Charter, and in the EU’s clear preference for peaceful, diplomatic cooperation among all its Member States; encourages all parties to resolve disputes through dialogue, with mutual respect for international law, sovereignty and territorial integrity; reaffirms its dedication to advancing global peace and stability by promoting diplomatic initiatives aimed at conflict prevention and dispute resolution and which foster international collaboration on key global challenges, such as climate change, human rights and sustainable economic development; calls for ongoing partnerships with international actors to ensure the effectiveness of global peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts;

    I.The VP/HR’s 2024 annual report

    3.  Notes that the report was submitted to the European Parliament on 20 June 2024; recalls that the report should be forward-looking in nature; comments hereinafter on several developments emphasised by the VP/HR in his report;

    4.  Welcomes in particular:

       the local, vibrant civil societies in the enlargement countries that play a constructive role in the EU integration processes, while underlining that civil society is vital in fostering democracy and pluralism and promoting good governance as well as social progress and that the enlargement countries should provide an enabling space and an appropriate framework for cooperation to ensure their meaningful involvement;
       the successful finalisation of the screening process for Albania at the end of 2023 and the opening of the first cluster of negotiating chapters on fundamentals and on external relations (Cluster 6) in 2024; welcomes Albania’s ambition of closing accession negotiations swiftly; highlights the need to further intensify reforms to address deficiencies that persist regarding the ‘fundamentals’, in particular concerning the rule of law, fighting corruption and organised crime; cautions against undermining the work of independent institutions such as the Special Anti-Corruption and Organised Crime Structure (SPAK); underscores the importance of a viable political pluralism and a competitive opposition and calls for dialogue and constructive engagement between the majority and the opposition to overcome the strong political polarisation in the country and to foster inclusive democratic processes that respects all parties, including the Greek, Roma and Egyptian minorities in the country; commends the country’s consistent, full alignment with the EU’s foreign and security policy, including with the EU’s restrictive measures against Russia and Belarus;
       the decision on the opening of accession negotiations with Bosnia and Herzegovina; encourages the authorities to take all of the relevant steps set out in the Commission’s recommendation of 12 October 2022; urges the country’s political leaders to implement a substantial set of reforms, including electoral reforms, in accordance with the decisions of domestic and international courts, in order to ensure the principles of equality and non-discrimination for all citizens and constituent peoples, as enshrined in its constitution and in full respect of the judgments of domestic and international courts, including all rulings of the European Court of Human Rights regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina; denounces the recurring inflammatory rhetoric and secessionist laws and policies of the leadership of the entity ‘Republika Srpska’ (RS), including the celebration of the unconstitutional ‘RS Day’ on 9 January 2025; calls on the Member States and representatives of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina to promote and support the implementation of these judgments; takes note of the ruling of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the case of Milorad Dodik on 26 February 2025 and condemns his unprecedented attacks on the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, together with the RS leadership, and the intimidation of the opposition in RS; reiterates its call for targeted sanctions against destabilising actors within Bosnia and Herzegovina, notably Milorad Dodik, as well as other high-ranking officials of RS and Serbian officials providing political and material support for secessionist policies; endorses the statement made by NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte on 10 March 2025 in Sarajevo and calls for dialogue between all parties to safeguard stability in the country; calls on all Member States to ensure that such sanctions can be adopted by the Council and to impose them bilaterally or in concert with other Member States if their adoption in the Council is not possible; welcomes the agreement reached to extend the mandate of the EU forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Operation Althea until November 2025 and recalls that this mission still plays a pivotal role in the security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina; welcomes the arrival of the reserve forces of EUFOR Althea; urges the EU’s military mission to actively prevent unlawful parades and other provocations as well as threats against all people working to help the victims of genocide and investing in inter-ethnic reconciliation and a peaceful future for the country; calls for security at the Srebrenica-Potočari Memorial Centre to be ensured;
       the progress in the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue, especially in the areas of freedom of movement and energy; calls on Kosovo and Serbia to continuously engage in this dialogue in good faith and in the spirit of compromise to achieve a comprehensive, legally binding agreement on the normalisation of their relations, based on mutual recognition, in accordance with international law and without further delay; regrets, in this context, the lack of progress in the implementation of the path to normalisation and calls for efforts to be made and capacity to be dedicated to the EU-facilitated dialogue; commits, hence, to work closely with the outgoing as well as the incoming EU Special Representative for the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue and other Western Balkan regional issues; calls on the VP/HR to take advantage of the new term of the Commission to overcome the stalemate and give a new impetus to the dialogue and to come up with a new, innovative and balanced approach to the mediation;
       the 2024 Enlargement Report on Serbia, presented by the Commission on 31 October 2024; reiterates its position that accession negotiations with Serbia should advance only if the country aligns with EU sanctions against Russia and makes significant progress on its EU-related reforms, in particular in the area of the ‘fundamentals’; reminds the Serbian authorities that the proper functioning of democratic institutions is at the core of Serbia’s EU accession process and the EU accession methodology; recalls in this context its position that the Serbian parliamentary and local elections held on 17 December 2023 deviated from international standards and Serbia’s commitments to free and fair elections; reiterates its serious concerns over these irregularities and the overall election environment, which fell below the standards expected of an EU candidate country; urges Serbia’s political leadership to ensure constructive, inclusive dialogue across the political spectrum and to deliver on the necessary reforms for Serbia to progress on the path to EU accession; has closely followed the large mobilisation of students, joined by other groups of citizens following the tragic incident of the Novi Sad railway station; recalls that freedom of assembly is a fundamental right and upholds a no tolerance policy towards violence against peaceful protesters; condemns the reported cases of abusive attacks against and the digital surveillance and harassment of journalists, human rights activists and civil society organisations in Serbia, including, most recently, a police raid on four leading civil society organisations on 25 February 2025 ostensibly regarding their misuse of USAID funds; calls for a thorough, impartial and speedy investigation into the allegations of violence against demonstrators and of police misconduct during protests; expresses its solidarity with the participants of the peaceful demonstrations, most notably those at the demonstration of 15 March 2025, the largest mass protest in the modern history of Serbia; regrets the appeasing approach of the Commission towards Serbia despite its year-long roll-back on the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights, as well as its destabilising influence on the whole region; urges the Commission, including at the highest level, to use clearer language towards Serbia and to consistently address its significant shortcomings, lack of progress and even backsliding, thus upholding the EU’s fundamental values;
       Kosovo’s application for EU membership and the Kosovo Report 2024 and reiterates its call on the Member States in the European Council to mandate the Commission to present the questionnaire and to submit its opinion on the merits of the country’s application; recalls that Kosovo’s bid to be considered a candidate country will be assessed on the basis of its own merits and of its success in meeting the Copenhagen criteria for EU membership; welcomes, however, the lifting of visa requirements for Kosovo citizens; regrets the restrictive measures imposed by the Council against Kosovo and calls for their immediate lifting, as proposed by the VP/HR;
       the progress made by Montenegro in meeting the interim benchmarks for Chapters 23 and 24 of the EU acquis; encourages the country to continue to make progress on and implement EU-related reforms swiftly; expresses, nonetheless, its concerns over controversial ideas for legislative proposals on citizenship and foreign agents floated in public; stresses the importance of the new government being able and committed to take forward the EU-related reforms and keep Montenegro firmly on the EU strategic path; expects the country to start closing chapters in the accession negotiations and to be ready to join the EU within the next couple of years;
       the successful finalisation of the screening process for North Macedonia at the end of 2023; urges the government of North Macedonia to achieve tangible results in fulfilling its obligation under the EU negotiating framework and the conclusions of the European Council meeting of 18 July 2022, including relevant constitutional changes, in line with the country’s commitments;
       the successful resumption of the CFSP dialogue between the EU and its partners in the Western Balkans and the importance of these partnerships for peace and security; recalls that EU enlargement is a geostrategic investment, which requires commitment from both the EU and the enlargement countries on their pathways to accession; recalls in this context the continued need for reforms regarding the rule of law, fundamental rights and public administration, and for alignment with the CFSP, including on sanctions and on the EU’s visa policy; highlights, additionally, the threats posed by malign foreign interference in the region and underlines the importance of combating disinformation to contain anti-Western and divisive rhetoric which seeks to exploit and exacerbate ethnic tensions in the region; cautions against engagement with the EU’s systemic rivals, which could undermine the prosperous, sustainable and secure future that EU accession offers; recalls, in this context, the added value of the investments made by the EU under the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance III, the newly established Reform and Growth Facility for the Western Balkans, and the Western Balkans Investment Framework; calls on the Western Balkan countries to use all the resources made available to support their alignment with the EU acquis; calls upon the Commissioner for Enlargement to increase the visibility of EU action in the Balkans;
       the decision to open accession negotiations with Ukraine and Moldova; commends the fact that the CFSP alignment rate of Moldova has substantially increased from 54 % in 2022 to 86 % in 2024 and encourages Ukraine and Moldova to continue this positive trend towards full alignment; calls for the acceleration of the screening process and the timely organisation of the subsequent intergovernmental conferences;
       Armenia’s decision to suspend its participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organization and cease all payments to its budget in 2024, following Russia’s failure to assist Armenia against Azerbaijan’s military aggression, and to seek a more reliable security architecture; supports Armenia’s official request for the Russian Federation to withdraw its Federal Security Service border guards from its international airport and the Armenia-Iran border; welcomes the regular meetings under the EU-Armenia Political and Security Dialogue format and the EU-Armenia Partnership Council and commends the decision to adopt the assistance measures under the EPF in support Armenian armed forces on 13 June and 22 July 2024 respectively;
       the successful conclusion of negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan on the full text of the draft Agreement on Peace and Establishment of Interstate Relations; commends Armenia for paving the way for the finalisation of the text and urges the Azerbaijani leadership to sign and implement the peace agreement in good faith, as concluded in the negotiations; encourages further progress in the framework of the Armenia-Azerbaijan border delimitation process, which has led to an agreement on several sections of the border and the opening of regional communications on the basis of the sovereignty and jurisdiction of both countries, and reciprocity and equality, as a key measure to unblock regional development, enhance connectivity and foster sustainable peace and prosperity, as well as facilitate reconciliation among communities based on increased people-to-people contacts; reaffirms its support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of both Armenia and Azerbaijan and strongly supports the normalisation of their relations based on the principles of the mutual recognition of territorial integrity and the inviolability of borders, in accordance with the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration; reiterates its demand for the withdrawal of Azerbaijan’s troops from the entirety of Armenia’s sovereign territory and the release of the 23 remaining Armenian hostages;
       the activities of the civilian European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) under the common security and defence policy (CSDP), which contributes to security in the region by substantially decreasing the number of incidents in conflict-affected and border areas, and reduces the level of risks for the population living in such areas; welcomes Armenia’s assistance with the activities of the EUMA on its territory; commends the Council for the decision to increase the number of deployed observers as well as the mission’s capacity and to extend its deployment timeframe; calls for further expansion and presence in the region; calls on the Commission to provide support for Armenia for de-mining;
       the continued work of the EEAS on addressing and countering foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) through the EU FIMI Toolbox, the setting up of a STRATCOM taskforce, and through close cooperation with Member States, international partners, civil society and other relevant stakeholders; reiterates its call to promote the continuous flow of intelligence from Member States to the EEAS on foreign and security issues occurring outside the EU; calls, in this regard, for strengthening the EU INTCEN, the EEAS Crisis Response Centre and the EU Satellite Centre by enhancing its staff, financial resources and capabilities;
       the proposal of the VP/HR for an anti-corruption sanctions regime, which would allow the EU to target serious acts of corruption worldwide; calls for its swift adoption by the Council;

    5.  Condemns in particular:

       the ongoing illegal and unjustifiable Russian war of aggression against Ukraine and the increasing Russian attacks against civilian targets and civilian infrastructure within Ukraine; demands that Russia and its proxy forces cease all military action and that the Russian Federation immediately and unconditionally withdraw its troops and equipment from Ukraine and any other country whose territory, or parts thereof, it unlawfully occupies; reiterates its policy of non-recognition of Ukrainian territories temporarily occupied by Russia, including but not limited to the Crimean Peninsula; condemns any hybrid attacks executed by Russia in Ukraine and strongly denounces the spread of Russia’s propaganda about its war in Ukraine;
       the role of the illegitimate regime of Aliaksandr Lukashenka in allowing the country to serve as a Russian military base, effectively surrendering national sovereignty to the Kremlin in order to maintain its grip on Belarus, while brutally oppressing the Belarusian people in order to stay in power; deplores the fact that severe human rights abuses were committed in the run-up to the sham election on 26 January 2025; is alarmed by the Putin and Lukashenka regimes’ instrumentalisation of migration, particularly in the light of the influx of thousands of migrants into Poland, Lithuania and Latvia, which Russia and Belarus orchestrate to force their passage into the EU; deplores the Putin regime’s political instrumentalisation of migration, which has led to the closing of the Finnish border with Russia;
       the illegal North Korean involvement in the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine by its sending of military equipment and ammunition to Russia, as well as by its sending of thousands of soldiers to wage war against Ukraine;
       North Korea’s continued weapons testing and development of its nuclear programme, in violation of the UN resolution, further escalating tensions in the Indo-Pacific region; demands that North Korea abandon its weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile programmes in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner; urges the North Korea authorities to cease their ongoing crimes against humanity and to undertake a process of reform whereby all human rights are respected and protected;
       the increasing malicious activities, interference and hybrid warfare deployed by the Russian Federation, its institutions and proxies in undermining and subverting the democratic stability and sovereignty of Georgia and the Republic of Moldova and in particular the recent interference in the constitutional referendum on EU accession and the presidential elections;
       the attack on Kosovan police officers by well-organised Serbian paramilitaries in Banjska/Banjskë in the north of Kosovo on 24 September 2023 which resulted in the death of the Kosovan police officer Afrim Bunjaku and the injuring of two more Kosovan police officers; condemns the hideous terrorist attack on critical infrastructure near Zubin Potok; stresses that the perpetrators of these deplorable attacks must be held accountable and face justice without delay;
       the continued illegal occupation, under international law, by Türkiye, a NATO member country, of 37 % of Cyprus, an EU Member State;
       the brutal and indiscriminate terrorist attacks committed by Hamas across Israel on 7 October 2023, which triggered a Israeli military response and a conflict in Gaza that has a devastating effect on civilians and caused a catastrophic humanitarian situation;
       the fact that Hamas has taken and is still holding innocent people, including women and children, hostages, and calls for the unconditional and immediate release of hostages;
       the deliberate and malignant fuelling of an exceptionally tense situation, through repeated attacks targeting Israel since 7 October 2023, by state and non-state actors in the region with Iran being the main instigator, as well as the Houthis in Yemen and Hezbollah in Lebanon acting as some of its proxies;
       Iran’s persistent non-compliance with its legal safeguard obligations under its Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement and with its commitments under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) condemns, further, the advancement of its nuclear programme beyond all credible civilian justification and the destabilisation of the Middle East this causes, including through proxies, such as attacks on Israel and sponsoring terrorism and civil conflicts; the attacks perpetrated or attempted within the EU by terrorist organisations and networks affiliated to Iran;
       the wrongful detention of European citizens in Iran, the execution of the European citizen of dual German-Iranian nationality Jamshid Sharmahd on 29 October 2024, and the brutal oppression of the people of Iran, in particular the women; reiterates its unwavering support for the women of Iran, who are still subjected to gross violations of their fundamental rights two years after the Women, Life, Freedom movement was brutally repressed; urges the VP/HR to do the utmost to free these citizens and to put an end to the practice of Iranian hostage diplomacy, through which it detains foreign civilians and dual nationals, including by encouraging the Member States to recommend that their citizens abstain from travelling to Iran;
       the growing military cooperation between Iran and Russia, in particular the intention to sign a treaty on a comprehensive strategic partnership and Iran’s provision of drones and ballistic missiles to Russia for use against Ukraine and its people;
       the recent adoption of the law on the ‘promotion of virtue and prevention of vice’ in Afghanistan, as well as the systematic violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms, in particular the extreme interpretation of sharia which erases women from public life, bars them from working, hinders their access to all public places without being chaperoned by a male relative and to education beyond the sixth grade, amounting to gender apartheid; demands from the de facto authorities of Afghanistan that all gender-based restrictions on women be lifted and stresses that this must be a key condition for any engagement of the international community with the Taliban; insists on maintaining strict, conditional engagement with the Taliban based on the five benchmarks set by the Council for engaging with the de facto authorities and by holding the perpetrators of these grave violations of girls’ and women’s rights accountable, including through restrictive measures;
       the increasing breadth and intensity of operations, including cyberattacks and foreign information manipulation by the Chinese Government, as well as vessels and aircraft attempting to intimidate China’s neighbours, which violate peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait and surrounding international waters and impede the freedom of navigation rights of all other parties; strongly condemns statements by the Chinese President that the People’s Republic of China will never renounce the right to use force with respect to Taiwan, and insists that the use of coercive measures to achieve unification contradicts international law;
       the government-led system of forced labour and the persistent violations of human rights, in particular the systematic repression of Uyghurs in Xinjiang Province; observes with concern the intense crackdown on ethnic minorities in Tibet, Hong Kong and Macau and the transnational repression of Chinese dissidents, as well as the persistent presence of Chinese police officers on EU territory; has taken note of and deplores the People’s Republic of China (PRC) for not implementing the recommendations of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR); calls on the PRC to allow the OHCHR independent access to the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and invites the OHCHR to issue a comprehensive situational update and an action plan for holding the PRC accountable; calls on all EU Member States to suspend extradition treaties with Hong Kong and the PRC and to protect those individuals who are being harassed and persecuted;
       the deterioration of stability in the Sahel, exacerbated by the numerous military coups in the region in recent years; recalls that stability in the Sahel has direct repercussions for the security of European external borders and the management of irregular migration flows from the African continent; emphasises that the EU should urgently review its regional strategy for the Sahel;
       the coups in Burkina Faso and in Niger, with President Bazoum being detained and the constitution suspended; is increasingly concerned by the decision of the central Sahel military regimes in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to leave the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), thus plunging ECOWAS into a deep political crisis; condemns additionally the physical attack on 29 September 2024 on an ECOWAS Member of Parliament and other participants of an officially declared opposition rally in Lomé; calls on the Togolese authorities to ensure the promotion and protection of the fundamental principles of human and peoples’ rights enshrined in Article 4 of the revised ECOWAS Treaty, such as the rights of peaceful assembly, freedom of association, belief and expression; calls on the ECOWAS authorities and its member states to support the efforts needed to safeguard the principles of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights throughout the subregion; takes note of the closure of the European Union Military Partnership Mission in Niger (EUMPM Niger) and of the Capacity Building Mission in Niger (EUCAP Sahel Niger) and the non-renewal of the European Union Training Mission in Mali (EUTM); observes with concern how Russia has intensified the development of state-to-state relationships and cooperation initiatives with African states through military cooperation and a commitment to cooperate on the development of nuclear energy; condemns the rise of terrorist attacks and heavy civilian losses in the Sahel, as well as the presence and predation activities of Russian paramilitaries, which have led to the population being displaced and an influx of refugees, also caused by the instability in the region; deplores the fact that the void UN peacekeepers have left has effectively been filled by Wagner Group mercenaries and Russian and Turkish military, whose industries supply arms to Sahelian capitals;
       the civil war in Sudan, the devastating consequences for the civil population, the atrocities committed against them and, in particular, the despicable large-scale use of rape as a weapon of war;
       the last minute tactical and technical constraints imposed by the authorities of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which prevented the EU Election Observation Mission from monitoring the presidential elections; condemns the violence committed by the Rwanda-backed M23 rebel movement destabilising the eastern DRC; calls for a review of the EU strategy for the Great Lakes region;
       the authoritarian regime of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, who are systematically undermining Nicaragua’s democratic structures; recalls that the regime in Nicaragua maintains strong ties with other autocracies, such as those in Iran, Venezuela and Cuba; condemns the systematic human rights violations and abuses perpetrated by the Cuban regime; strongly condemns and fully rejects the electoral fraud orchestrated by the regime in Venezuela and demands that the Maduro government cease its policy of repression and attacks on civil society and the opposition; recalls that on 19 September 2024, Parliament recognised Edmundo González Urrutia as the legitimate and democratically elected President of Venezuela and María Corina Machado as the leader of the democratic forces in Venezuela; highlights the fact that various democratic states in the region and throughout the world have recognised González as president-elect; recalls that he should have been sworn in on 10 January 2025; expresses satisfaction that on 17 December 2024, Parliament awarded the 2024 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought to María Corina Machado, as the leader of the democratic forces in Venezuela, and to president-elect Edmundo González Urrutia, representing all Venezuelans inside and outside the country fighting for the reinstitution of freedom and democracy;
       the employment of the ‘Cuban medical brigade’ in some European countries as a form of infringement of fundamental rights and freedoms and of slavery and forced labour;
       the risk of collapse of the state structures and difficult humanitarian situation in Haiti due to rampant gang violence;
       the fact that the PRC, Russia, Iran and other totalitarian or authoritarian regimes use information manipulation and malign interference as integral instruments to exert pressure on multilateral institutions and democratic values and norms, to abuse power, to increase the incidence and severity of human rights violations, to constrict spaces for civil society, independent media and democratic opposition movements, to spread anti-Western disinformation and to use various forms of transnational repression to intimidate and constrict spaces for civil society, independent media and democratic opposition movements in the diaspora;
       the increasing attacks, harassment, arbitrary detention, torture and killings of HRDs worldwide, especially those advocating for environmental, indigenous, women’s, LGBTQI+ and anti-corruption rights; further notes the increasingly sophisticated tactics used by state and non-state actors, including digital surveillance and smear campaigns, aimed at silencing HRDs; stresses the urgent need to protect HRDs, who also play a critical role in upholding democracy and the rule of law globally; calls for enhanced support and protection mechanisms for HRDs facing threats, harassment and violence, especially those in high-risk areas or working on sensitive issues such as environmental, indigenous and women’s rights;
       attempts to circumvent EU and international sanctions, which it sees as strategies posing direct threats to the international rules-based order;
       the failure by Azerbaijan to comply with the order of 17 November 2023, issued by the International Court of Justice, indicating provisional measures regarding the safe, unimpeded and expeditious return of the 100 000 ethnic Armenians who fled Nagorno-Karabakh after the September 2023 pre-planned, unjustified military attack by Azerbaijan, as well as the refusal of Azerbaijani authorities to release all 23 Armenian prisoners of war it currently detains; stresses the need to support all initiatives and activities that could lead to the establishment of lasting peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan; demands, to that end, the withdrawal of Azerbaijan’s troops from the entirety of Armenia’s sovereign territory and warns, simultaneously, that any further military action against Armenia would be unacceptable and would have serious consequences for the partnership between Azerbaijan and the EU; highlights the fact that Azerbaijan’s connectivity issues with its exclave Nakhchivan should be resolved with full respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Armenia; reiterates its position that the EU should be ready to impose sanctions on any individuals and entities that threaten the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Armenia; stresses that Parliament’s multiple warnings on the situation have not led to any change in the EU’s stance towards Azerbaijan; calls for the EU to end its reliance on gas exports from Azerbaijan; calls on the Commission to suspend the 2022 memorandum of understanding on the strategic partnership in the field of energy and to act accordingly; insists that any future partnership agreement between the EU and Azerbaijan be conditional on the release of all political prisoners and the improvement of the human rights situation in the country; condemns the Russian ‘gas laundering’ through Azerbaijan and the Azerbaijani authorities’ facilitation of Russia’s circumvention of EU sanctions; calls for the EU to cease all technical and financial assistance to Azerbaijan that might contribute to strengthening its military or security capabilities; calls on the Member States to freeze exports of all military and security equipment to Azerbaijan; condemns Azerbaijan’s repeated attempts to denigrate and destabilise Member States, including through the so-called Baku Initiative Group; condemns the ongoing deterioration of the human rights situation in the country;

    6.  Concurs with:

       the need to improve relations with Türkiye; welcomes the partial de-escalation of tensions in the east Mediterranean and the Aegean but reiterates its concern that Türkiye’s foreign policy continues to be at odds with EU priorities under the CFSP; recalls, in this context, the signature and the evocation of the memorandum of understanding between Türkiye and Libya on comprehensive security and military cooperation and on the delimitation of maritime zones;
       the call on Türkiye to work on a constructive, and not assertive nor aggressive, approach in its neighbourhood, including the Southern Caucasus; regrets that Türkiye continues to dispute the sovereignty and sovereign rights of an EU Member State; recalls that Türkiye’s accession process is contingent on its full compliance with the Copenhagen criteria and on its normalisation of relations with all EU Member States, including the Republic of Cyprus; calls for the status of the buffer zone and the mandate of the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus to be respected; urges Türkiye and the Turkish Cypriot leadership to cease and reverse all such unilateral activities and refrain from any further actions and provocations; calls for engagement in peaceful UN-led negotiations and for real progress to be made in the Cyprus settlement talks, firmly within the agreed UN framework, which is the only framework accepted by the EU and the international community, and in line with EU law, values and principles;
       the assessment that, in the absence of a drastic change of course by the Turkish Government and the recognition of the Republic of Cyprus as a sovereign state, Türkiye’s EU accession process cannot be resumed; is alarmed by the recent arrest of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Mayor, Ekrem İmamoğlu, of the Republican People’s Party (CHP), days before he was chosen by the CHP as its candidate for the next presidential election, and deplores the permanent targeting of the political opposition;
       the urgent need for the EU and the Turkish Government to move forward toward a mutual reflection process, including a modernised association agreement, which would lead to a mutually beneficial, more dynamic and strategic partnership, with strict conditionality on the respect of rule of law, fundamental rights, international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and good neighbourly relations, considering the key role played by Türkiye, for example, in the Black Sea region and its significance as a NATO ally;
       the fact that Türkiye is making an inadequate effort in aligning with the EU’s CFSP, including on sanctions and the anti-circumvention of sanctions, as well as with the need for Türkiye to cooperate closely with the EU’s Sanctions Envoy; deplores the unacceptable nature of the solidarity and support that the President of Türkiye has publicly provided to the terrorist organisation Hamas; reiterates its concerns about the ongoing deterioration of democratic standards in Türkiye; recalls that Türkiye also targets the EU with foreign information manipulation and interference and that its government is considering introducing a Russian-style foreign agents law; underlines the incompatibility between Türkiye’s candidacy for BRICS+ and the EU’s CFSP;
       the concern over democratic backsliding in Georgia, manifested by the fact that the parliamentary elections held on 26 October 2024 did not respect international standards for democratic elections or its commitments as a member of the OSCE to carry out free and fair elections, thus undermining the legitimacy of the results and the public’s trust in the government; emphasises that violations of electoral integrity are incompatible with the standards expected from an EU candidate country; rejects any recognition of the parliamentary elections and considers Georgia to be a state captured by the illegitimate Georgian Dream regime and thus rejects any decisions taken by the body that has taken control of the country, such as the rushed adoption of amendments to the Code on Administrative Offences, the Criminal Code and the Law on Assemblies and Manifestations; calls urgently for early elections conducted in an improved election environment, managed by an independent and impartial election administration with widespread international observation, to ensure a genuinely free, fair and transparent process that would represent the will of the people of Georgia; concurs with the European Council’s conclusions of 27 June 2024 that a failure to reverse the current course of action, including the law on ‘transparency of foreign influence’, the law on ‘family values and protection of minors’, as well as the changes to the Electoral Code, jeopardises Georgia’s EU path, de facto leading to a halt of the accession process; continues to recognise Salome Zourabichvili as the legitimate President of Georgia and representative of the Georgian people; praises her efforts to peacefully steer the country back towards a democratic and European path of development; calls on the President of the European Council to invite President Zourabichvili to represent Georgia at an upcoming European Council meeting and at the next European Political Community summit; reiterates its unwavering support for the Georgian people’s legitimate European aspirations, which are being betrayed by the Georgian Government; demands the immediate release of all people detained for peacefully protesting against the recent decisions by Georgia concerning a suspension of EU integration; calls for the EU’s funding mechanisms to be adjusted to take into account the needs that arise in a more hostile and anti-democratic environment; highlights the urgency of the need to support civil society in the light of growing repression and the suspension of the activities of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), and therefore urges the Commission to ramp up support without delay; maintains the view that the measures taken so far by the EU in response to the flagrant democratic backsliding and reneging on previous commitments do not yet fully reflect the severity of the situation in Georgia and the latest developments; welcomes the Council’s decision to suspend visa-free travel for Georgian diplomats and officials, but considers it necessary to initiate reflection on the possible suspension of Georgia’s visa-free status, based on non-compliance with fundamental rights benchmarks; deplores the obstruction by the Hungarian and Slovak Governments of the Council decisions on the introduction of sanctions against individuals responsible for democratic backsliding in Georgia; calls on the Commission to use the frozen EUR 120 million originally intended as support for the Georgian authorities to enhance the EU’s support for Georgia’s civil society, in particular the non-governmental sector and independent media, which are increasingly coming under undue pressure from the ruling political party and the authorities, as well as to support programmes supporting democratic resilience and electoral integrity; strongly encourages the EU and its Member States to introduce personal sanctions against all key figures of the political regime, as well as their family members and the regime’s enablers in administration, business, the media, the justice system and law enforcement agencies; calls for the EU, in cooperation with other jurisdictions, in particular the United Kingdom, to freeze the financial assets of Bidzina Ivanishvili; encourages individual Member States and relevant regional organisations to avoid actively legitimising the self-appointed Georgian Dream authorities and call, in this regard, for suspending the EU Georgia Association Council;
       the observation that Russia and China have become significant players in the Southern Neighbourhood, especially North Africa, while Türkiye and the Gulf states, chief among them the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, have risen as regional forces; argues that the idea of a single ‘neighbourhood’ for both Eastern and Southern Europe overlooks their distinct challenges; concurs further with the strategic relevance of the Southern Neighbourhood, its stability, economic development and prosperity; recalls that instability and insecurity in the Southern Neighbourhood remains an ongoing challenge for European external border management; underlines the interference of strategic competitors in the region and calls strongly for the EU to send a solid and clear political message in favour of renewed cooperation with countries of the Southern Neighbourhood; calls on the VP/HR and the Commission to release, as an urgent matter, the new pact for the Mediterranean and to secure adequate resources for its timely and effective implementation; reiterates that a dynamic network of strategic partnerships tailored to the specific needs and aspirations of each country in our Southern Neighbourhood should be at the centre of the new pact; believes, in this context, that the EU should conduct a thorough review of the current incentive structure that combines the promise of financial assistance and trade benefits in exchange for political and economic reforms and ensure that it aligns with broader EU objectives, including the promotion of human rights and democratic values; stresses that besides prioritising bilateral cooperation, the EU should also continue to foster regional cooperation through existing frameworks such as the Union for the Mediterranean, which offers a valuable platform for promoting dialogue and joint action on issues of common concern;
       the concern about Russian and Chinese pressure exerted in Central Asia and stresses the need to scale up the EU’s presence in the region in response, given its geostrategic importance; highlights the hesitation of Central Asian states to lend support to Russia’s war of aggression given the effect the war is having on the region; underlines the EU’s interest in increasing economic relations and intensifying political ties with the countries of Central Asia, in part to address the circumvention of sanctions against Russia and Belarus; calls on the authorities of the Central Asian states, particularly Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, to cooperate closely with the EU, in particular with its Sanctions Envoy; encourages the Commission and the Member States to continue promoting political and economic reforms that strengthen the rule of law, democracy, good governance and respect for human rights;
       the fact that the Arctic is of geostrategic importance as regards the expansion of potential maritime routes, access to natural resources, climate conservation and territorial claims; stresses that this importance is heightened not only by Russian military expansion in the High North but also by China’s increasing presence and interest in the region, and its self-proclamation as a ‘near-Arctic state’; underscores the need for ensuring freedom and safety of navigation amid these two states’ growing influence and militarisation; underlines the importance of preserving security, stability and cooperation in the Arctic; stresses that the region must remain free from military tensions and natural resource exploitation, while respecting the rights of indigenous peoples; reiterates the need to include the EU’s Arctic policy in the CFSP and engage in effective cooperation with NATO; calls for the Arctic to be addressed regularly within the Political and Security Committee and Council meetings;
       the strategic importance of the Taiwan Strait and the Indo-Pacific in the face of increasing Chinese intimidation in the region, including through military and hybrid means, and stresses the need to scale up the EU’s presence in the region; underlines the EU’s interest in increasing economic relations and intensifying substantial ties with like-minded partners in the region, including Taiwan; asks the Commission and the Member States to follow a coordinated EU strategy of preparedness and anticipation of possible scenarios in the Taiwan Strait, while regularly informing Parliament and providing an impact assessment;
       the effectiveness of the implementation of a Gulf strategy, advancing in a strategic partnership with each of the Gulf countries and working together to promote global and regional security and prosperity;
       the focus on achieving accountability in the cyberspace, through the operationalisation of the EU digital diplomacy toolbox and the attention given to strengthening global cyber resilience; calls for an increased focus on building the cyber resilience capacity of developing democracies faced with hybrid challenges to their electoral systems; calls for increasing joint cyber defence exercises between the EU and NATO in order to improve interoperability and readiness to counter hybrid threats;
       the commitment to place democracy promotion at the forefront of the CFSP and to ensure the EU’s proactive role in this regard, building on lessons learned from previous democracy support actions, in particular in support of civil society, HRDs, critical voices, democratic opposition and media;
       the need to fight impunity and strengthen accountability efforts globally, including through the ICC, and to stand up for international law and international humanitarian law; remains deeply concerned about the trend of state officials undermining decisions of international institutions and their employees; expresses its utmost concern about the US sanctions against the ICC, its prosecutors, judges and staff, which constitute a serious attack on the international justice system; calls on the Commission to urgently activate the blocking statute and on the Member States to urgently increase their diplomatic efforts in order to protect and safeguard the ICC as an indispensable cornerstone of the international justice system; regrets the failure of some ICC member states to execute ICC arrest warrants, thereby undermining the ICC’s work;
       the urgent and ongoing need to promote gender equality and women’s empowerment through all EU external action a foreign policy that takes into account gender mainstreaming in line with the 2021-2025 Gender Action Plan, especially in light of the current global rollback of women’s rights; emphasises that at the current rate of progress, achieving gender equality worldwide will take another 131 years, underscoring the critical importance of accelerating efforts to safeguard and advance women’s rights and opportunities;

    II.CFSP objectives in 2025

    7.  Identifies, in the following section, Parliament’s CFSP objectives in 2025, thus complementing the views expressed in the VP/HR’s annual CFSP report;

    Addressing the global consequences of the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine

    8.  Emphasises that Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and its consequences, including economic uncertainty, food insecurity and high energy prices, in combination with the revisionist behaviour of the Russian Federation against a number of states neighbouring the Black Sea, destabilises and threatens the Eastern Neighbourhood and the Western Balkans, which in turn erodes the European security architecture; underlines, in this context, the need for reinforcing the EU’s capacities to support democratic institutions in our immediate neighbourhood; underlines, also, the importance of the protection of the EU’s eastern border, which contributes to the security of the entire EU; stresses that the East Shield and the Baltic Defence Line should be the flagship EU projects for fostering deterrence and overcoming potential threats from the east and would establish an integrated land border management system that is designed to strengthen the EU’s external land border with Russia and Belarus against military and hybrid threats;

    9.  Notes that the EU’s response to the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine is being closely watched by autocratic actors around the world and will have a decisive influence in shaping their behaviour on the international stage; is concerned by the growing cooperation and coordination among autocratic regimes, including through their material or other support for Russia’s aggression against Ukraine; urges the Council to impose restrictive measures against countries that deliver military goods, such as unmanned aerial vehicles and surface-to-surface missiles, to the Russian Federation for use against civilian targets; recalls that the use of such military goods against civilian targets is a war crime; notes, with grave concern, the increasing cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), and underscores that the employment of North Korean troops by Russia is widening the scale of the conflict; emphasises, equally, the urgent need for further sanctions against Belarus, mirroring all sanctions against Russia;

    10.  Holds the view that the EU and its Member States are now Ukraine’s only strategic allies and accordingly calls for the EU and its Member States to meaningfully increase and speed up military and economic support, humanitarian assistance, as well as financial aid in every possible way to put Ukraine in a position of strength, in order to liberate all its people and to deter any further aggression by Russia following a potential ceasefire agreement; suggests, to this end, strengthening the European Union Military Assistance Mission in support of Ukraine, which has trained approximately 75 000 Ukrainian troops, and underlines the urgent need to provide Ukraine with increased air defence and surface-to-surface capacities to defend its critical energy infrastructure, and calls on the Member States to immediately lift restrictions on the use of Western weapons systems, such as long-range Taurus missiles, delivered to Ukraine, against legitimate military targets on Russian territory, which would be fully in line with Ukraine’s right to self-defence according to the UN Charter;

    11.  Reaffirms its commitment to supporting Ukraine’s desire for a just and lasting peace and to the peace formula and Victory Plan put forward by Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy; recalls that any initiative, in particular diplomatic solutions, aimed at ending the Russian war of aggression and achieving a just and lasting peace needs to be based on terms and input provided by Ukraine and ultimately accepted by the Ukrainian people; expresses, in this context, deep concern over the apparent shift in the United States’ stance on the Russian war of aggression, which has included openly blaming Ukraine for the ongoing war, suspending US military aid and attempting to coerce Ukraine into relinquishing its legitimate right to self-defence; strongly deplores any attempts at blackmailing Ukraine’s leadership into surrendering to the Russian aggressor for the sole purpose of announcing a so-called peace deal and considers that the current attempt by the US administration to negotiate a ceasefire and peace agreement without the involvement of European states, which will ultimately have to bear the outcome, is counterproductive, as it empowers the belligerent Russian State, thus showing that aggressive policy is not punished but rewarded; is cautiously optimistic about the proposal for a 30-day ceasefire agreement; recalls that a ceasefire can be an effective tool for suspending hostilities, but only if the aggressor fully adheres to it; expects, therefore, Russia to agree to it and follow it by ceasing all attacks on Ukraine, its military positions, civilian population, infrastructure and territory; concludes, nevertheless, taking into account the history of Russia’s violations of previous agreements, that peace can only be achieved by empowering Ukraine through robust security guarantees; is, conversely, of the opinion, that any settlement that undermines Ukraine’s legitimate aspirations, such as its right to choose its own security arrangements, or which lacks credible security guarantees, will risk subjecting Ukraine and other European countries to renewed Russian aggression; insists, therefore, that the EU engage in security commitments towards Ukraine as recommended in the Kyiv Security Compact in order to deter further Russian aggression;

    12.  Highlights that the financial support provided by the EU and its Member States to Ukraine exceeds that of any single country, reflecting the EU’s unparalleled commitment to Ukraine; underscores that the EU’s role in any negotiations impacting the security of Europe must be commensurate with its political and economic weight; reaffirms that there can be no negotiations relating to European security without the EU at the table;

    13.  Expects the Member States to keep its sanctions against Russia in place as long as needed to secure a just and lasting peace and until accountability has been achieved; calls, in the interim, for the EU and the Member States to reinforce the effectiveness and impact of its sanction packages adopted so far and to agree on new ones as soon as the need arises; points, in this context, towards sectors of special importance for the Russian economy, in particular banking, the metallurgy, nuclear, chemical and agricultural sectors, and raw materials such as aluminium, steel, uranium, titanium and nickel; calls for a ban or targeted tariffs on Russian imports to the EU with the aim of fully closing the flow of grain, potash and fertilisers; recalls that the strict implementation and uniform application of restrictive measures in all Member States is a precondition for the credibility and effectiveness of the EU’s external action; underscores, thus, the importance of ending all EU imports of Russian energy and supporting G7 efforts to lower the oil price cap; calls on the Commission to impose penalties on all European companies that continue to engage in business with the Russian Federation, as well as to further assess and combat sanction circumvention;

    14.  Appeals for proactive diplomacy with non-EU countries in order to minimise the circumvention of these sanctions; calls on the Commission to critically assess EU assistance to non-EU countries that actively support Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and urges the Council to impose restrictive measures on non-EU countries enabling Russia’s war of aggression, whether through the facilitation of sanction circumvention or through the provision of direct military assistance, such as in the case of Belarus, Iran or North Korea; calls on all countries to fully align with all EU sanctions packages;

    15.  Deplores the ‘no limits’ partnership between Russia and China, in particular the renewed commitment to strengthen their military ties; welcomes the Council’s decision to impose sanctions on Chinese companies for their support of Russia’s war in Ukraine;

    16.  Expresses its most serious concerns over Russia’s and China’s surveillance and sabotage of critical maritime infrastructures, such as seabed communication cables and offshore energy facilities; expresses in particular its strong concern about the damage to two subsea communications cables, one linking Finland and Germany and the other connecting Sweden to Lithuania, within less than 24 hours on 17 and 18 November 2024, and about the damaging by a tanker of the Russian shadow fleet of the EstLink2 power cable, linking Estonia and Finland, on 25 December 2024; calls on the EU to put in place effective monitoring and surveillance systems and regional coastguard cooperation to ensure the prevention and rapid detection of attacks against such infrastructures; welcomes in that regard, the launch of the operation ‘Baltic Sentry’ by NATO, with the participation of several Member States, to improve the security of critical undersea infrastructures in the Baltic Sea; calls on Member States to fully abide by the commitments of the New York joint statement on the security and resilience of undersea cables; recalls also that similar sabotage activities targeting critical underwater infrastructure are taking place in the Taiwan Strait;

    17.  Calls for the EU and its Member States to exercise strict control over, prevent and limit the activities of Russia’s shadow fleets which, in addition to violating EU and G7 sanctions, poses an immense ecological threat to ecosystems as a result of its technical deficiencies and frequent breakdowns; urges the Commission to take swift action, within the framework of the EU’s cooperation with the International Maritime Organization, and to design more targeted sanctions against the shadow fleet in the next sanctions package against Russia; specifies that such sanctions should designate all possible individual shadow fleet vessels, as well as their owners, operators, managers, etc.; recommends banning tanker sales to countries facilitating trade with Russia; notes that the flag states contributing to the Russian shadow fleet are thereby also helping the Russian war effort;

    18.  Reiterates its call for the necessary measures to be taken to return forcibly deported and illegally adopted Ukrainian children from Russia or occupied Ukrainian territory;

    19.  Calls on the Commission and the Council to designate the Russian State-funded private military Wagner Group as a terrorist organisation; draws attention to the so-called ‘Africa Corps’ that was created following the death of the Wagner Group’s former leader Yevgeny Prigozhin, in August 2023, and placed directly under the control of the Russian Ministry of Defence, in an effort to regroup Wagner elements under government control;

    20.  Reiterates that Ukraine, as a victim of aggression, has the legitimate right to self-defence in line with Article 51 of the UN Charter; calls on the VP/HR, the Commission the Council and the Member States concerned to enable effective Ukrainian countermeasures against Russia; recalls that Russia has violated international law and that the full seizure of the frozen Russian assets is an appropriate step towards enforcing Russia’s obligation to abide by international law, and to compensate Ukraine and other injured parties for the losses caused by Russia’s war of aggression; calls on the Commission to establish a sound legal regime for the confiscation of Russian State assets frozen by the EU; reminds the Commission that any such proposal does not take away the need for continued financial, political, military and humanitarian support; calls for the inclusion of all assets of the Russian State, Russian local authorities, Russian State-owned companies, and of individuals on the EU sanctions list, and for those assets to be used to compensate Ukraine for the damage caused by this war;

    21.  Points to the estimate of the latest Rapid Damage and Needs Assessment that at least EUR 506 billion will be required over the next decade for Ukraine’s recovery and reconstruction; welcomes the EU’s Ukraine Facility, which has a budget of almost EUR 50 billion, and the EU’s Loan Cooperation Mechanism, which offers loans to Ukraine of up to EUR 45 billion and which responds to Parliament’s call and builds upon the decision of the Council to direct extraordinary revenues stemming from immobilised Russian State assets to the Ukraine Assistance Fund and the Ukraine Facility, as well as upon the G7’s decision to offer Ukraine a USD 50 billion loan secured through immobilised Russian State assets; expresses its conviction that the new Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism is a substantive step towards making Russia financially compensate for the massive damage it continues to cause in Ukraine;

    22.  Denounces the abusive use by the Hungarian Government of its veto power to delay or effectively block EU essential aid from being granted to Ukraine, attempting to undermine the unified EU position on Ukraine; calls on the VP/HR and the Council President as well as the Member States to use all available tools to prevent the Hungarian Government from further blocking aid;

    23.  Urges the VP/HR and the other Member States to overcome the blockade by the Hungarian Government of the EPF’s funding and disbursement decision, i.e. the one of EUR 450 million to Poland, being compensation for equipment delivered to Ukraine; urges them to guarantee that the EU’s only instrument in support of military aid to Ukraine becomes fully functional again; calls on the VP/HR to advance proposals to prevent such blockades in the future or to find an alternative mechanism that is fully reliable;

    24.  Underscores the urgent need for the EU and its Member States to push for the creation of a special international tribunal with jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute the crime of aggression committed against Ukraine by the political and military leadership of the Russian Federation and its allies; condemns the execution of Ukrainian prisoners of war by Russian forces; underscores that no peace will be sustainable without justice; welcomes the establishment of the International Centre for the Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine in The Hague; expresses support for all the activities of the ICC and International Court of Justice in prosecuting the crimes committed on Ukrainian territory; welcomes Ukraine’s ratification of the Rome Statute of the ICC, which allowed it to become a state party to it as of January 2025;

    25.  Commends Ukraine for its progress in the EU accession screening process despite wartime conditions and calls on Ukraine to continue its progress towards EU membership using all the resources made available to it under the Ukraine Facility and to ensure the meaningful involvement of its civil society in the implementation and monitoring phases thereof; recalls that EU accession is a strictly merit-based process that requires the fulfilment of the Copenhagen criteria for EU membership, including those concerning democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental values and the fight against corruption;

    26.  Believes that both Ukraine’s and Moldova’s accession to the EU would be a mutually beneficial investment in a united and strong Europe; welcomes the growth plan for the Republic of Moldova and the adoption of the Reform and Growth Facility for the Republic of Moldova, worth EUR 1,9 billion, which serves the purpose of accelerating EU-related reforms; expresses concern about the negative consequences of the suspension of USAID to Moldova; considers that this gap should be offset to the extent possible by EU sources, the European Endowment for Democracy and others; encourages the VP/HR to additionally enhance the CFSP partnership with Ukraine and Moldova and in this context welcomes the signature of the security and defence partnership between the EU and Moldova in May 2024; recalls the fact that the security of the Republic of Moldova is inextricably linked to the security of Ukraine; underscores, hence, the need to increase financial contributions from the EPF to further enhance Moldova’s defence capabilities;

    27.  Praises the Moldova for running the presidential election and the referendum professionally and with an extraordinary sense of duty and dedication, despite the continued massive interference from Russia and its proxies; welcomes the outcome of the 2024 Moldovan European Union membership referendum which enshrined the commitment to joining the EU in the country’s constitution; expresses its support to Moldova in defending its democracy; strongly condemns such constant and coordinated attempts by the Russian Federation, pro-Russian oligarchs and Russian-sponsored local proxies to destabilise the Republic of Moldova, sow divisions within Moldovan society and derail the country’s pro-European direction through hybrid attacks, the weaponisation of energy supplies, disinformation campaigns, bomb threats and staged protests as well as the threat or use of violence; commends the establishment and operations of the EU Partnership Mission in Moldova which have enhanced the Moldovan authorities’ capabilities to address Russian interference; calls on the Council, the Commission and the EEAS to provide the additional resources, including human and financial resources, equipment and civilian experts, necessary to continue implementing the mission’s mandate beyond May 2025;

    28.  Stresses the importance of the EPF for enhancing the EU’s ability to prevent conflicts, build peace and strengthen international security;

    29.  Welcomes the launch of the Belarus-EU consultative group to enable continuous dialogue between the EU and the Belarusian democratic forces; reiterates its support for the release of all political prisoners and the brave activists and journalists in Belarus who continue to resist the regime of the illegitimate leader in spite of ongoing crackdowns, notably the refusal to renew the passports of Belarussians abroad, and who have expressed their desire for democratic development in Belarus and for membership of the EU, including at the New Belarus Conference held in Warsaw in August 2023; underlines that such efforts demonstrate the fundamental role of civil society in strengthening democracy;

    Resolving conflict and supporting peace in the Middle East

    30.  Affirms the right of Israel to defend itself as enshrined in and constrained by international law; recalls that Israel has the obligation to address the risk of mass starvation and the outbreak of disease epidemics in Gaza; recalls that Israel also has the obligation to protect the civilian population and that military operations must be proportionate and in line with international humanitarian law; expresses its concern about the military action by the Israeli Defence Forces in the Gaza Strip and in the West Bank and in Lebanon; calls for an immediate and permanent ceasefire including the unconditional release of all hostages;

    31.  Deeply regrets the breakdown of the ceasefire in Gaza, which has caused a large number of civilian casualties in recent air strikes; deplores, in this context, the refusal of Hamas to hand over the remaining hostages; calls for an immediate return to the full implementation of the ceasefire-hostage release agreement and stresses the need for progress towards its second phase; praises the commitment of mediators, including the US, Egypt and Qatar, whose efforts were pivotal in achieving the ceasefire-hostage release agreement in the first place; stands ready to engage in discussions on future concrete contributions to support a ceasefire; considers that it is crucial that all obligations made under the deal are upheld, ensuring the release of all hostages and establishing a lasting cessation of violence, as well as allowing unrestrained access and sustained distribution of humanitarian and medical assistance in the Gaza Strip; welcomes, to that end, the redeployment of EUBAM Rafah on 31 January 2025 to support the Palestinian Authority in facilitating crossings for medical evacuations; expresses its unease about the recent closing of the Rafah Crossing Point until further notice as a result of military operations in Gaza initiated on 18 March 2025; calls for all parties to fully commit to their obligations and to prioritise the protection of civilians; urges all European and international actors to actively oversee the implementation of the ceasefire and hold accountable those who fail to comply;

    32.  Believes that the Association Council with Israel, held in Brussels on 24 February 2025, was a first step towards re-engaging in frank and open discussion with the Israeli Foreign Minister, which will require following up; acknowledges the value of engaging with Israel to strengthen the EU’s role in the Middle East, while stressing that the partnership must be based on full respect for rights and values; recalls that compliance with Article 2 of the Association Agreement is a crucial element of the partnership and calls for continued monitoring and assessment of its implementation by the Israeli Government; welcomes the anticipated High-Level Dialogue with the Palestinian Prime Minister in April 2025;

    33.  Reiterates its unwavering support for a negotiated two-state solution on the basis of the 1967 borders, with two sovereign, democratic states as peaceful neighbours and with Jerusalem as their shared capital, which remains the most viable path to lasting peace and security for both Israelis and Palestinians; calls for the VP/HR to support all efforts to this end, and in particular the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the two-State Solution; calls on all parties to renew efforts to remove the obstacles to this solution and to engage in dialogue aimed at achieving mutual understanding and respect; welcomes the prospect of a return of the Palestinian Authority to Gaza; regrets the fact that the Palestinian Authority has not held elections since 2005, which hampers its credibility, and expects elections to be held soon; is convinced that there can be no prospect for peace, security, stability and prosperity for Gaza as well as for reconciliation between the Israeli and Palestinian populations as long as Hamas and other terrorist groups play a role in the Gaza Strip; calls, therefore, on the EU Special Representative for the Middle East Peace Process to support efforts to counteract the further radicalisation of young people in the region; condemns the acceleration of the illegal Israeli settlement of Palestinian territory, which violates international law, undermines efforts towards achieving a two-state solution, and poses a significant obstacle to lasting peace; expresses concern over the rising violence committed by Israeli forces and extremist settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem and welcomes sanctions adopted against extremist Israeli settlers; reiterates the important role of the Abraham Accords as a framework for achieving durable peace stability and prosperity in the Middle East; welcomes the Arab Recovery and Reconstruction Plan presented at the Cairo Summit on 4 March 2025, which represents a serious basis for discussions on the future of the Gaza Strip; encourages the VP/HR and the Commissioner for the Mediterranean to engage constructively with Arab partners to provide credible solutions for the reconstruction, governance and security of Gaza; rejects, on the other hand, the ‘Trump-Gaza’ proposal, which ignores the volatile security conditions across the Middle East; holds the opinion that the extent of destruction and human suffering in Gaza requires comprehensive international engagement, with the United States, together with the EU, the UN, Arab states, and other international partners, complementing each other’s efforts in order for negotiations to resume and to be constructive; is committed to the future normalisation efforts between Israel and Arab states in the region;

    34.  Supports a just and viable solution to the question of Palestinian refugees; underscores that the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) plays an important role in providing humanitarian aid and essential services which in the present circumstances must not be interrupted, and considers that all UN agencies active in the region must be supported in their efforts; recalls, however, its concern regarding serious allegations made against staff members of UNRWA which suggest that UNRWA has employed members of the terrorist organisation Hamas; welcomes the actions taken by the UN following the allegations regarding the Agency’s staff and welcomes UNRWA’s full commitment to implement the recommendations stemming from the ‘Colonna report’; echoes the European Council conclusions of 17 October 2024 which condemn any attempt to abrogate the 1967 agreement between Israel and UNRWA; insists that the Commission ensure that no funds from the EU budget finance, contribute to or support the activities of Hamas or Hezbollah; stresses that additional measures may be needed in the future to strive for even more transparency and accountability;

    35.  Expresses concern about rising tensions in the Middle East and urges all involved parties to uphold international humanitarian law, to show maximum restraint and to commit to de-escalation, as a regional conflict must be avoided at all costs; deplores the loss of thousands of civilian lives; urges the disarmament of Hezbollah as part of broader measures to reduce hostilities and ensure regional stability; calls on the VP/HR to come forward with a comprehensive EU Middle East strategy, to increase the EU’s effective presence in the region, to promotes long-term stability and peace in the region and to strengthen partnerships with key regional stakeholders; stresses that the strategy must be fleshed out within the first months of the new Commission’s mandate and should be reflected in the forthcoming MFF for it to have any tangible impact on a rapidly deteriorating situation; underscores the need for Member States to step up their diplomatic efforts with international partners, including with the Gulf countries, in order to encourage urgent de-escalation and meaningful dialogue; underlines the need to prioritise and strengthen civil society organisations in the region, particularly organisations working on the protection of human rights and peacebuilding;

    36.  Strongly condemns the destabilising role that the Iranian regime and its network of non-state actors play in the region; recalls that Iran has stepped out of the shadow of its proxies and condemns Iran’s two direct and open attacks on Israel’s territory in 2024, to which Israel retaliated both times, representing an unprecedented scaling up of the conflict; strongly condemns Hezbollah’s attacks against Israel which led to an Israeli ground invasion in Lebanon causing a high number of civilian casualties, forced displacement and escalating violence in Lebanon; takes note of the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah, agreed on 27 November 2024 for a period of 60 days; urges Israel to withdraw from southern Lebanon in line with UN Security Council Resolution 1701; recalls the need for a permanent cessation of hostilities as soon as possible to create space for a diplomatic solution along the Blue Line; demands the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701 in its entirety, as the only path to de-escalate tensions and stabilise the Israel-Lebanon border in a durable manner and fully restore the sovereignty, territorial integrity and stability of Lebanon; welcomes the Council Decision of 21 January 2025 to adopt a third assistance measure under the European Peace Facility worth EUR 60 million to the benefit of the Lebanese Armed Forces;

    37.  Calls on the Council and the VP/HR to add Hezbollah in its entirety to the EU list of terrorist organisations;

    38.  Takes note of the arrest warrant issued by the ICC on 21 November 2024;

    39.  Echoes the call of ICC President Judge Tomoko Akane for the EU to take immediate action to protect the ICC and the rule of law in the international community, including by swiftly amending the EU blocking statute to bring the ICC within its scope;

    40.  Welcomes the formation of a new government; wishes President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam success in delivering on the aspirations of the Lebanese people; is committed to supporting the country in rebuilding state institutions capable of fulfilling their mission at the service of all citizens, in taking forward a reform-oriented and forward-looking agenda, particularly regarding civil liberties and the rule of law; supports reconstruction efforts while embarking on a path of political stabilisation and socio-economic recovery; calls on the VP/HR to relaunch the EU-Lebanon Partnership, including by holding an Association Council soon;

    41.  Strongly condemns recent attacks against the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) by the Israeli Defence Forces and Hezbollah; reiterates the inviolability of all UN personnel and premises and reaffirms the essential stabilising role played by UNIFIL in southern Lebanon, to which 16 Member States contribute, and calls for an immediate end to these attacks;

    42.  Welcomes the EU’s decision to renew sanctions against Iran until July 2025, including by sanctioning Iran’s production of unmanned drones and missiles and its supply thereof to Russia and the wider Middle Eastern region; highlights the strong links between Iran and the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), its proxies such as the Houthis and militias operating in Iraq and Syria; strongly condemns the high number of terrorist and assassination attacks, or attempted attacks, perpetrated by the IRGC all over the world, including on European soil, over the past few decades; reiterates its call for the IRGC to be added to the EU list of terrorist organisations; points out that the sanctioning options that have not yet been exhausted include a much more restrictive approach to technology transfers through exports of products that are not categorised as ‘dual-use’;

    43.  Strongly condemns the destabilising Houthi attacks against commercial as well as military vessels transiting the Red Sea; stresses that these have caused significant disruption to global trade as shipping companies are forced to reroute much of the Red Sea’s traffic around the southern tip of Africa; calls for collective action and encourages enhanced EU engagement and international cooperation, and strongly urges for continued action to ensure the freedom of navigation in one of the world’s most critical waterways; calls for the immediate cessation of these illegal attacks;

    44.  Shares the objective of preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons at all costs; points, however, to the fact that the regime in Tehran has clearly rejected a revival of the JCPOA and has refused to cooperate in its ongoing dispute with the International Atomic Energy Agency; highlights that, at the same time, Iran has increased its nuclear weapons capability; regrets the fact that there is currently no strategy in place to persuade Iran to refrain from building military nuclear capacity, nor a plan of action for the event that Iran does cross the nuclear threshold; calls upon the VP/HR to put forward a revised strategy towards Iran that prepares for all events;

    45.  Expresses concern regarding the inflammatory rhetoric, fuelled by mis- and disinformation, that surrounds this conflict, and its instrumentalisation by malicious actors to sow distrust and hatred including within European societies, as illustrated notably, but not solely, by the worrying rise of antisemitism; warns that it should be a primary focus of the EU fight against disinformation and calls for a coordinated approach by the Commission, taking into account the external and internal dimensions of its policies, including but not limited to the forthcoming strategic communication plan to promote the EU’s role in the Southern Neighbourhood;

    46.  Welcomes the historic fall of the Assad regime in Syria; recalls that it only survived so long thanks to the support of its Russian and Iranian allies and that its collapse shows they are weakened; welcomes the fresh start in EU-Syria relations, manifested by the appointment of an EU Chargé d’Affaires in Damascus, diplomatic engagement and high-level meetings undertaken by Member States and EU leaders, as well as the ninth Brussels Conference that took place on 17 March 2025 with the participation of interim Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani; considers that the establishment of diplomatic relations with the new Syrian authorities should not be a pretext for leniency for Member State nationals who fought as part of Islamist groups in Syria; declares that these fighters still represent a threat to the countries of which they are nationals and to all Member States of the EU; reiterates its unwavering support for the territorial integrity of Syria and highlights the need to urgently step up humanitarian aid and protection for the 16,7 million people in need; welcomes, to this end, the indefinite extension of humanitarian exemptions and the gradual, yet conditional, suspension of sanctions on a range of economic sectors so as to provide the Syrian economy with a much-needed lifeline; pledges to closely monitor the political transition process and to call on the Member States to reverse the lifting of sanctions should the Syrian authorities not live up to their stated commitments; recognises the challenge for orderly state-building linked to the risk of insurgency by armed groups loyal to the former regime and encourages the caretaker authorities to urgently organise paramilitary and civilian disarmament, especially following the inacceptable retaliatory targeting of the Alawite community based on its perceived association with the Assad regime; calls for the EU and its Member States to support the implementation process of the agreement between the Syrian transitional government and the Kurdish-led SDF, in order to guarantee the Kurdish community full recognition and political participation in Syria; calls on all parties to contribute to a peaceful and Syrian-led political transition towards an inclusive, democratic governance model that ensures the representation, participation and equal rights of women, minorities and all members of Syrian society regardless of ethnicity or religion and that puts the good functioning of the state institutions and the wellbeing of the Syrian people at the heart of their actions; welcomes the caretaker President al-Sharaa’s acknowledgement of Syria’s diversity, while taking note that the composition of the current interim government is lacking in this regard; strongly believes that the success of the Syrian political transition, notably the safeguarding of civil peace and the building of trust in state institutions, hinges on transitional justice and reconciliation as a path to fighting the impunity of all parties responsible for violations of international humanitarian law; stresses that the fight against impunity in Syria is a moral and political imperative for Europe and the international community; calls on the EU and its Member States to support the work of the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011; encourages Syria to ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and align national legislation accordingly, as well as give the ICC retroactive jurisdiction through a declaration; calls on the EU and its Member States to consider the establishment of a special mission, in cooperation with international partners, to help document cases of serious crimes by the Assad regime, as well as by all other factions; stresses the importance of preserving the territorial integrity of Syria, also to help preserve stability in the region; calls on the VP/HR and the Member States to take immediate steps to prevent any re-establishment or reinforcement of Russian forces, paramilitaries or intelligence in the country;

    Incentivising cooperation with like-minded partners

    47.  Acknowledges that the requirement for unanimity forces the Member States to work relentlessly to achieve compromise and unity, which is the source of the EU’s political leverage on the world stage; points out, however, that the trade-off between the ideal of unity and the high costs of unanimity in terms of credibility on the global stage should be assessed critically, particularly bearing in mind the effective functioning of an enlarged EU;

    48.  Regrets, in this context, the fact that individual Member States have used their veto right to water down agreements, delay decision-making or thwart a common policy altogether; regrets that the potential for fast, efficient and effective foreign, security and defence action, as provided for, inter alia, by the passerelle clauses of the TEU, has never been used;

    49.  Reiterates its call for the Council to gradually switch to qualified majority voting for decisions in areas of the CFSP that do not have military or defence implications; acknowledges the concerns of some Member States, which fear a decreased ability to influence foreign and security policy at EU level; encourages, pending the full application of qualified majority voting to decisions without military or defence implications, the full use of all currently existing possibilities to enhance decisiveness in this regard, including the use of constructive abstention in line with Article 31(1) TEU; recognises that progress towards the application of qualified majority voting can only be gradual, building on the formation of a European strategic culture;

    50.  Highlights that the world is becoming more multipolar and less multilateral; emphasises that multilateral forums, chief among them the UN and its agencies, should be considered the EU’s format of cooperation of choice; calls on the Member States to reinforce inclusive forms of multilateral governance and encourages, in this context, the Commission, the EEAS and the Council to step up interinstitutional cooperation with multilateral organisations that are integral to the international rules-based order and thereby protect the UN and the multilateral system as a whole; expresses concern, in this respect, about the increasing relevance of exclusive formats of cooperation, which experience increasing competition; expresses concern at the growing membership of the BRICS group, which currently includes 45 % of the world’s population; stresses that such cooperation provides Russia with the means to circumvent measures intended to politically isolate the country and enables China to further extend its influence through its modus operandi of financing infrastructure projects; underlines that the seriousness of China’s engagement will depend on its willingness to make concessions to address the management and the restructuring of the debt of the countries of the Global South; observes, at the same time, that international institutions and norms are increasingly being instrumentalised and undermined by autocratic regimes; stresses that this trend puts the EU in a delicate position, having to balance the need to appeal for a broad and inclusive concept of multilateralism while reinforcing cooperation with selected, like-minded partners;

    51.  Calls on the Commission and the Council to re-evaluate and reassess the EU’s approach towards the BRICS group and its partners and to develop a separate EU policy towards BRICS+;

    52.  Calls strongly for a review of EU financial assistance to third countries to ensure that it does not support governments that challenge European values, spread anti-Western propaganda, support Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine and undermine the current international order that upholds democracy, human rights and the fight against corruption;

    53.  Stresses, in this context, that the geopolitical context in which the EU is operating remains marked by radical uncertainty and a shift from cooperation to competition; observes with concern how all types of interaction are being weaponised and notes that this trend impairs international cooperation at a time when global transitions need to accelerate in order to effectively address global challenges; recalls that the EU cannot afford to turn inwards and must remain open and engaged in the world to defend its values and its interests; underlines that, in light of intensified efforts by third countries to destabilise the international order and undermine multilateralism through the spread of disinformation, enhanced cooperation and coordination with like-minded partners is essential;

    54.  Calls for the EU institutions and the Member States to actively support a comprehensive institutional reform of multilateral institutions, first and foremost the UN system and particularly the UN Security Council, which should include measures aimed at limiting the use of veto powers, boosting regional representation, making the executive body accountable to the assembly that elects it and redefining the composition to better reflect geopolitical reality, including by establishing a permanent seat for the EU; stresses that such reforms are essential to strengthen multilateralism, improve global governance and values-based decision-making, and address international challenges more inclusively and responsively;

    55.  Recalls the importance of a strong and constructive partnership with the UK given not only the existence of an unprecedentedly comprehensive Trade and Cooperation Agreement, the foundation of shared values such as democracy, support for multilateralism and human rights, but also the scope of the issues of common interest in fields such as defence, climate and energy, border management, the fight against terrorism, organised crime and the promotion of peace and stability; welcomes, especially, the renewed impetus from the new UK Government to reflect with the EU on possibilities for closer and more permanent foreign policy and security cooperation, underpinned by concrete actions and building on the good cooperation at UN level as well as the effective coordination between the EU and the UK on the adoption and monitoring of the implementation of sanctions against Russia; believes that such coordination is of added value for both the EU and the UK and hence welcomes the agreement to work towards the creation of an EU-UK security partnership based on shared interest and collective responsibility; believes that in the scope of such a partnership, topics such as maritime security should be consulted on; demands that Parliament be duly involved and informed in such reflections before and after the anticipated UK-EU Summit;

    56.  Takes note of the result of the presidential and congressional elections in the United States; expresses concern over the fast pace at which the new US administration has been reversing established partnerships and diplomatic tradition; expresses dismay concerning the current policy of appeasing Russia and targeting traditional allies; regrets recent comments made by US Vice President Vance, which question shared values underpinning the transatlantic partnership; warns that through such erratic policy, the Trump administration is gambling with a scarce good, namely trust in the US; believes, nonetheless, that the transatlantic relationship remains indispensable for the security of the partners on both sides of the Atlantic and is therefore worth investing in; deems it more crucial than ever to continue engaging with US counterparts at federal and state level; encourages Member States to pursue bilateral diplomatic channels with counterparts in the US as the format of cooperation preferred by the US administration, showing unity and commitment to a common EU position; reiterates the importance of EU-US summits to be held on a regular basis to provide top-level impetus to the future cooperation; fully supports the deepening of cooperation in the framework of the EU-US transatlantic dialogue, such as through transatlantic parliamentary diplomacy;

    57.  Deplores the decision by the US to bring a sudden halt to most of its humanitarian aid and development assistance, including but not limited to the aid provided until now by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), with devastating effects on countless people’s lives, but which also risks severe consequences for human rights and global security; recognises that the EU cannot replace USAID, but needs to strategically and smartly reallocate resources through a Team Europe approach so as to mitigate impacts, in both the interests of the countries affected and our own interests; welcomes the announcement by the Commission and the EEAS that efforts are underway to inject liquidity in severely affected areas through redeploying and increasing pre-financing; commends the decision to initiate mapping at EU level, which should also take into account secondary effects, and asks for the results to be shared with the Member States and with Parliament; asks the Commission to issue a statement taking stock of the holistic response of the EU to this crisis;

    58.  Calls on the Commission to foster closer ties with Canada in order to counter global challenges that affect our shared values, interests, security and prosperity; believes that the bilateral security and defence dialogue as well as the upcoming security and defence partnership provide the basis for enhanced security and defence cooperation, including on respective initiatives to boost defence industry production;

    59.  Reiterates, irrespectively, the need for Member States to fully operationalise the concept of EU strategic autonomy and defence readiness and to this end make collective and well-coordinated investments in their security and defence with the objective of achieving a genuine European Defence Union that is interoperable and complementary with the NATO alliance and can act independently when needed; considers that the EU must act urgently to reduce its dependencies on non-EU countries for its defence capabilities, in particular for strategic enablers, ensuring its own autonomous security; recalls that the EDTIB is a strategic asset for both the Union’s security and defence and for its foreign policy; calls for its significant strengthening and for the deepening of defence industrial partnerships and integration of the industrial basis of like-minded reliable partners into the EDTIB, first and foremost Ukraine;

    60.  Encourages close relations with western European non-EU countries, in particular cooperation in certain areas of EU external action; welcomes in this context the conclusion of negotiations on a broad package of measures for future EU-Switzerland relations, which mark a significant milestone in advancing and deepening the already close relationship; calls on the Commission to modernise and deepen bilateral relations between the EU and Switzerland; stresses the importance of promoting stronger relations with Norway, particularly in the scope of the security and defence partnership as well as the cooperative management of shared stocks and the continuation of long-standing fishing activities; calls for the swift signing of the association agreement between the EU and Andorra and San Marino;

    61.  Welcomes the new momentum in bilateral relations between the EU and Armenia, which is strongly supported by the authorities in Yerevan; calls on the Commission and the Council to actively support Armenia’s desire for increased cooperation with the EU; expresses full support for the newly launched work on the EU-Armenia Partnership Agenda, establishing more ambitious joint priorities for cooperation across all dimensions;

    62.  Expresses its strong support for the activities of the European Union Mission in Armenia (EUMA) and underscores the important role it plays; calls on EUMA to continue to closely monitor the evolving security situation on the ground, provide transparent reporting to Parliament and actively contribute to conflict resolution efforts; calls for the EU and its Member States to strengthen EUMA’s mandate, increase its size and extend its duration; calls on the Azerbaijani authorities to agree to have such a civilian mission on their side of the border as well;

    63.  Is of the view that the centre of gravity in the global order is shifting towards the Indo-Pacific and that the EU must strengthen its active role and presence in this region to safeguard its interests, promote stability and uphold a rules-based international order; reiterates that a peaceful, free, stable and rules-based Indo-Pacific region is of vital European interest; is concerned that great power competition in the region is imposing parameters on the EU’s ability to promote multilateralism in the region; points out, in this context, that the Asia-Europe Meeting is still hamstrung because of the geopolitical tensions with Russia; calls, in this context for enhanced foreign, security and defence policy ties with like-minded partners in the region in line with the EU strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific; encourages the VP/HR to promote the visibility and impact of the EU’s external action together with our Indo-Pacific partners, particularly Australia, India, New Zealand, South Korea, Japan and Taiwan;

    64.  Recalls, in this context, the strategic partnership the EU enjoys with Japan, which should serve as a role model for a fruitful bilateral partnership that allows effective policy-shaping in multilateral contexts; notes that the EU and Japan are celebrating 50 years of their respective diplomatic missions in 2024 and strongly emphasises the EU’s interest in deepening and broadening this partnership bilaterally in the 50 years to come; welcomes, to this end, the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement and the EU-Japan Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA), the latter of which provides for, among other things, consultations on the development of respective defence initiatives including exchange of information on defence industry-related matters, as well as the exploration of possible mutual involvement in respective defence initiatives;

    65.  Notes that geopolitical challenges have strengthened the shared interest of the EU and India in ensuring security, prosperity and sustainable development; calls for an India-EU summit to keep bilateral relations high on the agenda; identifies climate change and green growth, digitalisation and new technologies, research and development, connectivity, trade and investment, foreign, security and defence policy as the key areas of cooperation; calls, in this respect, for stronger buy-in from Member States; calls, equally, on the Member States to expand and broaden the India-EU cooperation on maritime security in response to China’s evolving presence in the Indo-Pacific; highlights the need to engage with India on its heavy military dependency on Russia as well as its supply of restricted critical technologies to Russia; urges India to condemn Russia’s illegal war of aggression against Ukraine and to join the EU sanctions policy towards Russia;

    66.  Considers India an important democratic partner and encourages the EU to strictly engage with the Indian Government on the respect of human rights and rule of law, both internally and worldwide; calls for the full implementation of the EU Strategy on India of 2018 and the EU-India Roadmap to 2025 in close coordination with Member States’ own actions; stresses in particular the need to promote greater synergies in foreign and security policy through existing dialogue mechanisms and other forums set up under the EU-India Roadmap to 2025; believes that the momentous visit of the President of the Commission and the College of Commissioners to India on 27 and 28 February 2025 marked the beginning of a new chapter in the history of EU-India relations and reaffirmed the strategic link and its untapped potential; welcomes the announcement of a forthcoming strategic EU-India agenda;

    67.  Recalls the EU’s commitment to its ‘One China’ policy as one of the principles of EU-China relations; underscores that Taiwan is a key democratic partner for the EU in the Indo-Pacific region; recognises the importance of Taiwan in securing global supply chains, especially in the high-tech sector, and urges the EU and its Member States to engage in closer cooperation with Taiwan in order to further boost economic, trade and investment ties; encourages the Commission to launch, without delay, preparatory measures for negotiations on an investment agreement with Taiwan; emphasises that any attempt from authoritarian regimes to restrict the benign development of EU-Taiwan relations is not acceptable;

    68.  Strongly condemns China’s continued military provocations against Taiwan and reiterates its firm rejection of any unilateral change to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait; calls for the EU and its Member States to ensure, through clear and consistent signalling, that any attempt to unilaterally change the status quo in the Taiwan Strait, particularly by means of force or coercion, cannot be accepted and will have high costs; highlights that China’s territorial claims have no basis in international law and that only Taiwan’s democratically elected government can represent the Taiwanese people; denounces, furthermore, China’s blocking of Taiwan’s meaningful participation in multilateral organisations, such as the WHO, the International Civil Aviation Organization and the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, by its continuous distortion of UN General Assembly Resolution 2758; calls, accordingly, for the EU and its Member States to support Taiwan’s meaningful participation in relevant international organisations;

    69.  Expresses deep concern about the latest shifts in China’s domestic and military posture since the 20th national congress of the Chinese Communist Party; holds the view that China demonstrates that it has both the intent and increasingly the economic, diplomatic, technological and military power to redefine the global order; underscores that the military-civil fusion strategy is a testament to such means; stresses, in this context, that the EU needs to be more assertive and unified in its approach to China and therefore calls on the VP/HR and the Member States to review the strategy towards China that takes full account of the increasingly oppressive domestic policies, the assertive foreign policy as well as the use of economic coercion as a means by which China aims to reach its objectives; considers that the challenges stemming from the rise of China as a global actor require a balanced multi-dimensional response along the principle of ‘cooperate where possible, compete where needed and confront where necessary’, through which the EU maintains its selective engagement with China as a permanent member of the UN Security Council on a number of key issues;

    70.  Highlights that the PRC’s increasingly aggressive posture poses a threat to the freedom of navigation and jeopardises the stability which is vital for global trade; emphasises that this situation is being watched with concern by a growing number of like-minded partners committed to peace and stability in the region; underlines the need to shore up deterrence against destabilising behaviour, including through regular operations to assert freedom of navigation over the PRC’s attempts to impose control over international waters and airspace;

    71.  Holds the view that China, through the continued growth of the Sino-Russian strategic partnership, including in the areas of technology and military capability transfers, (indirectly) enables the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine;

    72.  Reiterates its condemnation of China’s violation of its international commitments, its breaches of the Sino-British and Sino-Portuguese Joint Declarations, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the ‘one country, two systems’ principle and the Hong Kong Basic Law as well as the crackdown on the special administrative region’s autonomy and opposition figures, including members of civil society and their family members; calls on the Commission to assess the autonomous status of Hong Kong and Macao in the light of China’s breaches of the Sino-British and Sino-Portuguese Joint Declarations and the crackdown on Hong Kong’s autonomy;

    73.  Is concerned about the growing economic penetration of Chinese companies within the EU, including in strategic sectors such as battery manufacturing; stresses the urgent need to continue the policy of de-risking by continuing to reduce economic dependence in critical sectors, in line with the EU’s economic security strategy;

    74.  Reiterates that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a crucial partner in reinforcing rules-based multilateralism; supports ASEAN’s efforts to finalise negotiations with China on an effective and substantive code of conduct in the South China Sea; encourages enhanced EU engagement and cooperation with ASEAN and efforts towards a comprehensive strategic partnership, building on economic ties and sustainable growth, and in particular on political cooperation with regard to human rights and democracy; calls for increased support for Myanmar’s national unity government and for greater pressure to be applied to ASEAN countries to align on international sanctions against Myanmar’s military junta;

    75.  Urges the VP/HR and the Member States to focus on bilateral relations with partners in Africa, among others South Africa, Ghana, Morocco, Kenya, Senegal and Mauretania, taking into account mutual needs and interests in order to foster real and balanced partnerships; believes that the ‘more for more’ principle should be integrated fully into relations with non-EU countries, whereby the EU develops stronger partnerships with those countries that uphold the principles of the CFSP and the common security and defence policy (CSDP), and the fundamental values of the EU; is of the belief that the EU needs to maintain a continued focus on Africa, which is already a strategic continent and will become an increasingly important player in the future;

    76.  Calls for the EU to suspend both its Memorandum of Understanding on raw materials and all military cooperation with Rwanda, including through the EPF and any other mechanisms, until Rwanda ends its illegal support for armed groups and fully respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC); condemns the breaches of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the eastern DRC by the rebels of M23; condemns the capture of Goma and Bukavu by the M23 armed group and its continued offensive in South Kivu, which has further exacerbated the acute humanitarian crisis, heightened the risk of the DRC’s destabilisation and a full-blown regional war; supports the Luanda Nairobi peace process to achieve a political solution to the conflict by diplomatic means and urges the VP/HR to continue diplomatic outreach to the conflict and regional parties and to increase pressure on parties to re-engage in peaceful negotiations, including through the postponing of the EU Security and Defence Consultations with Rwanda and adoption of sanctions depending on the situation on the ground and progress in ongoing regional mediations processes; is deeply concerned about the humanitarian situation of thousands of displaced persons in the area; urges the VP/HR to engage in clear actions in line with the EU’s Great Lakes strategy in order to restore stability and to cooperate with the UN Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) for the protection of civilians in the eastern DRC;

    77.  Underlines that the recent developments in Tunisia have raised concerns about human rights and democratic standards, with reports indicating limited transparency, restricted opposition participation and reduced political competition in the presidential election; underlines the EU’s continued commitment to and support for Tunisia during this politically and socio-economically sensitive period, through maintaining contact at various levels;

    78.  Underscores that the EU has a direct and vital interest in the stability, security and economic growth of the Mediterranean basin as well as the wider Southern Neighbourhood; recalls that the European neighbourhood policy was launched with the laudable goals of fostering stability, prosperity and good governance in the southern Mediterranean; acknowledges, however, that it is evident today that its instruments, objectives and principles are no longer aligned with the region’s current realities; regrets that, almost 30 years after the launch of the so-called Barcelona Process, the creation of an area of shared prosperity, stability and freedom with the Mediterranean countries of the Southern Neighbourhood has not been achieved; calls on the Commission to present a new pact for the Mediterranean; believes that the EU and the countries of the Southern Neighbourhood should conclude memorandums of understanding aimed at promoting stability, prosperity and the defence of human rights, conditional on cooperating on migration; recalls that instability and insecurity in the Southern Neighbourhood remains an ongoing challenge for European external border management; argues that, while prioritising bilateral relations with countries in the region, the EU should also continue to foster regional cooperation through existing frameworks such as the Union for the Mediterranean; welcomes the appointment of a Commissioner in charge of the Mediterranean;

    79.  Stresses the need for the EU to strengthen and deepen its cooperation with Arab countries and the Gulf, in response to the pressing geopolitical, social, and economic challenges facing the region; emphasises that enhanced collaboration should prioritise key areas such as migration, digital transformation, security, the green transition and cultural exchange to build a resilient partnership; calls for a strategic approach that tailors engagement with each country to foster sustainable development and mutual understanding;

    80.  Welcomes the successful conclusion of the first EU-Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Summit and believes this summit to have marked a pivotal moment in the relationship between the EU and its partners from the GCC, stressing mutual commitment to strengthening ties across key strategic, economic, and cultural areas;

    81.  Underlines the importance of upholding and promoting democratic values in the region; condemns the rise of hate speech, including against the European institutions, and attacks on individual freedoms and the international order, both within Member States and abroad;

    82.  Emphasises that the countries of the EU, Latin American and the Caribbean are like-minded and share values, languages, history, culture and religion, which should make them natural partners in today’s geopolitical context; notes that the EU’s engagement in the region has dwindled in recent decades, which has created a vacuum for the growing influence of China and Russia; urges countries across Latin America to adopt a firmer attitude of condemnation of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine; calls on the Member States and the EEAS to pursue proactive diplomacy in the region, with a strong emphasis on defending the multilateral global order, international law and respect for democracy and human rights; urges for multilateral initiatives to address political instability in the most volatile countries in the region, for instance in Haiti;

    83.  Welcomes the signing of the EU-Chile Advanced Framework Agreement and calls for its swift and full ratification; welcomes, equally, the conclusion of the negotiations on the modernised EU-Mexico Global Agreement, which was announced by the Commission on 17 January 2025 and for which Parliament still has to give its consent; highlights that the agreement would reinforce the EU’s strategic partnership with Mexico, recognising the country’s pivotal role in Latin America and its ambition to diversify trade and political partnerships to reduce economic dependency on the US;

    84.  Takes note of the conclusion of the agreement with Mercosur; expresses concern regarding its potentially negative impact on EU sustainability and safety standards and on the competitiveness of the EU agri-food sector, and underlines that Parliament must examine whether the agreement meets the EU sustainability standards and complies with the reciprocity principle, before ratification can be considered;

    85.  Welcomes the EU-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) informal meeting and the implementation of initiatives under the EU-CELAC Roadmap 2023-2025 and, in this regard, underlines the need to adopt a new and ambitious roadmap at the 2025 summit, that keeps strengthening the partnership and takes into account best practices accomplished so far;

    86.  Underlines the need for a tougher approach to address violence against environmental defenders and to step up the EU’s efforts to assist in the preservation of biodiversity and in adaptation to the climate emergency; suggests further strengthening cooperation against organised crime and drug trafficking which also has an impact on the EU; calls for a substantial increase in bi-regional cooperation in the fight against this phenomenon;

    87.  Calls on the VP/HR to make the work with like-minded democracies a priority of her term and to systematise cooperation and consultation with democratic like-minded partners in order to promote democracy and improve common preparedness and access to crisis response resources; reiterates, in this context, the recommendation to deepen ties with regional organisations such as ASEAN and the African Union to enhance cooperative security frameworks;

    88.  Reiterates its support for the European Political Community as a platform for discussion, dialogue and cooperation with European partners on the foreign policy and security challenges we are facing, with the aim of strengthening security and stability in Europe and pursuing political and security cooperation based on shared interests; calls for the close involvement of Parliament in the clarification of the scope and the future work of this community; underlines that, for the future success and coherence of this format, some level of alignment on democratic values and principles is essential; reiterates that the European Political Community may under no circumstances become a pretext for delays to the EU accession of enlargement countries;

    89.  Believes also in the significance of building new alliances, inter alia with the countries in our neighbourhood as well as in the Global South, taking into account mutual needs and interests in order to foster real, balanced and equal partnerships; stresses the importance of establishing these political agreements with third countries, based on common European values and fundamental rights; calls for the EU to respond to partner countries’ expectations and to deliver quickly on political agreements with them in order to show that the EU is a reliable and strategic partner and demonstrate that the international rules-based system can meet contemporary challenges; calls on the Commission to ensure the active involvement of Parliament in the establishment, implementation and monitoring of the future clean trade and investment partnerships; calls, in this context, for collaborative initiatives between the EU and Global South countries to assess and tackle the debt crisis; notes that agreements with the Global South, especially on raw materials, should contribute to local economic development rather than deepening dependence and excessive resource exploitation;

    Fostering EU action abroad

    90.  Highlights the role of the VP/HR as a bridge-builder between the CFSP and EU external relations to ensure the highest level of coordination and coherence in EU external action; stresses the need for the EU to foster the visibility and effectiveness of its external action and development cooperation efforts, regrets, nonetheless, that in some cases there is a lack of clarity in the external representation of the EU, hindering the EU’s strategic communication abroad; stresses the need to clearly define the competences of the VP/HR, the President of the Commission and the President of the European Council with regard to the EU’s external action and representation so that the EU’s voice is coherent and perceived as such by its partners; calls on the Commission to strengthen its coordination with the EEAS in external action, including by ensuring full compliance with Articles 3.2 and 9 of the EEAS Decision(17), which may need to be updated;

    91.  Calls for the EEAS – both its headquarters and EU delegations – to be strengthened through the provision of the appropriate financial and human resources so that the EU can be better prepared for current and emerging global challenges; calls for the EEAS to be able to select and recruit its permanent EU diplomatic staff and to ensure a fair gender and geographical balance among Member States across all levels within the EEAS; calls on the VP/HR to swiftly come up with proposals for the future operational structure of the EU’s external action and to that end to fully take into account Parliament’s recommendation of 15 March 2023 taking stock of the functioning of the EEAS and for a stronger EU in the world(18); stresses the need to strengthen strategic communication and the EU’s work on countering disinformation via dedicated resources and offices in strategically relevant regions and countries;

    92.  Recalls that the EU has a strategic interest in advancing sustainable development, poverty reduction and equality globally, as these efforts contribute to long-term global peace and security; calls on the Commission to effectively and swiftly use the Global Gateway Initiative as a sustainable alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative and as an instrument to increase the EU’s presence and visibility worldwide; recalls that the Global Gateway Initiative is to be understood as a strategic concept integrating foreign, economic and development policy, including the climate and digital transitions, as well as infrastructure investment in order to strengthen close partnership based on mutual benefits, economic development and resilient supply chains; stresses, in this context, that coordination with international financial institutions, well-defined private-sector involvement and tailored strategic communications, including in the recipient countries, are essential in order for the instrument to reach the desired scale; is concerned by reports that a number of Global Gateway projects are being implemented by Chinese companies in direct violation of the initiative’s aims and objectives, which includes the strengthening of the EU’s economic security and fostering economic development and mutually beneficial partnerships with third countries; calls, therefore, for an immediate investigation and the removal of all Chinese companies involved in Global Gateway; stresses that the EU’s support should complement other initiatives such as the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor and the Lobito Corridor, and should in particular aim at achieving the Sustainable Development Goals;

    93.  Reiterates that Parliament plays an integral role in the CFSP and makes a specific contribution thereto by virtue of its parliamentary diplomacy and its distinct instruments, channels and contacts, including its democracy support programmes, the Foreign Affairs Committee, regular parliamentary dialogues and official delegations; emphasises that parliamentary diplomacy has a great potential to engage key political stakeholders and facilitate democratic governance; stresses, in particular, the added value of parliamentary diplomacy during the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine and highlights, in this context, the valuable cooperation at political and technical level between the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the European Parliament;

    94.  Firmly believes that diplomacy is a significant part of EU action; calls, in this light, for the further development of the EU’s preventive diplomacy as a proactive external policy tool to pre-empt, mediate and peacefully resolve conflict between parties, calls on the EEAS to integrate the EU’s preventive diplomacy tools within structural prevention mechanisms and actions, such as political agreements among different actors involved in conflicts, national dialogues for reconciliation, peacebuilding and transitional justice, as well as truth and reconciliation commissions; urges the EEAS to conduct ‘lessons learnt’ exercises to assess diplomatic efforts, identify areas for improvement and integrate best practice into future initiatives; calls for the EEAS’ capacities in those regards to be increased, in particular in the relevant crisis preparedness and response divisions; stresses the urgent need to double the relevant EU budget within the Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument and strongly increase EU action on mediation, dialogue and reconciliation;

    95.  Reaffirms the role of the EU special representatives (EUSRs), who promote the EU’s policies and interests in specific regions and countries and play an important role in the development of a stronger and more effective CFSP by providing the EU with an active political presence in key countries and regions, acting as a ‘voice’ and ‘face’ for the EU and its policies; emphasises the importance of equipping EUSRs with sufficient resources enabling them to effectively implement those tasks; stresses the importance for EUSRs of having a broad, flexible mandate, capable of adapting to evolving geopolitical circumstances in order to promote the EU’s policies and interests in specific regions and countries and play an active role in preventive diplomacy efforts; insists that the appointment of new EUSRs should take place only after a hearing in Parliament;

    96.  Underlines that corruption enables and exacerbates human rights violations, abuses, and the erosion of democratic principles and the rule of law; calls for the EU and its Member States to address the risks that corruption poses to stability, governance and peace, and to prevent and counter these threats to EU interests and to global prosperity and security, particularly in the EU’s eastern and southern neighbourhoods; encourages closer coordination between the EU, its Member States and allies and partners wherever possible, in order to tackle systemic corruption that empowers autocratic regimes, facilitates the spread of malign influence, deprives societies of essential resources and undermines democratic values, human rights and the rule of law; stresses the crucial role of civil society and independent journalists in non-EU countries in monitoring and exposing corruption; calls, therefore, for the EU to adopt a comprehensive and swiftly implemented anti-corruption framework within its foreign policy, encompassing the EU sanctions regime, the proposed anti-corruption directive and the broader EU anti-corruption strategy; urges the VP/HR to propose concrete and far-reaching measures in this regard, and supports the inclusion of anti-corruption provisions in EU trade agreements with non-EU countries;

    97.  Underlines the EU’s missions and operations abroad for promoting peace, security and progress in Europe and in the world; calls on the VP/HR:

       to prepare the proposals for the necessary CFSP missions to be launched in 2025, using the EU’s Rapid Deployment Capacity (RDC) as preventive military reinforcement; recalls that the administrative expenditure for these measures, including the RDC’s standby expenditure, should be charged to the EU budget;
       to work with Cyprus, Türkiye, the UK and the UN to implement concrete measures for a demilitarisation of the buffer zone in Cyprus, and to improve security on the island, both of the Greek Cypriot community and of the Turkish Cypriot community;
       to support an increased role of the two EU civilian CSDP missions, EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah, in line with European Council conclusions of 21 and 22 March 2024, recalling they can play an important role based on the principle of the two-state solution and the viability of a future Palestinian state, and to participate in the facilitation of the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Gaza Strip, to improve the efficiency of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, and to prepare for its return to the Gaza Strip;
       to create the necessary conditions for the full reactivation of EUBAM Rafah to allow it to act as a neutral third party at the Rafah crossing point, in coordination with the Palestinian Authority as well as the Israeli and Egyptian authorities; expects the reinforcement of the scope and mandates of EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah on the ground to be included as key priorities of the forthcoming EU-Middle East strategy;
       to further increase the number of observers deployed as part of the EU civilian mission in Armenia on the Armenian side of the international border with Azerbaijan and reiterate calls for Azerbaijan to cooperate with the mission and cease its smear campaign against it;
       to work with Australia, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, Japan, Taiwan and ASEAN member states to facilitate the peace and security of the Indo-Pacific and south-east Asian regions;
       to develop strategies to counter hybrid attacks on the EU’s eastern border and in the outermost regions of the EU, particularly those involving instrumentalising migration as a tactic to destabilise Member States and exert political pressure, to encourage solidarity among the Member States with the countries faced with such attacks, such as Poland and Lithuania, and to propose retaliatory measures against Comoros for its exploitation of the waves of migration in Mayotte;

    98.  Calls on the VP/HR to follow up on the examples of the successful evacuation actions in Sudan and of the stepped-up consular protection, and to work towards a comprehensive system of protection for EU citizens abroad; stresses that the impact of continuous crises and conflicts worldwide can entail the risk of overloading Member States’ consular protection and/or assistance capacities and calls, in this regard, for the strengthening of the capabilities and resources of the EEAS Crisis Response Centre and the EU Civil Protection Mechanism; recalls its longstanding position of applying a similar level of protection for the local staff in EU delegations and CFSP missions and operations;

    III.The next MFF and its parliamentary oversight

    99.  Believes that there is a need for stronger institutionalised parliamentary oversight of the EU’s external action, including regular and timely, yet secure, access to confidential information and briefings in the European Parliament in line with Article 36 TEU; emphasises the need for more feedback from the VP/HR and the EEAS about the actions taken and the effects achieved, in order to fulfil Parliament’s recommendations outlined in the resolutions on foreign affairs matters;

    100.  Underlines that in the CFSP, which comprises the CSDP, the European Parliament exercises its budgetary function jointly with the Council; recalls that the European Parliament also exercises the function of political control and consultation over those policies as referred to in Article 36 TEU;

    101.  Recalls that in line with Article 41 TEU, all CFSP and CSDP administrative and operating expenditure should be charged to the EU budget, except for such expenditure arising from operations having military or defence implications;

    102.  Underlines that CFSP or CSDP decisions entailing expenditure always constitute basic choices for those policies and must be subject to parliamentary oversight; calls on the VP/HR to consult Parliament before proposing CFSP or CSDP decisions, thereby ensuring transparency and accountability in line with Article 36 TEU;

    103.  Recalls that Parliament’s exercise of its budgetary function is inextricably linked to its function of political control and consultation; recalls that Article 36 TEU establishes a specific relationship between the VP/HR and the European Parliament, which is a prerequisite for Parliament to exercise those functions, and that the VP/HR should support Parliament in those regards;

    104.  Regrets that the budget for civilian CSDP missions is insufficient; recalls that the number and tasks of such missions have increased, the security environment has become more challenging, and the cost of operations has increased; urges the European Council to provide for a substantive increase in CFSP funding placed under a separate Civilian CFSP and Crisis Management heading; calls for the efficient use of the funds allocated to civilian CSDP missions to be ensured, in order to make sure that these missions are able to respond effectively to crisis situations and unforeseen events; calls on the VP/HR and the Commission to come forward with joint proposals to those ends;

    105.  Is deeply concerned that the EEAS is structurally underfunded and that this already entails serious and far-reaching negative consequences for the EU’s external action and the performance of the EU institutions in this area; underlines that a specific approach to the EEAS’ administrative budget is necessary and recalls that the absence of corrective action risks having a severe impact on the EU’s relations with third countries;

    106.  Calls on the Commission to consider in its proposal for the next MFF under the EU external action heading:

       robust capabilities and resources for EU external action that take into account the increasingly challenging international arena, recalling in this regard that it is crucial to further strengthen EU support for human rights, democracy and development in third countries;
       resources for the EU’s digital diplomacy, given the current context of rapid technological advancements and geopolitical competition;
       resources for green diplomacy;
       a dedicated budget for specific EU foreign policy actions on gender equality and the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda, in order to integrate gender perspectives into EU diplomatic and human security efforts,
       resources for preventive scrutiny of potential beneficiaries to ensure that EU funds under no circumstance directly or indirectly support activities, projects or literature that incite violence and hatred, including antisemitism, and to ensure that all recipients of EU funding are monitored accordingly;

    107.  Calls on the Commission to present its proposals for the next MFF in the first semester of 2025 to allow for sufficient time to negotiate the programmes; underlines the need for a more detailed budgetary nomenclature in the Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument, the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance and the CFSP budget, which allow the budgetary authority to set policy and geographic priorities in the framework of the annual budgetary procedure;

    108.  Underlines that each matter raised above requires an appropriate response by the executive; calls on the VP/HR to respond to Parliament’s calls, requests and concerns swiftly and in writing; considers that oral statements in committee or plenary can only constitute a sufficient response in exceptional or urgent cases; stresses that in the current challenging geopolitical context, close cooperation and partnership between the European Parliament and the VP/HR are of strategic importance; expects more systematic exchanges prior to the adoption of mandates and CFSP strategies and an improved flow of information on negotiations and the implementation of international agreements, as well as memoranda of understanding; expects, in addition, Parliament to be effectively incorporated throughout EU external policies and action, thereby mobilising parliamentary diplomacy in support of the VP/HR’s efforts;

    o
    o   o

    109.  Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the European Council, the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the governments and parliaments of the Member States.

    (1) OJ L 433I, 22.12.2020, p. 28, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/agree_interinstit/2020/1222/oj.
    (2) OJ L 102, 24.3.2021, p. 14, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/dec/2021/509/2024-03-18.
    (3) OJ L, 2024/1449, 24.5.2024, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/reg/2024/1449/oj.
    (4) OJ L, 2025/535, 21.3.2025, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/reg/2025/535/oj.
    (5) OJ L 129I, 17.5.2019, p. 13, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/dec/2019/797/oj.
    (6) OJ C, C/2023/1226, 21.12.2023, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/C/2023/1226/oj.
    (7) OJ C, C/2025/204, 14.1.2025, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/C/2025/204/oj.
    (8) OJ C, C/2025/487, 29.1.2025, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/C/2025/487/oj.
    (9) OJ C, C/2024/5719, 17.10.2024, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/C/2024/5719/oj.
    (10) OJ C, C/2025/486, 29.1.2025, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/C/2025/486/oj.
    (11) OJ C, C/2024/1188, 23.2.2024, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/C/2024/1188/oj.
    (12) OJ C 137E, 27.5.2010, p. 25.
    (13) OJ C 171, 6.5.2021, p. 25.
    (14) OJ C 177, 17.5.2023, p. 112.
    (15) OJ C, C/2024/5721, 17.10.2024, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/C/2024/5721/oj.
    (16) OJ L 115, 28.4.2006, p. 50, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/agree_internation/2006/313/oj.
    (17) Council Decision 2010/427/EU of 26 July 2010 establishing the organisation and functioning of the European External Action Service (OJ L 201, 3.8.2010, p. 30, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/dec/2010/427/oj).
    (18) European Parliament recommendation of 15 March 2023 to the Council and the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy taking stock of the functioning of the EEAS and for a stronger EU in the world (OJ C, C/2023/410, 23.11.2023, ELI: http://data.europa.eu/eli/C/2023/410/oj).

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